quæstiones in sacra theologia discutiendæ oxonii in vesperiis, octavo die mensis julii, anno dom. 1671 university of oxford. 1671 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a90323 wing o947 estc r181260 43078105 ocm 43078105 151627 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a90323) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 151627) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2268:4) quæstiones in sacra theologia discutiendæ oxonii in vesperiis, octavo die mensis julii, anno dom. 1671 university of oxford. 1 sheet ([1] p.) ex officina leonardi lichfield academia typographi, oxoniæ : anno dom. 1671. reproduction of original in: bodleian library, oxford, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . lat university of oxford -examinations. theology -examinations, questions, etc. philosophy -examinations, questions, etc. broadsides -england -oxford -17th century. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion quaestiones in s. theologia discutiendae oxonii in vesperiis , octavo die mensis julii , anno dom. 1671. quaestiones inceptoris thomae dvncomb è coll. corp. christi . an liceat praescriptâ formulâ orare ? aff. an sacra celebranda sint sermone vernaculo ? aff. an liceat ministris ecclesiae stipendia accipere ? aff. quaestiones inceptoris adami littleton ex aede christi . an s. s. scripturae auctoritas pendeat à traditione ecclesiasticâ ? neg. an dogmata fidei rationis humanae examini subjici fas sit ? neg. an magistratus habeat potestatem in adiaphoris ? aff. quaestiones inceptoris narcissi marsh è coll. exon. an bona opera sint ad vitam aeternam necessaria ? aff. an lex naturae sit dispensabilis ? neg. an liceat clericis matrimonium contrahere ? aff. qvaestiones in jvre civili discvtiendae in vesperiis . quaestiones incep . johannis harison è coll. novo . an in jure deterior sit conditio faeminarum quàm masculorum ? aff. an delinquens ultra id quod cogitavit de eventu teneatur ? aff. an pro ratione legis ejus sententia sit extendenda & restringenda ? aff. quaestiones in medicina discvtiendae in vesperiis . quaestiones inceptoris thomae alvet è coll. merton . an febres sedes suas habeant in corde ? aff. an materia ex quâ lac conficitur sit sanguis ? neg. an similitudo foetûs respectu parentis fiat ab imaginatione ? aff. quaestiones in philosophia discvtiendae in vesperiis . an plures sint mundi ? neg. an terra sit mobilis ? neg. an animae fiant sapientiores quiescendo ? neg. resp . tho. middleton incept . è coll. novo . quaestiones in s. theologia discutiendae oxonii in comitiis , decimo die mensis julii , anno dom. 1671. an patres sub veteri testamento habuerint promissiones tantùm temporales ? neg. an sancti sint invocandi ? neg. an christus solus sit mediator ? aff. resp . alex. pudsey , s. theol. bac. è coll. magd. quaestiones in jure civili discvtiendae in comitiis . an statuta recipiant interpretationem à jure communi ? aff. an gesta per eum qui per errorem magistratu functus est , rata sint habenda ? aff. an reus actori instrumenta edere teneatur ? neg. resp . rob. plott ex aula magd. quaestiones in medicina discutiendae in comitiis . an variolae & morbilli sint morbi maligni ? neg. an in variolis & morbillis regimen frigidum sit prosicuum ? aff. an bilis sit excrementum corporis inutile ? neg. resp . davide thomas , m. d. è coll. novo . quaestiones in philosophia discvtiendae in comitiis . an signatura corporis sit certus animi index ? aff. an ex falsis possit inferri verum ? aff. an imaginatio producat effectus reales ad extra ? neg. resp . fran. smith . a. m. è coll. magd. oxonii , ex officina leonardi lichfield , academiae typographi , anno dom. 1671. a proposition for the advancement of experimental philosophy. by a. cowley. proposition for the advancement of learning cowley, abraham, 1618-1667. 1661 approx. 36 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 33 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a80720 wing c6684 thomason e2265_2 thomason e1856_3 estc r202043 99862466 99862466 170474 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80720) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 170474) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 231:e1856[3] or 244:e2265[2]) a proposition for the advancement of experimental philosophy. by a. cowley. proposition for the advancement of learning cowley, abraham, 1618-1667. p. p. [2], 53, [11] p. printed by j.m. for henry herringman; and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the blew-anchor in the lower-walk of the new-exchange, london : 1661. dedication signed: p.p. the last leaf is blank. a reissue of "a proposition for the advancement of learning", with title page cancelled by a² (new title page and dedication). annotation on thomason copy e.1856[3]: "march 1660"; imprint date crossed through. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng royal society (great britain) -history -early works to 1800. science -history -early works to 1800. philosophy -early works to 1800. education -early works to 1800. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-03 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proposition for the advancement of experimental philosophy . by a. cowley . london , printed by j. m. for henry herringman ; and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the blew-anchor in the lower-walk of the new-exchange , 1661. to the honourable society for the advancement of experimental philosophy . the author of the following discourse , having since his going into france allowed me to make it publick , i thought i should do it most right by presenting it to your considerations ; to the end that when it hath been fully examin'd by you , and receiv'd such additions or alterations as you shall think fit , the design thereof may be promoted by your recommending the practice of it to the nation . i am , your most humble servant , p. p. a proposition for the advancement of learning . by a. cowley . virg. o fortunati quorum jam maenia surgunt ! london , printed by j. m. for henry herringman , and are to be sold at his shop at the blew anchor in the lower-walk of the new-exchange , 1661. the preface . all knowledge must either be of god , or of his creatures , that is , of nature ; the first is called from the object , divinity ; the latter , natural philosophy , and is divided into the contemplation of the immediate or mediate creatures of god , that is , the creatures of his creature man. of this latter kind are all arts for the use of humane life , which are thus again divided : some are purely humane , or made by man alone , and as it were intirely spun out of himself , without relation to other creatures , such are grammar and logick , to improve his natural qualities of internal and external speech ; as likewise rhetorick and politicks ( or law ) to fulfill and exalt his natural inclination to society . other are mixt , and are mans creatures no otherwise then by the result which he effects by conjunction and application of the creatures of god. of these parts of philosophy that which treats of god almighty ( properly called divinity ) which is almost only to be sought out of his revealed will , and therefore requires only the diligent and pious study of that , and of the best interpreters upon it ; and that part which i call purely humane , depending solely upon memory and wit , that is , reading and invention , are both excellently well provided for by the constitution of our vniversities . but the other two parts , the inquisition into the nature of gods creatures , and the application of them to humane vses ( especially the latter ) seem to be very slenderly provided for , or rather almost totally neglected , except onely some small assistances to physick , and the mathematicks . and therefore the founders of our colledges have taken ample care to supply the students with multitude of books , and to appoint tutors and frequent exercises , the one to interpret , and the other to confirm their reading , as also to afford them sufficient plenty and leisure for the opportunities of their private study , that the beams which they receive by lecture may be doubled by reflections of their own wit : but towards the observation and application , as i said , of the creatures themselves , they have allowed no instruments , materials , or conveniences . partly , because the necessary expence thereof is much greater , then of the other ; and partly from that idle and pernicious opinion which had long possest the world , that all things to be searcht in nature , had been already found and discovered by the ancients , and that it were a folly to travel about for that which others had before brought home to us . and the great importer of all truths they took to be aristotle , as if ( as macrobius speaks foolishly of hippocrates ) he could neither deceive nor be deceived , or as if there had been not only no lies in him , but all verities . o true philosophers in one sence ! and contented with a very little ! not that i would disparage the admirable wit , and worthy labours of many of the ancients , much less of aristotle , the most eminent among them ; but it were madness to imagine that the cisterns of men should afford us as much , and as wholesome waters , as the fountains of nature . as we understand the manners of men by conversation among them , and not by reading romances , the same is our case in the true apprehension & judgement of things . and no man can hope to make himself as rich by stealing out of others truncks , as he might by opening and digging of new mines . if he conceive that all are already exhausted , let him consider that many lazily thought so hundred years ago , and yet nevertheless since that time whole regions of art have been discovered , which the ancients as little dreamt of as they did of america . there is yet many a terra incognita behind to exercise our diligence , and let us exercise it never so much , we shall leave work enough too for our posterity . this therefore being laid down as a certain foundation , that we must not content our selves with that inheritance of knowledge which is left us by the labour and bounty of our ancestors , but seek to improve those very grounds , and adde to them new and greater purchases ; it remains to be considered by what means we are most likely to attain the ends of this vertuous covetousness . and certainly the solitary and unactive contemplation of nature , by the most ingenious persons living , in their own private studies , can never effect it . our reasoning faculty as well as fancy , does but dream , when it is not guided by sensible objects . we shall compound where nature has divided , and divide where nature has compounded , and create nothing but either deformed monsters , or at best pretty but impossible mermaids . 't is like painting by memory and imagination which can never produce a picture to the life . many persons of admirable abilities ( if they had been wisely managed and profitably employed ) have spent their whole time and diligence in commentating upon aristotles philosophy , who could never go beyond him , because their design was only to follow , not grasp , or lay hold on , or so much as touch nature , because they catcht only at the shadow of her in their own brains . and therefore we see that for above a thousand years together nothing almost of ornament or advantage was added to the vses of humane society , except only guns and printing , whereas since the industry of men has ventured to go abroad , out of books and out of themselves , and to work among gods creatures , instead of playing among their own , every age has abounded with excellent inventions , and every year perhaps might do so , if a considerable number of select persons were set apart , and well directed , and plentifully provided for the search of them . but our vniversities having been founded in those former times that i complain of , it is no wonder if they be defective in their constitution as to this way of learning , which was not then thought on . for the supplying of which defect , it is humbly proposed to his sacred majesty , his most honourable parliament , and privy council , and to all such of his subjects as are willing and able to contribute any thing towards the advancement of real and useful learning , that by their authority , encouragement , patronage , and bounty , a philosophical colledge may be erected , after this ensuing , or some such like model . the colledge . that the philosophical colledge be scituated within one , two , or ( at farthest ) three miles of londòn , and , if it be possible to find that convenience , upon the side of the river , or very near it . that the revenue of this colledge amount to four thousand pounds a year . that the company received into it be as follows . 1. twenty philosophers or professors . 2. sixteen young scholars , servants to the professors . 3. a chaplain . 4. a baily for the revenue . 5. a manciple or purveyour for the provisions of the house . 6. two gardeners . 7. a master-cook . 8. an under-cock . 9. a butler . 10. an under-butler . 11. a chirurgeon . 12. two lungs , or chymical servants . 13. a library-keeper who is likewise to be apothecary , druggist , and keeper of instruments , engines , &c. 14. an officer to feed and take care of all beasts , fowl , &c. kept by the colledge . 15. a groom of the stable . 16. a messenger to send up and down for all uses of the colledge . 17. four old women , to tend the chambers , keep the house clean , and such like services . that the annual allowance for this company be as follows . 1. to every professor , and to the chaplain , one hundred and twenty pounds . 2. to the sixteen scholars 20 l a piece , 10 l for their diet , and 10 l for their entertainment . 3. to the baily 30 l besides allowance for his journeys . 4. to the purveyour or manciple thirty pounds . 5. to each of the gardeners twenty pounds . 6. to the master-cook twenty pounds . 7. to the under-cook four pounds . 8. to the butler ten pounds . 9. to the under-butler four pounds . 10. to the chirurgeon thirty pounds . 11. to the library-keeper thirty pounds . 12. to each of the lungs twelve pounds . 13. to the keeper of the beasts six pounds . 14. to the groom five pounds . 15. to the messenger twelve pounds . 16. to the four necessary women ten pounds . for the manciples table at which all the servants of the house are to eat , except the scholars , one hundred sixty pounds . for 3 horses for the service of the colledge , thirty pounds . all which amounts to three thousand two hundred eighty five pounds . so that there remains for keeping of the house and gardens , and operatories , and instruments , and animals , and experiments of all sorts , and all other expences , seven hundred & fifteen pounds . which were a very inconsiderable sum for the great uses to which it is designed , but that i conceive the industry of the colledge will in a short time so enrich it self as to get a far better stock for the advance and enlargement of the work when it is once begun ; neither is the continuance of particular mens liberality to be despaired of , when it shall be encouraged by the sight of that publick benefit which will accrue to all mankind , and chiefly to our nation , by this foundation . something likewise will arise from leases and other casualties ; that nothing of which may be diverted to the private gain of the professors , or any other use besides that of the search of nature , and by it the general good of the world , and that care may be taken for the certain performance of all things ordained by the institution , as likewise for the protection and encouragement of the company , it is proposed . that some person of eminent quality , a lover of solid learning , and no stranger in it , be chosen chancellour or president of the colledge , and that eight governours more , men qualified in the like manner , be joyned with him , two of which shall yearly be appointed visitors of the colledge , and receive an exact account of all expences even to the smallest , and of the true estate of their publick treasure , under the hands and oaths of the professors resident . that the choice of the professors in any vacancy belong to the chancellour and the governours , but that the professors ( who are likeliest to know what men of the nation are most proper for the duties of their society ) direct their choice by recommending two or three persons to them at every election . and that if any learned person within his majesties dominions discover or eminently improve any useful kind of knowledge , he may upon that ground for his reward and the encouragement of others , be preferr'd , if he pretend to the place , before any body else . that the governours have power to turn out any professor who shall be proved to be either scandalous or unprofitable to the society . that the colledge be built after this , or some such manner : that it consist of three fair quadrangular courts , and three large grounds , enclosed with good walls behind them . that the first court be built with a fair cloyster , and the professors lodgings or rather little houses , four on each side at some distance from one another , and with little gardens behind them , just after the manner of the chartreux beyond sea. that the inside of the cloyster be lined with a gravel-walk , and that walk with a row of trees , and that in the middle there be a parterre of flowers , and a fountain . that the second quadrangle just behind the first , be so contrived , as to contain these parts . 1. a chappel . 2. a hall with two long tables on each side for the scholars and officers of the house to eat at , and with a pulpit and forms at the end for the publick lectures . 3. a large and pleasant dining-room within the hall for the professors to eat in , and to hold their assemblies and conferences . 4. a publick school-house . 5. a library . 6. a gallery to walk in , adorned with the pictures or statues of all the inventors of any thing useful to humane life ; as printing , guns , america , &c. and of late in anatomy , the circulation of the blood , the milky veins , and such like discoveries in any art , with short elogies under the portraictures : as likewise the figures of all sorts of creatures , and the stuft skins of as many strange animals as can be gotten . 7. an anatomy chamber adorned with skeletons and anatomical pictures , and prepared with all conveniencies for dissection . 8. a chamber for all manner of druggs , and apothecaries materials . 9. a mathematical chamber furnisht with all forts of mathematical instruments , being an appendix to the library . 10. lodgings for the chaplain , chirurgeon , library-keeper and purveyour , near the chappel , anatomy chamber , library and hall. that the third court be on one side of these , very large , but meanly built , being designed only for use and not for beauty too , as the others . that it contain the kitchin , butteries , brew-house , bake-house , dairy , lardry , stables , &c. and especially great laboratories for chymical operations , and lodgings for the under-servants . that behind the second court be placed the garden , containing all sorts of plants that our soil will bear , and at the end a little house of pleasure , a lodge for the gardener , and a grove of trees cut out into walks . that the second enclosed ground be a garden , destined only to the tryal of all manner of experiments concerning plants , as their melioration , acceleration , retardation , conservation , composition , transmutation , coloration , or whatsoever else can be produced by art either for use or curiosity , with a lodge in it for the gardener . that the third ground be employed in convenient receptacles for all sorts of creatures which the professors shall judge necessary for their more exact search into the nature of animals , and the improvement of their uses to us . that there be likewise built in some place of the colledge where it may serve most for ornament of the whole , a very high tower for observation of celestial bodies , adorned with all sorts of dyals and such like curiosities ; and that there be very deep vaults made under ground , for experiments most proper to such places , which will be undoubtedly very many . much might be added , but truly i am afraid this is too much already for the charity or generosity of this age to extend to ; and we do not design this after the model of solomons house in my lord bacon ( which is a project for experiments that can never be experimented ) but propose it within such bounds of expence as have often been exceeded by the buildings of private citzens . of the professors , scholars , chaplain , and other officers . that of the twenty professors four be always travelling beyond seas , and sixteen always resident , unless by permission upon extraordinary occasions , and every one so absent , leaving a deputy behind him to supply his duties . that the four professors itinerant be assigned to the four parts of the world , europe , asia , afrique , and america , there to reside three years at least , and to give a constant account of all things that belong to the learning , and especially natural experimental philosophy of those parts . that the expence of all dispatches , and all books , simples , animals , stones , metals , minerals , &c. and all curiosities whatsoever , natural or artificial , sent by them to the colledge , shall be defrayed out of the treasury , and an additional allowance ( above the 120 l ) made to them as soon as the colledges revenue shall be improved . that at their going abroad they shall take a solemn oath never to write any thing to the colledge , but what after very diligent examination , they shall fully believe to be true , and to confess and recant it as soon as they find themselves in an errour . that the sixteen professors resident shall be bound to study and teach all sorts of natural , experimental philosophy , to consist of the mathematicks , mechanicks , medicine , anatomy , chymistry , the history of animals , plants , minerals , elements , &c. agriculture , architecture , art military , navigation , gardening ; the mysteries of all trades , and improvement of them ; the facture of all merchandizes , all natural magick or divination ; and briefly all things contained in the catalogue of natural histories annexed to my lord bacon's organon . that once a day from easter till michaelmas , and twice a week from michaelmas to easter , at the hours in the afternoon most convenient for auditors from london according to the time of the year , there shall be a lecture read in the hall , upon such parts of natural experimental philosophy , as the professors shall agree on among themselves , and as each of them shall be able to perform usefully and honourably . that two of the professors by daily , weekly , or monethly turns shall teach the publick schools according to the rules hereafter prescribed . that all the professors shall be equal in all respects ( except precedency , choice of lodging , and such like priviledges , which shall belong to seniority in the colledge ) and that all shall be masters and treasurers by annual turns , which two officers for the time being shall take place of all the rest , and shall be arbitri duarum mensarum . that the master shall command all the officers of the colledge , appoint assemblies or conferences upon occasion , and preside in them with a double voice , and in his absence the treasurer , whose business is to receive and disburse all moneys by the masters order in writing , ( if it be an extraordinary ) after consent of the other professors . that all the professors shall sup together in the parlour within the hall every night , and shall dine there twice a week ( to wit sundays and thursdays ) at two round tables for the convenience of discourse , which shall be for the most part of such matters as may improve their studies and professions , and to keep them from falling into loose or unprofitable talk shall be the duty of the two arbitri mensarum , who may likewise command any of the servant-scholars to read to them what he shall think fit , whilst they are at table : that it shall belong likewise to the said arbitri mensarum only , to invite strangers , which they shall rarely do , unless they be men of learning or great parts , and shall not invite above two at a time to one table , nothing being more vain and unfruitful then numerous meetings of acquaintance . that the professors resident shall allow the colledge twenty pounds a year for their diet , whether they continue there all the time or not . that they shall have once a week an assembly or conference concerning the affairs of the colledge and the progress of their experimental philosophy . that if any one find out any thing which he conceives to be of consequence , he shall communicate it to the assembly to be examined , experimented , approved or rejected . that if any one be author of an invention that may bring in profit , the third part of it shall belong to the inventor , and the two other to the society ; and besides if the thing be very considerable , his statue or picture with an elogy under it , shall be placed in the gallery , and made a denison of that corporation of famous men. that all the professors shall be always assigned to some particular inquisition ( besides the ordinary course of their studies ) of which they shall give an account to the assembly , so that by this means there may be every day some operation or other made in all the arts , as chymistry , anatomy , mechanicks , and the like , and that the colledge shall furnish for the charge of the operation . that there shall be kept a register under lock and key , and not to be seen but by the professors , of all the experiments that succeed , signed by the persons who made the tryall . that the popular and received errours in experimental philosophy ( with which , like weeds in a neglected garden it is now almost all overgrown ) shall be evinced by tryal , and taken notice of in the publick lectures , that they may no longer abuse the credulous , and beget new ones by consequence of similitude . that every third year ( after the full settlement of the foundation ) the colledge shall give an account in print , in proper and ancient latine , of the fruits of their triennial industry . that every professor resident shall have his scholar to wait upon him in his chamber and at table , whom he shall be obliged to breed up in natural philosophy , and render an account of his progress to the assembly , from whose election he received him , and therefore is responsible to it , both for the care of his education , and the just and civil usage of him . that the scholar shall understand latine very well , and be moderately initiated in the greek before he be capable of being chosen into the service , and that he shall not remain in it above seven years . that his lodging shall be with the professor whom he serves . that no professor shall be a married man , or a divine , or lawyer in practice , only physick he may be allowed to prescribe , because the study of that art is a great part of the duty of his place , and the duty of that is so great , that it will not suffer him to lose much time in mercenary practice . that the professors shall in the colledge wear the habit of ordinary masters of art in the universities , or of doctors , if any of them be so . that they shall all keep an inviolable and exemplary friendship with one another , and that the assembly shall lay a considerable pecuniary mulct upon any one who shall be proved to have entered so far into a quarrel as to give uncivil language to his brother-professor ; and that the perseverance in any enmity shall be punish'd by the governours with expulsion . that the chaplain shall eat at the masters table , ( paying his twenty pounds a year as the others do ) and that he shall read prayers once a day at least , a little before supper-time ; that he shall preach in the chappel every sunday morning , and catechize in the after-noon the scholars and the school-boys ; that he shall every moneth administer the holy sacrament ; that he shall not trouble himself and his auditors with the controversies of divinity , but only teach god in his just commandments , and in his wonderful works . the schòol . that the school may be built so as to contain about two hundred boys . that it be divided into four classes , not as others are ordinarily into six or seven , because we suppose that the children sent hither to be initiated in things as well as words , ought to have past the two or three first , and to have attained the age of about thirteen years , being already well advanced in the latine grammar , and some authors . that none , though never so rich , shall pay any thing for their teaching ; and that if any professor shall be convicted to have taken any money in consideration of his pains in the school , he shall be expelled with ignominie by the governours ; but if any persons of great estate and quality , finding their sons much better proficients in learning here , then boys of the same age commonly are at other schools , shall not think fit to receive an obligation of so near concernment without returning some marks of acknowledgement , they may , if they please ( for nothing is to be demanded ) bestow some little rarity or curiosity upon the society in recompence of their trouble . and because it is deplorable to consider the loss which children make of their time at most schools , employing , or rather casting away six or seven years in the learning of words only , and that too very imperfectly : that a method be here established for the infusing knowledge and language at the same time into them ; and that this may be their apprenticeship in natural philosophy . this we conceive may be done , by breeding them up in authors , or pieces of authors , who treat of some parts of nature , and who may be understood with as much ease and pleasure , as those which are commonly taught ; such are in latine varro , cato , columella , pliny , part of celsus , and of seneca , cicero de divinatione , de naturâ deorum , and several scattered pieces , virgil's georgicks , grotius , nenesianus , manilius ; and because the truth is we want good poets ( i mean we have but few ) who have purposely treated of solid and learned , that is , natural matters ( the most part indulging to the weakness of the world , and feeding it either with the follies of love , or with the fables of gods and heroes ) we conceive that one book ought to be compiled of all the scattered little parcels among the ancient poets that might serve for the advancement of natural science , and which would make no small or unuseful or unpleasant volumn . to this we would have added the morals and rhetoricks of cicero , and the institutions of quintilian ; and for the comoedians , from whom almost all that necessary part of common discourse , and all the most intimate proprieties of the language are drawn , we conceive the boys may be made masters of them , as a part of their recreation and not of their task , if once a moneth , or at least once in two , they act one of terences comoedies , and afterwards ( the most advanced ) some of plautus his ; and this is for many reasons one of the best exercises they can be enjoyned , and most innocent pleasures they can be allowed . as for the greek authors , they may study nicander , oppianus ( whom scaliger does not doubt to prefer above homer himself , and place next to his adored virgil ) aristotles history of animals , and other parts , theophrastus and dioscorides of plants , and a collection made out of several both poets and other grecian writers . for the morals and rhetorick aristotle may suffice , or hermogenes and longinus be added for the latter ; with the history of animals they should be shewed anatomy as a divertisement , and made to know the figures and natures of those creatures which are not common among us , disabusing them at the same time of those errours which are universally admitted concerning many . the same method should be used to make them acquainted with all plants ; and to this must be added a little of the ancient and modern geography , the understanding of the globes , and the principles of geometry and astronomy . they should likewise use to declaim in latine and english , as the romans did in greek and latine ; and in all this travel be rather led on by familiarity , encouragement , and emulation , then driven by severity , punishment , and terrour . upon festivals and play-times they should exercise themselves in the fields by riding , leaping , fencing , mustering and training after the manner of souldiers , &c. and to prevent all dangers and all disorder , there should always be two of the scholars with them to be as witnesses and directors of their actions ; in foul weather it would not be amiss for them to learn to dance , that is , to learn just so much ( for all beyond is superfluous , if not worse ) as may give them a graceful comportment of their bodies . upon sundays , and all days of devotion , they are to be a part of the chaplains province . that for all these ends the colledge so order it , as that there may be some convenient & pleasant houses thereabouts , kept by religious , discreet , and careful persons , for the lodging and boarding of young scholars , that they have a constant eye over them to see that they be bred up there piously , cleanly , and plentifully , according to the proportion of their parents expences . and that the colledge , when it shall please god either by their own industry and success , or by the benevolence of patrons ; to enrich them so far , as that it may come to their turn and duty to be charitable to others , shall at their own charges erect and maintain some house or houses for the entertainment of such poor mens sons whose good natural parts may promise either use or ornament to the common-wealth , during the time of their abode at school , and shall take care that it shall be done with the same conveniences as are enjoyed even by rich mens children ( though they maintain the fewer for that cause ) there being nothing of eminent and illustrious to be expected from a low , sordid , and hospital-like education . conclusion . if i be not much abused by a natural fondness to my own conceptions ( that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the greeks , which no other language has a proper word for ) there was never any project thought upon , which deserves to meet with so few adversaries as this ; for who can without impudent folly oppose the establishment of twenty well selected persons in such a condition of life , that their whole business and sole profession may be to study the improvement and advantage of all other professions , from that of the highest general even to the lowest artisan ? who shall be obliged to imploy their whole time , wit , learning , and industry , to these four , the most useful that can be imagined , and to no other ends ; first , to weigh , examine , and prove all things of nature delivered to us by former ages , to detect , explode , and strike a censure through all false monies with which the world has been paid and cheated so long , and ( as i may say ) to set the mark of the colledge upon all true coins that they may pass hereafter without any farther tryal . secondly , to recover the lost inventions , and , as it were , drown'd lands of the ancients . thirdly , to improve all arts which we now have ; and lastly , to discover others which we yet have not . and who shall besides all this ( as a benefit by the by ) give the best education in the world ( purely gratis ) to as many mens children as shall think fit to make use of the obligation . neither does it at all check or enterfere with any parties in state or religion , but is indifferently to be embraced by all differences in opinion , and can hardly be conceived capable ( as many good institutions have done ) even of degeneration into any thing harmful . so that , all things considered , i will suppose this proposition shall encounter with no enemies , the only question is , whether it will find friends enough to carry it on from discourse and design to reality and effect ; the necessary expences of the beginning ( for it will maintain it self well enough afterwards ) being so great ( though i have set them as low as is possible in order to so vast a work ) that it may seem hopeless to raise such a sum out of those few dead reliques of humane charity and publick generosity which are yet remaining in the world. finis . the danger of corrupting the faith by philosophy a sermon preach'd before the right honble, the lord mayor and court of aldermen at guildhall-chappel on sunday, april 25, 1697 / by william sherlock. sherlock, william, 1641?-1707. 1697 approx. 46 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59808 wing s3280 estc r28137 10410096 ocm 10410096 45001 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59808) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 45001) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1389:26) the danger of corrupting the faith by philosophy a sermon preach'd before the right honble, the lord mayor and court of aldermen at guildhall-chappel on sunday, april 25, 1697 / by william sherlock. sherlock, william, 1641?-1707. 24 p. printed for w. rogers, london : 1697. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy and religion -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the dean of st. pavl's sermon before the lord mayor and aldermen , on april 25. 1697. clarke mayor . martis quarto die maij 1697. annoque r. rs. wilhelmi tertii angliae , &c. nono . this court doth desire mr. dean of st. paul's to print his sermon preached before the lord mayor and aldermen of this city , on sunday the 25th day of april last . goodfellow . the danger of corrupting the faith by philosophy . a sermon preach'd before the right hon ble the lord-mayor , and court of aldermen , at guildhall-chappel , on sunday , april 25. 1697. by william sherlock , d. d. dean of st. paul's , master of the temple , and chaplain in ordinary to his majesty . london : printed for w. rogers , at the sun against st. dunstan's church in fleetstreet . mdcxcvii . colos. ii. 8. beware lest any man spoil you through philosophy and vain deceit , after the traditions of men , after the rudiments of the world , and not after christ. had st. paul lived in our age , it would have required little less than the courage and bravery of the spirit of martyrdom to have said this : and nothing but the authority of so great an apostle ( which though some men do not much value , yet they dare not openly despise ) can skreen those , who venture to say it after him . what some men call philosophy and reason ( and there is nothing so foolish and absurd which some men will not call so ) , is the only thing which those men adore , who would either have no god , or a god and a religion of their own making . and what attempts some have made to undermine all religion , and others to corrupt and transform the whole frame of the christian religion , upon a pretence of its contradicting natural reason and philosophy , is too well known to need a proof . that thus it was in his days , and that thus it was likely to be in future ages , st. paul was very sensible , when he gave this caution to his colossians ; and i 'm sure it is as proper a caution for us , as ever it was for any age since the writing of this epistle ; for this vain pretence to reason and philosophy never more prevailed , and never did more mischief to the world . it is an endless and fruitless task to go about to confute all the absurd hypotheses and wild inconsistent reasonings wherewith men abuse themselves and others : the experience of so many ages wherein philosophy was in all its glory , and the several sects disputed and wrangled eternally , without ending any one controversy , gives no great encouragement , to hope for much this way ; at least it can never be expected that ordinary christians should be better instructed and confirmed in the faith by philosophical disputes . the christian religion has from the very beginning been corrupted by a mixture of philosophy : thus it was in the apostles days , and thus it has been more or less in all ages of the church to this day ; and the direction the apostle gives for the security of the christian faith , is , not to dispute such matters , but to distinguish between philosophical disputes , and matters of revelation ; and to reject all the pretences of philosophy , when it does or seems to contradict the faith of christ , or would make any corrupt additions to it . beware lest any man spoil you through philosophy and vain deceit ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is to make a prey , or to carry away as a prey ; that is , to seduce them from the christian faith , or from the purity and simplicity of it : through philosophy and vain deceit , that is , through the vain deceit of philosophy , which cheats men with a flattering but empty appearance ; may unsettle weak minds , but cannot lay a sure and solid foundation of faith ; may cheat men out of their faith , but when that is done , can give them nothing certain in the room of it : for it is but after the traditions of men , and after the rudiments of this world : some of these doctrines may possibly plead prescription , as having been so long received that no man knows their original ; or if they have the authority of some great name , yet it is but a human authority , and they are but the traditions of men ; and of men who at best had no better information than from the visible appearances of nature , and their own imperfect observations , and corrupt or defective reasonings , after the rudiments of this world : and is this an authority to oppose against the faith of christ , which both wants that divine confirmation which he gave to his doctrines , and contradicts them ? for they are not after christ , neither taught by christ , nor consonant to what he taught . these words might afford great variety of discourse ; but i shall confine my self to what is most useful , and reduce that into as narrow a compass as i can , by shewing , i. what great need there is of this caution , to beware lest any man spoil us through philosophy and vain deceit . ii. what great reason we have to reject all these vain pretences to philosophy , when they are opposed to the authority of a divine revelation . i. as for the first of these , whoever considers what an enemy these vain pretences to philosophy have always been to religion , will see need enough for this caution . true reason , and the true knowledge of nature , which is true philosophy , would certainly direct us to the acknowledgment and worship of that supreme being who made the world : and yet we know , that there never was an atheist without some pretence to philosophy , and generally such loud noisy pretences too , as make ignorant people think them very notable philosophers , and that tempts some vain empty persons to affect atheism , that they may be thought philosophers . that this is vain deceit , all men must own , who believe there is a god : and if it be possible to pretend philosophy for atheism it self , it is no great wonder if it be made to patronize infidelity and heresy : but this plainly shews of what dangerous consequence it is to admit philosophical disputes into religion , which if at any time they may do any service to religion , much oftner greatly corrupt it , and shake the very foundations of it ; of which more anon . at present i shall only shew you how the matter of fact stands ; that most of the disputes in religion are nothing else but the disputes of philosophy , and therefore according to the apostolical command , to be wholly flung out of religion , and not suffered to affect our faith one way or other . to be a philosopher and a christian , to dispute and to believe , are two very different things ; and yet it is very evident , that most of the arguments against revelation in general , and most of the disputes about the particular doctrines of christianity , are no better than this vain deceit of philosophy ; that were the matters of faith , and the disputes of philosophy truly distinguished , this alone would be sufficient to settle the faith of christians , and restore peace and unity , at least in the great fundamentals of religion , to the christian world. 1. as to begin with revelation in general . the books of moses are the most ancient , and that considered , the best attested history in the world ; the whole nation of the jews , whose history he writes , pay the greatest veneration to him ; and if we believe the matters of fact which he relates , he was certainly an inspired man , who could neither deceive , nor be deceived . and it is impossible to have greater evidence for the truth and authenticalness of any writings , at such a distance of time , than we have for the writings of the new testament ; and indeed the infidels of our age have very little to say purely against the credibility of the history ; and then one would think , that all their other objections should come too late , unless they will justify pharaoh in disbelieving moses , and the scribes and pharisees in disbelieving our saviour , after all the miracles they did : for if they will disbelieve moses and christ , though they have nothing material to object against the truth of these histories ; nothing , which they would allow to be good objections against any other history ; they must by the same reason have disbelieved them , though they had seen them do all those great works which are reported of them in such credible histories . but whatever the authority of these books are , they think they may securely reject them , if they contain any thing which contradicts their reason and philosophy , and they find a great many such things to quarrel with : they think moses's history of the creation very unphilosophical ; that the story of eve and the serpent is an incredible fiction ; that the universal deluge is absolutely impossible , and irreconcileable with the principles of philosophy ; and it does not become philosophers to have recourse to miracles : that what we call miracles are not the effects of a divine power , but may be resolved into natural causes ; that inspiration and prophesy is nothing but natural enthusiasm , and all the pretences to revelation a cheat and imposture ; that nature teaches us all that we need to know ; that there is no other certain knowledge but this ; that we are not bound to believe any thing which our own reason cannot grasp and comprehend , and therefore revelation is perfectly useless ; and god himself cannot oblige us to believe any thing which does not agree with the reason of our own minds , and the philosophy of nature . those who understand the mystery of modern infidelity , know that these , and such like , are the wise reasons for which they reject and ridicule all revealed religion , and endeavour to rob and spoil men of one of the greatest blessings in the world , a divine revelation . so that infidelity is resolved into these vain pretences to philosophy , that men will understand how to make , destroy , and govern the world better than god. 2. as these men oppose reason and philosophy to revelation , so others either deny the fundamental articles of christianity for the sake of some philosophical difficulties , or corrupt the doctrines of christianity by a mixture of philosophy . the gospel of our saviour is the plainest revelation of the will of god that ever was made to the world ; all its doctrines are easily understood , without art and subtilty ; and yet there is not a more nice , intricate , perplext thing in the world , than what some men have made the christian faith : all the subtil disputes of philosophy are brought into the church ; and plato and aristotle are become as great apostles , as st. peter , or st. paul : as to give some few instances of it ; for time will not permit me to discourse it at large . what are the arian , socinian , pelagian controversies , but meer philosophical disputes , with which these hereticks corrupted the catholick faith ? there is nothing more plain and express in scripture than the faith of father , son , and holy ghost , or the doctrine of the trinity in vnity ; and that great art and subtilty which has been used , and to so little purpose , to pervert those texts of scripture , wherein this doctrine is contained , is an evident proof , that this is the plain , natural obvious sense of those texts , since it requires so much art and criticism to put any other sense on them ; and that will not do neither , till men are resolved rather to make any thing of scripture , than to find a real trinity there . if then this faith be so plainly contained in scripture , what makes all this dispute about it ? what makes those , who profess to believe the scripture , so obstinate against this faith ? truly that which makes some men infidels , makes others hereticks , that is , a vain pretence to philosophy . the first philosophical dispute is about the divine unity : we all own with the scripture , that there is but one god ; but we say further , as the scripture teaches us , that there are three , father , son , and holy ghost , each of which is true and perfect god. this they say is a contradiction ; and if it be so , there is an end of this faith , for both parts of a contradiction can't be true : but to be three and one upon different accounts , and in different senses , is no contradiction ; for thus three may be one , and one three ; and this is all the scripture teaches , or that we profess to believe , whatever the mystery of this distinction and unity be : but this will not satisfy these philosophical wits , unless they can comprehend how father , son , and holy ghost , are really and distinctly three , and essentially one , the manner of which the scripture gives no account of , and therefore this is no dispute in faith , but only in philosophy . another objection concerns the divine generation , how god can beget a son of his own substance ; which the arians thought inferred a division of the divine substance . and a third objection concerns an eternal generation ; how it is possible that the father should beget an eternal son ; that the son should be begotten without any beginning of being ; and that the father should not be at least some few moments before the son , and consequently the son not eternal . now we all grant that we can give no philosophical account of this , no more than we can of the simple divine essence , or of eternity it self ; but we may believe that god has an eternal son , as we do that there is an eternal god , without knowing how any thing is eternal : these are disputes in philosophy , and such as none but vain men will dispute about , as being acknowledged above our comprehension , and therefore no reasonable objection against our faith. this as for the doctrine of the incarnation , nothing can be plainer in scripture , than that the son of god was made man ; that the word was made flesh , and dwelt among us ; that god was manifest in the flesh : and all the disputes about this article are purely philosophical : some men reject it , because they cannot understand how god and man can be united in one person : others confound the divine and human nature , as eutyches did ; or divide the persons , as nestorius did ; both which indeed destroy the article of the incarnation ; for the word is not made flesh , unless the same person , who is god , is man too , and continues perfect god and perfect man after this union : but all these disputes concern the philosophy of the union of the divine and human nature in christ ; and if we would separate between faith and philosophy , such disputes might soon be ended . thus most of the difficulties in the pelagian and quinquarticular controversy , are ultimately resolved into mere philosophical disputes about fate and prescience , liberty and necessity , and god's concourse with creatures , or the powers of nature and grace : and would time permit , it were easy to shew this in most of the controversies of religion , that it is not what god has revealed , and what he requires us to believe , but such nice philosophical questions as men raise about these matters , which occasion all these disputes . it has often been proposed as a means of union to silence all disputes , to confine our selves to scripture-words and expressions , without determining the signification of them : but this would make only an agreement in words , not a consent in opinions ; nor could it secure the peace of the church , while all men knew , that under the same form of words , they had very different and contrary meanings , which would still make them as much hereticks to each other , as if their words did as expresly contradict each other , as their faith. but would men reduce all their disputes to scripture , and make that the only rule of their faith , without intermixing any philosophical disputes with it , this would be an infallible means of union ; for it is only this vain pretence to philosophy , which raises all these disputes , and then tempts men to pervert the scriptures to justify their philosophy . in all these cases we are concerned to enquire what the true sense of the article is ; for this the scripture teaches , and so far our faith is concerned ; and these are not only justifiable , but necessary disputes , if the true faith be necessary : and such were the disputes of the catholick fathers with the sabellian , arian , and photinian hereticks ; whether father , son , and holy ghost , were only three names , or three appearances and manifestations of the same one single person , or any other three , but three true , proper , coeternal , and coequal persons : or whether he , who is in scripture called the son of god , be a creature , though the most excellent creature ; or a son , and god by nature , truly begotten of his father's substance : or whether christ be god incarnate , or a meer man : and their ancient creeds pretended to no more , than to teach what the catholick faith was , not to expound the philosophy of the trinity and incarnation . and thus far we must explain the faith , as to know , and to let others know , what it is we believe ; and if to assert the ancient catholick faith against old and new heresies , should be called new explications , we cannot help it ; for we must explain what the scripture teaches about these articles , and how the catholick church always understood them : but that which we are to beware of , is , not to mix philosophy with our faith , nor to admit of any mere philosophical objections against the faith , nor to attempt any explications of these mysteries , beyond what the scriptures , and the faith and practice of the catholick church will justify . indeed the importunity of hereticks did very often engage the catholick fathers in philosophical disputes ; but this they did , not to explain the christian mysteries by philosophy , but only to shew , that as incomprehensible as these mysteries are , the philosophy of hereticks , and their objections against these articles , were very absurd : and such disputes as these may sometimes be absolutely necessary , and of great use to shame these vain pretences to philosophy , while we do not put the trial of our faith upon this issue . secondly , let us now consider what great reason we have to reject all the vain pretences to reason and philosophy , when opposed to a divine revelation . for that is all the apostle intends in this caution ; not to discourage the use of reason , or the study of philosophy , which are great improvements , and a delightful entertainment of human minds , and with a wise and prudent conduct may be very serviceable to religion too ; but we must not set up any conclusions in philosophy against the christian faith , nor corrupt the faith with a mixture of philosophy , nor reject any revealed truths , for want of natural ideas to conceive them by . to shorten this discourse as much as i can ; i shall at present only shew you what reason we have to believe those doctrines which are thought the most mysterious and inconceivable , notwithstanding any objections from natural reason and philosophy against them . and the account of this must be resolved into the nature , use , and authority of revelation ; that revelation , as to such matters as are knowable only by revelation , must serve instead of sense , natural ideas , and natural reason ; that is , that we must believe things which we do not see , things which we have no natural notion or conception of , things which are not evident to natural reason ; for without this , there is little use of faith , no authority of pure revelation . it is true , the general corruption of mankind made it very necessary for god to revive the laws of nature , and to reinforce the observation of them by his own authority and command ; but the proper work of revelation is to discover such things to us as nature cannot teach , of which we have no natural notion , nor any natural evidence ; at least , thus it may be , if god knows more than natural reason teaches , or can comprehend ; and thinks it fit to reveal such supernatural truths to us , when he sees it useful for mankind . now if god ever does reveal such things to us , if we believe upon god's authority ( which is the strict notion of a divine faith ) , we must believe without any natural evidence , merely because god has revealed it ; and then we must believe such things as are not evident to sense and reason ; and then it can be no objection against revelation , nor against the belief of any such supernatural truths , that we have no natural notion , nor natural evidence of them , that they are what we cannot conceive and comprehend . to believe no farther than natural reason can conceive and comprehend , is to reject the divine authority of revelation , and to destroy the distinction between reason and faith. he who will believe no farther than natural reason approves ; believes his reason , not the revelation ; and is in truth a natural philosopher , not a believer : he believes the scriptures , as he would believe plato and tully ; not as inspired writings , but as agreeable to reason and the result of wise and deep thoughts ; and this puts an end to all the disputes about faith and revelation at once : for what use is there of faith ? what matter whether the scriptures be divinely inspired or not , when we are no farther concerned with them than with other human writings , to believe what they teach agreeable to our own reason ? let these men then either reject faith and scripture , or confess , that revelation , as to all supernatural truths , must serve us instead of sense and reason . i would gladly know of them , whether they would not believe such supernatural truths , as are not evident to reason , were they sure that god had revealed them ? i guess they will not be so hardy as to say , that they would not believe god himself , should he reveal such things as their reason cannot comprehend ; and if they would believe god in such matters , why will they not believe a revelation , which they themselves acknowledge to be divine , in such matters ? for is there any difference between believing god , and believing a divine revelation ? if god does know , and can reveal such mysteries , and is to be believed when he does reveal them , and such doctrines are contained in an undoubted revelation ; then the unconceivableness of them can be no argument against the truth of the revelation , or that sense of the words , which contains such mysteries . let us then consider the natural consequence of this , which is of great moment in this dispute , viz. that we must allow of no objections against revealed mysteries , which we will not allow to be good objections against sense and reason ; which is a necessary and unavoidable consequence if revelation , with respect to supernatural truths , stand in the place of sense and reason . now no man questions the truth of what he sees and feels , or what he can prove to be true by plain and undeniable reason , merely because there are unconceivable difficulties in it ; as there are in every thing , even the most certain and familiar things in nature : and if revealed truths are not more unconceivable than many natural objects of sense and reason , why should their being unconceivable be a greater objection against believing a revelation , than it is against believing our sense and reason in matters equally unconceivable ? when god has revealed to us , that he has an eternal and only begotten son , though we cannot comprehend the mystery of the eternal generation , why should we not as firmly believe it , as we do , that man begets a son in his own likeness , the philosophy of which we as little understand ? nor can we any more conceive the union of the soul and body , than we do the incarnation of the son of god , or the union of the divine and human nature in one person ? and if we own the authority of revelation , why should we not as well believe what revelation teaches , how unconceivable soever it be , as we do what sense and reason teaches , though it be alike unconceivable ? all men are sensible , that it is very absurd and foolish to deny the being of any thing which they have certain evidence of , because they cannot comprehend the nature and reasons of it : the man who rose up and walked before the philosopher , who was disputing subtilly against the possibility of motion , put a scorn upon all his arguments , by shewing him that he could move : and therefore we see , that all men believe their senses and reason against all the difficulties in nature , and will never be persuaded , by the subtillest disputant , that that is not , which they certainly see and know to be . now for the same reason , if men will allow the authority of revelation , they must believe what is revealed , how unconceivable and incomprehensible soever its nature be ; for when we know that a thing is , ( and this may be known by revelation as well as by sense , as those men must confess , who acknowledge a divine revelation ) no difficulties in conceiving it , must persuade us to deny that it is . this is very plain in it self , though few men consider it , that to disbelieve what is revealed , for the sake of any difficulties in understanding or conceiving it , is to reject the certainty of revelation ; for what other account can be given of that difference men make between the evidence of sense and reason , and of revelation , but that they allow sense and reason to be good and certain proofs of the being of such things as are evident to sense and reason , how mysterious soever their natures are ; but that mere revelation is no certain proof of the being of any thing which is not evident also to sense and reason , how plainly soever it be revealed ; that is , that revelation alone can prove nothing ; for if revelation it self could prove the certainty of what is revealed , the difficulties in nature and philosophy could no more disprove a revelation , than confute our senses . now let any man judge , whether this be not unequal usage , to expect more from revelation , than they do from sense and reason , and not to believe revelation upon the same terms that they believe their senses . should men resolve to believe nothing which they see , till they could give a philosophical account of the reasons , and causes , and natures , of all they see , as they refuse to believe a revelation any farther than they can conceive and comprehend the thing revealed , they must of necessity be as great scepticks , as they are infidels . for as for contradictions , it is an easy matter to make or find seeming contradictions in what we do not understand ; for when we know not the philosophical natures of things , nor how they act , and yet will be reasoning and guessing at them , all our false guesses may be full of contradictions and impossibilities , because we know not the true mystery of nature . it is this vain humour of criticizing upon nature which makes so many atheists . they go upon the same principle with infidels and hereticks , to believe nothing which natural reason cannot conceive and comprehend ; now they cannot comprehend the notion and idea of a god , which they say , is made up of contradictions and impossibilities , and therefore they reject the being of a god : they cannot conceive a creating power , which can give being to that which had no being before , which they think a plain contradiction to make something of nothing ; and therefore they reject the creation of the world , and either assert the eternity of the world , or at least the eternity of matter : they can conceive no substance but matter and body , and therefore reject the notion of a spirit , as nonsense and contradiction : they will allow nothing to be wisely made , which they understand not the reason and uses of , and therefore they fancy a great many botches and blunders in nature , which cannot be the designs and contrivance of wisdom , but the effects of chance ; and then the consequence is plain , that the world was made by chance , not by a wise author . now , i confess , if this way of reasoning be allowed , it will be impossible to defend either sense , or reason , or revelation , against the cavils of atheists and infidels ; for there are unconceivable and incomprehensible secrets and mysteries in them all ; and if to conceive and comprehend the natures of things must be made the measure and standard of true and false , we must deny our senses and reason , as well as our faith ; and if we do and must believe our sense and reason beyond our comprehension , why must we believe nothing that is revealed , any farther than we can conceive and comprehend the nature and reasons of it ? the sum is this : humane knowledge , whatever the means of knowing be , whether sense , or reason , or revelation , does not reach to the philosophical causes and natures of things , but only to their being , and natural vertues and powers ; and as a wise man , who knows the measure of his understanding , expects no more from sense and reason , than to know what things there are in the world , and what they are , as far as they fall under the notice of sense and natural reason ; so we must expect no more from revelation , than the knowledge of such things as sense and natural reason cannot discover . but we must no more expect the philosophy of supernatural truths from revelation , than we do the mysteries of nature from sense and reason . now since human knowledge is not a knowledge of the mysterious natures of things , but only to know what things there are , and what they are ; there can be no cantradiction between sense , and reason , and revelation ; unless one denies what the other affirms , not that one teaches more than the other teaches , or that one cannot comprehend what the other teaches . reason teaches more than sense teaches , or can comprehend ; and revelation teaches more than either sense or natural reason teaches , or can comprehend ; but this is no contradiction , but only a subordination between these different kinds and degrees of knowledge ; but as for unconceivableness and incomprehensibility , that is no argument against any thing ; for sense and natural reason can no more comprehend their own objects , than they do what is revealed : and it is manifest perverseness to make that an objection against revelation , which we will not allow to be an objection against sense and reason . this is sufficient as to the reason of the thing ; but as far as it is possible to remove mens prejudices also against believing mysteries , i shall briefly answer two very popular objections . 1. it is thought very unnatural , that when god has made us reasonable creatures , and therefore made natural reason to us the measure of truth and falshood , he should require us to believe without reason ; as we must do , if he reveals such things to us as we know not , and cannot possibly know the reasons of . if we must believe with our understanding , how can we believe things which we cannot understand ? this were a reasonable objection , were it true ; for we cannot believe what we have no knowledge , nor understanding of ; for faith is knowledge , though not natural knowledge . but do we not understand what it is we believe ? do we not know what we mean , when we say , we believe in father , son , and holy ghost ? nay , do not our adversaries understand what we mean by it ? how then come they to charge us with believing contradictions and impossibilities ? for if they know not what we believe , they cannot know whether we believe contradictions or not . and if we do understand what it is we believe , then we do not believe without understanding , which is absolutely impossible , if we know what it is we believe . and we know also why we believe : our faith is founded in sense and reason , and resolved into the authority of god , which is the highest and most infallible reason . the miracles which christ and his apostles wrought , were evident to sense , and owned by reason to be the effects of a divine power ; and the answer the blind man gave to the pharisees , when christ had opened his eyes , speaks the true sense of nature : h●rein is a marvellous thing , that ye know not from whence he is , and yet he hath opened mine eyes . now we know that god heareth not sinners ; but if any man be a worshipper of god , and doth his will , him he heareth . since the world began was it not heard that any man opened the eyes of one that was born blind : if this man were not of god , he could do nothing , 9. john 30 , 31 , 32 , 33. and all mankind own , that the most absolute faith is due to god , and to those who speak from god ; and this , as i take it , is to believe with reason . but still we believe such things , whose natures we do not understand , and cannot account for by natural reason , and this is to believe without reason . we believe , that god the father hath an eternal son , and an eternal spirit ; and that father , son , and holy ghost , are but one eternal god ; but this is what natural reason cannot comprehend , nor give us any notion or conception of , how god can have an eternal son , and an eternal spirit , really distinct from himself , and yet with himself one eternal and infinite god : reason can give no account of the eternal generation of the son , nor of the eternal procession of the holy spirit ; and is not this to believe without reason , which a reasonable creature ought not to do , and which we ought not to think , that god who made us reasonable creatures , expects from us ? and this i grant would be a material objection , were reason the judge of the nature and philosophy of things ; and did reason require us to believe nothing but what we understand and comprehend . but then we must no more believe sense and reason , than revelation ; for we do not comprehend the nature of any one thing in the world , how evident soever it is to sense and reason , that there are such things . nature is as great a mystery as revelation ; and it is no greater affront to our understandings , no more against reason for god to reveal such things to us as our reason cannot comprehend , than it is to make a whole world , which reason cannot comprehend . when we make it an objection against any thing , that it is without reason , or , as we apprehend , against reason , and contrary to reason ; we must first consider whether it be the proper object of reason ; otherwise it is no objection ; as it is no objection against sounds , that we cannot see them ; nor against colours , that we cannot hear them ; because sounds are not the objects of sight , nor colours of hearing . now no man pretends , that the pure natures and essences of things , or their essential reasons , properties , unions , operations , are the objects of humane reason ; for no man living knows any thing about them . and yet this is all the incomprehensibility men have to complain of in the doctrine of the trinity , and the incarnation ; that they cannot comprehend , how god can beget an eternal son ; nor how three divine persons should be so united , as to be essentially one god ; nor how the divine and humane nature can be united into one person , god-man : all which concern the essence , and essential properties , operations , unions , relations of the deity , which a modest man might allow to be incomprehensible , if god be infinite , though he could comprehend the natures , essences , and essential reasons and properties of created beings ; but when all created nature is such a mystery to us , that we know not the pure nature and essence of any one thing in the world , is it an affront to our reason , that we cannot comprehend the divine nature ? such matters as these are neither without reason , nor against reason , nor contrary to reason ; because reason has nothing to do with them , and can take no cognizance of them : they belong not to reason , but to that infinite mind , which comprehends it self , and the ideas of all possible beings . a perfect comprehensive knowledge of nature belongs only to the maker of all things ; for it is not only to know what things are , but how to make them ; which would be a vain curiosity , and useless knowledge to those , who have not a making and creating power . this is to know things à priori , with an intuitive ideal knowledge , which is infinitely more superior to reason , than reason is to sense : and it is the affection of this intuitive making knowledge , which makes some men atheists , and others hereticks . 2dly . another great objection against such a revelation as contains matters which natural reason cannot comprehend , is , to what purpose such a revelation serves ? what merit there can be in believing such doctrines ? and of what good use such a faith can be to us ? now i confess i cannot think it meritorious merely to believe things which are incomprehensible ; or that god any more intended to puzzle our faith with revealed mysteries , than to puzzle our reason in making a mysterious world. whether we receive our information from sense , or natural reason , or revelation , it is certain we must believe mysteries , if we believe any thing ; for all things have something mysterious and incomprehensible in their natures ; what natural reason cannot account for , and what god never intended we should understand : for god never intended to teach us how to make the world , nor how every creature was made ; and therefore we cannot and are not concerned to know the internal frame and constitution of nature . but though neither natural nor revealed knowledge extends to the reasons and causes of nature , and of essential properties and operations ; yet both natural and revealed knowledge is of as much use to us , as if we did perfectly understand all the secret and incomprehensible mysteries of the nature of god , or of the natures of creatures . both natural and revealed knowledge are alike upon this account , that they only acquaint us what things are , and what ends they serve ; and then we know what use to make of them , without understanding the secret mysteries of nature . is this world , or any thing in it , the less useful to us , because we cannot conceive how god created all things of nothing ? or because we do not understand the nature of matter , nor how the several parts of matter came by their different virtues and qualities ? is corn , or fruit , or herbs , the less nourishing or refreshing , because we know not how they grow ? does it require any philosophy to know how to eat , and drink , and sleep ? will not our food nourish us , unless we understand how it is concocted , and turned into chyle , and blood , and spirits ? nay , is it of no use to know that god is an eternal , omnipotent , omniscient , omnipresent being , unless we can conceive how any being can be eternal without a cause , and without a beginning ? or can comprehend how he can do and know all things ; and be present in all places at once , without extension , and without parts ? we may make all the use that can be made of this world , and of every thing in it , without understanding the essential reasons and causes , or internal nature of any thing ; and we must do so , if we will make any use of it ; and we know god to all the ends and purposes for which creatures ought to know god , though his nature be incomprehensible . and thus it is in matters of pure revelation , such as the doctrine of the trinity , and the incarnation ; how unaccountable soever the mystery of a trinity in unity , the eternal generation , and the incarnation of the son of god be , yet it is the most useful knowledge in the world : though we know not how the eternal father begat an eternal son of his own substance , nor how this eternal son in time became man ; yet it is the most desirable knowledge in the world to sinners ; to know , that god has an eternal son ; and that he so loved the world , as to give his only begotten son for the redemption of mankind , that whosoever believes in him , should not perish , but have everlasting life ; and that this eternal son of god became man , lived a poor , necessitous , laborious life , and died an accursed death for the salvation of sinners ; and to know , that the holy spirit , which proceeds from father and son , dwells in the christian church , and quickens and animates the whole body of christ. if this be true ( as we must suppose in this argument ) , all mankind must confess , that this is a very useful knowledge ; and never the less useful , because a trinity in unity , and the eternal generation , and the incarnation of the son of god , are great and inconceivable mysteries . could we give a rational and philosophical account of the eternal generation , and of the incarnation , we should know more than we now do ; but faith makes it as useful to all the purposes of religion , as the most perfect intuitive knowledge could do . this is a sufficient answer to that objection against the usefulness of such mysteries as have something incomprehensible and unconceivable in their natures : which is an equal objection against all created nature , which is but one great mystery ; and yet the world is a very useful world , and we know in some good degree what use to make of it : and the knowledge of those gospel mysteries which are the subject of our present dispute , are manifestly of infinite use to us , if the certain knowledge of the pardon of sin , and eternal life , by the obedience , and sufferings , and death , and intercession of the son of god incarnate , be of any use ; and therefore it became the wisdom and goodness of god to reveal these mysteries of salvation to us . especially if we add to this , that the lapsed state of human nature makes supernatural knowledge necessary . natural knowledge we grant was sufficient for a state of nature , though no man would have had reason to complain , had god in a state of innocence by a more familiar intercourse with man , or by the frequent conversation of angels , improved his knowledge beyond the mere attainments of his natural faculties ; and it is not improbable , but this might have been ; i am sure there is an impatient thirst after knowledge in human nature , and such a great curiosity for secret and hidden mysteries , that it looks very unnatural for men to complain , that god reveals more to them than nature teaches . but yet i say , natural knowledge must be allowed sufficient to all the ends of human life , while man continued innocent ; for that is the original state of human nature , as all men must grant , who believe that man was made by god. but when man sinned , he forfeited the favour of god , and a natural immortality ; and whether he should be restored or not , and by what means he should be restored , depended wholly on the sovereign will and pleasure of god : and therefore the light of nature , though it could direct an innocent man how to please and worship god , and to preserve himself immortal , it could not teach sinners how to make atonement for sin , nor give them any certain hopes that god would forgive sins , and bestow immortal life on them ; which makes it necessary , that the religion of a sinner be a revealed religion . and if god in infinite goodness is not only pleased to restore sinners to grace and favour , but to advance them to a supernatural state of perfection and happiness both of soul and body in the next world ; this must be done by supernatural means , and therefore requires a supernatural knowledge ; for the light of nature can neither raise us above nature , nor discover supernatural truths to us ; and this makes it necessary to know and believe such things , as we have no natural notion or idea of , such things , as neither eye hath seen , nor ear heard , neither hath it entred into the heart of man to conceive . if nature can't save us , it can't discover to us the way of salvation neither ; and if we must be saved by a supernatural grace and power , it must be supernaturally revealed ; and what is supernatural , is the object of faith , not of natural knowledge . this seems to me to give a plain account , why god thinks fit to reveal such mysteries to us as nature cannot teach , and as we have no natural notion of , because our lapsed state has made such supernatural revelations necessary to the recovery of mankind ; and when we are fallen below the relief of nature , and of natural knowledge , we ought to be very thankful to our good god for supernatural knowledge , and supernatural means of salvation . to god the father , god the son , and god the holy ghost , three persons , one eternal god , be honour , glory and power , now and for ever . amen . finis . logou thrēskeia, or, a seasonable recommendation and defence of reason in the affairs of religion against infidelity, scepticism, and fanaticisms of all sorts. glanvill, joseph, 1636-1680. 1670 approx. 83 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42816 wing g812 estc r23387 12068287 ocm 12068287 53425 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42816) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53425) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 70:9) logou thrēskeia, or, a seasonable recommendation and defence of reason in the affairs of religion against infidelity, scepticism, and fanaticisms of all sorts. glanvill, joseph, 1636-1680. [2], 36 p. printed by e.c. and a.c. for james collins ..., london : 1670. first two words of title transliterated from greek. attributed to joseph glanvill. cf. bm. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy and religion -early works to 1800. 2002-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion λογου θρησκεια : or , a seasonable recommendation , and defence of reason , in the affairs of religion ; against infidelity , scepticism , and fanaticisms of all sorts . london , printed by e. c. and a. c. for iames collins at the kings-head in westminster-hall . 1670. ad clerum . rom. xii . the latter part of verse 1. — vvhich is your reasonable service . there is nothing , that i know , hath done so much mischief to christianity , as the disparagement of reason , under pretense of respect , and favour to religion ; since hereby the very foundations of the christian faith have been undermined , and the world prepared for atheism . for if reason must not be heard , the being of a god , and the authority of scripture can neither be proved , nor defended ; and so our faith drops to the ground , like a house that hath no foundation . besides , by this way , those sickly conceits , and enthusiastick dreames , and unsound doctrines , that have poysoned our aire , and infatuated the minds of men , and exposed religion to the scorn of infidels , and divided the church , and disturbed the peace of mankind , and involved the nation in so much bloud , and so many ruines ; i say hereby , all these fatal follies , that have been the occasions of so many mischiefs , have been propagated , and promoted . so that i may affirm boldly , that here is the spring-head of most of the waters of bitterness , and strife ; and here the fountain of the the great deeps of atheism , and fanaticism , that are broken up upon us . and now , to damme up this source of mischiefs , by representing the fair agreement that is between reason , and religion , is the most seasonable service that can be done unto both ; since hereby , religion will be rescued from the impious accusation of its being groundless , and imaginary : and reason also defended , against the unjust charge of those , that would make this beam of god , prophane , and irreligious . this i shall endeavour at this time ; and i think it proper work for the occasion , now that i have an opportunity of speaking to you reverend fathers , and brethren of the clergy ; for 't is from the pulpit , religion hath received those wounds through the sides of reason ; i do not say , and i do not think , it hath from yours ; but we know , that indiscreet , and hot preachers that had entertain'd vain , and unreasonable doctrines , which they had made an interest , and the badges of a party ; perceiving that their darling opinions could not stand , if reason , their enemy , were not discredited ; they set up a loud cry against reason , as the great adversary of free-grace , and faith , and zealously endeavoured to run it down , under the misapplied names of vain philosophy , carnal reasoning , and the wisdom of this world : and what hath been the issue of those cantings , we have sadly seen , and felt . so that , i think 't is now the duty of all sober , and reasonable men to rise up against this spirit of folly , and infatuation : and some thing i shall attempt at present , by shewing , that reason is very serviceable to religion ; and religion very friendly to reason ; both which are included in these words of the apostle . — which is your reasonable service . he had proved in the preceding part of this epistle , that the gospel was the only way of happiness , and here , he enters upon the application of this doctrine , and affectionately exhorts his romans , to conform themselves unto it. i beseech you therefore brethren by the mercies of god , that you present your bodies : by which no doubt he means , their whole persons , for they are to be a living sacrifice ; living ; in opposition to the dead services of the ceremonial law ; holy , acceptable unto god ; in opposition to those legal performances , that had no intrinsick goodness in them , and were not acceptable now that their institution was determined . and the motives whereby he enforceth his exhortation are these two , viz. the mercies of god , which the gospel hath brought , and propounded ; i beseech you brethren by the mercies of god ; and the reasonableness of the thing it self that he urgeth them to , — which is your reasonable service . my business is with this latter , and i infer from it : that religion is a reasonable thing . in treating of this proposition i shall ( i. ) state what i mean by religion , and what by reason . ( ii. ) i shall demonstrate their harmony , and agreement . ( iii. ) indeaveur to disable the main objections that are alledged against the use of reason , in the affairs of faith. and ( iv. ) improve all by some inferences , and advices . to begin with the first , the settling the distinct notions of religion , and reason . we know there is nothing in any matter of enquiry , or debate that can be discovered , or determined 'till the terms of the question are explained , and their notions settled . the want of this , hath been the occasion of a great part of those confusions we find in disputes , and particularly most of the clamours , that have been raised against reason in the affairs of religion , have sprung from mens mistakes of the nature of both . for while groundless opinions , and unreasonable practices are often called religion on the one hand ; and vain imaginations , and false consequences are as frequently stiled reason on the other ; 't is no wonder that such a religion disclaims the use of reason , or that such reason is opposite to religion . therefore , in order to my shewing the agreement between true religion , and genuine reason , i shall , with all that clearness that i can , represent the just meaning of the one , and of the other . for religion first ; the name signifies binding , and so imports duty ; and all duty is comprised under these two generals , worship , and virtue ; worship comprehends all our duties towards god ; virtue all those , that relate to our neighbour , or our selves . religion then primarily consists in these , which are the sum of the law , and the prophets . but duty cannot be performed , without knowledge , and some principles there must be , that must direct these practices ; and those that discover , and direct men in those actions of duty , are called principles of religion . these are of two sorts , viz. some are ( 1. ) fundamental , and essential ; others ( 2. ) accessory and assisting . fundamental is a metaphor taken from the foundation of a building ; upon which the fabrick stands , and without which , it must sink to the ground : so that fundamental principles are such , as are supposed to the duties of religion , one or more ; and such as are absolutely necessary to the performance of them respectively : of this sort i mention four , viz. ( i. ) that there is a god of infinite perfection . the belief of this , is absolutely necessary to all the parts of religion . ( ii. ) that we are sinners and exposed to his displeasure . this is necessary to confession of sins , and repentance ; parts of worship . ( iii. ) that god is our maker , and the author of all our blessings . this is necessary to the duties of prayer , praise , and adoration . ( iv. ) that there is moral good , and evil : without this there can be no charity , humility , iustice , purity ; or the rest . these propositions i say are fundamentals of religion , for it supposeth , and stands upon them . there are others , which are not so absolutely necessary , as these , but yet very incouraging , and helpful ; i reckon four here also : viz. ( 1. ) that god will pardon us , if we repent . ( 2. ) that he will assist us , if we indeavour . ( 3. ) that he will accept of services that are imperfect , if they are sincere . ( 4. ) that he will reward , or punish , in another world according to what we have done in this . this i count to be the summe of religion general : and christianity takes in all those duties ; and all the principles ; advancing the duties to nobler measures ; and incouraging them by new motives , and assistances , and superadding two other instances , baptism , and the lords supper . and for the principles , it confirms those of natural religion ; and explains them further , and discovers some few new ones ; and all these , both of the former , and the latter sort , are contained in the creed . here are all the fundamentals of religion , and the main assisting principles also . and i call nothing else religion , but plain duties , and these acknowledged principles , and though our church require our assent to more propositions ; yet those are only articles of communion , not doctrines absolutely necessary to salvation . and if we go beyond the creed for the essentials of faith ; who can tell where we shall stop ? the summe is , religion primarily is duty ; and duty is all that which god hath commanded to be done by his word , or our reasons ; and we have the substance of these in the commandments : religion also in a secondary sense consists in some principles relating to the worship of god , and of his son , in the ways of devout , and virtuous living ; and these are comprised in that summary of belief called the apostles creed . this i take to be religion ; and this religion i shall prove to be reasonable : but i cannot undertake for all the opinions some men are pleased to call orthodox ; nor for all those that by many private persons , and some churches are counted essential articles of faith , and salvation . thus i have stated what i mean by religion . the other thing to be determined , and fixt , is , the proper notion of reason . for this you may please to consider , that reason is sometimes taken for reason in the faculty , which is the understanding ; and at other times , for reason in the object , which consists in those principles , and conclusions by which the understanding is informed . this latter is meant in the dispute concerning the agreement , or disagreement of reason , and religion . and reason in this sense , is the same with natural truth , which i said is made up of principles , and conclusions . by the principles of reason we are not to understand the grounds of any mans philosophy ; nor the critical rules of syllogism ; but those imbred fundamental notices , that god hath implanted in our souls ; such as arise not from external objects , nor particular humours , or imaginations ; but are immediately lodged in our minds ; independent upon other principles or deductions ; commanding a sudden assent ; and acknowledged by all sober mankind . of this sort are these . that god is a being of all perfection . that nothing hath no attributes . that a thing cannot be , and not be . that the whole is greater than any of its parts . and such like others , which are unto us , what instincts are to other creatures . these i call the principles of reason . the conclusions are those other notices , that are inferred rightly from these ; and by their help from the observations of sense ; and the remotest that can be conceived , of all these , if it be rightly inferred from the principles of reason , or duly circumstantiated sense , is as well to be reckoned a part , and branch of reason as the more immediate conclusions , that are principles in respect of those distant truths . and thus i have given an account also of the proper notion , and nature of reason . i am to shew next ( 2. ) that religion is reasonable ; and this implies two things , viz. that reason is a friend to religion ; and that religion is so to reason . from these two , results their correspondence , and agreement . i begin with the first : and here i might easily shew the great congruity that there is between that light , and those laws , that god hath placed in our souls ; and the duties of religion that by the expressness of his written word he requires from us ; and demonstrate that reason teacheth all those , excepting only the two positives , baptism , and the holy eucharist . but there is not so much need of turning my discourse that way ; and therefore i shall confine it to the principles of religion . which are called faith , and prove that reason mightily befriends these . it doth this ( i. ) by proving some of those principles ; and ( ii. ) by defending all . for the clearing both these , you may consider , that the principles of religion are of two sorts : either ( 1. ) such as are praesupposed to faith ; or such as ( 2 ) are formal articles of it . of the first sort are ; the being of a god ; and the authority of the scripture . and of the second , such as are expressely declared by divine testimony ; as the attributes of god ; the incarnation of his son , and such like . ( i. ) for the former they are proved by reason ; and by reason only . the others we shall consider after . ( i. ) that the being of a god , the foundation of all , is proved by reason , the apostle acknowledgeth , when he saith , that what was to be known of god , was manifest ; and to the heathen , rom. i.xix. and he adds , ver . xx. that the invisible things from the creation of the world , are clearly seen , being understood by the things that are made . and the royal psalmist speaks to the like purpose , psal. xix . the heavens declare the glory of god , and the firmament sheweth his handy works . and again , psal. 148.3 . praise him sun , and moon , praise him ye stars , and light ; which intimates , that these works of his afford matter to our reasons for religious acknowledgments . and reason proves the existence of god , from the beauty , and order , and ends , and usefulness of the creatures ; for these are demonstrative arguments of the being of a wise , and omnipotent mind , that hath framed all things so orderly , and exactly ; and that mind is god. this article then , reason proves , which was the first branch of the particular ; and i add , that it is reason only that can do it ; which was the other . this you will see when you consider , that there are but three things from whence the existence of any being can be concluded , viz. sense , revelation , or reason . for sense , it hath no more to do here but to present matter for our reasons to work on ; and revelation supposeth the being of a god , and cannot prove it ; for we can have no security that the revelation is true , 'till we are assured it is from god ; or from some commissioned by him . the knowledge of his being therefore , must precede our faith in revelation ; and so cannot be deduced from it . thus reason befriends religion by laying its corner stone . and the next to this is the other principle mentioned . ( ii. ) the divine authority of scripture . this also is to be proved by reason , and only by it. the great argument for the truth of scripture is the testimony of the spirit in the miracles wrought by christ , and his apostles . our saviour himself useth this argument to gain credit to his doctrines , believe me for the works sake ; the works that i do bear testistimony of me ; and if i had not done among them the works that no other man did they had had no sin , joh. 15.24 . and the apostles continually urge that great miracle , the resurrection of christ from the dead for the conviction both of the iews , and gentiles , that he was the son of god ; and his doctrines true . now miracles are an argument to our reasons , and we reason from them thus : miracles are gods seal , and they are wrought by his power , and he is true , and good , and would not lend these to impostours to cheat , and abuse mankind . therefore whoever works real miracles for the confirmation of any doctrine , it is to be believed that he is taught of god , and commissioned to teach us . and that christ , and his apostles did those things which are recorded of them , is matter of testimony ; and reason clears the validity of this , by the aggregation of multitudes of circumstances , which shew , that the first relators could not be deceived themselves , and would not deceive us ; nor indeed could in the main matters , if they had designed it . and the certainty of the conveyance of these things to us is evinced also by numerous convictive reasons : so that , the matter of fact is secure ; and that such doctrines were taught , as are ascribed to those divine persons ; and those persons inspired that penned them , are proved the same way : and so it follows from the whole , that the gospel is the word of god ; and the old testament is confirmed by that . thus reason proves the divine authority of scripture : and those other arguments that use to be produced for it , from its style , and its influence upon the souls of men ; from the excellency of its design ; and the providence of god in preserving it ; are of the same sort , though not of the same strength . reason then proves the scriptures ; and this only ; for that they are from god , is not known immediately by sense ; and there is no distinct revelation that is certain , and infallible to assure us of it ; and so reason only remains to demonstrate this other fundamental article . these two great truths , the existence of god ; and authority of scripture , are the first in our religion ; and they are conclusions of reason ; and foundations of faith. thus briefly of those principles of religion that are fundamentally such ; we have seen how reason serves them , by demonstrating their truth , and certainty . i come now to the second sort of principles ; viz. those that are formally so ; they are of two sorts , mixt and pure ; the mixt are those that are discovered by reason , and declared by revelation also ; and so are principles both of reason , and faith : of this kind are the attributes of god ; moral good , and evil ; and the immortality of humane souls . the principles of pure faith , are such as are known only by divine testimony , as the miraculous conception , the incarnation , and the trinity . the first sort reason proves as well as scripture , this i shew briefly in the alledged instances . ( 1. ) that the divine attributes are revealed in the holy oracles , 't is clear ; and they are deduced from reason also ; for 't is a general principle of all mankind , that god is a being absolutely perfect ; and hence reason concludes all the particular attributes of his being ; since wisdom , goodness , power , and the rest are perfections , and imply nothing of imperfection , or defect ; and therefore ought to be ascribed to the infinitely perfect essence . ( 2. ) that there is moral good ▪ and evil , s discoverable by reason , as well as scripture . for these are reasons maxims ; that every thing is made for an end ; and every thing is directed to its end by certain rules : these rules in creatures of understanding , and choise , are laws , and the transgressing these , is vice , and sin. ( 3. ) the immortality of our souls is plain in scripture , and reason proves it , by shewing the spirituality of our natures ; and that it doth from the nature of sense ; and our perception of spiritual beings , and universals ; of logical , metaphysical , and mathematical notions ; from our compounding propositions ; and drawing conclusions from them ; from the vastness , and quickness of our imaginations ; and liberty of our wills , all which are beyond the powers of matter , and therefore argue a being that is spiritual , and consequently immortal , which inference , the philosophy of spirits proves . also , the moral arguments of reason from the goodness of god , and his iustice in distributing rewards and punishments ; the nature of virtue , and tendencies of religious appetites , conclude , i think , strongly , that there is a life after this . thus in short of the principles , i called mixt , which reason demonstrates . but for the others , viz. ( ii. ) those of pure revelation , reason cannot prove them immediately ; nor is it to be expected that it should : for they are matters of testimony ; and we are no more to look for immediate proof from reason of those things , than we are to expect , that abstracted reason should demonstrate , that there is such a place as china ; or , that there was such a man as iulius caesar. all that it can do here , is to assert , and make good the credibility , and truth of the testimonies that relate such matters : and that it doth in the present case , proving the authority of scripture ; and thereby in a remoter way , it demonstrates all the mysteries of faith , which the divine oracles immediately discover . and it is no more disparagement to our reasons , that they cannot evince those sacred articles by their own unaided force , than it is a disgrace unto them , that they cannot know that there are such things , as colours , without the help of our eyes ; or that there are sounds , without the faculty of hearing . and if reason must be called blind upon this account , because it cannot know of it self such things , as belong to testimony to discover ; the best eyes in the world may be so accounted also , because they are not sagacious enough to see sounds ; and the best palate dull , and dead , because it cannot taste the sun-beams . but though i have said , that reason cannot of it self , immediately prove the truths of pure revelation ; yet ( 1. ) it demonstrates the divine authority of the testimony that declares them ; and that way proves even these articles . if this be not enough , i add the second assertion , ( ii. ) that reason defends all the mysteries of faith and religion : and for this , i must desire you to take notice , that there are two ways , whereby any thing may be defended , viz. either ( 1. ) by shewing the manner how the thing is ; or , if that cannot be done , by shewing ( 2. ) that it ought to be believed though the manner of it be not known : for instance , if any one denies all sorts of creatures were in the arke under pretense , that it is impossible they should be contained within such a space ; he that can shew how this might be , by a distinct enumeration of the kinds of animals , with due allowance for the unknown species , and a computation of the particular capacity of the arke ; he defends the sacred history the first way : but if another denies the conversion of aaron's rod into a serpent , upon the same account , of the unconceivableness of the manner , how it was done ; this cannot indeed be defended the former way : but then it may , by representing that the power of god is infinite ; and can easily do what we cannot comprehend , how it is effected ; and that we ought to believe upon the credit of the testimony ( that being well proved to us ) though the manner of this miraculous performance , and such others as it relates , be unknown . and as it is in this last case , so it is in all the mysteries of faith , and religion ; reason cannot defend them indeed the first way : but then it doth the second by shewing , that the divine nature is infinite , and ovr conceptions very shallow , and finite ; that 't is therefore very unreasonable in us to indeavour to pry into the secrets of his being , and actions ; and to think that we can measure , and comprehend them : that we know not the essence , and ways of acting of the most ordinary , and obvious things of nature , and therefore must not expect throughly to understand the deeper things of god ; that god hath revealed those holy mysteries unto us ; and that 't is the highest reason in the world to believe , that what he saith is true , though we do not know how these things are . these are all considerations of reason , and by the proposal of them , it sufficiently defends all the mysteries , that can be proved to be contained in the sacred volumn ; and shews that they ought to be received by us , though they cannot be comprehended . thus if any one should ask me , how the divine nature is united to the humane ? and declare himself unwilling to believe the article till he could be satisfied how ; my answer would be in short , that i cannot tell ; and yet i believe it is so ; and he ought to believe the same , upon the credit of the testimony , though we are both ignorant of the manner . and i would suggest , that we believe innumerable things upon the evidence of our senses , whose nature , and properties we do not know . how the parts of matter cohere ; and how the soul is united to the body ; are questions we cannot answer ; and yet that such things are , we do not doubt : and why , saith reason , should we not believe gods revelation of things we cannot comprehend ; as well as we do our senses about matters as little understood by us ? 't is no doubt reasonable that we should , and by proving it is so , reason defends all the propositions of faith , and religion . and when some of these are said to be above reason , no more is meant , than that reason cannot conceive how those things are ; and in that sense many of the affairs of nature are above it too . thus i have shewn how serviceable reason is to religion . i am next to prove , ( ii. ) that religion befriends it : and here i offer some testimonies from the holy oracles to make that good ; and in them we shall see , how god himself , and christ , and his apostles , do own , and acknowledge reason . i consider then that god , isa. 1.18 . calls the rebellious israelites to reason with him ; come now , and let us reason together saith the lord ; and by reason he convinceth the people of the vanity of idolls , isa. 44 9. and he expostulates with their reasons , ezek. 18.31 . why will ye die ye house of israel ? and mich. 6.3 . o my people what have i done unto thee ? and wherein have i wearied thee ? testifie against me . he appeals unto their reasons , to judge of his proceedings . isa. 5.3 . and now o inhabitants of ierusalem , and men of iudah , judge i pray you between me , and my vineyard ; are not my ways equal ? and are not your ways unequal ? in this he intimates the competency of their reasons to judge of the equity of his ways , and the iniquity of their own . and our saviour commands the disciples of the pharisees to give unto caesar the things that are caesars , and to god the things that are gods ; implying the ability of their reasons to distinguish between the things , that belonged to god , and those , that appertained to caesar. and he in divers places argues from the principles , and topicks of reason . from that which we call , a majori ad minus , from the greater to the less , iohn 13.14 . he shews it to be the duty of his disciples to serve their brethren in the meanest offices , and to wash one anothers feet , because he had washed theirs , ver. 14. inforcing it by this consideration of reason ; for the servant is not greater than his lord ; ver. 16 and useth the same , iohn 15.20 . to shew , that they must expect persecution , because he , their lord , was persecuted . and luke 12.23 . he endeavours to take them off from carking care and solicitude about meat , and rayment , by this consideration from reason , that the life is more than meat , and the body than raiment ; intimating that god having given them the greater , there was no doubt , but he would bestow the less , which was necessary for the preservation of that . to these instances i add some few from the topick a minori ad majus , from the less to the greater , in the arguings of our saviour . thus mat. 7.11 . if ye being evil know how to give good gifts to your children , how much more shall your father which is in heaven give good things to those that ask him ? the ground of the consequence is this principle of reason , that god is more benign , and gracious than the tenderest , and most affectionate of our earthly parents . so luke 12.24 . he argues , that god will provide for us , because he doth for the ravens , since we are better than they ; how much more are ye better than the fowles ? which arguing supposeth this principle of reason , that that wisdom , and goodness which are indulgent to the viler creatures will not neglect the more excellent . he proceeds further in the same argument by the consideration of gods cloathing the lillies , and makes the like inference from it , ver. 28. if god so cloath the grass , how much more will he cloath you ? and mat. 12. he reasons that it was lawful for him to heal on the sabbath day , from the consideration of the general mercy that is due even to brute creatures ; what man shall there be among you that shall have one sheep , and if it fall into a pit on the sabbath day , will he not lay hold of it , to lift it out ? how much then is a man better than a sheep ? ver. 12. thus our saviour used arguments of reason . and the apostles did so very frequently . st. paul disproves idolatry this way , acts 17.29 . forasmuch then as we are the off-spring of god , we ought not to think , that the godhead is like unto gold , or silver , or stone graven by art. and the same apostle proves the resurrection of the dead by the mention of seven gross absurdities that would follow the denial of it , 1 cor. 1.15 . viz. if the dead rise not , then 1. christ is not risen ; and then 2. our preaching is vain , and we false apostles ; and if so , 3. your faith is vain ; and then 4. you are not justified , but are in your sins ; and hence it will follow 5. that those that are departed in the same faith are perished ; and then 6. faith in christ profits only in this life ; and if so , 7. we are of all men the most miserable , because we suffer all things for this faith ; from ver. 14 to ver . 19. and the whole chapter contains philosophical reasoning either to prove , or illustrate the resurrection ; or to shew the difference of glorified bodies , from these . and st. peter , in his second epistle , chap. 2. shews , that sinful men must expect to be punished , because god spared not the angels that fell . instances in this case , are endless ; these may suffice . and thus of the second thing also which i proposed to make good , viz. that religion is friendly to reason , and that appears , in that god himself , our saviour , and his apostles own it ; and use arguments from it , even in affairs of faith and religion . but scripture , the rule of faith is pretended against it ; and other considerations also : these therefore come next to be considered ; and the dealing with those pretensions was the ( iii. ) general i proposed to discuss . as for arguments from scripture against the use of reason , 't is alledged ( 1. ) from 1 cor. 1. where 't is said , that god will destroy the wisdom of the wise , ver . 19. and the world by wisdom knew not god , ver . 21. and not many wise men after the flesh are called , ver . 26. and god chose the foolish things of this world to confound the wise , ver . 27. by which expressions , of wisdom , and wise 't is presumed that humane reason , and rational men , are meant . but these interpreters mistake the matter much , and as they are wont to do , put arbitrary interpretations upon scripture , without ground . for by wisdom here , there is no cause to understand the reason of men ; but rather the traditions of the iews ; the philosophy of the disputing greeks ; and the worldly policy of the romans , who were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the rulers of that world. that the iewish learning in their law is meant , the apostle intimates , when he asks in a way of challenge , ver . 20. where is the scribe ? and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies one that was skill'd in their laws , and customs . and that the philosophy of the greeks is to be understood likewise , we have ground to believe from the other question in the same verse ; where is the disputer of this world ? which , though some refer , to the doctors among the iews also , yet , i humbly think , it may more properly be understood of the philosophers among the grecians , for the apostle writes to greeks , and their philosophy was notoriously contentious . and lastly , that the worldly policies of the romans are included also , in this wisdom of this world , which the apostle vilifies , there is cause to think from the sixth verse of the second chapter , where he saith , he spake not in the wisdom of the princes of this world ; and 't is well known that policy was their most valued wisdom ; tu regere imperio — to govern the nations , and promote the grandeur of their empire , was the great design , and study of those princes of this world. now all these the apostle sets at nought , in the beginning of this epistle ; because they were very opposite to the simplicity , and holiness , self-denial , and meekness of the gospel . but what is this to the disadvantage of reason , to which indeed those sorts of wisdom are as contrary , as they are to religion ? and by this i am enabled , ( 2. ) to meet another objection urged from 1 cor. 2.14 . but the natural man receiveth not the things of the spirit of god , for they are foolishness unto him ; neither can he know them , because they ate spiritually discerned . hence the enthusiast argues the universal inability of reason in things of religion ; and its antipathy to them . whereas i can apprehend no more to be meant by the words , than this , viz. that such kind of natural men as those scribes , and disputers , and politicians , having their minds depraved , and prepossess'd with their own wisdom , were indisposed to receive this , that was so contrary unto it . and they could not know those things of god , because they were spiritual , and so would require a mind that was of a pure , and spiritual frame , viz. free from that earthly wisdom of all sorts , which counts those things foolishness ; and which by god , is counted so it self . 1 cor. 3.19 . which place ( 3. ) is used as another scripture against reason . the wisdom of this world is foolishness with god : but it can signifie nothing to that purpose , to one , that understands , and considers the apostles meaning . what is meant by the wisdom of this world here , i have declared already ; and by the former part of my discourse it appears , that whatever is to be understood by it , our reason cannot ; since that either proves , or defends all the articles of religion . ( 4. ) and when the same apostle elsewhere , viz. 2 cor. 1.12 . saith , that they had not their conversation in fleshly wisdom ; we cannot think he meant humane reason by that ; reason directs us to live in simplicity , and godly sincerity , which he opposeth to a life in fleshly wisdom . by this therefore , no doubt , he means the reason of our appetites , and passions , which is but sense and imagination ( for these blind guides are the directors of the wicked ) but not the reason of our minds , which is one of those lights that illuminate the consciences of good men , and help to guide their actions . and whereas 't is objected , ( 5. ) from col. 2.8 . beware lest any spoil you through philosophy . i answer , there is nothing can be made of that neither , for the disgrace of reason ; for the philosophy the apostle cautions against , is the same which he warns timothy of , 1 tim. 1.4 . neither give heed to fables and endless genealogies that minister questions ; calling these , prophane , and vain bablings , and oppositions of science falsly so called , 2 tim. 6.20 . by all which , learned interpreters understand the pretended knowledge , of which the gnosticks boasted , which consisted in the fabulous pedigrees of the gods under the name of aeones ; and it may be the genealogies of which the iews were so fond , and the disputing philosophy among the greeks , which was properly , science falsly so called , and did minister questions , and endless strife ; i say 't is very probable these might be comprehended also : but reason is no otherwise concerned in all this , but as condemning , and reproving these dangerous follies . thus we see the pretensions from scripture against reason are vain . but there are other considerations by which it useth to be impugned , as , ( 1. ) our reason is corrupted , and therefore is not fit to meddle in spiritual matters . to this i say , that reason , as it is taken for the faculty of understanding , is very much weakened , and impaired ; it sees but little , and that very dully , through a glass darkly , as the apostle saith , 1 cor. 13. and it is very liable to be mislead by our senses , and affections , and interests , and imaginations ; so that we many times mingle errors , and false conceits with the genuine dictates of our minds , and appeal to them , as the principles of truth , and reason , when they are but the vain images of our phancies , or the false conclusions of ignorance , and mistake . if this be meant by the corruption of reason , i grant it ; and all that can be inferred from it will be ; that we ought not to be too bold , and peremptory in defining speculative , and difficult matters ; especially not those , that relate to religion , nor set our reasonings against the doctrines of faith , and revelation . but this is nothing to the disreputation of reason in the object , viz. those principles of truth which are written upon our souls ; or any conclusions that are deduced from them : these are the same that they ever were , though we discern them not so clearly as the innocent state did : they may be mistaken , but cannot be corrupted . and as our understandings , by reason of their weakness , and liableness to error , may take falshoods for some of those ; or infer falsly from those that are truly such ; so we know , they do the same by the scriptures themselves , viz. they very often misinterpret , and very often draw perverse conclusions from them ; and yet we say not , that the word of god is corrupted , nor is the use of scripture decried because of those abuses . but here advantage will be taken to object again , ( 2. ) that since our natural understandings are so weak , and so liable to mistake , they ought not to be used in the affairs of religion ; and 't will signifie little to us that there are certain principles of eternal reason if we either perceive them not , or cannot use them . to this i answer , that if on this account we must renounce the use of our natural understandings , scripture will be useless to us also ; for how can we know the meaning of the words that express gods mind unto us ? how can we compare one scripture with another ? how can we draw any consequence from it ? how apply general propositions to our own particular cases ? how tell what is to be taken in the letter ; what in the mystery , what plainly ; what in a figure ? what according to strict , and rigorous truth ? what by way of accommodation to our apprehensions ? i say , without the exercise of our understandings , using the principles of reason none of these can be done , and without them scripture will signifie either nothing at all , or very little , to us . and what can religion get this way ? this inference therefore is absurd , and impious . all that can justly be concluded from the weakness of our understandings will be what i intimated before , that we ought to use them with modesty , and caution ; not that we should renounce them . he is a mad-man , who , because his eyes are dim , will therefore put them out . but it may be objected further , ( 3. ) that which men call reason is infinitely various , and that is reasonable to one , which is very irrational to another ; therefore reason is not to be heard . and , i say , interpretations of scripture are infinitely various , and one calls that scriptural , which another calls heretical ; shall we conclude therefore , that scripture is not to be heard ? reason in itself , is the same all the world over , though mens apprehensions of it are various , as the light of the sun is one , though colours , its reflexes , are infinite . and where this is , it ought not to be denied , because follies , and falshoods pretend relation to it ; or call themselves by that name . if so , farewell religion too . but ( 4. ) 't is socinianism to plead for reason in the affairs of faith , and religion . and i answer , 't is gross phanaticism to plead against it . this name is properly applicable to the enemies of reason ; but the other of socinianism is groundlesly applied to those that undertake for it ; and it absurdly supposeth that socinians are the only rational men ; when as divers of their doctrines , such as , the sleep , and natural mortality of the soul , and utter extinction , and annihilation of the wicked after the day of judgment , are very obnoxious to philosophy , and reason . and the socinians can never be confuted in their other opinions without using reason to maintain the sense , and interpretation of those scriptures that are alledged against them . 't is an easie , thing we know , to give an ugly name to any thing we dislike ; and by this way the most excellent , and sacred things have been made contemptible , and vile . i wish such hasty censurers would consider before they call names ; no truth is the worse , because rash ignorance hath thrown dirt upon it . i need say no more to these frivolous objections . those that alledge atheism , and tendency to infidelity against the reverence , and use of reason are disproved by my whole discourse : which shews that the enemies of reason most usually serve the ends of the infidel , and the atheist ; when as a due use of it , destroys the pretensions of both . i come now ( iv. ) to the inferences that may be raised from the whole . 1. reason is certain , and infallible ; this follows from the state i gave of the nature , and notion of reason in the beginning . it consists in first principles , and the conclusions that are raised from them , and the observations of sense . now first principles are certain , or nothing can be so ; for every possible conclusion must be drawn from those , or by their help , and every article of faith supposeth them . and for the propositions that arise from those certain principles , they are certain likewise ; for nothing can follow from truth , but truth in the longest series of deduction . if error creep in , there is ill consequence in the case . and the sort of conclusions that arise from the observations of sense , if the sense be rightly circumstantiated , and the inference rightly made , are certain also . for if our senses in all their due circumstances deceive us , all is a delusion , and we are sure of nothing : but we know that first principles are certain , and that our senses do not deceive us , because god , that bestowed them upon us , is true , and good . and we are as much assured that whatever we duly conclude from either of them , is as certain , because whatever is drawn from any principle , was vertually contained in it . ( 2. ) i infer , that reason is , in a sense , the word of god , viz. that , which he hath written upon our minds , and hearts ; as scripture is that , which is written in a book . the former is the word , whereby he hath spoken to all mankind ; the latter is that , whereby he hath declared his will to the church , and his peculiar people , reason is that candle of the lord , of which solomon speaks , prov. 20.27 . that light , whereby christ hath enlightned every one that cometh into the world , john 1.9 . and , that law whereby the consciences of the heathen either accuse , or excuse one another , rom. 2.15 . so that hierocles spoke well , when he said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; to be perswaded by god and right reason is one and the same thing . and luther called philosophy , within its own bounds , the truth of god. ( 3. ) the belief of our reasons is an exercise of faith , and faith is an act of reason ; the former part is clear , from the last particular , and we believe our reasons because we have them from god , who cannot mistake , and will not deceive . so that relying on them , in things clearly perceived , is trust in gods veracity , and goodness , and that is an exercise of faith. thus luke 12. the not belief of reason , that suggests from gods cloathing the lillies , that he will provide for us , is made by our saviour , a defect of faith , ver . 28. o ye of little faith ! and for the other part , that faith is an act of reason , that is evident also ; for , 't is the highest reason to believe in god revealing . ( 4. ) no principle of reason contradicts any articles of faith. this follows upon the whole . faith befriends reason ; and reason serves religion , and therefore they cannot clash . they are both certain , both the truths of god ; and one truth doth not interfere with another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith aristotle , truth agrees with all things that are . whatsoever contradicts faith , is opposite to reason ; for 't is a fundamental principle of that , that god is to be believed . indeed sometimes there is a seeming contradiction between them ; but then , either something is taken for faith , that is but phancy ; or something for reason , that is but sophistry ; or the supposed contradiction is an error , and mistake . ( 5. ) when any thing is pretended from reason , against any article of faith , we ought not to cut the knot , by denying reason ; but indeavour to unty it by answering the argument , and 't is certain it may be fairly answered . for all hereticks argue either from false principles , or fallaciously conclude from true ones : so that our faith is to be defended , not by declaiming against reason in such a case ( which strengthens the enemy , and , to the great prejudice of religion , allows reason on his side ) but we must indeavour to defend it , either by discovering the falshood of the principles he useth in the name of reason ; or the ill consequence , which he calls , proof . ( 6. ) when any thing is offered us for an article of faith that seems to contradict reason , we ought to see that there be good cause to believe that this is divinely revealed , and in the sense propounded . if it be , we may be assured from the former aphorisms , that the contradiction is but an appearance ; and it may be discovered to be so . but if the contradiction be real , this can be no article of revelation , or the revelation hath not this sense . for god cannot be the author of contradictions ; and we have seen that reason , as well as faith , is his . i mean , the principles of natural truth , as well as those of revelation . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith aristotle , truth is throughout contrary to falshood ; and what is true in divinity , cannot be false in reason . 't is said indeed in the talmud , if two rabbins differ in contradictories , yet both have their opinions from moses , and from god. but we are not obliged to such a non-sensical kind of faith ; and ought not to receive any thing as an article in a sense , that palpably contradicts reason , no more than we may receive any in a sense that contradicts other scriptures . faith , and reason accord as well as the old testament , and the new ; and the analogy of reason is to be heeded also , because even that is divine and sacred . ( 7. ) there is nothing that god hath revealed , to oblige our faith , but he hath given us reason to believe that he hath revealed it . for though the thing be never so clearly told me , if i have not reason to think , that god is the revealer of what is so declared , i am not bound to believe , except there be evidence in the thing it self . for 't is not faith , but vain credulity to believe every thing that pretends to be from god. so that we ought to ask our selves a reason ▪ why we believe the scripture to be the revelation of gods will , and ought not to assent to any sense put upon it , 'till we have ground to think , that that sense is his mind ? i say , we must have ground , either from our particular reasons ; or the authority of the church , otherwise our faith is vain credulity , and not faith in god. ( 8. ) a man may hold an erroneous opinion from a mistaken sense of scripture , and deny what is the truth of the proposition , and what is the right meaning of the text ; and yet not err in faith. for faith is belief of god revealing : and if god have not so revealed this , or that , as to give us certain ground to believe this to be his sense , he hath not sufficiently revealed it to oblige our faith. so that , though i deny such , or such a sense , while i believe , it is not from god ; his veracity , and authority is not concerned , since i am ready however to give a chearful assent to whatever is clearly , and sufficiently revealed . this proposition follows from the former , and must be understood only of those doctrines that are difficult , and obscurely delivered : and that many things are so delivered in scripture , is certain ; for some are only hinted , and spoken occasionally ; some figuratively , and by way of parable , and allegory ; some according to mens conceptions ; and some in ambiguous , and aenigmatical phrases ; which obscurities may occasion mistake in those , who are very ready to believe what ever god saith ; and when they do , i should be loath to say that such err in faith ; though those that wrest plain texts to a compliance with their interests , and their lusts , though their affections may bring their judgments to vote with them ; yet theirs is error in faith with a witness ; and capable of no benefit from this proposition . ( 9. ) in searching after the sense of scripture we ought to consult the principles of reason , as we do other scriptures . for we have shewn , that reason is another part of gods word . and though the scripture be sufficient to its end , yet reason must be presupposed unto it ; for without this , scripture cannot be used , nor compared , nor applied , nor understood . ( 10. ) the essentials of religion are so plainly revealed , that no man can miss them , that hath not a mighty corrupt bias in his will and affections to infatuate and blind his understanding . those essentials are contained in the decalogue and the creed : many speculative remoter doctrines may be true , but not fundamental . for 't is not agreeable to the goodness , or justice of god , that mens eternal interests should depend upon things that are difficult to be understood , and easily mistaken . if they did ; no man could be secure , but that , do what he could , he should perish everlastingly for not believing ; or believing amiss some of those difficult points , that are supposed necessary to salvation ; and all those that are ignorant , and of weak understanding must perish without help , or they must be saved by implicit faith in unknown fundamentals . these are some propositions that follow from my discourse , and from one another . the better they are considered , the more their force will be perceived ; and i think they may serve for many very considerable purposes of religion , charity , and the peace of mankind . and now give me leave to speak a word to you , my brethren of the clergy , ( those , i mean of the younger sort , for i shall not presume to teach my elders . ) you have heard , no doubt , frequent , and earnest declamations against reason , during the years of your education ; and youth , we know , receives impressions easily ; and i shall not wonder if you have been possessed with very hard thoughts of this pretended terrible enemy of faith , and religion : but did you ever consider deeply since , what ends of religion , or sobriety , such vehement defamations of our faculties could serve ? and what ends of a party they did ? i hope these things you have pondered , as you ought , and discern the consequent mischiefs : but yet , i shall beg leave to refresh your thoughts , with some considerations of the dangerous tendencies and issues of such preachments . ( 1. ) to disclaim reason , as an enemy to religion , tends to the introduction of atheism , infidelity , and scepticism ; and hath already brought in a floud of these upon us . for what advantage can the atheist , and infidel expect greater , than this , that reason is against religion ? what do they pretend ? what can they propose more ? if so , there will be no proving , that there is a god ; or that the scripture is his word ; and then we believe gratis ; and our faith hangs upon humour , and imagination ; and that religion that depends upon a warm phancy , an ungrounded belief , stands but , 'till a disease , or a new conceit alter the scene of imagination ; and then down falls the castle whose foundation was in the air. 't was the charge of iulian the apostate against the primitive christians ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that their only wisdom was to believe ; as if they had no ground for their faith. and those that renounce , and decry reason , justifie iulian in his charge . thus religion will have no bottom , but the phancy of every one that professeth it ; and how various , and inconstant a thing imagination is , every man knows . these are the consequences of the defamations of reason , on the pretended account of religion ; and we have seen , in multitudes of deplorable instances , that they follow in practice , as well as reasoning . men of corrupt inclinations , suspect that there is no reason for our faith , and religion , and so are upon the borders of quitting it ; and the enthusiast , that pretends to know religion best , tells them , that these suspicions are very true ; and thence the debauchee gladly makes the desperate conclusion . and when others also hear reason disparaged as uncertain , various , and fallacious , they deny all credit to their faculties , and become confounded scepticks , that settle in nothing . this i take to have been one of the greatest , and most deadly occasion of the atheism of our days ; and he that hath rejected reason , may be one when he pleaseth , and cannot reprehend , or reduce any one , that is so already . ( 2. ) the denial of reason in religion hath been the principal engine , that hereticks , and enthusiasts have used against the faith ; and that which lays us open to infinite follies , and impostures . thus the arrians quarrelled with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it was deduced by consequence , but not expressed in scripture . the apollinarists , would by no means allow of reason ; and st. austin saith of the donatists , that they did calumniate , and decry it , to raise prejudice against the catholick faith ; and elsewhere , doctores vestri hominem dialecticum fugiendum potius , & cavendum , quam refellendum censuerunt . the ubiquitarians defend their errors , by denying the judgment of reason ; and the macedonians would not have the deity of the holy ghost proved by consequence . the later enthusiasts in germany , and other places , set up loud , and vehement out cries against reason ; and the lunaticks among us , ( that agree in nothing else ) do yet sweetly accord in opposing this carnal reason ; and this indeed is their common interest . the impostures of mens phancies must not be seen in too much light ; and we cannot dream , with our eyes open . reason would discover the nakedness of sacred whimsies ; and the vanity of mysterious non-sense ; this would disparage the darlings of the brain , and cool the pleasant heats of kindled imagination : and therefore reason must be decryed , because an enemy to madness ; and phancy set up , under the notion of faith , and inspiration . hence men had got the trick , to call every thing that was consequent , and reasonable , vain philosophy ; and every thing that was sober , carnal reasoning . religion is set so far above reason , that at length it is put beyond sobriety , and sense ; and then 't was fit to be believed , when 't was impossible to be proved , or understood . the way to be a christian is first to be a brute ; and to be a true believer , in this divinity , is to be fit for bedlam . men have been taught to put out their eyes , that they might see ; and to hoodwink themselves , that they might avoid the precipices . thus have all extravagancies been brought into religion beyond the imaginations of a fever , and the conceits of midnight : whatever is phancied , is certain ; and whatever is vehement , is sacred ; every thing must be believed , that is dream'd ; and every thing that is absurd , is a mystery . and by this way , men in our days have been prepared to swallow every thing , but what is sober : whatever is wild , will be suck'd in , like the air ; but what is reasonable , will be fled like infection . so that if a man would recommend any thing , for his life , to those enemies of reason , it must be some odd non-sense , in the cloathing of imagination ; and he that can be the author of a new kind of madness , shall lead a party . thus hath religion by the disparagement of reason , been made a medley of phantastick trash , spiritualized into an heap of vapours , and formed into a castle of clouds ; and exposed to every wind of humour , and imagination . ( 3. ) by the same way great advantage is given to the church of rome : which those of that profession know very well ; and therefore perronius , gonterius , arnoldus , veronius , and other jesuites , have loudly declaimed against reason ; and the last mentioned , veronius , presented the world with a method to overthrow hereticks , ( meaning those of the protestant faith ) which promised more than ordinary ; and that was , to deny , and renounce all principles of reason in affairs of faith absolutely , and roundly ; and not to vouchsafe an answer to any argument against transubstantiation , or any other article of their new faith ; but point-blank to deny whatever reason saith , in such matters . and he affirms that even these principles of reason , viz. non entis non sunt attributa ; at omne quod est , quando est , necesse est esse ; and such like which are the foundations of all reasoning , are dangerous to the catholick faith ; and therefore not to be heeded . this man speaks out , and affirms directly , and boldly , what the other enemies of reason imply ; but will not own . this is a method to destroy hereticks in earnest ; but the mischief is , all christians , and all other religions , and all other reasonings are cut off by the same sword. this book , and method of veronius was kindly received by the pope , priviledged by the king of spain , approved by cardinals , archbishops , bishops , and all the gallick clergy , as solid , and for the advantage of souls ; and the sorbone doctors gave it their approbation , and recommended it as the only way to confute hereticks . did these know what they recommended ? and did they , think we , understand the interest of the roman church ? if so , we kindly serve their ends , and promote their designs in the way , which they account best , while we vilifie , and disparage reason ? if this be renounced in matters of religion , with what face can we use it against the doctrine of transubstantiation , or any other points of the roman creed ? would it not be blameless , and irreprovable for us to give up our understandings implicitly to the dictates , and declarations of that church ? may we not follow blindly whatever the infallible man at rome , and his councils , say ? and would it not be vain self-contradiction to use arguments against their decrees , though they are never so unreasonable ? or to alledge consequences from scripture against any of their articles , though never so contrary to the holy oracles ? how easily may they rejoyn , when we dispute against them ; you argue from reason , and by consequences ; but reason is dull , and carnal , and an enemy to the things of the spirit , and not to be heard in the high matters of religion ? and what can we say next , if we consent to the accusation ? i say , by this way , we perfectly disable , or grosly contradict our selves in most of our disputes against the romanists : and we are very disingenious in our dealings , while we use reason against them , and deny it , when 't is urged against our selves by another sort of adversaries : which implies , that when we say , reason is not to be heard , we mean , 't is not to be heard against us ; but it must , against the church of rome ; or any others we can oppugn by it. thus , i say , our denying reason in religion is either very humoursome , and partial ; or , 't is a direct yielding up our selves to our enemies , and doing that our selves , which is the only thing they desire ▪ to undo us , and to promote their own interests upon our ruines . and thus , my brethen , i have represented some of the mischiefs , that arise from the disparagement of reason ; and they are great ones , and big of many others , and such , as are destructive to all government , and all the interests of the sober part of mankind : and i hope i need not intreat you not to contribute to the promoting , and continuance of so false and dangerous a conceit . the assertion of this is properly fanaticism ; and all that we call so , grows upon it . here the enemies of our church , and government began ; upon this they insisted still ; and filled their books , and pulpits , and private corners with these cantings . this was the engine to overthrow all sober principles , and establishments ; with this the people were infatuated , and credit was reconciled to gibberish , and folly ; enthusiasms , and vain impulses . this is the food of conventicles to this day ; the root of their matter , and the burden of their preachments . let reason be heard , and tye them to sense , and most of their holders-forth have no more to say . their spirituality , for which they are admired , is besides reason , and against it , rather than above it ; and while this principle of the enmity between reason , and religion stands , the people will think them the more spiritual preachers , because they are the less reasonable : and while they are abused by such a belief , 't will be impossible for sober men to have any success in their indeavours to convince them . these things i doubt not but you discern , and know ; and therefore i add no more , for i am sensible to whom i speak . but , there are another sort , and those conformists too , who are made divines by the notes they formerly took from those canters against reason ; to such , i should not tell what to say , they will whine on , and vent their iargon ; to perswade them to speak better sense , is to desire them to hold their peace ; which of all things they hate most ▪ but i hope there are none of those , here ; and i could wish the government would take special care of them , where they are ; for they are the most dangerous enemies the church of england hath ; they keep alive the principles of phancy , and faction , which otherwise would go out of themselves . but i let them pass , and conclude with a short advice to the people . i have in the foregoing discourse shewn , with all the plainness , and perspicuity , that i could , the fair agreement between reason , and religion ; and the mischiefs that arise from the opinion that sets them at odds . if what i have said be not clear to your minds , 't is because i could not help it : all subjects are not capable of being made alike plain to all capacities ; i have all along designed distinct speaking , and have ( as much as i could ) avoided mixture of languages , and terms of art , that so you might apprehend that , in which i take you to be much concerned , though i chiefly intended the discourse for my reverend brethren the clergy , who i doubt not apprehend it fully . what i have more to say to you is , that you would beware of those teachers that rail against reason ; for either they know not what they say ; or have a design to abuse you . instead of hearkening to such , indeavour to be informed of the reason of your faith , and hope : for we are fallen into times , in which you will have frequent occasion to use it : and that faith which is reasonable will not make you ashamed ; and that hope which is well grounded will not disappoint you ; but the end of such an hope , will be the satisfaction of your desires , in the day of your expectations ; and the end of such a faith , the salvation of your souls in the day of the lord iesus . to whom , with god the father , and god the holy ghost , be ascribed all glory , and adoration henceforth , and for ever . finis . an excellent oration of that late famously learned iohn rainolds, d.d. and lecturer of the greek tongue in oxford very usefull for all such as affect the studies of logick and philosophie, and admire profane learning. translated out of latine into english by i.l. schoolmaster. rainolds, john, 1549-1607. 1638 approx. 86 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 82 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10327 stc 20610 estc s115564 99850783 99850783 16010 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10327) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 16010) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1150:12) an excellent oration of that late famously learned iohn rainolds, d.d. and lecturer of the greek tongue in oxford very usefull for all such as affect the studies of logick and philosophie, and admire profane learning. translated out of latine into english by i.l. schoolmaster. rainolds, john, 1549-1607. leycester, john, b. 1598. [14], 130, 129-145, [5] p. printed by tho. harper for thomas slater and william aderton, and are to be sold at their shops in duck-lane, london : 1638. translator's note "to the well affected christian reader" signed: iohn leycester. with a final imprimatur leaf; the last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to 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keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-09 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-09 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an excellent oration of that late famously learned iohn rainolds , d. d. and lecturer of the greek tongue in oxford . very usefull for all such as affect the studies of logick and philosophie , and admire profane learning . translated out of latine into english by i. l. schoolmaster . thy wisdoms and thy knowledge have caused thee to rebell . isa. 47. 10. london , printed by tho. harper for thomas slater and william aderton , and are to be sold at their shops in duck-lane , 1638. to the well affected christian reader . anatomists do write , that in the brain of man , there is a rete mirabile , an admirable net , that is , an heape and conjugation of arteries , that for the many windings , turnings , and intricate foldings cannot be anatomized ; and so indeed , as if that of the body were to signifie that of the minde ; in the wit and wisdome of man there is a rete mirabile , an admirable net , a heape and a cōjugatiō of manifold infolded subtilties , which for the maeandrian windings and turnings , and intricate devices cannot be be anatomized ; with this admirable net the pernicious perverters of learning ▪ do catch the poor fish and foul they deal withall . but if ever this net was discovered ; and that monstrous sphynx of corrupted knowledge e●ploded to the world , this our english oedipus that atlas of learning ( as * one stiles him ) reveren● rainolds hath ( as i think ) in this most exquisite and pathetical oration sufficiently and perspicuously effected , insomuch that ( in my opinion ) that * eulogie may very well suit to this oration , huc usque turpi nubilo pressum caput , inter que cunas artium pect us rude vincti tenemus . nunc illa rerum monstra ridemus , chaos cacumque pondus , sole perfusi novo . englished thus . till now an ugly cloud our heads and hearts opprest , and in the cradles of the arts were tyed fast . but with a new sun beam● our eyes made ope , now see that chaos , which wee late did grope , and laugh at it at last . but notable is that testimony of a grave and learned divine , which may very wel excite thee ( courteous reader ) to the reading , as it did partly induce mee to the version of this oration . vt enim academicis & nobis , qui egregia ipsius sanctitatis & pietatis certamina admirati sumus difficile fuit judicare , an vir melior , vel doctior ille fuerit ; ita illi qui orationes hasces●ri● legerint , haerebunt , ( opinor ) aliquandiù , an ipsi ex earum lectione doctiores vel meliores evaserint . for as it was an hard matter both for the vniversity and us , who have admired the conflicts of his rare holines and piety to determine , whether hee excelled in learning or in goodnesse ; so they who shall seriously reade these orations wil be in some doubt awhile ( i thinke ) whether they are become better men , or better schollars by reading them . then pitty it were surely , that the cabinet of the latine tongue should locke up so rich a treasure , or that the shel of one language should exclude many ( though not expert in the latine tongue , yet judicious to apprehend ) from participating of this delectable kernel of sound learning & pious affectiō . i have therfore according to my poor skill turned this one into english , hoping that i shall be found fidus interpres , in rendring the genuine sense & true meaning thereof , though my stile be not equivalent either to the we●ght of the argument , or to the ciceronian sweetnesse , and eleganc●e of the originall as for the usuall cavils against translations of profitable things , let that most learned andraeas hyperius answer for me , an exact translation makes things so perspicuous , that it deserveth to bee esteemed instead of a commentary . but howsoever i expect not to escape the stings of censure especially of the common adversaries of the truth ( the vindicating wherof is the very center of this oratiō ) yet this is my comfort , that i have in this point kept within the circle of my calling , and imployed my small talent for the publique good . so farewell . thine in the common faith , iohn leycester . aprill 30. 1638. the oration . if any here present in this assembly , ( honoured auditors ) seeing hee hath not heard what i have formerly expounded in aristotles rhetori●ques , may perhaps mervaile what moved mee , who have taken upon me the lectureship of the greek tongue ▪ to discourse of aristotles summum bonum , when the same party heares the blessednesse spoken of by aristotle to be now explaned by me , and that it ought of necessity bee taught , that yee may both know how to perswade aright , & what the proper end of good things is , let him not dislike the reason that moved me , but let him attend to the matter now in handling . after hee perceives , that it is the drift of my discourse to shew aristotles e●roneous opinion concerning sūmum bonum , hee will ( i feare me ) in his thoughts condemne my drift and purpose , that i , but a young man , should so transgresse against the fashion of the vniversitie , as to cry downe aristotles credit . but when he shall understand , that i am enjoyned , as i am a publike teacher , to deliver sound and true opinions , not errors in the expounding of authors , i hope hee will not censure mee too hardly . will hee demand what reasons induced me to be of a contrary opinion to most of aristotles interpreters now a days ? truly , if i have any judgment at all , the vulgar and triviall expositors of aristotle do always , as much as they can , and sometimes more then they ought , adhere unto him in their expositions . and even as the romans did highly extoll all neroes actions , yea his villanies , as sacred ; in like manner they , as it were approving al aristotles sayings , though never so false , doe greatly applaud him . i being therfore very inquisitive after the truth , when i had perused such writers as were not so much inclined to aristotle , i was upon sundry good groūds induced to believe , that aristotle was greatly deceived . for i did not onely rest upon the opinions of ludovicus vives , and peter martyr ( as some malicious persons do object ) whose authority notwithstanding , i doe , ( as i ought ) much esteeme of ; but omitting others , who have handled this point before vives and martyr , both talaus & fox have of set purpose lately confuted this blessednesse of aristotles . and those ancient , and excellent men have long agoe so condemned it , that gregorie nazi●nze● calls it contemptible and base ▪ eusebius unreasonable & false ▪ ambrose , augustine , origen , lactantius , gregorie nyssen call it very fooli●● in part , and all of them do fl●tly affi●me it to be contrary to tru●h and piet●e . whose authoritie when it is confirmed by christ himselfe , who alone , w●thout any other ▪ ought to be imbraced 〈◊〉 all authorities in the world let no man think it strange , that i had rather concuire in opinion with such and so great clerks , then to hold an errour with aristotle . i heartily wish , that this opinion were well setled in your minds , ●s both reason and religion doe require ; that so , i might have lesse trouble in speaking , and you lesse irkesomnesse in heating those things , which should be as well pleasing , as they are wont to be distastfull unto you . but because this conceit is so deeply rooted in you , namely , that aristotles opinion , which hath been approved and defended with the great labour and pains of so many learned interpreters cannot be shaken ; i wish you not sodainly to lay aside this conceit of yours , although you see it so strongly opposed by so many , and so great authorities ; onely i crave , that you wold not obstinately prejudicate those things which i shal speak against it . i suppose , that such , as are not obstinately bent in defending aristotle , will grant , that so great authorities have some weight , but yet they will deny , that aristotles opinion can be cōfuted with any arguments drawne from his own principles . i will not complain , that i am hardly dealt withall by them , who will have the question decided by those principles , which being falsly framed have caused this false opinion , which i so dislike , especially when aristotle himselfe useth first of all to shake the opiniōs of those philosophers he contradicts in the fundamentall points , before he confutes them ; as we may observe in plato's idea . but yet i will accept of this condition , to prove aristotle to be in a manifest errour by his own principles . but because there are some other things , which for the present doe more concern us ▪ i intreat your patience , that the handling of this point may be deferred till another time ; for as the husbandman , when hee intends to til his ground , that is overrunne with briats and thornes , doth first rid the ground of them , that hee may the more conveniently proceed in his tillage , & sow his seed ; even so , before your mindes can be setled in the true opinion of summum bonum , some distinctions , which , ( like thornes and briars ) have encumbred them , must be removed ; that so the see● of truth may take deeper root , and spring up more fruitfully . for there is risen up in this last age of the world , a sort of men unknowne to the ancients , & hated of the learned , who , not out of any desire to si●t out the truth , but to confirme their own perverse opinions , would bee thought of ignorant people , in their rufflin● disputes , to defend grosse absurdities with their no lesse absurd , and foolish distinctions ; in very deed they doe expose them to the judgement of all wise men to bee laughed at . there was one callico ( as eustathius reports ) none of the wisest , when hee went to sleepe , used to lay a brasse pot under his head for a pillow ; an hard ●olster sure , but very fit for his doltish pate ; at the last awaking , and not very well pleased with his hard pillow , hee filled the pot with straw , to make it softer ; the pot certainly was not softer , but it was enough for callico , all the while the fool perswaded himselfe that it was softer . after the same manner , when we seek for case and rest to our perplexed mindes ; certaine pa●try philosophers do put under them this leaden blessednesse of aristotles , & when they c●mplain it is very hard , t●●y fill it with the chaffe ●f distinctions , & perhap● they perswade themselves , that it is sof●er , when neverthelesse , it is a leaden lumpish blessednesse still . whose blockisnesse is so much the more worthy blame , because that out of an obstinate wilfulnesse of upholding aristotle , they do so labour to reconcile the opinions of other philosophers dissenting in the very judgement of aristotle himselfe , that even as proteus , sometime a stone , by and by a stock , anon fire , then again water . omnia transformant sese in m●racula rerum . they change thēselves to wōderments of things . so these men are sometimes stoicks , by and by epicureans , anon platonicks , then again aristippians , and yet wholy peripateticks , and so it seemeth they would be all things and nothing . cicero laughs at l. gellius , who , when he came proconsul into greece , called together all the philosophers in athens , and exhorted them earnestly to leave off all wranglings , and to spend no more time in contentions , which if they would promise to doe , he promised likewise to hold with them in opinion . but are not distinguishers like unto this gellius ? they see well enough , that philosophers do dissent in opinion ? and what then ? they , like pittifull men , go about to reduce them to an unity on equall conditions . but , because an unskilfull person does undertake the businesse , it is the more ridiculous ; and must the busines be quite done & finished , because they make aristotle the iudge ? wheras , if those ancient philosophers plato , aristotle , and tully did but heare a●ter what manner their own repugnant opinions , are accorded now adayes , it is to bee doubted whether they would laugh or chafe at it . but if you please let us produce some one of these distinguishers , which can defend the matter to their faces . whom will yee have then , buridanus , or bricottus ? i know ye cannot understand them , if they spake . whom therfore wil ye have ? whom ? donatus acci●iolus the florentine , both more eloquent , then the rest , and better acquainted with you ; who , if hee should appeare in place , and behold these philosophers standing here with cicero , he would perhaps thus accoast them . why are yee thus in an uprore , and perplexity , o yee philosophers ? why are ye thus distracted with severall opinions about summum bonum ? what , do yee not know , how that all your jar●ing , and differing opinions may easily be reconciled by distinguishing ? have any of you wrote any thing concerning felicity or summum bonum , which ( although it be clean contrary to all other opinions ) yet may not be accounted true in his kinde ? i lesse indeed wonder , that thou o cicero , doest not understand the philosophers , for thou hadst no distinctions ; be not ostended with mee , i say thou wantest distinctions . otherwise why doest thou teach in thy books de finibus , is in thy first book , that epicurus placed sūmum bonum in v●luptuousnes , in the third book ; that zeno assigned it to moral honesty ; & in thy fifth book , that aristotle placed summum bonum in the comprehension & composition of all good things internal , and externall ; why else didst thou refute the first opinion in the second book , and the second opinion in thy fourth book ? doest thou not understand distinctions , how , and in what manner all these opinions may bee true in their kinde ? for wheras epicurus resolves voluptuousnes to be summum bonum , hee means carnall felicity ; zeno vertue ; he meanes felicity simply ; and whereas aristotle ascribes summum bonum to united , and compacted good things , hee meanes added , or associated felicity . why didst thou cicero waste so much labour about confuting zeno's , and epicurus their opinions , when with one onely distinction , they may easily be accorded ? but ( o aristotle ! ) ( whom i admire as the philosophers god ) what reason hadst thou ●o to calumniate plato's idaea , and to wrest his meaning , that even thy most favourable interpreters do leave thee there ? thou wilt perhaps acknowledge this one fault of thine . but where is thy sharpe judgement become ? thinkest thou , that thine opinion cānot be true , unlesse plato be con●ute● ? thou 〈◊〉 wide all the world over for i in my life time taught , & thy zuing●rus after my death wrote , that thou & plato were both in 〈◊〉 truth ; for his blessednesse was divine , and thine humane , his was after this life , and thine in this life . what , it by distinguishing i do so reconcile their opinions , that differ from thine , and thine , whic● s●ems to contradict it sell that there shall appear no d●fference at al● ? eusebius teacheth , that chr●stians do 〈…〉 then b●esse●nesse in the knowledge & worship of god ; if wee should deny this , wee should be accounted impious ; therefore in thy behalf i thus distinguish . that is an heavenly ●lessednesse , and thine a civile blessednesse , that is true in divinity , a●d thine is true in philosophy . he●●l●us the philosopher pla●ed his summum bonum in knowledge ; this felicity of man consists in the minde onely ; thy feli●city , so far forth , as it consists of body and minde . the stoicks assigned felicity to vertue , and honesty ; this also is an active felicity ; but thine is both active and civill . now forsooth thou mayst perceive , that externall good things are sometimes the necessary parts , somtimes not the parts , but the appurtenances of felicity . here we make a medicine of simple felicity , & compacted felicity ; priamus is not happy with an associated happinesse ; again priamus is happy in misery with a single happinesse . one rub is yet behinde ; wheras in the first booke of thine ethicks , thou ascribest an happy li●e to men in action ; and again in thy tenth booke , thou ascribest it to men in contemplation ; we will decide the controversie , we love not contentions ; wee allow those active blessednesse , and these contemplative blessednes . and thus , aristotle , thou seest the sundry opinions of other philosophers , & thine owne to be all true in their kinde . if donatus should speake thus , what answere doe you thinke those ancients would make him ? if horace , zeno , epicurus and plato were present , they and all things else would rejoyce over him , & give donatus hearty thanks in the like verses almost , as he gave damasippus . horat lib. 2. satyr . 3. — dii te donate deaque rectum ob judictum doment tonsore ; sed undè tàm benè distinguis ? for thy right judgement donatus , the sexes both divine give thee a barbers blessing but where hadst thou such fine distinctions ? philosophers would much wonder , that a foolish fellow understāds not , that these distinctions are frivolous by the very definition of summum bonum ; which is termed of all philosophers the upshot of all things , as that , whereon all other good things depend , but blessednesse it selfe is no where subsisting onely in god. cicero would exclaime against the words and manners of these doltish monsters , and tell them , that they had disgraced all philosophy with their basenesse . thus would cicero speak . truly i doe not ( donatus ) account thee unlearned , as i have often done , nor brutish , as i have always done ; but a witlesse mad man by thy distinctions . for certaine it is ( although the dunscotists doe repine at it ) that long ago i wrote upon the like subject , and i doe here again recite it ; that it may very well be , that not one of so many severall opinions of philosophers is true ; for how is it possible that so many opinions , so much differing , & disagreeing bee all true ? fire and water may sooner bee reconciled together , than those opinions , which thou so strivest to compose . but ô the times we live in ! o the manners of men now adays ! o fortunatam natam me consule romam ! o daughter rome most fortunate , when i was consull there ! i searched out the true art of reasoning , and did apply it to the practice of eloquence ; but yee obtrude upon yong schollars , i know not what , monstrous distinctions , and demonstrations in stead of true logicke , i searched out philosophy by the light of nature , living creatures , plants , & the probable conjectures of god ; yee for the most part search after nothing but certaine trifling conceits , of motion , time , infinite , empty matter , and privation ; which you apply to no practice , but pul in pieces ( as it were ) with your disputations . i have declared the severall opinions of philosophers concerning summum bonum ; i have confuted them that were false ; i approved the most probable ; but you have so transformed their opinions with your medusaean ●orceries of distinctions , that if you had pleaded with me at the bar , you might have maintained by your distinctions , that clodius was at one and the same houre both at rome , and ●erano . but what doe i mean ? let us set aside cicero and other philosophers ; for what doe they here ? if they should come into our schooles , they would bee so troubled with distinctions , that they would suppose themselves to bee in epicurus middle worlds , and not in the schools of the ancient arts. do but observe these distinctions , they will serve the turne very well in the schooles in lent. blessednesse , divine , humane , civill , heavenly , simple , associated , active , contemplative , carnall spirituall , in this life , after this life , according to man consisting of soule and body , and according to man subsisting of soule onely ; ( of soule onely ? who is that ? what ? doe yee aske ? the schollar must believe his master . ) so farre forth as man is of a simple substance , and a compound substance , in ● philosophicall truth , and ●n a theologicall truth , & in his kinde ; fifteene distinctions a very compleat number of even , and odde ; marke them well : but first of all let in his kinde be well noted ; for when all fails , in suo genere , will never faile . varro reports , that a man may collect 288 severall opinions , concerning summum bonum . it is very strange , if they be not all true in their kinde . rhetoricians contend , whether rhetoriques proper end bee to perswade soundly , or to speake elegantly and neatly ; what need they trouble themselves ? each end is good in his kinde . why do we make any difference between arts and sciences in their conclusions , for , to speak finely , to pronounce well , or to speak rudely , to perswade and not to perswade , are all rhetoricall ends in their kinde . for , what is it to be in action , or contemplation , vertue , or voluptuousnesse , the narrow path , or the broad path , doe they not all tend to life in their kinde ? the canonists are hardly censured , because they called the romish bishop god , as the romans of yore called the emperour domitian so . if they had had any brains , they might have distinguished him to be a god in his kinde : a murthering god as mars , or god of the romans , as romulus , or god of this world , as ●athan is . doe yee not thinke , that the physician does comfort his sicke patient well enough , if he tell him , that hee is a sound man in his kinde ? surely these fellowes are sharp-witted logicians in their kinde , but simply they are wrangling pratling sophisters , who like a●tolycus , candida de nigris , & de candentibus atra . the black to white , and white to black they turn . they make miserable men of happy , and happy men of miserable . i would they had been appointed iudges betwixt us , and the councell of trent ; i suppose they would have affirmed each religion to be true in his kinde , that to a carnall man , and ours to a spirituall man. but lest some jesting companion may sya , that i am fowly fallen out with distinctions , i must therfore distinguish distinctions , that i may resolve what distinctions are true , and learned , and what are false & foolish . i embrace learned and true distinctions , which are used in disputes ; but i scorne , and reject those distinctions as false , and absurd , which are propounded either simply , or in his kinde . but heere i would not have the authority of distinguishers objected unto me . for there are some , who , if you deny this unhappy blessednesse to be true in his kinde , doe presently betake themselves to this th●ed-bare maxime , ●he scholar must be ●●ve the master . truly i do not conceive to what purpose they produce th●s , unlesse perhaps they will thus argue ; therefore these felicities are true in their kinde . o wondrous witty ! you have hit the naile on the head ▪ is this a demonstration , because it is ? ar●●totle himselfe could not more strongly demonstrate . — si pergama dextra , defendi possent ●na hac defensa fuissent . if fates to troy had granted a defence , this hand of mine had beat the greeks from thence . if demonstrations make such thunder-claps , i have done . hostis habet mu●os , ruit alto à culmine troia . the enemy hath wonne the walls , and troy comes tumbling down . but certainly the scholler must believe the master , for so says aristotle ; and surely , he that teacheth must not lie , for so sayes aristotle also . if you will observe aristotles law in teaching , unlesse i keep the same also in learning , i shall transgresse . but if you teach false doctrines , which i ought not to believe ; it is an absurd part in you to cōpell me to believe them . if you would have men believe what you teach , you must teach those things , which you ought to teach ; if you will not discharge your duty in teaching , i will not discharge mine in the hearing ; for oftentimes the teachers authority is very prejudiciall to the scholers profit . thus said cicero , i like not that pythagorean ipse dixit in mens resolutiōs . but they that are bound must obey ; what must , if thy commands be unjust ? a scholar must bee credulous ; if you teach false doctrine ? hee that hath twice suffered shipwrack is but a fool to trust neptune . wherefore if they will be ruled by mee ; let them leave these poore shifts , and sticke fast to their surest refuge , as men use to doe in dangerous cases ; namely , that they , which speak against aristotle , doe not understand aristotles meaning . they think , perhaps , that aristotle was a jugler , which casts a mist ●●ore his readers eyes . do not we understād aristotles meaning ? o poore shift ! so cicero reports of torquatus , who , when epicurus opinions were called in question , said , that philosophers did not understand epicurus meaning . certaine pythagoreans said , that when the heavens are turned about , they make an admirable harmony , but men cannot heare it . in like manner democritus said , that his subtile moates were dispersed thr●ugh the frame of the whole universe , but all men did not perceive them . what were aristotles slaves able to understand him , and shall not we be able ? dio reports , that there is a certain cave at hierap●lis in asia , whose vapours no living creatures , saving onely gelded men , are able to endure . is not aristotles stile like unto this cave , whose savo●r , none but eunne●es , that is , such as want the masculine liberty of judgement , and are aristotles slaves can abide ? it is even so . but perhaps they are like to that franticke fellow horatia●us , who , the day after the publique playes were ended , would clap his hands in the theater , & when his friends came running , and demanded the reason of his acclamations , seeing that no body acted ; hee answered , that hee saw actours , though they could not . these men surely see some strange things in aristotles theater , and doe applaud them , which wee cannot discern . but what if i can shew , that they themselves do not understand him but being blinded with a self-conceit of aristotles worth , as men distempered with some malady , doe with that franticke fellow imagine , that they see that , which they do not . and what if i proove unto you that cicero , diogenes , laertius , and alexander aphrodisaeus himselfe do interpret aristotle , as i do ? what if i shew those notable champions and lights of the christian church both the greek and latine doctors , doe not onely so expound , but also confute aristotle ? what refuge have they then ? i know not what answer they wil make to cicero , laertius , and alexander ; unlesse perhaps they will say that credit is not to be given to examples ; at least wise , that the places cited , are but probable , not true . and mee thinkes i smell what they will say of christian writers . they wil not ( except i be much mistaken ) deny , that those things , which so worthy men have wrote against aristotle are true , and yet they will deny that aristotle cried . how then can it be possible , that in this very point they write truly that aristotle erred , & yet ( say they ) aristotle erred not ? you shall heare : there is a twofold truth ; a philosophicall truth , and a theologicall truth . aristotle was in an error according to a theologicall truth , and in that sense he is blame worthy ; but aristotle erred not in a philosophicall truth , for in that sense hee could not bee mistaken without doubt , for hee is a miracle of nature . what is this i heare ? a philosophicall truth ? and a theologicall truth ? this is pulling in pieces , not distinguishing . now indeed , i nothing marvell at those men , who use to scoffe and deride the simple truth , when 〈…〉 can hatch two truths for one ; as drunken men use to see two lanthorns for one ; and plautinus found two masters for one messeinus , and mad pentheus beheld two suns for one . they have so well profited in the art of wrangling , that they have quite forgotten how to dispute . for what is truth ? the learned in the greeke tongue doe call verum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i● esse to be , because it is the same , which it is said to be . therefore as philosophers teach , that contraries cannot stand together at one , and the same time in the same subject ; so the same philosophers teach , that contradictories cannot both be true of one and the same thing . is it not then a shame for our logicians to disable , and enervate the very first principles of logicke ? for wheras aristotle doth teach , that to affirme and deny the same thing not onely in the generall , but also in the particular must needs be cōtradictorious ; these men do in very deed deny this truth ; albeit they oppose a frivolous distinction ( like a cloud against the sunne , to obscure the truth . aristotles felicity is not true felicity , this they grant to be true in divinity ; again aristotles felicity is true felicity ; this they will have to be true in philosophy . o silly epiphanius , who didst reck on the errours of philosophers amongst heresies ! o simple iustin martyr , to confute aristotles opinions in so great a volume ! d●d not they ( silly men ) know how to argue ma●ers in a phil●sophicall truth , when they embrace a divine truth ? but ô thou apostle , paul i am sorry for thee ! why doest thou dispute with the stoicks & epicureans at athens , of the resurrection of the dead , and the life to come ? it needs no controversie at all . for although all philosophers doe flatly deny the resurrection of the body , yet it is in a philosophicall truth ; but thou paul dost affirme it in a theologicall truth , as thou hadst learned of christ. but why dost thou dissent from all philosophers to no purpose ? why doest thou not permit the athenians to believe philosophers ? doest thou thinke they will the more hardly become christians for that ? it is not reasonable to allow eusebius the benefit of this distinction ; for he was in an error . he knew not this twofold truth . hee sayes aristotle doth impugne , and gainsay the scriptures , in that hee did ascribe felicity to the externall welfare of the body in that hee said that gods providence extended not to every sublunary thing ; in that hee said the world was eternall , not created , and that the soule of man was not eternall but mortall . eusebius affirmes , that in all these points aristotles opinions are flat against the scriptures . thou art mistaken eusebius ! aristotle doth not thwart the scriptures . thou must learne to distinguish betweene a philosophicall truth , and a theologicall truth . come hither ambrose , come augustine , come all the rest of doctors , and learne of our philosophers , that there is one truth in divinity , & another truth in philosophy . they do philosophers much wrong . plutarch reports , how that one bid a painters boy who had painted a cock ●l-favouredly to chase away all right cocks from his picture . those men that doe alienate divine truth , doe the very same thing . yet if these men had bin painters , i doubt not , but they would have distinguished , that they had painted well according to the truth of the picture , though not according to the truth of the cocks nature . but as tiridates king of armenia called that wicked wretch nero his god ; so aristotles patrons , do ascribe the name of truth to the vaine opinion of philosophy . which if it be once granted , what can be so absurd , but it may be defended , or what so false , but it may be proved , either with an epicurean , platonicall , stoicall , or turkish truth ; or with a papisticall , or hereticall truth ; to cōclude , which way not ? and in this manner , as democritus not satisfied with the opinion of one world , dreamed of infinite worlds ; so we not contented with one truth , shall conceive innumerable truths of our owne braine . but this will be the issue of all at last in despight of philosophers , that as varro reckons up 30000 gods amongst the gentiles , when indeed there was but one onely ; even so , when they have forged 30000 truths , they shall finde but one only , and that is the simple truth , which they so deride . here before i proceed any further , lest these things perhaps examined , which i have alleaged ( and i very gladly desire they may be ) are not to be found in eusebius , which i have cited out of eusebius ; yee shall understand , that they are not to be found in the latine eusebius . trapezuntius , who was aristotles great friend , translated eusebius his books de euangelica praeparatione into the latine tongue . fourteene of his books , which contain a consutation of heathens and philosophers , trapezuntius translated into latin , but as for his fifteenth booke , which eusebius wrote almost altogether against aristotles errours , as concerning mans felicity , the worlds fternity , the providence of god , and the souls mortality , trapezuntius never medled with that . therefore lest any man , being deceived with the table of the booke , doe traduce me , ye shall know that latine eusebius de evangelica praeparatione wants the fifteenth book , in which are cōtained the things by me alleaged if any will look for it , hee may finde it in the greeke copy . study therfore the greek tongue , that ye may be able to discern the craftinesse of interpreters , which is too frequent in prophane writings , but chiefly in the scriptures . what eusebius thought fit to write for the advantage of the christiā faith , trapezuntius thought not fit to be expounded , because it weakned aristotles credit . how much worse then hee , are our men in these dayes , who , fearing lest they should savour too much of christianity , desire to heare young striplings speake finely , and to defend by arguments , points repugnant to godlines ; but are loth to hear those things , which are consonant to godlinesse . and yet they love piety , they love religion , so , i think , as the ape loves her puppies , or as iuno loved hercules ; they love exceedingly ; they kill with loving ; they love , as thais loved phaedria . misera prae amore exclusit hunc foràs , shee poor soule for very love hath shut him out of doores . let us speak like philosophers ( say they ) when we dispute , when wee declayme . i had thought yee had rather have spoken like christians . are you to be saved , redeemed and judged of a philosopher ? were yo● initiated in the mysteries of philosophers ? but what does this concerne us say they ? wee may speak as philosophers , we are not divines yet . divines ? it is a womans priviledge to say what she list ; for without doubt they will never bee divines , unlesse perhaps they be popes , as ( some say ) ioane was of yore ; and albeit they may bee such , they may not bee divines for all that . but why do they separate the bounds of divinity and philosophy , like the borders of england and scotland ? i thinke this was the deputies doing . but yet we may speak as philosophers . what ? as diagoras , when hee denied there was a god ? as protagoras , when hee doubted whether there was a god or no ? as aristotle , when hee takes away ▪ providence from god ? these are the words of atheists . what then ? as plato , when hee sets up a purgatory ? or porphyrius , who sayes that angels are to be worshipped ? or as aristotle , when he teacheth free-will ? let papists picke out such stuffe for themselves . what then ? shall we say with epicurus that the soule is mortall ? with aristippus , that pleasure is summum bonum ? or with plato that a mutuall participation of wives is to be tolerated ? no , wee allow none of these ? but wee would have declamations , not sermons . what is a declamation ? is it to deny that to be a poeme , which wants fabulous matter ? or shall not that be called a declamation , which is not stuffed with impiety ? if such are no better , than base strumpets , which esteeme nothing wittily spoken , but that which is obscene ; what kinde of philosophers are they which account nothing spoken orator-like , but that which is prophane ? but wee would heare philosophicall points . if they be true and good they dissent not from holy things . if they bee naught and untrue , what are they to be esteemed ? the persiās thought it a great fault in a childe , either to lie , or speak corruptly ; do yee make our christian youth worse then the heathen ? would you not have us speak as philosophers ? i would have you speak like wisemen , not like the ignorant and unlearned . i call them wise men , who propound true matters , ●nd them ignorant , who teach untruths ▪ for philosophy is the study of wisdome ; wisdome comprehends the knowledge of divine and human things ; moreover knowledge is of true things ; & therupon those things onely , which are said to be true , deserve the name of philosophy . for philosophers are not philosophers , when they digresse from the truth . but because the name of philosophy is commonly ascribed to the opinions of philosophers , whether true or false , and not to true wisdome ; yee ought to remember what the apostle warnes you to take heed of , lest any m●n spoile you through philosophy . coloss. 2. 8. for there are some amongst us now adayes , who maintaining most pernicious errours contrary both to reason and religion , call it philosophy . nesci● furtivo : dido meditatur am●res . c●njug●um vocat h●c prae texit nomi●e culpam . on amorous th●●●s runs dido's b●●nded minde ▪ to hide her fault shee w●dlocks c●oak doth finde . she called it marriage , but she comm tred adultery ; they call it philosophy , but they do defend impiety . you must not imitate caracalla caesar , who was so in love with the very name of alexander , that he was much offended , that a base ruffian ( whose name was alexander ) was arraigned before him . doest thou accuse alexander ( said he ) hold thy peace , or else wo be to thee . take yee heed , lest by loving the name of philosophy , yee entertain philosophers errors . he accused alexander , but yet a ruffian ; i reject philosophy , yet that which is erroneous . but some ( like caracalla ) will say to mee ; what doest thou condemne philosophy ? ho●d thy tongue of philosophy , or e●●e thou shalt heare ill news . i care not for bad dealing from b●● men : i accou●t not 〈…〉 to be summ●m 〈◊〉 . i doe admonish you againe , and aga●ne ▪ to t●ke 〈◊〉 of philosoph● . what admonitions the ap●st●e , and ancient fathers have given , what the learned of la●●● times have continually admonished you of , both by precepts and examples , that doe i likewise . thus doth lactantsus often presse , and repeate , that philosophy is false , and frivolous ; the philosophers could speak wel like learned men , but they could not speake truely , because they were not instructed by him who was puiss●nt in truth . so said eusebius , that philosophers erred from the truth , that philosophy was stuffed full of vaine conjectures , divers errors , and trifling toyes . thus tertullian said , that heresies were suborned and supported by the philosophy of plato , the stoicks , epicurus , heracl●tus , zeno , and aristotle ; & that heresies did spring , and spread from secular learning . what shall i recite iustine martyr , saint ambrose , saint augustine , and the rest , who doe frequently , and vehemently urge the same opinion ? what shall i say of later writers , as ludovicus vives , picus mirandula , hieronymus savanorol● ? which three most learned men doe tell us with one consent , that they must be very warily perused ; who are they ? i say not philosophers , but aristotle and plato the princes of philosophers . why so ? because aristotle makes men ungodly , and plato superstitious . doe ye desire examples ? pomponatius became a wretched man by listning too much to aristotle ; and ficinus became superstitious from the platonicall dreames of spirits . many pestilent errours , first entred into the churches of christians , & continued there a long fime , ( yea , and at this day doe spoile them ) from the errours of plato's and aristotles philosophy . and is the world bewitched still , with the delusions of satan , that christians will defend philosophers errours in publike assemblies with idle and rotten distinctions ? they little thinke , that by this abominable custome , it is come to passe , that the christian faith hath not residence in the hearts , but in the temples of christians , and not there sometimes . o what a difference is betwixt even the heathens , and us christians ? aristotle forsooke his master plato to uphold his owne errors , and wee will not forsake aristotle , that we may defend gods truth . virgill gathered gold out of the dunghil of e●●ius ; and shall we scrape together stinking filth out of the philosophers store-house ? isocrates calleth speech the image of the minde ; democritus calls it the shadow of workmanship ; shall we imagine that our thoughts and actions are agreeable to christianity , if we speake as heathens ? wickedly and falsly spake those filthy poets . vita verecunda est ; mus● jocosa mea est ; lasciva est nobis pagina , vita proba . demure my life , though merry be my muse , an honest life lascivious lines may use . c●stum esse decet pium p●ctam ipsum , versu●●os nihil necesse est . a poet himselfe devout and chast must be , that his verse bee so , there 's no necessity . well said socrates ; such as the minde is , such is thy speech . speech is the badge of the minde . is thy speech corrupt ? thy thoughts are impure . a prophane tongue , and a true christian will never agree . what pains christians bestow in the church , philosophers destroy in the hall. beate downe the affections as much as you can , and lop off the sprouts , yet they will spring again , quench the firebrands , yet they will kindle againe . yee should inure your selves from tender age to the best things ; children ought to be instructed in sound , and true opinions even from their infancie . there is no time , place , or occasion allotted for naughtinesse . there is no doubt , but iulian the apostate , ( who had his education from the emperour constantine ) heard many sermons in the church , but those private conferences at home with ●hat declayming li●an●us instilled into his minde more naughtinesse , than all the sermons hee heard could expell . nero heard many notable precepts of his master seneca ; but those flattering wordes , all things are lawfull for a prince , marred all those precepts . deceive not your selves , one sparke of fire is able to kindle more gunpowder , than all the ocean can quench . concupiscence is so deeply rooted in us , that as it is easily kindled like gunpowder , so it more contagiously rageth . take heed of the flame , yea , the sparks of this fire . what doe our philosophers answer to this ? surely they laugh at my simplicitie , who require godlinesse , and christianitie in their studies . what have wee to doe ( say they ) with this over-busie godlinesse and holinesse ? wee leave that to divines , let them preach christ devoutly , what have wee philosophers to doe with divinitie ? it is not our profession . let us speake like aristotle , like philosophers . for whereas the apostle commands the colossians to beware , lest they be deceived through philosophy , that ( say they ) belongs not to all christians , but onely to divines . it is written indeed unto the colossians , and geographers say , that colossus was a citie , but colossae ( without doubt ) was a divinitie schoole ; or at least-wise because it is written unto christians , it is an advice , not a precept ; of which sort there are some things in the gospell , which are not prescribed to all , but to compleate christians ; as the expositors of aristotles moralls do teach . shall we leave off the old want of defending aristotle , whom the most learned of the vniversities have so long time highly esteemed ? nay , we will rather with the augustinians maintain all aristotles sayings even against the superstitious stoickes , according to a philosophicall truth , not according to a divine truth , not by the light of faith , but of reason , so farre forth as wee are philosophers , not as we are christians . thus do these men in their cups bragge , and brave it out , though not perhaps in these very same words , yet in the same sense . but i wo●ld advise these men to cōsider , that since they wil live like philosophers , let them take heed , that they die not pagans . a certain plain country fellow seeing a noble man of germany cla● in armour in the morning , like a general of the field , and with his mitre like a prelate in the church at evening , asked one of his servants , why his lord and master did sometimes weare an helmet , & somtimes a mitre ; he answered , because he was both a prince , and bishop of a city . a prince , and a bishop said the countrey man ? i pray you ( sir ) tell mee , if the prince goe to hell , whither shall the bishop goe ? if i had so much authoritie as the countryman , i would aske these philosophers , and these centaure christians , both men & monsters , these hermaphrodites both men and women , or rather neither , who speake impiously as philosophers in the schooles , and holily in the church like christians , what thinke you will become of the christian , if the philosopher bee thrust down to hell ? let no body wrest my words otherwise , than i mean ; i know not how it may fall out , that i may hereafter lay the fault upon your tongues , seeing that those things , which i have spoken true , through your misreporting them , may be accounted false . i have at the last bid farewell to obscene poets , such as ( for th● most part ) are not to be taught to children . i have fetched this out of saint augustine in his confessions who averreth terence expresly not worthy to be read , and blame such grammarians as expound him . if this seemes absurd to them , why doe they finde fault with mee ? let them finde fault with s●int augustine . but let no man so mistake my meaning , as though i condemned the reading of all poets ; as though i should say , because children must be fed with milke , not with flesh , some butcher , or other should inferre , that i spake against eating of flesh absolutely . now if it bee reported againe to butchers that my demand was , what will become of the christian , when the philosopher is thrust downe to hell ; my answer is this to butchers , that i speake of philosophers in the same sense , that tertullian did ; what likenesse is there between a philosopher and a chri●●ian ? what hath athens to do with ierusalem ? an vniversitie with the church ? or what have heretiques to doe with christians ? he calls philosophers heretiques . he was never acquainted with this absurde distinction of a p●ilosophicall truth , and a divine truth ; but he calls philosophers hereticks . he complains , that philosophy hath bin many sundry ways distributed into heresies , by the industry and labour of philosophizing fellows , which have corrupted the truth in the church . what hath athens to doe with ierusalem ? an vniversity with the church , or hereticks with christians ? and yet shall any man marvell , why i am of opinion , that it is dangerous to speake like philosophers ? men speaking as philosophers have long agoe infected the greeke church , and almost all europe with divers errours . men speaking as philosophers have in our dayes polluted all italy ( would to god it were but italy only ) with most noysome opinions . those two most vild and gracelesse men ( if they may be called men ) cornelius agrippa , and nicholas machiavell speak as philosophers , of whom , the one in his naturall , the other in his morall philosophy have disgorged such lessons . qualia cred●●●●le est rictu ru●●●sse 〈◊〉 . ●●●be●on , & stygii m●n stratremenda lacus . as if the stygian lake , or three chopt cerberus , had spued their monstrous ugly fil●h on us . pomponatius , and cardanus spake as philosophers , whereof the one wrote that cursed treat●se of the souls mortality , the other broached many impious errours in his subtilties . i deny not , but they are both confuted , pomponatius sleightly by contarenus , & cardane soundly and thoroughly by scaliger . but how many in the meane time have they spoiled with their philosophicall sentences ? poison hurteth moe , then the medicine helpeth ; neither are all cured , that are poysoned . and is any man so foolish to seeke to bee wounded , that he may be cured ? what then will some say , doe you forbid the reading of prophane matters , l●st men be corrupted therby ? shall we not reade aristotle , plato , cicero , de●●osthenes ? shall wee not attaine to the knowledge of historie , philosophy , eloquence ? and hereupon philosophers w●ll ampli●ie , that a thing is not to be rejected for the abuse of it . f●e●ds are drowned with waters ; houses are consumed with fire , the earth is scorched with the sun , men are spoiled by buildings , and yet for all this water , fire , the sun , houses and buildings are necessary . i would not have the thing it selfe , but the abuse thereof abolished , and the proper use therof restored again . i doe not say , that hee offendeth that reades profane authors , so that he doe but lightly passe them over ; but this i take to be sin●ull , when profane things are believed ; for then art thou foyled , when thou givest credit to them . and in that case . i hold it dangerous to defend them ; for therby perhaps thou hurtest others , or else art hurt thy self . thou must also take heed not onely what thou defendest , but also what , and in what manner thou readest ; for although thou doest but touch those things , that thou readest , yet be not so carelesse ; for many things , but touched doe hurt , and sometimes kil . saint augustine makes mention of a little fly called a cynips , which is of so small a substance , that , unlesse you be very sharp-sighted , you cannot discern her , yet when shee fastens on you , shee will sting soundly , so that shee , that you could not perceive cōming to sting , you shall too late repent her stinging . but if your judgements bee not so sharp-sighted , to discern those , which i call the stings of philosophy , yet know , that philosophy is ● cynips , which uses to sting heedlesse men ; feele it not after it is too late . the veriest foole that is learnes wit after a shrewd turn . the byting of an aspe procureth a most sweet sleep , insomuch that one cannot be sensible of death approaching , but it is a deadly sleepe at last . enjoy thy sweete sleepe cleopatra , i envie thee not , for thine aspes byting : i will propose to you ieromes opinion set downe in his epistle to d●m●sus concerning the prodigal● sonne ; it is indeed rejected of the pertinacious , but embraced of the wiser sort , and is very necess●●r●●or al sorts of men . ieromes words are these , even as it was lawfull for the iewes , if they had gotten a beautifull woman captive , to take her to wife upon this condition , that first her head should be shaved , her nails pared , & her captive garments cast away ; in like manner , it may be lawfull for christians to use philosophers , and ●ooks of secular learning , but with this condition , that whatsoever they finde in them , that is profitable and usefull , they convert it to christian doctrine , and do , as it were , shave off , and pare away all superfluous stuffe concerning idols , love and carnal cares of the world . and lest any should cavill and say , that those things , which wee ought to believe , appertain to faith , and yet men are not for all that forbidden to talke as heathens ; ierome proceeds , ( his meaning is not of such as speake profanely , but of such ●s read profane matters . ) neither let us flatter our selves ( saith hee ) although wee do not believe those things which are written , when others consciences are wounded ; and wee may be thought to approove those things wee reade , when we do not reprove them . if any wi●l further object , that these things are written to the bishop , or else they are to be understood of deeds , and actions ; let him know that ierome speaks also of words ; yea , of all christians in generall . for hee annexeth , farre be it from ● christians mouth to utter omnipotent love , so helpe hercules , so help me castor , and such like rather bug-beares , than divine powers . therefore ●hosoever shall at any time utter such idle ●ords , hee is not to be allowed in that . marke ●hat ierome sayes , farre 〈◊〉 it from a christians ●●uth to utter omnipotent iove , so help me hercules , or castor , and such ●ike rather bug-bears , than leities . what shal we not ●ame the immortal gods , not iupiter ? what , not in verse ? not in our talke ? not when wee declayme , or dispute ? why do yee aske mee ? augustine reproves it , ierome abhors it . far be it from a christian to speak thus . and if the most excellent men have been so strict about trifling words , let our wit lesse youngsters at length leave off their railing in every place where they come , that there are some upstarts of a new opinion , who would neither have others to defend aristotle in all points , nor yet wil defend him themselves . o hainous fact ! my neighbour q. ●uber● doth advertise thee c. caesar of a crime never heard of before , q. ligarius is gone into africa . that which all the ancients both sacred and prophane , greeks , latines , christians , and heathens have freely done , that which the most learned amongst later writers of logicke , rhetoricke , and philosophie both naturall and morall , have not onely done themselves , but taught others to doe so , ( because men by nature , philosophers by truth , discreet men by reason , wise men by piety , and christians by religion are not perswaded , but commanded ; not intreated , but compelled ) some factious fellowes , who accuse aristotle of many grosse errours ( although hee alone of all men the the pope excepted could not erre ) have appeached us of a new crime never before heard of till now . what shall wee do therfore ? whither shall wee turn our selves ? shall wee ●all to reasoning ? but it cannot be possibly that ever aristotle should be refu●ed by arguments ; no , although hee should speake contradictories shall wee flie to authoritie ? you object modern writers , vives , ramus , talaeus , martyr ; these are either unlearned , or proud . if you presse us with ancient fathers , as eusebius , augustine , tertullian , ierome , they doe not condemne us , but the heathens . if you alleage the schools of germany , and switzerland ( who have reformed the manner of teaching philosophy with religion , ) they will be thought of some to have dealt superstitiously in this point ; although i doubt not , that learned judgements are nothing at all mooved with these pettie cavils , yet to give al men satisfaction , if i can ) not insisting upon these arguments , which they are wont to jest at ) i will produce certain witnesses , so fresh in memory , that have observed this manner of teaching , men so well practised in letters , that doubtlesse they have been well versed in it . they are by place , and authoritie bishops at least , for number almost two hundred ; namely the whole generall councell of lateran held at rome within lesse , then these sixtie yeeres . marke i pray you diligently what i alleage , for it is a place most worthy your observation , and it is extant in the third volume of councels in the lateran councell under leo the tenth , the eighth session ; if any be desirous , hee may see this more at large , which i doe but point at . about that time , when the professors of aristotle in the vniversities had prevailed thus farre , that they defended by aristotle the soule to be mortall , at least wise in a philosophicall sense ( otherwise perhups , then aristotle himself meant ) because that commentator averroes thought , that aristotle meant so ; it was declared by the lateran councell , that certain pernicious errours , alwayes abhorred of the faithfull , were sowed in the lords field by that contagious contriver of all mischiefe , and amongst the rest , that the soule of man is mortall ; which whosoever shall affirme , to be true , are taxed by that councell for rash and ●nadvised philosophers . and no more but so ? yea , they are all condemned , that doe affirme , or once question it . true may some say according to divinity ; nay , but they are condemned , whosoever doe ●ouch it to be true even in philosophy ; i say philosophy ; for it is expresly named in the decree . heare the generall decree annexed . forasmuch as truth can in 〈◊〉 wise bee opposite to truth , wee doe resolve , that every assertion contrary to the christian faith is altogether false ; and we doe straightly forbid all others to conclude otherwise . and wee doe decree , that all persons , who doe pertin●ciously mayntaine this errour , are to be taken heed of , and punished as breeders and dispensers of damnable heresies , and to be hated and abhorred in all points , as hereticks and infidels , who go about to extinguish the catholike faith . you heare , that our rash●heady philosophers are pronounced by a generall councell to be hated and abhorred as heretickes and infidels . but now ( lest they might seem onely to make a de●cree against the defenc● of aristotles errors ) they enjoyn further , that they be not onely not defended , but also , that they be ●●ongly opposed , and rejected . which , let them ●ell consider , who have ●he charge of philosophi●all disputations ; for thus 〈◊〉 follows in the decree . wee straightly charge and command all professors of philosophy in vniversities and publique readers elsewhere , that when they read , or expound to their hearers the points of philosophy , which are contrary to the true faith , as of the soules mortality , the worlds eternity or such like opinions , that to their uttermost power , they vindicate the truth of christian religion from such errours , and explain it to their hearers , and ( as much as they can ) both by doctrine and exhortation ●root out , and confute these arguments of philosophers , seeing they may be easily confuted . thus ye have the decree , the curse is denounced against all t●e violaters therof . and this decree was not ratified by a few , but by the whole councell in generall ; saving onely worshipfull master thomas superintendent of the preachers order did not approve it . he , as it seems , more favouring aristotle , then piety , said that the second part of the decree did not please him , wherin it was enjoyned that philosophers should openly teach , and instruct their auditories in the true faith. now then let it seeme doubtfull ( if it be possible ) whether the conceit of one onely master thomas a younger brother of the preachers order , or the decree of the general l●teran coūcel ratified with an exec●ation annexed , is to be preferred . moreover , if the laterā coūcel , if the r●mish bishop , if the cardinals themselves of the romish church ( many chief points of whose religion rather agrees with aristotle , and the philosophers , than with christ , and his apostles ) doe denounce a curse against all such , as shall affirme aristotles opinion● dissenting from christ to be true , though in a philosophicall sense , what will become of us thinke you , who have taken upon us the profession of pure religiō purged from superstition , freed from the rotten devices of men , and clensed from the drosse and dregs of all errours ? i omit the pressing of this point in the nycene assembly of cardinals appointed for that purpose ; they held it a great abuse , and a matter of dangerous cōsequence for philosophers to broach impieties in publique schools , and not to discover how weake the light of nature is to discourse of god , the world , and such like arguments , and in all their disputations not to make piety their chiefest ayme . i presse no● the opinion of sworne witnesses those cardinals , sadole● , contare●●● , poole ; i stick to the laterane councels decree . whosoever therefore affirmeth it to bee true but in a philosophicall sense , that the soule i● mortall , or that the world is eternall , if he feare god , let him know , that hee grievously prophanes gods name , when the authority of his word is disabled , either in jest , or in earnest . if hee be a papist , let him know , that he is pronounced an execrable heretick , and infidell , lyable to a curse , and delivered up to satan , by the romish bishop , and the lateran councell : if hee be an atheist , let him take his liberty of philosophizing , defend his distinctions , and what hee list ; i forbid him not . to all others , whether they are godly , or seeme to be so , what i say of the worlds eternity , or the souls mortalitie , i say the same of all other questions , which dissent from christian godlinesse ( amongst which is aristotles opinion of blessednes , condemned by the judgment of eusebius , lactantius , augustine , ambrose , gregory nyssen , naz●anzene , and many other most learned men : ) let them look to it , which de●fend it . let philosophers distinguish the sorbonists barke , epicureans rage , machiavili●ns scoffe , the truth is conquerer ; they themselves totter , and shake , fall and rot , but the truth will triumph truth ( like the palme-tree ) the more it is kept downe , the more it flourisheth , and by how much the more forcibly it is bended down-wards , by so much the more vigoriously it reflecteth upwards . the sun ofttimes is darkned , but that darknesse is discussed . proserpines golden branches are broke off , but they spring again ; truth may be pressed , but it cannot be oppressed . but if any novice in philosophy be offended at these things , which are truly uttered ( neither can it bee expected but some will take offence at them ) let him not like a momu● backbite in a corner , or maliciously traduce this , or that thing , which i have spoken , but let him refute mine oration . he shall not need to goe to the augustinian monkes , let him writewithin his owne walls ; words are but winde , writings will stick by it , let the learned judge . i will most willingly give him a copy of mine oration . and so i doe heartily againe , and againe intreat the aristotelians , if they have any confidēce in their cause , if they beare any true affection either to aristotle , or philosophy , or the truth , that they will confute mine opinions . if they cannot doe it ( for i doubt not of their good will to do it ) let them leave their wonted obstinacie , and yield to the truth . let them not object , they are not suffered to speak their minds openly , they have place enough to write their mindes , and that they may do more freely , and upon better deliberation . i acknowledge mine own weaknesse , no man more , but strong is the truth . i doe not so much distrust my selfe , as i trust to my cause . a very child may mayntain a good cause ; but cicero himsefe is not a sufficient patron for a bad cause but i would wish them to provide new distinctions ; for these , which i have handled , have been oftner boyled , than the colewo●t in the proverbe , not twice , but a thousand times , which the stomack of polyphemus himself is not able to disgest , so that it is no mervaile our schollers are sicke so often , when they are crammed with such distinctions . if any more sober minded hath either not understood , or not approoved what according to mine abilitie i rather pointed at , than explained , by reason of the shortnesse of the time , i intreat him to come to mee ; hee shall finde mee most ready to teach what i know , or to learn what i know not : we do not all know all things , i may erre , i am willing to be instructed . this onely i crave , that no man doe rashly carpe at what is done ; i neither contemne nor condemne the studie of philosophy . but i see a deeper wound concealed . there are some in whose hearts impious profanenes is so fast rooted , that they make piety not onely to seeme harsh and unsavoury to others , but to be rejected and vilified by themselves . truly as saint augustine wrote long agoe ( that the enemies of grace lay con●chedunder the name of nature ) so it may be as truly said in our times , that the enemies of the faith lie couched under the name of philosophy . i know indeed there are many that erre through lack of knowledge , but i mean the obstinate , and pertinacious patrons of philosophy ; of whom would to god that were untruly spoken , which i here speak againe with griefe , the enemies of the faith lie couched under the name ▪ of philosophy . i shall be thought of some to be their enemy , now i have rub'd their soares : so mad orestes in euripides called his sister electra a fury of hell , because she tied him fast in his bed , lest hee should run mad ; but her brothers outragious words nothing daunted electra , neither shall these mens prejudicate censures disquiet mee , when they are whole , they will give me thanks . the physician must bear with the frowardnesse of his patient ; for i am not ignorant how many and how bitter grudgings i shall meet with all , which did i know to bee spent upon these trifles of mine , i should be very stupid , if i should not esteeme them as matters of great importance , both for your benefit , true pieties sake , and gods glory , which ( the lord is my witnesse ) i onely aime at . these may seeme light matters , but the trees vigour consists in the root . the scriptures and profane writings are like hippocrates twins , laughing together , weeping together , sicke together , and sound together . in those vniversities where the gospell doth flourish , the ●ooleries of duns scotists are banished thence , witnesse geneva , leiden , ba●ill , germany is witnesse . in those places , where aristotle beares sway , there all impiety rules and raignes ; witnesse paris , padua , italy is witnesse . but yet let all impediments to pretie doe their worst , wee may defend philosophy even to death , we may study profane arts , but so , as they bee referred to pious things . this was the minde of that good old man master richard fox , whose image is every day before our eys ; this onely was his chiefest care . and howsoever hee fell into the error of the times , yet all his care was , that religion , piety , and godly exercises should flourish and increase daily amongst us . who , seeing hee hath left behind the expression of this his good desire rather in the statutes of the house , than in our behaviour ( which is to be lamented ) therefore hee seemes to speake to us all continually , as a father to his children in this manner . wheras i did heartily desire you young men , my sonnes by adoption , and brethren in christ , to be brought up in the knowledge of god , which is true blessednesse ; lest the thorny cares of the world should choake the springing seeds of godlinesse in you , i built an house for you , that so you being freed from carking cares , might wholy apply your studies . i provided nourishment for your bodies , and soules . i admonished you to be mindfull , that your place assigned you on earth was not permanent , but transitory , and that you have here no abiding city , but must look after one in heaven . i have ordained for you professors of the tongues , and arts , that so you attaining to the knowledge of them in your younger yeeres , might be enabled to underrgoe weighty affaires hereafter . i besee●ched you in the bowels of iesus christ , that you would devote all your studies to gods glory . i have declared to the world , that this college of mine was founded for divinitie sake . i have enjoyned the other lecturers to designe all their labours , and studies to accommodate the divine . i have earnestly exhorted , and enjoyned you all to strive , and contend with all possible diligence for the knowledge of divinitie . i had good hope , that this colledge would have sent forth many both excellently learned men , and sound christians , who being well seasoned themselves with heavenly wisdom , would make the unsavory minds of others to relish pietie , bring the light of the gospell to them that sit in darknesse , restore the sick to health , refresh the poore , strengthen the weak , direct them that go astray , and raise up the dead by the gospell . but alasse my hopes are frustrate ; my labours are all in vaine ; yea , so short of arriving at the desired haven , that they are overwhelmed with a tempest in the very mid-way . that origen , when he● taught profane learning to the heathens at alexandri● , had such good successe in teaching of rhetorique , by sometimes interlacing examples and sentences of godlinesse , that many of them were converted to christiani●ty . i trust , christians are not made impious by your expositions of morall philosophy in oxford ; but i am sure you corrupt weake schollers with your epicurean licentiousnesse of life . thus the streams , which should refresh the dry soules of poore wretches , that the plants of piety might spring apace , are quite dried up in the very fountain ; so the fruit is perished in the blossome , the corne is crushed in the blade , before it can come to a true ripenesse , and be fit for food . for what other thing , did that gracelesse apostate iulian practise , when hee laboured to extirpate christian religion out of the world , th●n command , that such opinions as opposed christian piety should be publiquely taught , and defended in schooles , that so the younger sort might loathe and distaste christianitie quite . impious likewise was the practice of that heathenish tyrant maximinus , who caused such points , as were contrarie to syncere godlinesse , to be expounded to the hearers , and to be learned without book , yee that professe the name of christ , do yee think , yee have done very well , when yee have by your declamations opposed the blasphemous errours of the gentiles , ( which basil ab●orreth once to mention ) and yet you still uphold the base opinions ( as chrysostome calls them ) of aristotle . o c●rva in terris animae , & coelestium inanes . you groveling souls on earth that take delight , of heavenly matter void , & empty quite . what madnesse hath so infatuated your senses , that yee suck poyson out of the philosophers , convert helps into hinderances , em●race vanity for verity , take the dregs , when you may have the finer stuffe ? do yee professe christ in the church in words , and aristotle in the schools in good earnest , and epicurus your lives and actions ? what a shame is it , that may be verified of you , which ambrose said of the arrians , they have forsaken an apostle , and followed aristotle . why doe yee waste good houres about trifles , divine wits about noxious things , and consume that precious time , which should be spent in history , oratory , and philosophy ( but especially in sacred matters , wherby truth and godlinesse might be promoted ) and lie ●aking in the filthy puddles of doting silly men ? do yee thinke i was ever so sottish , as to forbid yee the imitation of lyranus , and hugo ( patternes for divines ) in interpreting the scriptures , or did the same i ever propose such scums , as stannihursts logicke , paulus venetus his analyticks , niphus his topicks or donatus his ethicks to be once medled withall of young students ? does not my picture put yee in minde to what end yee were chosen schollars of this house , what yee ought to ayme at , and to what purpose ye should designe all your endevours ? are yee not d●ily stirred and incited ( like so many be●● ) to dispose all your hony extracted out of the flowres of truth to gods glory ? are yee not convinced in the judgements of those holy men eusebius , saint augustine , lactantius , iustine martyr , and the rest of the fathers , who have with so great industry , and exquisite knowledge plucked up by the roots , and trodden under foot the false opinions of philosophers , and aristotle ? are yee not satisfied with the authoritie of the later●n councell , of so many bishops , so many learned men , and choice cardinalls , who , ( to the end , that christians might in their tender yeers be informed in true opinions ) have most straightly charged , that the weaknesse of the light of nature should be made knowne , laid open , and often pressed in auditories ? what is in you or any of you ( young men ) unlearned in comparison of so many aged men , and so many fathers renowned both for learning & pietie , that yee should account your selves wiser than they , either in training up such as yee ▪ instruct , or sharper-witted in understanding what ye reade , and that those points , which they condemned in aristotle concerning nature and manners , as false and foolish , yee should censure to be unjustly condemned , and approve them by your absurde distinctions ? have i therefore erected corpus christs colledge for divines that aristotle might have moe followers , and my saviour no pious servants ? have i therefore con●erred so large benefits upon you ▪ that yee should in your speeches pre●erre ungodly and unprofitable before good and wholsome matters , mans glory before gods glory , the infernall gods before the most mightie god ? have i therefore ordained that famous man ludovicu● vives to be your lectu●er , who taught you in his life time by admonitions , and after his death by his writings , how the corrupted arts might be thoroughly purged and clensed ? and are ye now so silly ( young men ) as to leave viands for acorns , trees for chips , and with the dog return to his vomit , and with the swine to wallowing in the mire ? it was my desire , and i enjoyned you to observe it , that such as were sound should not be corrupted , but the bad should be directed , the ignorant shold be instructed , and not the capable made fools , nor to regard what doting philosophers dreamed of , but what true things were comprised in the arts. is not the flesh of it self raging enough , forward enough to defection , prone to naughtines , and flexible to every kind of vice , unlesse yee ●oment , and feed it with ●uell ●etched from philosophers , to inflame the sparks of impietie , and so adde fire to fire ? ye think your selves not able enough to heare aristotle , but yee are to heare christ. shake off this drowsines , trample upon prophane things , be wise in heavenly things , search out the truth , reverence godlinesse ; and that not lazily , but earnestly , with all your industry , and with your whole heart , night and day , at home and abroad , privatly , and publikely . the violent ●ay hold of the kingdome of heaven . not the slothfull , but the runners get the crowne . hee that knows not christ knows nothing . true religion is true blessednesse . let no man deceive himself ; learning without godlinesse is poyson . whom it posssesseth , it puffs up , whō it puffs up it kils . the most glorious god enlighten your mindes with the brightnesse of his grace ; that yee may alwaies be mindfull of that account yee are to give to the severe iudge not onely of wicked works , but of idle words ; and let go the trifling curiosities of worthlesse men , the glittering s●btilties of philosophers , the apish toyes of sophisters , & ●ooleries of dunsists ; but lay hold on true and proficient learning , wherewith yee being exquisitely furnished , and with piety adorned may at length bring honour to god , salvation to your selves , and be helpfull to others . these things surely that pious olde man ( most respected young men ) doth daily speake unto us , though not in words , yet to the same effect in his desires ▪ which if you carefully consider , i beseech you all in the presence of the lord ( before whose dreadfull majestie , their consciences that reject saving knowledge shall one day tremble and quake ) that yee abuse not your own , and others excellent wits . ye that teach , and yee that are taught , be diligent , the one in delivering , the other in receiving convenient , not impertinent ; necessary , not frivolous ; profitable , not triviall things . ●ime posteth away ; the arts are difficult ; life is short ; error is dangerous ; trifles are hurtful , truth is precious . christ is the marke . let them , that know not true wisedome , enquire after it ; and let them that know it , expresse it in their speeches ; lest others contemne wisdome before they know it ; and they themselves never attaine to a true , but a false wisdome to no purpose . dixi. finis . ian. 9. 163● . imprimatur thomas wykes . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a10327-e170 * sir 〈…〉 * in technomatrian a●es● . h●n . i●ckson in his epistle prefixed to this oration . * in his book 〈…〉 concion . sciri, sive, sceptices & scepticorum jure disputationis exclusio authore thoma anglo ex albis east-saxonum. white, thomas, fl. 1605. 1663 approx. 137 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 82 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65801 wing w1841 estc r33592 13524012 ocm 13524012 99967 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65801) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99967) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1559:31) sciri, sive, sceptices & scepticorum jure disputationis exclusio authore thoma anglo ex albis east-saxonum. white, thomas, fl. 1605. [2], 137, [9], 16, [1] p. [s.n.], londini : mdclxiii [1663] errata bound at end. a refutation of joseph glanvill's vanity of dogmatizing--nuc pre-1956 imprints. "appendicula tentans solutionem problematis torricelliani de subsistentiâ hydrargyri in tubo supernè sigillato," has special t.p. and separate pagination. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng glanvill, joseph, 1636-1680. -vanity of dogmatizing. philosophy -early works to 1800. 2004-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 nicole fallon sampled and proofread 2005-02 nicole fallon text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sciri , sive sceptices & scepticorum jure disputationis exclusio . authore thoma anglo ex albiis east-saxonum . contra verbosos noli contendere verbis . cato . londini , mdclxiii . junioribus britannicarum scholarum academicis , salvere & crescere . etsi non dubitem validioribus & magis opportunis auxiliis obviam itum esse exitiali illi pyrrhonicae contagio , quod nova andere non ita pridem occaepit , tamen , quia nihil publici cauterii adactum ad ulcus glanvillanum jam biennio integro aestuosum audiveram , visum est silentibus potioribus ad meam infirmitatem devolutum esse onus , iniquitatem indisciplinatae illius calumniae vniverso philosophantium choro impositae , si non avertere , certe aperire , & plumis disertioribus lacerandam exponere . cogitate itaque , florentissimae britanniae uberrima spes , matris vestrae gaudium & corona , cujus vos spectantis tacitum pertentant gaudia pectus , cogitate ( inquam ) & serio ruminate in quid vivere & crescere moliamini , quosnam vos olim habitum iri speratis & concupiscitis ; sapientesne & peritos gubernandorum morum & salutis christianae ? an rhetorum turbam suaviter ignota & incerta garrientium , & greges vobis commissos in obvia praecipitia prodentium ? ejusmodi enim caecos & caecorum duces vos ostentat mundo , qui vanitatem dogmatisandi sive vera pollicendi , britanniae vestrae inculcat . viro non irascor , qui magno ingenio & eloquentiae cum annis maturandae flumine non vadando , propositam & autumatam sibi veritatem non sine aliquo modestiae sale prosequitur , nam neque dogmata prodendi potestatem derogat fidei , & spem quandam per accumulata laboriose experimenta olim ad scientiam perveniendi permittit : sed digitum intendit ad quendam ( confessus magistrum ) qui , libellorum sibi meditatorum periochas exhibens , secundam sic claudit . hic est ubi praecipua jaciuntur pyrrhonismi fundamenta , stabiliturque maxime illud , nihil sciri . magna profecto futuri desperatio , si tot saeculorum labores in nihil sciri substiterunt . ergone tot collegiorum vestrorum magnificentissimae substructiones ad illudendum populis suavi fistulae garritu , nihil rationem promoventis , machinatae ount ? ergo tot majorum vestrcrum toto christiano orbi prodigiosa ingenia ad fumos & inflatas bullas pro gemmis & monilibus distrahendas emissa sunt ? vosmet ipsi ad parem inanitatem tot annorum exercitiis produci sustinetis ? avertite & indignamini tantam celebritati antiquae & praesenti industriae ignominiam irrogari . verum , quid tandem magnum illum epicuri interpretem , virum neque ingenii defectus , neque vitae ( quantum ego intellexi , ) morumque sequius unquam notatum , in haec pellexit cogitata ? post quam à consiliis ejus domesticis prorsus alienus sum , dicam quid libellus offerre mihi videatur . duae sunt scientiae de quibus lis constituitur ; altera physica , metaphysica altera ; ( quas inter mediae animastica & moralis suas sedes occupant ) . haec , paucis experimentis contenta , veritates vi demonstrationis arripit , figitque ea vi quae sola inerrans est , intellectus sc. nostri spiritalis numine . haec sola virtus contradictionis robur inspicit , & unice certa & necessaria est , quantum sensibus non obumbratur ; sed eadem sensuum ope parcius utitur , & per hoc crescit quod in se revolvat intimi lucem visus . floridior est physica , & quasi verna specie blanditur spiritui nostro ad corpus declivi : experimentis redundantior ; & nisi à socia adjuvetur & in regulas cogatur , paene historica . hanc plures ambire nihil miri est , & seniorem sororem quasi aridas frondes abjicere , cum tamen ipsa à priori pendeat , neque citra ipsius opem & principia ab ipsa mutuata , quicquam facile demonstrare , et progredi per causas catenatim valeat . verum , hujus necessitatis ignorantia et huic authori et pluribus magnorum virorum conatibus exitiū dedit , et datura est , donec desperatio progressus ad principia firmanda regressum doceat . aliud offendiculum est complurium modernorum effraenis impudentia , qui aristotelem et metaphysicam omnibus campanis crepant quoties ostentandi sese occasio prodit ; tomos ingentes in bibliopolarum officinas condunt , pomposis velitationibus in scholis suis sapientiam simulant , mirisque promissis incendunt nativum scientiae ardorem . his artibus debitos scientiae honores et fructus sibi accumulant , et spectandi in cathedris florent et adorationi proponuntur . interea , si rem inspicias , ingentia illa onera unicam hanc quaestionum solutionem parturiunt , forte ita , forte non . narrantur historiae quid antiqui quid moderni de proposita aliqua thesi cogitaverunt , ratiunculae in hanc vel illam contradictoriam , quasi à funditorum vel sagittariorum cohortibus jaculantur ; sic dilatantur paginae , intumescunt tomi ; sed , quando jam in sententiam ferendam incumbendum est , exit edictum in hunc sensum , omnes sententiae sunt probabiles , verum haec ultima mihi videtur probabilior . quid ab auriculis midae magis fatuum expectari posset ? quis tiresias de coloribus non sic verum effari valeat , fortassis est album , fortasse non . quid hic mirandum si vir ingeniosus adeo solennes nugas derisit ? et , cum apud hos degere aristotelem et ipsius secreta , eo quod nemo contradixerit arbitraretur , ea integre neglexerit et contempserit ? vos modo novi palmites surgentes in vinum quod laetificet corda hominum , memores quod virtus est medium vitiorum & utrimque reductum , aristotelem neque fugite et execramini neque superstitiose adorate et amplexamini . quae demonstravit , etsi pauca et contempta videantur , suscipite tamen . ea est principiorum indoles ut nota et aspernanda appareant , nullus tamen omnino progressus in scientiis sine illis habetur . fundamenta aedificiorum tellure sepeliuntur , sed magnificam et in nubes surgentem fabricam illa sustentant . qui aristotelica negligunt , necesse est quoniam principia semper quaerunt nunquam ad scientiam pervenire . his tamen deteriores sunt qui fingunt et profitentur se aristotelaeos , et methodum demonstrandi ignorant , et praecepta ipsius negligunt : circumventores parentum , plagiarii adolescentium , quos specie philosophiae inescatos produnt vanitati et garrulitati ; reipub. inimicissimi , cui cum debeant juventutem scientia et honestate morum splendentem , praestant audaculam , fucatam , et ancipiti ad mala aeque ac hona cultu armatam . vobis esto aristoteles pancorum quidem magister , sed quae sint faecunda in millia , in totam substantiarum separatarum indaginem , in praenoscenda physicae contemplationi , et tandem in judicium de illis quae per experientiam cognoscenda proponuntur . habetis nunc utriusque partis actionem ; vestrum est , candorem et tanti negotii sollicitudinem in concilium sevocare . solidae vobis scientiae cupientissimus tho. albivs . sceptices & scepticorum à jure disputationis exclusio . actio prima . dari demonstrationem & scientiam . actio secunda . scepticos nihil solidi afferre . actio tertia . imprudens esse negare scientiarum existentiam . actio quarta . praeliminariter objecta refelluntur . actio quinta . animae & sensationis ignorantiam refellit . actio sexta . plasticam & volutationis mysteria aperit . actio septima . de causis inscitiae modernae inquirit . actio octava . avertit ab aristotele specialis impietatis calumniam . actio nona . crimina in doctrinam & voces ejusdem aspersa delet . actio decima . definitiones & argumentationes quasdam tuetur . actio undecima . topica aliquot adversus scientiam effutita refutat . sceptices & scepticorum à jure disputationis exclusio . actio prima . dari demonstrationem & scientiam . scepsin infaelici naturae aborsu antiquitùs natam , & ipsiusmet pudore è linguis disertorum ubi diu habitaverat elatam , & fidei christianae constantiâ tumulatam , à vermium & insectorum epulis raptam , magicâ quadam operâ vivis restituere conatus est petrus gassendus , acerrimae vir sagacitatis , nitidae eloquentiae , copiosae facundiae , suavissimorum morum , & diligentiae admirandae . idem ( quod his omnibus majus est ) catholicae fidei renacissimus , & nusquam pravorum dogmatum suspectus , cùm tamen haec sceptica infinitorum errorum & omnium haereseôn mater sit , & illa ipsa seductrix philosophia , & inanis fallacia , quam cavendam apostoli monitu docuêre sancti . hanc vir ille , caetera magnus , in exercitatione suâ paradoxâ adversus aristotelaeos , non ur priùs tectam & scortorum more in tenebris vagantem , sed effronti vultu & fucatâ formâ turbis & foro ostentare ausus est . 2. illius exemplo , apud nos linguâ vernaculâ eandem exornatam produxit vanitatis dogmatizandi author ; ipse quoque & ingenio pollens & eloquio . neque enun à vulgaribus mentibus timenda sunt grandia infortunia . haec mei laboris est occasio ; propositum verò , si lumē caelitùs affluat & vires calamo ministret , hanc cadaveream scientiae aemulam in sua sepulcreta compellere , & inominatis dentibus rodendam tradere . agedum igitur , quaesiti nodum evolvamus . 3. quoniam iraque de scientiâ est sermo futurus , ipsius aliquatenus investiganda est indoles . docet itaque nos ipsa natura hominem esse animal cui data est ratio per quam actionem suam dirigere natū sit : rationem quoque notum est esse per quam quod ignotum erat redditur notum ; actionem verò nostram plerumque in his consistere quae infinitam & insuperabilem mutabiiitatem & variationem patiuntur experientia nos assidua convincit . ex quo fit virtutem illam quae immediata est actioni non posse cum proprietate scientiam vocari ( cùm non sit infallibilis & demonstrativi discursûs effectus ) sed aptè conjiciēdi vim , & solet fere prudentia vel propriè vel derivativè denominari ; propriè , si sit de agibili quantum ad rectam à ratione procidentiam ; analogicè si sit de actione seu agibili quantū ad inferiorem aliquā facultatem quae sit famula rationis dominatricis spectat . nititur porro prudentia duabus praeviis potestatibus , arte & inductione seu experimento ; ars , etsi experientiae nativitatem debeat , tamen regulis universalibus non fallentibus suffulta est ; ipsa tamen non intelligit necessariam illam & indefectilem regulae suae efficaciam , sed contenta est effectuum testimonio nunquam mendaciter respondentium . inductio seu experientia , plerumque verax est , sed non necessaria quia non est universalis . hâc itaque dimissâ , clarum est decreta artis , siquidem illa verax est , principia habere necessaria & necessario connexa , quae cogant effectum artis non posse aliter sese habere , quàm quomodo ars docet eventurum . ex quo sequitur eandem esse materiam scientiae & artis , & cuicunque arti suam deberi scientiam , si natura hominum ad ipsius assecutionem non deficiat . sed quod de prudentiâ suprà monuimus , idem de scientia repetendum est ; sicut enim qui in artificio aliquo prudenter se gerit , non propterea homo prudens existimatur aut nominatur , sed qui actionem quatenus humana est rectè temperat ; sic neque cum proprietate sciens homo appellandus est , qui duelli vel metrices demonstrationem callet , sed qui eorum demonstrationem habet quae sunt principia regendae vitae nostrae quatenus humana est ; quarum princeps est quae theologiae vel metaphysices vocabulum promerita est , proxima ethica , inde physica , sive quia corpus naturale seu mundus propositus est disputationi humanae , tanquam actus quodammodo illius facultatis quâ homines sumus ; sive quia post contemplationem metaphysicam nihil aequè ad desideratam beatitudinem promovet quàm physica . non tamē excludendae sunt mathematicae ; tum quia quantitas quam meditantur est vestis eorum corporum quae physicâ speculatione attinguntur , tum quia physicorum leges & quasi demonstrabilitas passim abiis pendent . ex quibus elucet nusquam improbiùs aequivocationem illudere humano generi quam in hâc appellatione scientium seu doctorum virorum . si enim scientiarum analogicè dictarum periti non sint verè hâc appellatione digni , quantò magis qui nihil ulterius ambiunt quàm quid alii senserint psittacorū more repetere longè sunt à dignitate tanti tituli , & quàm manifestè perniciosi , si ejusmodi literaturam ad gubernationem humanae vitae , & ad vendenda toxica , vel ut minimū fumos , sub venerandae sciētiae appellatione applicare ausint ? 5. confectum est illam nobis scientiam propositam esse quae humanae vitae sit utilis ; & tria circa hanc quaeri posse in propatulo est . an aliqua omninò certitudo , saltem unius propositionis , vel unius ratiocinii quod syllogismum appellamus , acquiri possit . haeret huic difficultati proxima , an saltem habitus aliquis seu series plurium veritatum cum certitudine indagatarum ( quales à plerisque existimantur quas arithmetae & geometrae profitentur ) humanâ industriâ acquiri valeat . ultima & à pluribus ( in exercitio saltem ) disputata quaestio ( quicquid in fronte prae se ferant ) ad physicam & metaphysicam coarctatur , an circa harum objecta utilis aliqua multitudo veritatum ansulari possit , sicut in mathematicis magistri videntur jam perfecisse . et in hoc consistit utilitas hujus nostrae diatribes ; & hujus conclusionis sive desperatio sive difficultas , ad priores elucidandas nos cogit , quae ex semetipsis suâ sese evidentiâ cōtutatae fuissent , nisi ex iis ad hanc tertiam gradus & penè necessaria cōsequentia terruissent eos qui in hâc ultimâ concedendâ tantum difficultatis passi sunt . 6. age , primum gressum figamus , & invictè notam neque quolibet scepticorum ausu evertendum asseramus , quod est esse , seu quod identicam propositionem velut objectum terminat & specificat ; ut si dicamus , petrum esse petrum , lignum lignum , lapidem lapidem , & quaecunque pari evidentiâ patescunt . ridebunt credo hoc effatum sceptici velut insulsum , quia propositiones identicae à scientificis & ipsis scientiis excludi solent , velut nihil promoventes intellectum . verùm hoc ipso risu suo nobis palmam concedent , fassi in his evidentiam inesse , quantumcunque inutiles sunt , & proinde ubicunque eadem necessitas intercedet , evidentiam abesse non posse . unum in hoc dogmate occurrit nebulosum , ab acutissimi viri renati cartesii umbrâ tenebras offundens , qui severissimo examine primùm notum excutiens , in illud tandem delapsus est ; ut cuique se cogitare primum cognitorum aestimaretur . hoc autem , ut conjicio , diversae inter nos opinionis occasio exstitit , quòd cùm seientia & in generatione & in subsistentia considerari possit , ille priorem methodum secutus est , nobis posteriorem relinquens . reipsâ enim , si scrutemur quibus passibus scientia in nobis nascatur , videmus hoc primum contingere ut à corporibus passio in nobis fiat , & primum evidens quod nos feriat esse quòd cogitemus . at enim , si in scientiâjam inexistente & quasi in quiete , quaeramus quid veritatem devinciat menti , ut de illa dubitare & quasi fluitare non possimus , nihil simplicius priúsve manifestum constabit , quàm quod est esse , in quo quodammodo formaliter includitur quod est sic esse ut dum est non possit non esse ; quod demum est , intelligentem certum esse quod res sit , seu fixionem habere circa inexistentem veritatem . 7. fixo propositionem identicam esse evidentem , pariter fixum est propositiones dictas per se notas esse evidentes ; si enim inquiratur in illas , evidens invenietur quòd propositio per se nota quodammodo composita sit ex propositione identicâ , & aliâ aliunde evidente , vel habitâ pro evidente . propositionum enim per se notarum duae sunt species ; altera quâ generica ratio praedicatur de specie , altera quâ species praedicantur divisivè de genere . exempla proponuntor , homo est animal ; sensus est animal rationale est quoddam seu vnum animalium . evidentia propositionis in eo consistit , quòd vox animal significat quasi formaliter in praedicatione esse unum ex animalibus , vox autem rationale designet illud per quod homo est unum ex animalibus . quare in hâc propositione [ homo est animal ] latent hae duae propositiones vnum ex animalibus est vnum ex animalibus , & illa altera quòd rationale est determinativum animalitatis ; & haec posterior non affirmatur , verùm quasi sensu accipitur , vel alio modo supponitur esse notum & indubitatum , & ex vi prioris identicae concluditur hominem esse animal . similiter quando dicitur , numerus est par vel impar , quantum est finitum vel infinitum , & quaecunque praedicata contradictoriè opposita divisivè de subjecto praedicantur , latent in illis duae propositiones , una identica , verbi gratiâ , quòd numerus par & numerus non par sit omnis numerus ; alia aliunde nota , scilicet quod numerus specialis , putà decem , sit quidam numerus . haec posterior est nota quasi sensu , vel supposita , non dicta . illa verò aequivalet huic , omnis numerus est omnis numerus , & affirmatur unus ex omnibus numeris esse unus ex paribus vel imparibus , quia ex vi contradictionis inter parem & non parem , necesse est numeros pares & impares esse omnes numeros ; seu idem esse numeros pares & impares & omnes numeros . 8. eadem vis identitatis in syllogismo quoque clara est ; verbi gratiâ , quando in primo seu barbara accipiuntur duae propositiones ex genere priori per se notarum , & concluditur ex illis alia veritas praeincognita ; ut cùm arguitur , omnem homnem esse vivens , quia omnis homo est animal , & omne animal est vivens , fit idenficatio hominis & viventis , vel potiùs elucet ex duplici identificatione animalis cum superiore & inferiore . non itaque in alio sita est vis syllogismi quâ figit mentem in hâc identitate quòd homo sit vivens , quàm quia per duas identificationes priores fixa manet circa praemissas . palàm itaque est , propositionis identicae lucem fulgere tum in propositionibus per sese notis , tum in iis quae syllogismis concluduntur : & , quod sequitur , vel non esse evidentem veritatem propositionis identicae , vel propositiones dictas per se notas , & propositiones legitimo syllogismo conclusas esse evidentes & certissimas : neque posse dubitari , quin tot veritatum tractabilis sit certitudo , quot per syllogismorum legitimas deductiones attingi possunt . cùm itaque non nisi vecors existimari possit , qui neget evidentiam propositionis identicae , non potest inter rationales reputari , qui propositiones per sese notas vel legitimo ratiocinio collectas penitùs recuset . 9. haec itaque esto hujus v●ritatis quòd detur aliqua certitudo sive scientia à priori , ut loquuntur , demonstratio , quòd quia non sit negabile illud esse quod est , seu propositionem identicam esse veram , & omnis propositio sive per-se-nota , sive syllogismo-conclusa , non habet aliam necessitatem quàm quae in identicâ relucet , de his non possit dubitari nisi de identicis etiam dubitetur . quandoquidem enim in per-se-notâ evidens sit significatum per unum terminum esse illud quod significatur per aliud ; & in syllogisticè conclusâ similiter appareat ex eo quòd a est b & b est c , a sit c ; seu , quòd nisi a sit c , a non erit a , quia non est a nisi sit b , neque sit b nisi sit c , fit evidens quod quicquid legitimo syllogismo evincitur , eandem necessitatem habeat quam habet propositio identica . cùm itaque sit purae perverfitatis , & quae in humanam naturam non cadat , intra sese dubitare an identica propositio sit vera , manifestum prorsus est quicquid legitimo discursu ex per se notis conficitur , ultra ambiguitatis periculum insitum esse , seu esse scientiam de omnibus similibus , ac proinde aliquam scientiam esse , & quidem de multis veritatibus . quod autem sive in per se notâ sive in demonstratâ propositione assumitur ultra identicas , non est capax veritatis vel falsitatis , sed quodammodo per modum suppositionis accipitur , acsi diceretur , si est homo , si est animal ; dico , ex vi hujus quod homo vel animal sint subjecta propositionum vel praemissarum . actio secunda . scepticos nihil solidi afferre . 1. nunc ad scepticos vel ipsam scepsin depugnamus . quid ait scepticus ? etiamsi ( inquit ) nihil sit certum , nihilominus plura apparent nobis esse vera , & ex tali apparentiâ procedimus ad operationem . temetipsum innodas sceptice . quomodo enim , dum in communi clarissimè tibi apparet quòd non sit verum quicquam , tamen in specie asseris hoc tibi apparere verū ? constántne haec simul ut appareat nihil eorū quae proposita sunt nobis esse verū , & simul appareat aliquod eorū esse verum ? praeterea , siquid apparet esse verum , inde est quia certi seu veri ( quae quoad nos idem sonant , certum enim dicimus quod novimus esse verum , seu quod nobis est verum ) specie & similitudine nos fallat . clarum autem est , non posse nos affirmare aliquid simile alteri si alterum non cognoscimus . si itaque nulla sit inter homines certitudo , sive nihil notum esse verum , nihil etiam certitudini simile inter homines esse vel apparere poterit . insipientium itaque est haec duo componere , nihil esse certum vel nullam certitudinem , & tamen aliqua apparere esse certa . 2. verùm obdurabit scepticus saltem apparentiam hanc ad actionem humanam sufficere , quandoquidem omnis actio est singularis , hoc est , in circumstantiis infinitis in quas demonstratio vim non habet sed sola prudentia seu vis conjectandi quaenam cuinam sit praeferenda . attamen si actio verè humana sit , hoc est , ratione purè & penitùs gubernata , sceptica apparentia ad eam non sufficiet . inprimis enim cùm prudentia sit virtus intellectualis , non potest esse indifferens ad veritatem & falsitatem , sed semper tenax veri : in actione itaque à prudentiâ gubernatâ duo veniunt consideranda ; quod magis spectabile est , & in omnium oculos incurrit , est , an actio consecutura sit immediatum & proximum finem ad quem destinatur ; & hoc incertum est plerumque ; sed etiam non consistit in hoc primarius prudentiae effectus , sed cujusdam facultatis conjiciendi , quam sagacitatem appellant . alterum , in quo potissimè collocatur opera prudentiae , est , an haec actio sit exequenda hîc & sic ; ad quod sufficit ut duo constent , alterum est actorem cupiditate nullâ duci , alterum est operam seu disquisitionem sufficientem adhibitam esse , quod ex priori pendet : cùm non sit defutura inquisitio , nisi aliqua cupiditas temeritatem actori immittat . quantum autem anima deficit ab his duobus , tantum etiam à prudentiae lege deviat . haec autem duo homini exercitato clarissima esse possent . ulteriùs , rursus scepticorum dogma à sufficientiā ad actionem abest in ipsâ primâ agendi radice ; putà , an aliquid sit agendum , an actioni universim supersedendum : frustrà enim molitur intellectus qualē actionē perficiat , nisi primò constet agendum esse . qui profitentur itaque neque hoc notum esse quòd aliquid aliquando sit agendum , ad actionem ex puro intellectu moveri non possunt . neque replicari potest apparere sceptico esse agendum . cùm enim apparens vero & falso commune sit , imò cùm notum sit quod falsum est saepè probabilius & apparentius esse vero , palàm est neque probabilitatem in genere , neque majorem probabilitatem ullam omninò vim habere posse ad causandum assensum . si autem quis non assensus fuerit huic universali aliquid esse agendum , patet , quantum spectat ad puram rationem nullum habere agendi principium ; sin detur aliud principium praeter rationem , actio quatenus ab illo oritur non est rationalis . concludendum proinde est scepticorum actionem prorsus non esse humanam sed dumtaxat animalem , utpote purè à sensu & imaginatione ortam ; vel pejorem animali , putà quatenus rationem sensui submitti & inservire cogunt . 3. sed , quod , summè adversum est huic hominum sectae , est , quòd indignè se gerant dogmatici si ad illos disserere vel ipsos garrientes audire sustineant . cum enim in totâ natura humanâ non sit reperire aliquā sectam magis garrulitati addictam , & vanitatis quae cymbala tinnientia consequitur , magis avidam , quantum à suâ beatitudine remoti erunt si inter scientiae adoratores non liceat eis nugas suas vendere ? hoc itaque expendamus an sint inter cultores disciplinarū admittendi . sunt itaque scientifici vel magistri vel discipuli ; hoc est , qui ad habitum scientiae attigerunl , & qui ad scientiam conantur , seu veritatis inquisitores . cum itaque palam sit scepticos non profiteri se possessores scientiarum , fit eos inter inquisitores esse numerandos . quare , cùm hoc sibi repugnet , ut quaerat quod nusquam esse putet , vel certè quod inveniri posse desperat , frustra se candidatos & scrutatores scientiarū declarant . adde quòd cùm neque per se notas propositiones admittant , neque legitimam aliquam discursûs sequelam , nullam habent viam & methodum quaerendi , nullumque vestigium à quo suam indagationem exordiantur . si autem quamlibet harum duarum admittant , aliquid certi non possunt non agnoscere . 4. objiciendum itaque in ipsis principiis est hujusmodi scientiae contemptoribus , quid tentatis quid caeptatis ? quomodo audetis aliquem verè hominem ad●riri ? unde enim erit aliqua apparentia in dictis vestris ? nonne aequum est vobis ingerere ut quaecunque assumitis priùs probetis , & hoc usque sine fine ? nihil ergo poteritis assumere quo probetis nostra falsa vel incerta esse . rursus , num alia formâ discursus utemini quàm syllogisticâ ? sed vos hanc esse evidentem & certam negatis : venitis itaque ut illudatis , ut corvos , poetas , & poetridas picas insulsè agatis . replicabitis fortassis vos ( ut loquūtur ) ad hominem disputare & ex iis quae nos acceptavimus ostendere quae deinceps docemus non esse certa . quaenam vobis mens est ? si in aliquo uno dogmate hoc conaremini , permissum foret tentare quid valeretis . at si in universum asseritis consequentias nos nequire facere bonas , bestias nos appellatis , neque audiendi estis . vos autem ipsi quomodo evincetis vel unam consequentiam esse malam ? an qualis debeat esse ut bona sit declarabitis , qui nullam esse evidentem conceditis ? cur deinde nostrae erunt falsae & vestrae bonae ? at si neque vestras esse bonas affirmatis , quae vos intēperiae agunt ut nos in nostro vel errore quiescere non patiamini , cùm eximere nos ex errore nequeatis neque contendatis ? certè suavius est credere se in luce esse quàm cum desperatione lucis suas tenebras agnoscere . 5. tandem , quorsum argumenta congerimus adversus illos qui quantum in se est humanam naturam exuerunt , & ad brutornm stabula fecesserunt ? si enim ratiocinari sit ex certis & notis ad priùs ignota & incerta nos promovere , nihil autem certi sit , neque possibile est ratiocinium aliquod esse , & , quod sequitur , neque potentiam ratiocinandi vel animal quod eâ praeditum sit . at si nihil est certum , nihil etiam verum erit ; cùm illud sit certum quod nobis constat esse verum , hoc est , verum habitum , verum nostrum , verum nobis , verum quo nos veri sumus . palam enim natura nostra veritatis in sese east vida ; ut cum nos seu intellectus noster verus est , hâc veritate impregnatus , fiat operativus & dominativus omnium quae extra ipsum sunt , sive ut colat utenda , timeat timenda , contemnat contemnenda , & ficta quaeque terriculamenta rejiciat . totam itaque appetentiam naturalem frustratur qui negat certitudinem aliquam esse ; & sicut naturam , sic etiam vehementissimum naturae desiderium & intentum exinanit ? quid commemorem conversationem humanam ? praesertim verò negotiationem ? si enim nihil certum esse possit in rebus humanis , cur infantes & pueros instruimus ? cur majoribus ea quae nobis videntur vera persuadere conamur ? si enim nulla sit acquisibilis certitudo indifferens prorsus judicandū est quid quisque a gat vel quò tendat . maximè , cùm neque hoc certum sit aliquid esse alio probabilius , & longè minus an quod modò est probabilius futurum sit probabilius quando puer illud electurus sit . actio tertia. imprudens esse negare scientiarum existentiam . 1. erigamus stylū & ad integros habitus ampliemus . potéstne credi tantum desipere viros ingenio nobiles ut illa negent quibus plena est humana vita ? & sine quibus neque vivi vel omninò vel certè commodè potest ? dico artes. contemplemur quae pars actionis & vitae nostrae earum famulitio sit destituta ; cibi , vestes , tecta , deliciae , quot artibus parantur . animus , liberalibus excolitur ; agri , montes , maria artibus dominantur . denique , quid est in toto hominum usu in quo aliqua artis species non exercetur ? ars itaque quid est , nisi regula quae plerumque non deficit ? hoc itaque ( modò mens humana sit sibi conscia ) certum est , artem in pluribus non deficere . quid si dixerim , nunquam deficere ? sed vel artificem suae facultatis imperitū esse , vel ab imperatis ab arte socordiâ vel nequitiâ deflectere quoties error incidit . verùm esto , ars nonnunquam deficiat , saltem tota series actionum nostrarum in hoc fundata est quod plerumque ars non fallat ; quare , cùm quod nunquam fallit certum sit , quae in plerisque numquam fallit in plerisque certa est , & quisquis hoc negat , ipsi naturae & rerum ordini vel per ignorantiam vel per pertinaciam sese opponit . testatissima itaque est haec veritas quod certorum integri sint habitus , postquam & de singulis artibus in communi certum est plerumque sortiri effectum , & tantundem de singulis in quâlibet arte membris & articulis constet . 2. proximam sedem arripiunt sibi quae verum scientiae nomen adeptae sunt mathematicae , arithmetica primùm & geometria , utraque tantâ extensione ut plures habitus integrent ; & , si ipsae agnitae pro scientiis sint , nullum locum relinquant repugnandi aliis scientiis ex dogmatum copiâ vel subjecti amplitudine . tanta rursus est attestantium his scientiis firmitas , tot seculorum , tot eminentium ingeniorum , tot effectuum ultra aestimationem humanae prudentiae ostensione , & perpetuitate , ut nequeat esse dubium quin ipsi naturae recalcitrent qui calumniam his scientiis impingunt . intueamur multiplicitatem syllogismorum , derivationem veritatum longinquarum per medias & sibi immediatas propositiones , & quot principia seu praecognita ad unam aliquando veritatem investigandam adhiberi soleant , & non sibi solis constabunt hae scientiae , sed etiam ad alias extendent potentiam suam , & nihil non demonstrari posse , si industria non desit , suadebunt & persuadebunt . 3. non tamen ignarus sum quae solent adversus has scientias urgeri , maximè adversus geometriam ; quae , quamvis in aliis opusculis aliquoties repuli , tamen etiam hîc quasi in loco maximè proprio repetenda sunt , praesertim cùm sceptici nusquam meo judicio plausum magis mereantur . palàm enim est , etsi nihil à mente geometrarum remotius sit , quàm illa de quibus accusantur à scepticis , nihil tamen evidentiùs relucere in vocibus geometricis , quàm quae non sentiunt . deo sic providente , ut contra illa quae evidentiâ suâ sese optimè tutantur maximè infesta sint praejudicia , quo moneamur , in magis obscuris evidentiam non deserere , quantumvis gravibus quidem sed obscuris impellamur argumentis . quid enim manifestius est , quàm geometras postulare lineam rectam à puncto ad punctum duci ? quàm de de lineis & superficiebus totis voluminibus disserere ? petere ut linea in infinitum producatur ? ut fiat circulus ? triangulum aequilaterum ? & mille hujusmodi . cujusmodi tamen nihil in rerum naturâ extare , vel certum est , vel certè adeò ambiguè ut sine demonstratione acceptari non debeat , cùm geometrae demonstrationem neque tentent neque promittant . 4. verùm in his omnibus attento lectori satisfacere non est arduum . interrogo enim , an vel cur non liceat mathematico de objecto suo universaliter loqui , quo modo docti indoctíque de suis rebus loquuntur . potest itaque de corpore sibi proposito loqui quatenus longum est , nihil commentando de illo quatenus latum est , cùm corpus esse latum non sit aliud quàm esse longum secundum duas dimensiones . similiter cùm corpus esse profundum significet corpus esse longum secundum tres dimensiones , quae invidia ut non liceat idem prout latum est considerare abstrahendo à tertiâ dimensione ? haec , cùm sint ultra omnem evidentiam clara , & adeò clara ut non possimus aliter secundum naturam loqui , quaeramus in quo jaceat peccatum geometrarum . premis , asserunt esse lineam in rebus , hoc est , longitudinem quae latitudine careat ; nego factum : probas , allegando quod signent literis lineam , dicentes linea ab . peto ego quorsum inservit haec designatio ? numquid ad aliud quàm ut nota sit longitudo corporis quod metiuntur ? si non ad aliud , tum sensus vocū qui servit mathematico est , corpus propositum quoad longitudinem aequivalet distantiae inter a & b. si autem plus assumit , necesse est quòd assumat aliquid impertinens ad suum discursum , quod à geometris longissimè abest . 5. par his ratio est de modo loquendi de superficie . de punctis quoque magis evidens est solutio . loco enim vocis punctum a vel punctum b , subjiciatur vox finis vel terminus , & nulla erit umbra difficultatis . quis enim potest ambigere corpus quatenus longum esse terminatum , & proinde finem seu terminum prohibeat signari ? de reliquis facilè apparebit esse par ratio ? quando enim velit lineam in infinitum produci , clarus geometrae sensus est produci eam quantam necessarium est operi ipsius , quod nunquam contingit vel contingere potest esse actu infinitam . non itaque infinitam sed indefinitam postulat lineam geometra , ut utatur parte aliquâ quanta fuerit necessaria . similiter , si circulum vel rectam lineam fieri postulet , stultum est ut expectet in chartâ vel arenâ mathematicè eam designari , cùm demonstratio quam ipse intendit sit universalis & in intellectu tantùm existens non in chartâ . sufficit itaque ut accuratio circuli vel lineae sit in mente , cui charta subjicit phantasma , debile quidem sed idoneum ad rigorosam formam in mente delineandam . aliqui etiam lineam in medio sectilem esse negant , neque diffiteor hoc geometriae opusculum esse : sed neque expecto ut probare possint sceptici hoc esse impossibile . et proinde contra perfectam demonstrationem , cujusmodi est euclidea , audire leves ratiunculas , nugari foret non philosophari . 6. non hoc , notâ dicam impressissimâ an admiratione prosequendum est ? ea quae geometriam caeteris scientiis praeferunt magnâ ex parte falsa esse , acceptata ad usum , non credita ad scientiam ? non enim vel certior vel evidentior est mathematica caeteris scientiis , sed facilior , sed aptior phantasiae ; non intellectui . si enim in geometriâ strictis vocibus utendum foret , & semper replicandum , hoc corpus quatenus longum abstrahendo à latitudine , vel quatenus latum abstrahendo à profunditate , tota disciplina , illo claritatis allectamento quo perfundit lectorem arescente , taedio redundaret . nunc quia licet nominibus punctorum , linearum , & superficierum quasi rebus uti , & ex hâc crassâ apprehensione figuras spectabiles deformare , veritates geometricae paenè ipsis oculis corporeis illucescunt . tantundem an in aliis scientiis praestari possit , ex aliquâ certè parte , nondum claret ; sed ex algebraico more conjici potest , non usquequaque humanam industriam effugere . 7. hoc certè ex contemplationis geometricae modo , quem expressimus , constare potest , ipsis geometris usitatum esse non ex vi vocum sonantium , sed ex notionibus in mente latentibus consequentias & scita trahere ; sed hoc benignitate naturae illis disciplinis indultum esse , ut non sit illis necessarium aequivocationes vocum resolvere . sed ubi terminos suos explanaverunt , possint sine cespitatione progredi . unde videmus , si quando in explicatione vocum laborandum est , pares tricas in geometricis pullulare quàm in metaphysicâ , ut liquet in eâ quaestione quae de angulo cōtactûs agitatur , ex eo quia angulum non videant sonare quantum , cùm fateantur non posse existere angulum sine spatio . patens itaque redditum est , primum laborem in reliquis scientiis esse , ut inter adversas partes de quaestione constet , non solùm in vocibus sed etiam in mente . et hoc potissimùm esse vitium reliquas scientias debiliter tractantium , quòd obstinati maneant voces in praeaccepto sensu & illo non liquido usurpare , neque possint inter se consentire circa vocum explicationem . 8. concludendum est in physicâ quoque & metaphysicâ infinitarum demonstrationum copiam fore , si industria non desit . quis enim adeò omnis sensûs expers est , ut pertinaciter neget formam syllogisticam etiam in subjectis harum scientiarum vel confici posse , vel si confecta fuerit valere . vel itaque dicendum est ratiocinantes in iis disciplinis nequire mentem suam comprehendere , & declarare quid animo percipiant cùm hujusmodi voces promunt , vel certè easdem posse in syllogismum compingere , & scientiam procreare . palàm quoque est , in eâ parte physices quae verè talis vocatur , seu illâ quae tractat qualitates sensibiles , in quibus aequivocae voces non invehunt tantam obscuritatem , faciliorem esse demonstrationis laborem ; in metaphysicis verò magis arduum , quia voces quò communiores eò magis aequivocationi obnoxiae sunt . sed è converso , quia quò magis communia sunt quae tractantur , eò simpliciores sunt notiones , & , quod sequitur , evidentior terminorum connexio , propterea demonstrationes quae in metaphysicis conduntur , oportet esse evidentissimas & securissimas , & tales ut ex iis reliquarum scientiarum evidentia meritò dependeat . actio quarta . praeliminariter objecta repelluntur . 1. nunc ad querelas dicam an opprobrationes scepticorum arrigendae sunt aures , quantumvis ipsimet non leves sint malorum quae dogmatophilis objectant caussae , dum etiam agnoscentes integram esse hominis operam , & quidem attenti , scientiae alicujus pomoeria dilatare , ipsimet humilia & plausum pellacis linguae sectati , etiam indoles aliorum scientiis natas , avertere ab heroicā illâ cogitatione , praetensâ impossibilitate contendunt . attamen etiam hoc si solidè agant , ignoscendum reor . verùm , si neque legitimâ ad hoc ingrediuntur semitâ , quomodo non sunt explodendi ? et fortassis plures sunt malè quaerentium defectus , mihi satis est tres proponere . primus sit illorum qui incapacia veritatis quaerant , sive de illo quod omninò non est quaerunt quomodo fit vel fiat ; ut si quis petat triangulum circulo dato aequale ipsi inscribi . secundus sit illorum , qui queruntur nesciri illa , quae etsi in sese vera , tamen extra humanas vires vel omninò vel certè hactenùs constituta sunt ; quasi indignetur quis ignota nobis esse bella vel administrationem rerumpub . planetarium , si globi illi rationalibus creaturis sint consiti . imprudentis enim est illa indignari esse nescita , ad quae cognoscenda nullam accidentium scalam natura donavit . ultimus defectus est plangentium ea non cognosci quae per industriam honestam investigari possunt , & investigabuntur , si ardor inquisitionis maturescat . ignarus enim est & importunus , qui moram nullam scientiis augendis permittit . inter hos non repono eos heautontimoroumenos qui excruciant se quòd illa nesciantur quae publicè aliis nota sunt sed illis ignota , quia ex praejudicio extrinsecùs accepto negligunt inquirere in illa quae ab aliis dicta sūt ; quod hominum genus frequentissimum hodie est inter illos qui scientiam ambiunt : sed & onerosissimū ; quid enim improbius esse potest quàm manifestissima intellectui nolle videre permotum calumniis profitentium sese nescire quae alii constanter affirmant evidentissimè comprehendi . 2. ipsae jam loquantur querelae , illae nempe quibus quatuor a tertio capitula cumulavit dogmaticae progressionis contemptor , si primò quae ignoscendo exprobrat examinemus . sunt illa duae quasi agnitae philosophorū metae , causae nempe aestuum marinorum , & miraculorum maneticorum : singulatim inspicere tentabo . et quantum ad aestum marinum , etsi illum iis adnumerare liceret quorum accidentia non satis nobis comprehensa sunt , & proinde jure exigere possem ut , qui illum incomprehensibilem existimant , phaenomena curent liquidari , doceantque nos justis nauarchorum calculis , quibus diebus in singulis regionibus fiat maris & tumor & detumescentia ; alioqui industriam meritò clamem , philosophiam excusem . non tamen tanto cum rigore ad benignum adversarium disceptabo , sed haec convinci posse de hâc vicissitudine maris disputabo : ab extrinseco motore causari motum . hunc non alium esse quàm ventum . venti aeolos esse solis & lunae ad diversas terrae plagas aspectus varios : quae si vera sunt , si ex phaenomenis evidentia ; non superest nisi ut phaenomena accuratiùs indagentur , neque arti sed industriae particularium ignorantia impingatur ; philosophia libera exiliat . 3. proposita sigillatim numeremus . primum est maris motum ab extrinseco esse . demonstratum est est hoc ab aristotele in libris physici auditûs , ut nôrunt ipsius studiosi ; dialogi quoque de mundo operam aliquam in hoc posuernut ; & , si occurrat proprius in hoc tractatu locus , non pigritabor eadē explicare : hîc haec propositio est assumenda non probanda . authorem hujus motûs esse ventum , plura comprehendit ; putà & ventum sufficientem esse agitatorem maris , & eum specialiter concurrere ad eum motum qui vocatur aestus . quoad priorem partem , ut taceam quot diluvia seu exundationes maris ope ventorum littorales plagas invaserint , ultra thamesin nihil est necesse peregrinari , in quo singulis fermè brumis aestum maris pluries aliquando uno die retundi contingit , vel majoribus incrementis inundare , ut plateas suburbiorum londinensium invadat . quod rursus hunc ipsum aestuosum circuitum cieat ventus , praeter necessitatem quam secum vehit perpetuus apeliotes ab atlantico mari ad occidentis indias indefessè fluens , semestres impetus inter africam & americam ultrò citróque redeuntes ventis eādem vicissitudine semper spirantibus , manifesto indicio sunt . adjice his toto sinensi tractu tempestates certas in noviluniis & pleniluniis cum pluviis vehementissimis & fluminum exundationibus assiduè expectari , unde aestuum varietas iisdem articulis augeatur . a sole modò & lunâ pendere ventos & pluvias & procellarum ortus notius est quàm ut liti sit subjectum . haec itaque cùm clara sint , aestûs caussae quoque latere non possunt , etsi certi ambitus ignorentur , observationibus nondum exactè calculatis . 4. neque minor est magneticae philosophiae evidentia , si per partes eam intueri sustineamus . nihil enim dubitari potest ex subita mutatione sive ferramentorū idoneorum sive aliorum corporum magneticae directioni idoneorum , quin per fluxum atomorum insensibilium ex uno corpore in aliud derivatorum concipiatur vis illa directionis quam magneticam dicimus : neque magis dubitari potest ex eo quod situs magnetici corporis vel perpendicularis vel latitudinarius horizontalis sit aptissimus ad eandem vim creandam , quin corpus primò magneticum sit tellus quam calcamus , vel certè crusta ipsius nobis citima . neque rursus ambigere licet ex perpetuo motu corruptionis & generationis hujus facultatis magneticae quae elucet in his corporibus , quin sit perpetuus quidam fluxus atomorum sursum & deorsum , itemque inter aequatorem & polos , per quem influatur haec facultas & alatur . neque iterum haereat quisquam ferri corpus magneticum , si in suâ libertate sistatur , secundùm fluxum similium atomorum , ut innatans flumine sequitur aquae vehementis impetum ; et , quod sequitur , & declinatione vel variatione acûs signari quo alveo atomi telluris proprii ferantur . quae si solidis animadversionibus & fixo discursu prosequamur , non mihi apparet quid tanti mysterii lateat in magneticâ vi & operatione quod in claram lucem protrahi nequeat . fuerunt itaque olim cum capite nili celata haec arcana naturae , nunc testimonium non defectui sed profectui fcientiae tribuunt . his itaque praelibatis ad ipsa objecta descendamus . actio quinta . animae & sensationis ignorantiam refellit . 1. tertio itaque eloquentissimae dissertationis capite objicit ignorantiam illius rei quae notissima nobis esse deberet , putà animae nostrae , de quâ qualis sit in terrenâ hâc nostrá habitatione nihil ( quantum mihi perspicere datum est ) vel docet vel inquirit ; sed esse illam , ex effectis clarissimè colligi asserit ; quid autem sit quaerere par esse infantium errori , qui post speculum quaerunt corpus cujus superficiem antrorsus depictam viderant . et ad meum sensum egregiè dixerat si pedem ad alia non movisset : sed in sequentibus interrogationibus in hâc ipsâ se defecisse arguit . quaeritat enim ulteriùs , unde anima venerit ? & quomodo corpori sit unita ? manifestè itaque deprehenditur animam in corpore latentem existimare de se quandam substantiam esse , cui per se fieri , sive advenire & alteri jungi competat . unde & subsistentiam vernaculè appellat , quod ens & substantiam notare non dubitandum est . hunc autem esse gravissimum in philosophiâ errorem dubitare nequit , quisquis vnius & plurium oppositionem agnoscendo sufficit . palàm enim est vel hominem non esse ens , vel animam & corpus non esse duo entia , si unū non potest esse plura , neque plura unum . neque me terret distinctio ( quae pueris philosophiam garrientibus in sacco parata est ) entis perfecti & imperfecti ; quae nihil sonat , nisi imperfectum significet cui aliquid deest ad hoc ut sit ens , quo posito imperfectum ens non est ens , & distinctio evadit futilis . alioquin idem non potest esse unum ens & plura entia . quare vel homo non est ens , sed dualitas ex intelligenriâ & belluâ ; vel anima & corpus non sunt duo entia . 2. quando itaque petit , unde anima veniat ? reponendum est , an dubitet unde homo veniat ? si enim unicum est vivente homine quod dicitur homo , ille solus est qui advenisse potest ; & ventum flagellat qui quaerit unde anima venerit . neque majorum quantumvis reverendorum me quatit authoritas ; non dico illorum qui discussioni quasi impares sese cedere profitentur ; hi enim posteris lampadem tradunt , hortantes ut in eodem stadio decurrant spectandi num quid illis defaecatius occurrat quàm sibi , patrocinaturi veritatem elucidantibus . sed eorum oppositioni resisto , qui omnium ecclesiarum fidem esse clamant animas rationales à deo condi . assuetus enim jam sum ad distinguendum quid sinceritati fidei & quid subtilitati scholasticae debeatur . si tribuo nativitatem hominis , quatenus intellectivus est , singulari dei potentiae & operationi , doctrinae ecclesiasticae clavibus me submisi , & sanctorum traditioni subscripsi ; actio verò quae generatio est hominis , num duabus actu partibus constet , an unica sit per plures notiones aequivalens pluribus realiter distinctis , speculativa purè est quaestio ad scholam pertinens . et sic pronunciandum est unum ens , hominem aequivalentem belluae & intelligentiae , unâ actione in lucem existentium educi quae aequiualeat duabus , generationi animalis & creationi intelligentiae . 3. ex hâc veritate derivamur ad sequentes duos nodos patentissimè solvendos . secundus quippe nodus est , quomodo uniantur corpus & anima ; quem palàm est in hoc vitiosum esse , quòd supponat duo unienda existere , vel ante compositum , vel in ipso composito non destructa sed colligata ; quod non solùm ex suprà declaratâ veritate , verùm etiam ex definitione partis perspicuè est falsum . partes enim dicuntur ex quibus per motū qui vocatur compositio fit unum ; vei in quas resolvitur quod era unū per divisionem seu destructionem unitatis . unitas autem , non unio , est forma unius ; in eo autem quod est unum quaerere colligationem est quaerere per quid idem fit idem . currit idem error in sequenti difficultate , quae luget nesciri quomodo anima moveat corpus , quae interemptivè tollitur negando animam movere corpus . verè enim unum membrum animatum movet aliud , sed non aliqua substantia quaesit pura anima movet immediatè membrum aliquod in quo non sit anima . appello caetera animalia in quibus anima independens à corpore pleno ore negatur , & peto ut ostendatur mihi quis motus sit in homine qui in illis non sit . fateor libens , alio modo unum membrum praesertim cerebrum in homine movere caetera quàm in aliis animalibus , & hoc ratione differentiae quae in animabus est ; sed priùs experimentis constare debet animam humanam absque adminiculo corporis vel membri alicujus coagentis aliud membrum movere , quàm inquirendum sit in modum quo hoc vel fiat vel fieri possit . 4. ultimae , quas in hoc capitulo plangit tenebrae collocatae sunt in ignorantiâ illius wot us , quo è cerebro spiritus in nervos actioni naturali animalis congruos derivantur : et siquidem communi omnibus animalibus argumento pugnaret objector facile cederem areâ , fassus non illam mihi anatomes peritiam suppetere , ut oculis subjicere valeam cur ex motu irae cordebullientis emicent spiritus in illos musculos , quorum contentione feratur in adversarios animal , & ex motu timoris spiritus in oppositos musculos quibus ab iisdem fugiat animal depluant , cùm utrisque pariter quodammodo vim augeant ; nullus tamen ambigo ex vi motûs cerebri à motu cordis effecti , fieri ut aditus unorum canalium claudantur alii aperiantur , & inde sit admiranda haec & hactenus non satis pervisa spirituum directio . verùm author casum proprium homini constituere videtur , ostentans voluntatem & fortassis electionem , quasi primum hujus directionis authorem : labitur itaque eodem semper errore arguens . priùs enim demonstrādus est aliquis voluntatis actus , qui motum cordis ( quem cum violentus est passionem appellamus , cùm quicquam molimur desiderium vel fugam aut aliâ simili denominatione indigitamus ) non habeat vel praecedentem vel comitantem ; qui si nullus est , jam puro mechanismo ( ut ille loquitur ) & non inexplicabili quâdam popotentiâ fit haec directio . non posse autem adeò exemptum actum voluntatis existere , satis perspicuum est illis qui cognitionem sine pulsu phantasmatum nullam agnoscunt ; nequeunt enim phantasmata non consuetis naturae viis vel non ipsa cieri vel alia ciere : per motus itaque à corde derivatos , sive in homine sive in animalibus , motus seu naturales sive liberi , universim peraguntur ; & , quod sequitur , contemplationi & dispectioni philosophiae & accuratae mechanicae subjecti sunt . 5. caput quartum sensationis & memoriae inexplicabiles esse naturas objicit . quoad priorem , primò agnoscit sensationis substantiam in solo cerebro sitam esse ; deinde inclinat in phantasticam illam cartesii , de motu à coelis usque ad oculos nostros per tenuissimi aetheris continuitatem deducto , seu conjecturam , seu exerrationem à manifestis naturae vestigiis ; sed quoniam aristotelaea non aestimat incredibilia , mihi quoque omittenda est eorum speculatio . tandem itaque recidit in antiquum errorem , inquirens quomodo corporea in nudum spiritum vim habere valeant . supponit itaque animam in corpore ens quoddam esse , non formam vel qualitatem entis quod est homo , & eâdem chordâ oberrat , neque opus est pridem disputata recoquere . sed nè nihil novi dicat , calumniatur sensu solo non posse agnosci quantitates rerum , distantias , figuras & colores . fateor me in viro curioso & ingenioso mirari haec objecta , quae opticis demonstrationibus adeò dilucidè sunt explanata & demonstrata . quis adeò ignarus est , ut in eâdem distantiâ nesciat majora obtusiori angulo & fortiùs ferire oculum ? quis nescit figuram , modò plana sit , prout objicitur oculo , non aliud esse quàm quantitatem in hanc vel illam partem magis seu spatiosam seu contractam ? sin solida sit & tertiae dimensionis particeps ex distantiâ varietatem mutuari ? rursus , distantiam non esse aliud quàm magnitudinē quandam inter oculum & objectum expansam ; quae si judicari non possit , neque de distantiâ oculos testari posse ? colorem tandem non esse aliud quàm superficiei secundum partes sensui indistinctas confusam figurationem ? unde perspicuum manet , non aliam geometriam oculo ad haec omnia esse necessariam , quàm quae ad magnitudinem ex anguli varietate aestimandam necessaria est . 6. proximus in memoriam labor expenditur . illius explanationem ut impossibilem declaret , quatuor illam excutiendi methodos commemorat & rejicit : mihi alia ineunda est via . primò enervanda est haec consequentia , si aliquid in memoriâ hactenùs explicatum non fuerit , propterea existimandum esse neque futuris explicatum iri , seu impossibile explicatu esse . monendum etiam quaedam semper ignoratum iri , vel quia levitas rerum discendi operam non mereatur , vel quia aliquando cognitorum moles tanta futura sit , ut amplior scientia intellectui sit futura onerosa : de similibus autem conqueri est humanae conditionis oblitum esse . quod itaque nobis in hâc quaestione agendum videtur , est , illa quae circa memoriam stabilita sunt & evidentia cōmemorare ; de incognitis verò aestimare num aliquando cognita erūt vel mereātur cognosci . primò itaque evidens est distinguendum esse in memoriâ , quid sit memoria & quid reminiscentia . memoria enim est conservatio impressionum ab objectis factarum , per quam potens redditur animal iis pro libitu vel necessitate suâ uti . reminiscentia verò est motus quidam quo ista potentia utendi impressionibus in actum & usum reducitur . circa memoriam itaque & stationis seu quietis ratio reddenda est , & motionis sive caussae sive modus ; & utriusque ( nisi fallor ) evidentia quibus insistamus vestigia natura & experientia offert . 7. inprimis , decîdi à moventibus sensum quasdam exuvias & corporis delibamenta , quoad tactum , gustum , & odoratum notius est , quàm ut litem sustinere possit . qui lumini è rebus ad oculos revertenti eandem vim negaverit , pariter neget solem , exhalationes , & vapores è terrâ maríque elicere ; postquam non alia est operationum diversitas , nisi quòd altera major & fortior , alia debilior sit & minor . quòd autem hi atomi ipsum cerebrum subeant vehiculo spirituum , hoc est , substantiae cujusdam liquidae & substilissimae , vix ab importuno negari valebit , si quomodo impregnentur aquae & olea in memoriam revocemus . necesse est itaque hos atomos non sine impetu impingere in illam cerebri partem cujus percussione fit perceptio . flumen rursus seu liquidum impetu adversus resistens adactum cum impetu non resilire , & experimentis & rationi clarissimè repugnat : repulsum autem in substantiâ suâ aliquid visci habens , & in vase viscoso , cujusmodi sunt illa quae cerebrum circumstant , solido alicui non adhaerere pariter impossibile est : sed & notabilem ejusdem rivi partem non sibi invicem cohaerere viscositas non patitur . parietes itaque cerebreorum vacuorum & cavorum , necesse est filamentis omnes esse vestitos & armatos ; conclusum est itaque in caeteris praeter auditum sensibus , atomis constanter haerentibus reddi animal potens impressionibus ab objectis factis denuò uti . sonus tandem cùm collisione aëris fiat , malleum auris ad verberandam incudem propellere ex anatome certum est ; ex quâ percussione non exilire particulas quasdam quae phantasiam feriant incredibile est ; harum itaque ordinatâ conservatione integrari nata est sonorum memoria . memoriae itaque ( nisi fallor ) cum ratione declarata est structura . 8. ad reminiscentiae quoque symptomata exponenda , cur non possit parili tramite procedi , vel cur desperanda sit eorum solutio nihil mihi occurrit . nihil enim clarius quàm motū explicatum atomorum quasi vento cieri . passionem enim esse ebullitionem quandam fumidorū spirituū ex corde in irâ & amore & verecundiâ ipsis oculis spectabile est . si quaerimus quem effectum in phantasiam habeant hi motus , experimur occurrere animo illa objecta quasi tumultuariè & confertè quae passiones has sollicitent , tantâ cum festinatione & accumulatione , ut maturam expensionem & librationem praeoccupent . apparet itaque à vaporibus similibus de suis sedibus excitatas atomos , circa partem cognoscitivam obvolare , confusâ quâdam cum jactatione . si itaque quidam venti sunt & flatus , quos appetitivae facultatis motus appellamus , nonne palàm est quasi everri cava cerebri & moveri idôla parietibus haerentia ad locum destinatum ubi effectum consequantur . quod autem neque casu neque certo ordine ferantur atomi , ex eo clarum est , quòd in inquisitione neque subitò & perfectè occurrant quaesita , quod electionis indicium foret ; & tamen manifestè tantâ copiâ ministrantur quaesitis , ut non sine omni industriâ hunc motum fieri conspicuum sit . sicut itaque cùm de directione spirituum in nervos ageremus , agnovimus singulis passionibus in certas cerebri partes sua patere itinera , sic hîc quoque manifestum est iisdem passionibus certarum atomorum sedes & series magis quodammodo esse obvias . 9. attamen , perturbat novum naturae miratorem multitudo objectorum cavis cerebri innatantium , quomodo non se implicent mutuò & confundant , & quânam arte sese devitent ut possint cognitionem humanam distinctam conservare . neque dissiteor fas mihi esse hâc in difficultate machinam implorare adjutricem ; verè enim lucernam non habemus , neque conspicilia explicatoria , per quae distringere valeamus semitas illas subtiles quibus se vitant & fallunt atomi , nè mutuo incursu pereant . verùm vicissim interrogo , tot radii solares ( quos corpora esse jam non dubitat philosophia ) quomodo per continuum aërem & tot in eo volitantia corpuscula recti ad oculos permeant ? nullum est corpus , si experimentis & rationi credimus , quòd non sua effluvia & sphaeram de se nascentiū vaporum habeat ; haec effluvia quomodo innocuos tramites , quibus ferantur & admirandos effectus nanciscantur , inveniunt ? fluxus magnetici , sympathetici , odoriflui , mutuò non rumpuntur & vani evadunt ? qui haec negare non audent , cur in cerebri patulis idem contingere recusant ? sed opponis , multiplicare difficultatem non est ipsam solvere , sed reliquam natuam non indagabilem profiteri , dum hanc particulam à tenebris exolvere propositum fuit . at ego ipsum sic nodum scindo . in majoribus ubi facilior est experiendi facultas , palàm est multa confundi , multa interire ; sed tamen per ipsum multitudinis ingenium fit ut aliqua serventur & tot quot instituto naturae satis sunt . sic & in cerebro res geritur . objectum quodcunque ingreditur tempore sensum occupat ; quod si nimium breve sit , statim interit paenè antequam sentiatur ; si spatiosius sit , quasi multiplicatis idôlis radicat cognitionem ; tantundem fit si saepius visum sit idem objectum ; imò repetitam cognitionem eundem effectum sortiri evidentius est quàm ut disputationem patiatur . hoc cùm ità sit , concludendum est hanc esse artem naturae ut iis quorum reminiscendum est non desit copia necessaria & sussiciens ad perfringendum iter per occursantium idolorum turbam . 10. palàm est me in hâc responsione digbaeanam methodum caeteris praetulisse . ipsius enim methodus vestigia naturae suis vestigiis , quantum pote , premit . de reliquis non laboro , aedificandi enim non destruendi intentione philosophica meditor . moneo dumtaxat ingeniosum authorem malè tertiam sententiam , quae nihil olet philosophicum , aristoteli imponere ( qui digbaeanam docuit ) deceptum simulatione vocantium se aristotelaeos , cùm nihil minùs sint . in hoc eodem capite sollicitus videtur author de de voluntatis post intellectum sequelâ . sed quia nihil disputat , neque ego ; sed adverto voluntatem quatenus spiritalis est , non aliud quippiam sed ipsum intellectum perfectum , seu ut ex quo actio nata est sequi , significare . mysterium illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non nego ad nostras usque aures per majorum certamina delatum esse , neque inficior duraturum quamdiu audaces & ignari superstites erunt . sed ut author insinuat , nihil dubito ab ipso augustino clarissimè convictum fuisse , & non aliis , nisi quibus ipsius doctrina vel ignota est vel neglecta , ulteriùs esse importunum . actio sexta . plasticam & volutationis mysteria aperit . 1. capite quinto formationis corporum naturalium , viventium praesertim , obscuritatem intentat : sed non adeò acriter , quin repulsam facilem patiatur . aio itaque duabus methodis intelligibilem evadere viventium formationem citra aliam difficultatem , quàm quae in sapientiam artificis refundi possit sine mirando . primò sic concipitur ; dicamus seu plantae semen seu animalis continere partes invisibiles omnium membrorum animalis ; has dicamus subdito humore crescere cum aliquâ levi mutatione cujus facilis sit ratio , putà quòd quaedam partes magis arescant & & indurentur , aliae magis perpluantur & mollescant , quid magni in formatione viventium apprehendetur ? altera est methodus ut notato progressu chymico , qui idem est ex necessitate ipsius naturae , videamus miti concocta igne in tres magis notandas partes exilire ; tenuem quandam & quasi igneam etsi in speciem aquae condensabilem , aliam oleosam & respondentem aëri , tertiam salis & quasi duratae aquae ingeniū exprimentem ; quibus & miscetur , & subsider quarta , sicca & terrae qualitate foeta , quomodocunque ipsis dicta : idem par est à naturâ expectare , postquam calidi in humidum actio utriusque est formacis finis . hoc posito , in vase proprio intelligatur stilla praeparati liquoris , sic fota & conservata ut etiam augeri possit , nonne palàm est ipsâ actione aliquas partes sicciores , alias subtiliòres & liquidiores evasuras ? et sicciores in figuras diversas abituras ? maximè in vasa quaedam concava si tunsione bullientis humoris extendantur & in longitudinem pellantur : & omnia circa primas divisionis origines sibi adhaesuras ; & non jam vides animalis figuram & partium homogenearum inter se natam , & connexionem , & varietatem , & alias heterogeneas esse secundum varietatem seu foci seu liquoris ? 2. haec qui mente comprehenderit , non plorabit plasticam vanum nomen esse & vocem sine re . sed si ingeniosus sit & otii commodus vel vere in hortis & agris sectabitur parturientes plantas , vel domi semina orcis sepulta eruet dum vitam concipiunt , & quotidie baccarum seminumve viscera scrutabitur : & ausim pollicere illi gradus profectûs adeo manifestè conexos , ut post experimenta saepius tentata ex ipsâ pridianâ conspectione praedicturus sit quid postridie sit enucaturum . quae admiranda sunt in confusioue totius in partium distributione aperiunt semetipsa luci , & spectanda proponunt . si quis figuratum , si colorum suffusionem notet ; horum principia in natura succi fundata reperiet , illarum , in aliquo nascendi modo delineari rationes : sunt enim , artis operà , fructus & etiam surculi in quaslibet formas variabiles . multo magis salium diversorum seu succorum concretorum figurae non ab intrinseca aliquâ natura , sed ex consuetudine generandi & loci motuumque difficultate vel facilitate nascuntur . neque quemquam terreant artificum dicta , admirantium ea quorum causas non intelligunt , & in maius semper evehentium ; neque authoris nostri ad constantiam naturalium operationum obstupescentis , cur nunquam nostrae gallinae pavonacearum caudarum vel psittacorum colores induant . nam in diversis regionibus ex alimentorum & aëris diversitate magnae varietates inferuntur . pro iis verò quae circa haec ignorantur , tempori supplicandum est . 3. eodem capitulo duas alias quaestiones movet quas absolutè inexplicabiles putat , mihi contra vix ullam in sese difficultatem continere videntur . harum questionum in ipso posterior est de compositione quanti seu continui , & à veteribus agitata , & à modernis desperata . prior etsi naturâ posterior , de adhaesione partium est ; sive cur unum corpus sit magis divisibile aliud minus . prior quaestio supponit aliam , an partes sint actu in continuo , in qua pars affirmativa à modernis , etsi vocibus litigent , ferè tamen quasi per se seu sensibus nota acceptatura , à totâ vero peripateticorum antiquiorum scholâ & thomisticâ eos sequente , tanquam demonstratione convicta exibilatur . exitus rei est , ut moderni circa compositionem continui post ingentes labores & nugamenta , fateantur crucem philosophis fixam ; peripatetici eos quasi noctu laborantes irrideant . si enim nullae partes sint donec per divisionem creentur , manifestè insaniunt qui quaerunt quomodo uniantur quae nullae sunt ? argumenta asserentium partes actu vel sensum citant , de quo nihil certius est quàm quod partem aliquam in continuo discernere non possit , cùm terminus cujusvis partis sit indivisibilis , sensus autem quantitatem notabilem requirat de quâ judicet . caetera argumenta , fere modum loquendi assumunt , & in logicas tricas desinunt quomodo loquendum sit , non quid in re consistat . hac autem lite non admodum difficili soluta , de continui compositione peracta est controversia . 4. circa reliquam quaestionem non minùs desipitur . resolvere conantur democritici in uncinos & angulosas moras ; neque vident nihil unum seu atomum sic fingi posse ut non ipsum pluribus partibus confletur , de quibus quaeratur cur sibi tam firmiter haereant . verùm hanc difficultatem saltem transiliunt asserentes minima ex vi naturae cuicunque potentiae divisivae resistere , non item composita ex minimis ; hoc est , summam & invictam cohaerentiam partium naturae vi & qualitati pet negligentiam assignant , de minori quaeritant . primam itaque resolutionem palam est refundi in naturam ipsam , & bisectionem corporis seu quanti in rara & densa , seu plus & minus de quantitate in paritate molis habentia . quae differentiae cum demonstrabilissimè dividant rationem quanti , & in rebus ejusdem plures species constituant , non restat major difficultas in adhaesione partium ejusdem continui quàm an aliquod continuum sit ; si enim aliquod sit , necesse per ipsum esse continuum etiam esse ex quo partes creari possint , non in quo partes sint ; alioquin ( ut suprà quoque pressimus ) idem ens foret unum & plura , divisum & non divisum in eâdem ratione . palam itaque est substantiam per ipsam quantitatem per quam habet esse resolubilem in partes ; item habere faciliùs vel difficiliùs esse resolubilem quod vocant partes magis vel minùs sibi invicem haerere . sed quàm primum speculatio ad notiones intellectuales attingit , nauseat stomachus physicorum ; quasi hoc philosophia imperet ut nesciamus cogitata nostra , neque fas sit intelligere quid loquamur . 5. caput sextum totum motui rotarum dedicatum est , neque si credimus authori de cujus ingenio queri non licet , ullam solutionem patitur . sed priusquam fatalem illam difficultatem aggrediatur praeviam quandam nobis objicit , quam veteres aristoteli ; sed , ut fateor , clariori formâ . rotam enim considerat circa centrum motam , & apertè concludit nullam ipsius partem movere quin tota moveatur , & singulae partes simul locum mutent . sed quid inconvenientis secum trahat haec conclusio , prorsus ignoro . etsi enim latè deducere conetur unam partem priùs loco cedere quàm alia insit , evidenter tamen est vocum non rei certamen : quid enim vetet simul & cedens primò non esse , & succedens primò esse in eodem loco ? alia solutio posset exhiberi si argumentum exigeret . sed , ut dixi , de vocibus & modo loquendi litigatur , non de re . subjungit author secundam difficultatem , quomodo in rotâ circumvolutâ viciniores centro partes eodem tempore tam parvum decurrant spatium , cum connexae sint cum remotioribus quae adeò amplum conficiunt ; & postquam agnovit hinc contingere quia non aequè velociter ferantur , infert , si inaequalis sit velocitas motuum , curuatam iri rectam à centro ad circumferentiam ductam ; cum evidentissimè constet curuandam fore rectam , si aequali velocitate ferrentur partes centro proximiores & longinquiores . 6. jactatum tandem experimentum capite alto ingreditur author ille , praefatus audentissimae constantiae os sese obstructurum . sic eam proponit . habeat unus axis tres rotas , ad singulos terminos unam , utramque aequalem , in medio tertiam longè minorem . majores pavimento , minor tabulae alicui insideant ; motu progressivo omnes tres trahantur , donec circumvolutione perfectâ iisdem punctis terram & tabulam signent in quibus primo fixae fuerant : comperientur tres lineae signatae esse aequales , cùm media contactu circuli longè minoris designata sit quàm reliquae , duae quibus tamen aequalis ipsa est ; quod repugnare nullâ versimilitudine negari potest , cùm clarum sit quae sese tangunt quatenus se tangunt necessariò esse aequalia . hic nodus est , haec repugnantia manifestaria . at at notemus motum in auxilium ad magis implicandum nodum vocari , notemus etiam motus esse duos specie ; putà motum rectum & circularem , componentes tertium progressivum motum rotae . advertamus ulteriùs motum rectum trium rotarum esse aequalem , circularem autem motum majorum rotarum esse aequalem motui recto , circularem autem motum mediae rotulae minorem motu recto ; & quod sequitur , majores rotas eâdem celeritate moveri secundum utramque lationem , minorem vero rotam fortius moveri recto motu quàm circulari . motus autem compositus non est motus signatus in terrâ vel tabulâ , quem clarum est esse simplicem & purè rectum ; sed motus quidam curvus in aëre , concludens cum motu signato aream quandam cujus quantitatem demonstravit torricellus ; ut accipienti unum quodlibet punctum circuli seu rotae ultra disputationem manifestum est : & simul quòd motus progressivus rotae majoris sit major motu progressivo rotae minoris . his sic expositis , nihil apparet implexius in hâc objectione quam in hoc simplici essato ▪ quòd duorum corporum quae secundùm unam lineam feruntur aequali velocitate , unum possit secundùm aliam lineam in eodem tempore ferri velociùs quam reliquum ; quod adeò evidens est ut vir mathematicus ambigere de illo nequeat . 7. verùm enimverò pressiùs urget galilaeus , in circumvolutione singula puncta minoris circuli seu rotae singulis punctis spatii quo fertur adaptari , immediatâ successione ; atque proinde intelligi nequire quo modo recta sit longior curvâ . sed fefellit galilaeum non ipsum aristotelem discussisse , sed modernis interpretibus vel potiùs corruptoribus credulum fuisse . docuit enim aristoteles mobile in motu constitutū semper majorem & non-aequalem sibi locum occupare , quod evidentissimum est . cùm enim nulla pars motus essê possit nisi in tempore , & in quâlibet parte temporis res mota aliquid loci deserat & aliquid de novo occupet , palàm est non posse adeò exiguum motum reperiri , in in quo corpus motum non occupaverit & locum in quo quieverat , & aliquam partem novi seu de novo . hoc supposito , etsi supponeretur mobile esse indivisibile , tamen certum foret in quâcunque signatâ temporis , vel per quantumlibet exiguam partem motûs non par sibi spatium sed lineam aliquam signare , & in conditionibus praesentis litis quodlibet punctum minoris rotae signare lineam proportionatam parti circuli majoris rotae : et cum reipsâ nulla sint vel instantia in tempore , vel indivisibilia in motu , vel puncta in lineâ circulari , evidens fit argumentum hoc nullam vim habere , nisi ex vi falsae illius apprehensionis , quam coarguimus in defensione geometriae superiùs adductâ . actio septima . de causis inscientiae modernae inquirit . 1. in sequentibus aliquot capitulis satis exquisitè investigat causas errorum & ignorantiae humanae : duas tamen ab ipso neglectas suggerere mihi posse videor . altera est inertia hujus saeculi vel magis vanitas . quisquis enim satis paravit sibi loquacitatis ut inter ignaros vel semi-doctos valeat eruditam texere fabulationem , quâ insueti scientiis intellectus nati sunt praestringi , partim taedio difficiliora prosequendi , partim ingenii sui fiduciâ contemnit in illas fodinas descendere unde majores nostri eruerunt scientiam , & illos sibi desumere labores quos solos respicit & sequitur sapientia . testis mihi esto author qui sub finem prioris capitis conqueritur de obscuritate speculationum , de motu , gravitate , lumine , coloribus , visione , sono , quibus omnibus claram affundit lucem digbaeana philosophia : ex quâ etiam de magnete , derivatione spirituum in membra , de memoriâ & reminiscentiâ , fermatione viventium , & ferè quaecunque in solutionem difficultatum propositarum attulimus , copiosiùs & clariùs explicata , ex ipsis naturae praeeuntis dictatis hausimus . legunt itaque hujusmodi philosophi praeclara & multo labore elaborata aliorum opera quasi fabulas ad voluptatē fictas , vel comoedi quomodo comoediam spectant . quod subitò placet , laudant ; siquid spinosius occurrit , vel taedio victi negligunt , vel cum sarcasmo derident . 2. altera ab authore nostro neglecta ignorantiae caussa mihi apparet esse quidam specialis error in naturâ demonstrationis . fingunt enim sibi idéam quandam demonstrationis , quae non hanc duntaxat vim in intellectum exerceat ut veritatem propositam evidentem reddat , sed praeterea ut nulla objectio cum verisimilitudine opponi queat . quod tantundem est , atque si poscerent ut hâc demonstratione confectum sit quicquid ex ipsâ sequitur , vel quodcunque ipsam contingit , sive ut una demonstratio sit integra quaedam scientia . alioquin enim quomodo fieri potest , ut non ex iis quae adhuc latent & sunt cum hâc veritate conjuncta , non possint adversus hanc moveri tela . intellectus itaque scientiis natus ex ipsis principiis & praecognitis securus est de veritate deductâ , neque trepidat nequid oppositum agnitae veritati induci possit , quantumcunque laboriosus evasurus sit ex angustiis elapsus . novit enim illa denique certa esse quae intellectus constanti dispectione quòd ens sit ens , seu idem sit idem , in semet & sibi affigit ; & patienter expectat , donec inter implexa distinctio eluceat , & confusio evanescat . 3. ex hoc quod hi scientiarum contemptores nihil severâ veritatis contemplatione in semetipsis figere moliuntur , quamprimùm veritas aliqua evidentiam prae se fert quasi impares illi agnoscendae deserunt stationem suam , & convertuntur ad inquirendum num aliquis sese eidem opposuerit ; & si invenerint impugnatores , quasi evidentissimum assumunt talem veritatem non esse evidentem . si enim ( inquiunt ) foret evidens , omnibus foret evidens , omnem intellectum convinceret . sed aequali jure dicant ; solem non esse visibilem , quia non videtur iis qui tergum illi obvertunt , vel oculos clausos tenent : sicut enim in corporeo visu motus aliquis corporeus quo pupilla oculi visibili objiciatur necessarius est ; sic non minus ad videndum & infigendum menti vel hanc evidentiam , quòd idem non possit simul esse & non esse quaedam applicatio & quasi apertio mentis requiritur , ad ipsam evidentiam evidentissimam concipiendam & parturiendam ; & defectu hujus tot veteres & moderni ipsiusmet primi & notissimi principii evidentiam non agnoverunt & corruperunt . unde nunquam possunt attingere methodum illam scientificam quae in arithmeticis & geometricis tantopere lucet , sed tricis logicis & aequivocis toti irretiuntur , & nugosa volumina ineptiis implent . ostendant mundo hi tomorum onerosi fabricatores , vel unum folium vel unam pagellam methodo geometricâ deductam vel certè tentatam , & postmodùm conquerantur nullam dari scientiam , vel eam in puteo latere . nunc pigritiâ sordidi , & convitiis fervidi , fingunt sibi leonem esse in viâ , neque pedem movent ut conspicentur ipsam viam . actio octava . avertit ab aristotele specialis impietatis calumniam . 1. et jam defunctus labore imperato videor , nisi summâ cum invidiâ aristotelem omnibus contumeliis proscindere iidem certarent , quò per ignominiam unius viri , ipsam scientiam è doctorum manibus ereptam in caenum probabilitatis abjiciant . solus etenim ex veteribus monimentum aliquod demonstrationis in metaphysicis & physicis reliquit . academici enim , quatenus à peripateticis secedunt , oratores fuêre non philosophi . socrates quippe merè dialecticus & dubitator fuit . ejus scholam diviserunt plato & aristoteles ; plato divino prorsus ingenio & eloquio purissimo , probabilitatem ornare , & admirationi esse de principiis ad vitam humanam necessariis speciosa loquendo sibi proposuit . aristoteles concisâ brevitate , veritatem fectando experimenta & maritando cum inspectione naturae vim deductivam consequentiarum , scientiam in physicis & metaphysicis aemulam geometriae mundo oftendere destinavit . et propterea , quamdiu forma reipub. popularis oratorum potentiam aluit , minùs aestimatus est ; affectaverunt enim famosi illi scientiam per modum caussarum civilium absque solido firmóque judicio peragere . oratoribus tandem tabescentibus increvit authoritas aristotelis , & à romanis ad arabas , ab arabibus ad scholam nostram derivata est ; italis primò ( quantum notare licuit ) arabum scientiam , quam bella pridem eripuerant , in occidentem revocantibus . 2. cumprimis iniquum est & cavillatoris ingenii testimonium , in mores illius inquirere , cujus doctrinam impugnare ordiris : hae siquidem oratoriae praeventiones lectoris , arguunt nolle scriptorem candidam de veritate sententiam proferri , sed insidiari per motum affectûs ad detorquendam justitiam . quare , exibilatis illis quae in mores aristotelis decantantur , quid objiciatur doctrinae vestigemus . petrus itaque gassendus exercitatione tertiâ quasi certum objicit ex aristotelis sententiâ deum esse animal in libris metaphysicorum ; cùm ex adverso lib. 8. phys. cap. 6 , & 10. adeò disertè faciat deum substantiam immaterialem , indivisibilem , neque per se neque per accidens mobilem , ut ipsa impudentia negare non valeat deum in ipsius sententiâ non esse animal . adjicit , deum superficiei extimae supremi coeli esse alligatū ; quod ignavissimè dicitur in viâ peripateticâ , sive extra coelum interpreteris in spatiis imaginariis , cùm aristoteles nulla esse disertissimè testetur ; sive indivisibile coelo agnatum , tum quia primus motor neeessariò dicendus sit esse in eo quod est primò mobile vel motum ; notum autem est in disciplinâ aristotelis superficiem moveri dumtaxat ad motū corporis cujus est ▪ & tandem , quia superficies ( ut suprà diximus ) est quoddam divisum esse , seu terminus , seu non ultra corporis , non autem aliqua entitas in quo deus collocari possit . 3. proxima accusatio arguit deum fati legibus & necessitati esse astrictum . verùm apertus est hic error calumniantis . fatum enim aliud stoicum est , asserentium quaecumque sunt ex vi contradictionis existere , cùm necesse sit quodlibet vel esse vel non esse , & hoc fatum dici ab aristotele . aliud fatum est series caussarum . cùm itaque evidens sit , nemine repugnante , in via perripateticâ deum esse primum ens , & , quod sequitur , caussam totius seri ei reliquorum , eum non fato subditum sed caeterorum fatum esse in aristotelis scholâ clarissimum est , quae est sanctorum sapientissima sententia , & christianae doctrinae medulla . par huic est quod sit necessitati subditus . necessitatis quippe vocabulum ambiguū est ; prout enim animalibus tribuitur condistinctè à libertate , sic perfectam cognitionem tollit , quam deo negat nemo peripateticus , qui summitatem scientiae deo ex doctrinâ aristotelis attibuere cogitur . alia est necessitas ex perfectâ scientiâ nascens ; quam quia nihil latet , unicâ viâ ingredi potest perfectus in scientiâ ; & , quod sequitur , deus . haec autem necessitas cùm includat determinationem intelligentis ad particularia ex communibus principiis , manifestè electionem seu libertatem actuatam dicit . 4. ulteriùs calumniatur , docuisse deum despecta & minima non novisse , & citat duodecimum metaphysicorum ubi hoc non reperitur nisi per modum dubitationis : meliores autem interpretes ex aliis textibus concludunt horum etiam scientiam ab aristotele deo tribui . malignitatem proinde arguit haec criminatio in deteriorem partem summi viri voces trahentis . at saltem mundum increatum constituit . verùm facile est negare . ingenitum quidem asseruit seu non potuisse per motum & caussarum naturalium vim incipere , quod est christianae fidei maximè consonum ; de creatione verò mundi tacuit quidem ; sed aliud est non agnovisse seu eò usque non attigisse , aliud est negare , inter viros modestos qui non effutiunt incerta . fateor tamen ipsum munnum aeternum existimavisse , sed in ipso errore sese philosophorum ethnicorum summum ostendisse . cùm enim illi omnes nihil ex nihilo fieri conspiratò declaraverint , inconsequens fuit mundum per motum incepisse qui sine tempore existere non potuit , temporis autem initium neque ex suâ essentiâ neque per actionem caussarum moventium ullum apparere possit . palam itaque est hunc aristotelis errorem arguere excellentiam ipsius supra reliquos , qui casu & non ex scientiâ veritatem attigerunt . 5. ultima circa dogmata calumnia de immortalitate animae agit , quam pluribus in locis eum inficiari docet ; sed eàdem benignitate quâ priùs . cùm optimi interpretes eam agnovisse aristotelem confirment , & plutarchus memoret ipsum post mortem eudemi de animâ scripsisse ex quo citatur celebris illa historia de animâ mortui vindictam ab amico petentis . unde evidens fit errare illos interpretes qui ex principiis aristotelicis conantur concludere animam non esse immortalem , & hunc sensum fuisse ipsius aristotelis . mirum tandem accidit quòd author , caeteroqui ingeniosus , censuerit objiciendum quòd aristoteles negaverit resurrectionem mortuorum , quam certum est non nisi lumine fidei apparere caepisse mortalibus , etsi post veritatem per fidem acceptam etiam conformitas ad naturae progressum dilucere potuit . addo quòd concludat , dicendo eum plura pronunciare fidei sacrae orthodoxaeque planè dissentientia ; quasi plato & caeteris philosophi omnia fidei consentientia dogmata mundo porrexissent , quod eò indignius facinus est , quò hic ipse gassendus in praefatione polliceatur se ostensurum solâ fide quicquam cognosci de deo & intelligentiis , & vana esse argumenta circa haec quae ex naturali lumine ducuntur . digno profectò epiphonemate quo claudatur libellus illius sextus qui adversus metaphysicam seu sapientiam instruendus erat . actio nona . crimina indoctrinam & voces ejusdem aspersa delet . 1. a gassendo ad authorem vanitatis dogmatizandi reducenda est oratio , postquam ipse selegit fortiora , meritò illa praeponens numerositati quam usque ad fastidium cumulavit gassendus magis convicii quàm scientiae amore . nostras itaque academicus primo quasi praeloquio invidiam declinare videtur , quam pompa sectatorum aristotelis illi conciliare nata foret , applicatâ illâ senecae sententiâ argumentum pessimi turba est : adeo promptum est etiam in apertissimis errare . palam siquidem est vulgus in aliquibus excellentes viros quasi duces sectari , in aliis suo judicio regi vel potius rapi . prior methodus ipsius naturae est , ut multi ignorantes paucorum virtute authoritateque ad bonum ferantur . ut vulgus autem judicet de ignotis sibi , & tumultuario consensu praecipitet consilia prudentium , hoc naturae & rationis legibus adversatur ; hîc quaere , unde aristoteles in vulgus authoritatem consecutus sit , & ipsorum theologiae scholasticae principum numine impositum esse ipsum philosophantium capitibus elucescet ; quibus si compares oratorum vel criticorum judicia , prorsus evanida exarescent . ipsi sancti ( pace tantorum virorum sit dictum ) a lienae artis sunt , neque philosophicam fidei explicationem , aliter quàm coacti haereticorum importunitate , adiuerunt . 2. subjicit author noster sapientium arbitrio peripateticam esse vocum nihil significantium congeriem . verùm nesciebat hic author voces suas adeò aequivocas esse , ut ipsaemet nihil sonent . quis enim hoc excussit , quinam vel quorum judicio sapientes nominentur qui de peripateticis hoc pronunciaverunt ? si vel opera ipsa aristotelis , vel antiquos aristotelis aemulos consulamus , sole clarius est neminem usquam philosophorum tantâ industriâ & tot vocum suarum in sensa obvia distributione cavisse claritati dictorum , & tricas aequivocationum elusisse . manifestum itaque est , hos sapientes nihil de rebus aristotelicis sapuisse . vice itaque aristotelaeorum supposuere simias aliquot tegentes se nomine aristotelis , & aliena dogmata pro peripateticis exponentes , & ( quos videtur nescire ) verè pyrrhonaeos . quicunque enim magnis voluminibus & aggeratis quaestionibus non aliud docet quàm unam quidem partem esse verisimiliorem , sed neutri deesse patrocinium , tam longis logis nihil aliud agit quàm si unicâ voce sententiam tulisset , quòd nihil liqueat . suos itaque amicos non aristotelem tangit haec calumnia . 3. prosequitur deinde actionem in peripateticos per dubia quaedā , quae illi clara non sunt , vel non videntur , invitâ ipsâ ratione . primae materiei notionem , quâ neque quid , neque quantum , neque quale asseritur , esse descriptionem nihili contendit . mirum hominum ingenium ! súntne fortassis in totâ naturâ voces magis usitatae quàm esse & posse . quis adeò bardus est , ut non sic loquatur de aere vel marmore ad hoc ipsum seposito , quòd nondum sit sed possit esse vel erit aliquando mercurius ? non intelligunt sortassis semetipsos qui sic loquuntur , vel quando dicunt posse esse seu habere aptitudinem ut sit mercurius dicunt aes nihil esse , vel nihil esse mercurii ? quomodo itaque praeter mercurius vel formam mercurii non datur quaedam potentia vel aptitudo ad esse mercurium , quae neque sit mercurius actu , neque notio non-entis vel nihili ? sin respectu figurae quae mercurium constituit , est aliqua aptitudo quae neque ipsa sit neque nihili notio , cur non tantundem de ▪ quanto licebit affirmare , & asserere puerum nondum magnū esse , sed posse esse magnum ? nam qui hoc asserit , non simul negat magnitudinem , & tamen clarè nominat aptitudinē ad magnitudinem ? neque fortassis alia est de ente ratio : non veremur enim sevum vel oleum pronunciare posse flammam esse , neque tamen dum esse flammam . sevum itaque seu oleum neque est ens flammae quod potest esse , neque est tantum quantum erit quando est flamma , neque adeò calet ; & tamen potest esse flamma , potest esse major , potest esse calidior ; & in ipso potentia quaedam quae neque est quid , neque quantum , neque quale , postquam ad haec omnia refertur , & earum privationem conjunctam sibi habet . et quisquis hoc non esse intelligibile profitetur , idem genus humanum totum eo ipso condemnat quasi gregem fatuorum , quíque nesciant quid in vulgarissimo sermone & commerciis suis loquantur . et quisquis materiam ipsam negat , sollenne effatum philosophiae nihil ex nihilo à naturâ fieri ex narurâ tollit . 4. duae aliae voces molestae sunt sceptico nostro . hae sunt forma & educi de potentiâ materiei . et , quod ad priorem vocem a●tinet , inopinatum est , quomodo nimia speculatio homines ingeniosos stupidissimis aequet . potéstne nasci aliquis adeò brutus ut non agnoscat unam rem ab aliâ esse distinctam ? vel si sit distincta simul asserat per nihil distingui ? an illic est labor ut hoc quo distingua 〈◊〉 vocetur forma ? quanta est haec importunitas ut non liceat formam appellare quam video distinguere unam ab aliâ ? non licet mihi dicere de duabus statuis aeneis quod conveniant in aere , distinguantur figuris ? vel si sit tertia de marmore , culpabor si dixero distingui aeneas ab marmoreâ , quòd haec sit saxea , reliquae metallicae ? sicut itaque priùs distinximus posse & esse in substantiâ , quanto , & quali , nunc licebit in iisdem nominare formam & subjectum in singulis horum . 5. quoad posteriorem vocem , seu educi de potentiâ , videat vir ingeniosus an illud quod ex cavo aliquo & tenebris in apricum & lucem paulatim & sensim prodit , impropriè dicatur educi vel produci . iterum meminerit ( si marmor à sculptore sigurari viderit aliquando ) quomodo primò non possit conjici quid formaturus sit artifex , post aliquantulum laboris apparet species confusa hominis ; deinde , an sit vir an foemina , & tandē quis hominū sit ? ecce , quomodo homo qui erat in potentiâ in marmore & confusè , quasi in tenebris , sensim per artem educitur ex illâ confusione in claram lucem , & marmor fit caesar patulè & expressé . tantundem considerant philosophi in naturâ , sive viventium semina , sive elementorum communitatem in compositum miscendorum , five materiei abstractionem ab elementis notes . unde phrasis haec educi de potentiâ materiae est ex aptitudine materiae ad plura per operationem naturae vel artis determinari materiam ad unum certum ens , per motum à confusione ad signationem ; & non , quasi infundi cum dependentiâ à subjecto , ut ex nescio quibus somniatoribus fingit antiperipateticus . hujusmodi enim nugae in aristotele nullae extant . actio decima definitiones & argumentationes quasdam tuetur . 1. proximè sagittant duas aristotelis definitiones , utramque exactissimā & quicquam in ipsius viâ intelligentibus clarissimam . prior est definitio luminis in haec verba , lumen est actus perspicui ; quae videtur obscura huic hominum generi , quia usus vocis actus à philosophis formatus est , & non desumptus ex tullio , vel inventus in calepino . noverint itaque quòd actus ab agere vel agi vel participio actum derivatur , & usurpatur à philosophis pro eo per quod illud quod ab agente intendebatur , consummatâ actione , vocatur seu nominatur actum . graecè fortassis elegantiùs vocatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quasi operatio caussae , sumendo operationem non pro fluxu actionis , sed pro eo quod manet ex operatione quae est fluxus , introductum . sed quia vernacula nostra vocem propriam respondentem nomini actus non habet , totus in irâ contra aristotelem est nostras philosophus . si enim communes voces pro vocabulis artis supposuisset , dicens , lumen est perfectio quaedam corporis quod habet ex se ut colorata trans illud apparere possint , faciens ut de facto trans illud appareant , sicut experimur per aërem illuminatum videri objecta quae per tenebrosum non videntur , quid dignum tanto hiatu invenisset ? nunc quia concinnissimè & brevissimè locutus est , vapulat miser aristoteles . 2. idem est reliquae definitionis vitium . est autem ipsa definitio , motus est actus entis in potentia quatenus in potentiâ . cum enim ens dicitur in potentiâ ad id ad quod per motum perduci potest , verbi gratiâ , infirmus ad sanitatem , lignum ad ignitionem seu esse ignem , palam est motum esse illam perfectionem seu actum quâ afficitur subjectum dum adhuc est in potentiâ seu donec infirmus sit sanus , vel lignum sit ignis ; quatenus in potentiâ , seu per quam perveniat ad perfectionem intentam . en tibi definitionem clarissimam & eruditissimam , & non alteri obnoxiam caluminae nisi quòd graecae voci 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quam à philosopho formatam crediderim ad intentionem suam emphaticè declarandam , umbra quaedam ex ridiculâ historiâ adhaerescit . ea est , criticum nescio quem adjisse ciccum quendam pro mago habitum ( inde putem quia de magia scripsit ) ut ex diabolo sciscitaretur quid sonaret illa vox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud aristotelem , & vacuum & delusum ab oraculo redivisse . ut itaque pateat quàm imperitum diabolum consuluerint nostri philosophi , advertant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse vocem formatam ex tribus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , additâ terminatione foemininâ , quae propria est abstractis significandis ; & significat proinde modum quo in sine actionis se habet subjectum motûs : quod id ipsum est cum voce actus ut supra explicata est . 3. nova calumnia capite decimo septimo instruitur adversus aristotelem , tantò indigniùs quantò supra caeteros ad claritatem conatus est . philosophia ipsius litigiosa esse & ex inconstanti vocum usu confusionis & obscuritatis insimulatur . haec accusatio duplicis ignorantiae rea peragitur : altera est usûs aristotelici , nemo quippe magis sedulus est in distinguendis & formandis vocum significatis . altera verò quòd scepticos pro peripateticis accipit ; & scepticorum conatus esse vanissimos facilè agnosco , illos parùm de vocum usu sollicitos esse , quo liberum sit iis quaslibet nugas vanitatis aut alterius lucri causâ divendere , oratorculos vel magis rabulas non philosophos esse , aristotelicorum nomen assumere ut corrumpant juventutem & discipulos post sese abducant ; hos omnibus scientiae sectatoribus velut pestem vitandos non inficior , neque quicquam ab iis solidi expectandum esse : hoc unum irascor , quòd viri caeteroqui ingenio & sapientiae cupidine pollentes avertantur per horum versutiam , non tantummodo à verâ scientiâ sed ab ipsâ spe scientiae in rebus ad humanam vitam maximè necessariis adipiscendae . 4. confirmant fictam adversus philosophum actionem ex ipsis philosophi dictis & gestis . primus insultus est ex eo dicto philosophi quòd libri physicorum sic editi sint ut non sint editi ; cujus sensus fuit materiam seu subjectum in iis tractatum adeo abstractum esse , ut sine magistri exercitati ope nequirent à rudibus intelligi , quod etiamnum videmus exerceri : nemo enim ferè libros illos capit nisi veterum commentariis sit adjutus . unde moderni plerique toto coelo ab aristotelis mente deerrant ; etsi ipsemet clarissimè ( quantum praestituta brevitas permisit ) prolocutus fuerit . gravior est & infelicior proxima calumnia , ut quae ipse ad disputatores dialecticos instruendos & artem disputandi perficiendam praeviè ad sententiam ferendam collegit , ad methodum demonstrandi & praxim ipsius non disputando sed definiendo applicentur : sicut enim in dramatibus laus est historiam implexam reddere , ut cum admiratione finiatur , sic opus est inquirentis confundere quaestionem praepositis difficultatibus quam demonstrator clarè & quasi nubibus sepositis luci reddat . 5. merebatur haec actio instantias ex opere . premit author tres ( ex fide credo gassendi vel alterius levis inspectoris ) in ipso enim libro nihil apparet . prima sit incedit . probat mundum perfectum esse , quia ex corporibus constat , corpora esse perfecta eò quòd ex triplici dimensione constant , triplicem dimensionem propterea perfectam , quia tribus constat , tria esse perfecta quia duo vocamus ambo , primò autem tria omnia dicimus . inspice librum primum de coelo cap. 1. invenies has postremas voces nihil demonstrationis interesse , sed adjectitias ; demonstrationem vero ipsam talem esse . quia mundus est ex corporibus , perfectio mundi est esse perfectum in ratione corporis , perfectio autem corporis in eo consistit quod sit omniquaque fusum , super tres perpendiculares , ut demonstrant geometrae ; hoc autem habent & singula corpora & mundus , sed diversimodè : singula enim terminantur ad alia corpora . unde quamvis per omnes lineas fundantur , non tamen per totas . quia autem nullum est spatium extra mundum , ut quarto physicorum demonstratum est , mundus per omnes lineas & totas fusus est , seu perfectè omniquaque : & , quod sequitur , in ratione corporis , atque adeò absolutè , perfectus dicendus est . 6. secunda instantia est , quòd aristoteles asserat si plures mundi forent lunam in terram delapsuram esse . hanc consequentiam credit argumentator ex phantasiâ ortam , sicut est illorum qui verentur nè antipodes in coelum cadant . sed ignorat quantam operam posuerit philosophus ad stabiliendum centrum mundi in tellure ; quo posito , non ex phantasiâ , sed ex ratione penderet consequentia , ut ipsemet videtur fateri . 7. tertia quoque instantia , quae ex capite quinto lib. 2. de coelo tracta est , prorsus pervertitur . aristoteles enim non propterea docet coelum in occidentem ferri quia occidens nobilior sit , ut recitat argumentū ; sed occidentē nobiliorē esse quia in illum fertur coelum . hoc autem inter duas est differentiae , quòd priori methodo sine probatione assumitur occidentem esse nobiliotem ; in posteriori , ex iis quae concluserat aristoteles ; nempe nihil per accidens esse in entibus aeternis , & quod sequitur , motum in occidentem esse naturalem coelis , & motum naturalē esse ad honorabilius , unde clarè sequitur occidentem esse nobiliorem oriente . sequitur , inquam ; nam , si principia vera essent , nobilis esset demonstratio . actio undecima . topica aliquot adversus scientiam effutita refutat . indignatur sub finem capituli , quòd doctorum opera ita in logicam , physicam , & metaphysicam còllocetur , ut utiliores humanae vitae scientiae , nempe de coelis , meteoris , fossibilibus & animalibus , potissimè verò politica & oeconomica , multum negligantur . neque ego inficias eam negligi has in scholis , sed culpam do scepticismo qui regnat in illis ? si enim methodo aristotelicâ traderentur scientiae , locus foret omnibus , neque calumniam solitam pateretur natura , quòd vita humana ad artes brevis foret ; sed , necessariis cognitis , superfuturum foret otium ad delectationem in quâlibet harum scientiarum , ad quam traheretur humana curiositas affatim decerpendam . sed sceptici sunt qui invident hanc hominibus felicitatem , interminatis litibus omnia confundentes , potissimùm communes veritates quas demonstravit aristoteles ; quales sunt , divisibilitas formalis , quod movetur ab alio moveri , continuum esse in infinitum divisibile , non dari vacuum , & similes , quae nisi priùs agnoscantur , frustrà experimenta ad scientiā acquirendā adhibentur , ut quae in haec tandem principia resolvenda erunt , aut ad scientiā fine principiis inutiliter semper erit contendendum . 2. capite decimo octavo arguit doctrinam peripateticam , quasi ad phaenomena salvanda insufficientem . sed vel errore vel iniquitate animi hoc agit . si enim modernorum philosophiae simulatorum doctrinam esse ipsissimam aristotelis existimat , totus errat ; sin aristotelem negat insudavisse solutioni problematum , iniquitatis ipsum damnant omnes libri physici , quales sunt qui sequuntur octo physicorum libros vel omninò vel plerumque . quis ex modernis faeliciùs naturam evisceravit digbaeo , qui ubique aristotelis memor est & dictata ipsius cum candore acceptat ? urget adversarius systema coeli ab aristotele sequiùs esse constitutum . aperi accusationem , invenies summam & ipsum nodum esse , quòd aristoteles non habuerit tubum opticum . caeteroqui , positis phaenomenis illis solis quae aetatem aristotelis illuminabant , prorsus admirandus est discursus philosophi in libris de coelo . intelligentias esse coelorum motrices christiana doctrina habet , esse quendam ignem superna tantem nostro aëri , non aliud est , quàm aether cartesianus , seu rarioris elementi species convexum nostri aetheris obsidens . si in pauculis erravit aristoteles , quae invidia ? an philosophiae negandum est crescere ? si tamen errare dicendus est , aut magis ingeniosè & ingenuè proponere , qui profitetur se conjicere non demonstrare ; quod facit aristoteles in coelestibus . 3. caput decimum nonum exagtat aristotelis doctrinam quasi infaecundam & sterilem . sed leviter & falsè . leviter , quia inventa de quibus loquitur ad artifices & manuarios spectant non ad philosophos , qui experimentis uti ad scientiā nati sunt , non ea facere . falsò , quia cùm aristotelica disciplina sit de communibus sine quibus particularia comprehendi non possunt , nihil verè inventum est sine illâ . sed communia sunt quae apud aristotelem habentur ; reponendum est , gratiae sunt ipsi & discipulis ejus habendae quòd ea vulgaverint , & gradum inde stabilievrint ad ulteriora quaerenda . quin ( nisi me fallat augurium ) video philosophiam revulsis aristotelis principiis impotem fore reddendae rationi de notis effectis . certè philosophia admittens vacuitates , nullas agendi leges patitur ; & vortices cartesianos suspicor inventioni nullatenus servituros . de dogmatibus quae impietatem sapiunt suprà actum est . de contradictoriis non citantur loca , sed quisquis peritus est aristotelis , novit eum solitum exempla ex aliorum libris & vulgariter dictis solere trahere , nec ipsius esse censendum quod non in ordinem doctrinae ipsius cadit . unde non est arduum sententias contrarias in operibus ipsius invenire ; sed illa sola sunt ipsi adjudicanda , quae vel propriis locis asseruntur , vel ad confirmationem notorum ipsius dogmatum ab ipso afferuntur . 4. caput vicesimum manifestam reddit eminentiam peripatetices supra reliquas methodos ex ipsâ impugnatione . assumit enim non aliter cognosci unum esse alterius causam quàm quia simul inveniuntur ; quod non negamus esse occasionem suspicandi , sed nullam argumentum caussalitatis . si enim nihil aliud diluceat , ignotum erit utra sit caussa & uter effectus . sed peripatetici non concludunt a esse caussam b , nisi definito utroque reperiant ex ipsis definitionibus a non posse esse quin b esse ex intrinsecis sequatur . verbi gratiâ , peripateticus colligit ignem esse causam caloris , quia calor nihil aliud est nisi atomi ab igne fluentes , & ex aliâ parte scit ignem non posse existere quin ejusmodi particulas emittat . paradoxum cartesianum de lumine & sole simile est ac si expectaremus casum aetheris ad captandas aves . admirandi vir ingenii adeò coelestis est , ut neque sabulum habeat in quo fundet structuras suas . peripateticis gratius est pauca certa colligere agnoscendo multitudinem incertorum , quàm dum omnia certant constringere nihil omninò tenere . certè non est qui majorem ambitum demonstrandi prae se ferat quàm cartesius , adeò ut nihil indecentius sit quàm ipsius adoratorem profiteri scepsin . 5. nihilo validius est argumentum à varietate opinionum philosophantium ad impossibilitatem scientiae stabiliendam . priùs enim constare oportet philosophos esse quàm ut sententiae illorum in philosophicis aestimari habeant . profitentúrne demonstrare ? libros suos ad euclidis normam elimant ? intexúntne definitiones cum per se notis ? neque alia admittunt in probationem ? quae in aristotele & antiquis ipsius interpretibus notari possunt , etsi formâ euclideâ non sint expressa . haec si agant , vel non sunt rationales , vel idem omnes sentient sicut geometrae . si haec negligant , non interest de illorum sententiâ in re philosophicâ . narrat author noster historiam de vi phantasiae , quam dubito esse imperfectam ; videtur enim velle unum hominem posse alienas cogitationes ordinare absque eo quòd per sensus agat in phantasiam . narrat siquidem absentem coëgisse absentes ad cogitandum & loquendum quae absens voluit . etsi enim agnoscā copiosam vim homini in animalia esse per phantasiae illorum opem , putà ad cicuranda vel in rabiem concitanda mediis sonis vel figurarum ostentatione , fortassis etiam ad morbos vel sanitatem inferendam , & similia ; tamen ut moveatur ipsa phantasia ad ea quae per sensum aliquem non movent eam , difficile est credere : non tamen omninò inficior motum qui fit in sensum esse omninò similem & univocum illi qui in mente est , & fermè à vehementiâ affectûs potiùs derivari quàm à puro motu phantasiae imprimentis . 6. vicesimo primo capite auguratur de scientiâ futurâ , specialiter de quibusdam nondum compertis modis in distans agendi ; quos expectare magis libet quàm discutere vel sperare . sub finem capitis assumit nihil sciri posse nisi in primas causas resolvatur . unde diluxisse oportuit primas causas & metaphysicam quae de illis agit , esse naturae notissimam seu proximam primis notitiis , & frustrà conari physicos qui circa particularia naturae multa negotiantur & nihil comprehendunt , quia metaphysices ignari sunt . exemplum sunto quae tumultuantur de vacuo , quod metaphysica tam impossibile declarat quàm non ens esse ens ; de fonte raritatis & densitatis quem extra rarum & densum esse apertissimè demonstrat metaphysicus , & plura similia , quorum veritatem qui experimentis tentant sed sine metaphysices lumine , laterem lavant . ab aristotele autem metaphysica principia petenda sunt , non à cartesio etsi summi ingenii viro ; aristoteles enim quae in naturâ insita invênit , contemplatione in methodum conclusit . cartesius in principiis suis physicis quasi praescripturus conditori rerum ideam quid ipse sentiret ex arte faciendum in aëre & concavo ( ut dicunt ) lunae designavit . ex quali fabricâ nihil utilitatis sperari à lectore potest . 7. sequens capitulum laborat illo errore quem aristoteles saepiùs & detexit & confutavit : nempe , nihil sciri nisi perfectè sciatur ; verbi gratiâ , non sciri esse deum nisi illum videas ; hominem quempiam primo illo cartesii noto ego cogito ergò ego sum non posse uti & securum habere , nisi comprehendat illius ego 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ut scíat naturam materiei & formae , & numerum elementorum , & membrorum , & caussas & motum quo procreaturs sit , & denique quicquid per connexionem ei adjacet . quod est clarè profiteri se nescire quaestionem quae agitetur . nemo enim dogmaticorum adeò perfectam cognitionem vel arrogat vel sperat . ejusdem inadvertentiae est , nescire quòd omnes videntes parietem album similem apprehensionem de albedine habeant , etsi gradu & perfectione diversis sensationibus afficiantur . unde authori nostro prudentius gestum fuisset omninò tacuisse , & affectantibus scientiam errorem condonavisse , quàm perratiunculas merè topicas & delusorias ad egregia natas mentes avertisse à primo naturae desiderio , & fructu in aliquo saltem gradu adipiscendo , juxta illud ethici poëtae , nec si desperes invicti membra glyconis , nodosâ nolis corpus prohibere chiragrâ . 8. attamen academicus noster non dubitat generatim dogmaticè praecedentibus affingere quaevis mala . adeò ( ut philosophus docet ) artis est medium reperire . inprimis ignorantiae filiam asserit esse hanc methodum . quis hanc notam à sceptico expectavisset ? tu qui nihil scire teipsum profiteris , aliis ignorantiam objectes ? quis tulerit gracchum de seditione querentem ? proximè indomitorum affectuum inquilinam appellat . quo jure ? si enim aliqua est scientia , illa — munita tenebit edita doctrinâ sapientûm templa serena . tu qui profiteris nescire an aliqua sit , quàm temerè affirmas illā semper cum indomitis affectibus habitare , cùm si nulla sit nusquā habitet ? tertium inconveniens dogmatizationis est quòd homines ad litigia concitet . attamen hoc idem esse solis orientis crimen mihi apparet , dum dormientibus molestus est & ad opera sua quemque evocat . ejusmodi enim vitium est in ignorantiâ & errore detentis inculcare veritatem . quartum crimen est , quòd qui scientiae alicui inhaeret , caeteros ignorantiae incuset qui demonstrationem ipsius nesciunt . non possum inficiari . est enim indoles & jus luminis arguere ea tenebrarum quae lucem non admittunt : sed in hoc modestiores sunt demonstrantes scepticis , quòd saltem aliquos excipiant & de naturâ bene loquantur , quam cum omnibus suis filiis sceptici ad carceres tenebrarum in aeternum condemnant . 9. par huic est quòd confidentia scientiae in errore obserat januas ad libertatem occupandae veritatis . cum quantâ caecitate haec disputat scepticus qui veritatem nusquam esse quae hominem liberare valeat ultrò agnoscit ? tandem concludit angustum esse animum dogmatici & pusillum & captivum . adeò agnominantur quae nesciuntur . scientiae enim est animum dilatare , magnorum capacem reddere ; et haec voluptas scientis , scepticos quasi deorsum tumultuantes despicere , passimque tueri errare atque viam palantes quaerere vitae ; quod vitae & pensi loco habere est omnium rerum miserrimum , & exinanitio rationalitatis & totius felicitatis quae in humanis reperitur . haec omnia sicut verissima sunt & vix sceptico neganda sequi ex possibilitate demonstrationis , hoc est , siqua sit natura rationalis ; non tamen sic asserta volo , ut patrocinentur palliatis scepticis , qui admittant quidem scientiam & physicam & metaphysicam in communi aliquam extare : sed neque legitimâ aliquâ methodo ad eam tendant , neque in particulari quicquam demonstratum agnoscant , & nihilominus multitudine gregali socialiter sese mutuò pellentium , & oneribus futilium scriptorum apicem doctoralem & scientiarum cacumen & sapientiae nomen absurdissimè involant & sibi arrogant . faxit naturae parens ut aliquando hoc jugo premente cervices filiorum adae levetur humanum genus , & studiosi veritatis intelligant pariter periculosum esse censere omnia & nihil esse demonstratum . finis . appendicula tentans solutionem problematis torricelliani , de subsistentiâ hydrargyri in tubo supernè sigillato . londini , mdclxiii . praefatio . tot & tanta de scientiarum possibilitate prolocuto fas non esse arbitretur curiosus aliquis non impresso paradigmate ex arenâ discedere ; cui etsi reponere possim duos jam euclidas vades me stitisse , vereor nè me testes absentes citare contendant ; praeter quam quòd illos circa communia occupatos naturae investigationi non esse satis idoneos occlament . quaesivi itaque problema celebre & admirandum cui communia principia admovere studeam ; in quo si defecerim appareat id artificis non artis vitio peccatum esse . depinget itaque exercitii methodum quae subjicitur demonstrationis figura ; quàm faeliciter eventus docebit . mihi praemium erit aemulatum esse charismata meliora . vnum enixè lectores obtestor quibus id indulsit diluiior circa praecordia sanguis , ut in animo suo phantasiae & intellectûs discrimina subtiliter iuterpungant . noverint ad intellectum pertinere sensum vocum . interrogent semetipsos quid intendant aliis explicare ; deinde , cum de veritate certandum est , intellectûs non est admittere quicquam quod non sit vel per se notum vel per aliquem ex quatuor primis syllogismi modis deductum ; caetera omnia phantasiae vel naturâ vel vitio fiunt ; naturâ , ut cum metaphysica per modum corporeorum & extensorum amplexatur ; vitio , quando inconsueta & ignota per familiaria metitur : sicut faciunt qui antipodibus timent nè in coelum cadant . prioris ordinis nihil celebrius neque magis scientiae noxium est quam sollennis illa & à paucis vitata de vacuo imaginatio ; per quam postquam intellectu fixerunt nullum esse corpus inter latera loci quem asserunt esse vacuum , eo non obstante apprehendunt , & ex vi apprehensionis asserunt , intra ejusdem latera contineri quiddam magnum , divisibile , continuum , successivè pertransibile , habens partes extra partes , & quicquid totidem vocibus de corpore affirmare solent in eâdem ipsâ significatione in quâ natura & ad sua dicta benè advertentes philosophi notionem corporis consistere prorsus conveniunt . vnde evidens evadit hanc propositionem non dari vacuum esse ex per se notis , & tantundem sonare quod , corpus non est ubi non est corpus . hanc utramque phantasiae exerrationem qui non est potis à suo animo avertere , credat se illotis manibus philosophiam tractare . his praemissis propositum aggredior . solutio problematis torricelliani de subsistentiâ hydrargyri in tubo supernè sigillato . axioma i. omne quod movetur localiter movetur ab alio . et experimentis clarum est tum in animalibus , in quibus manifestum est membrum unum non moveri nisi aliud sit immotum à quo fiat initium motûs ; tum in caeteris omnibus corporibus in quibus causlae motûs discernuntur ; & tandem , manifestâ demonstratione : posito enim quotlibet corpora quiescere , quia idem manens idem semper facit idem , palàm est nisi accedat aliud mutans aliquod vel aliqua ipsorum , illa semper esse quietura . axioma ii. corpus quod movetur ab alio , movetur secundùm lineam per quam dirigitur ab alio . evidens est ex priori . cùm enim idem sit moveri quod ferri super aliquâ lineâ , si accipit moveri à caussâ movente , accipit ferri super lineâ super quâ fertur , à caussâ movente . axioma iii. nullum corpus habet ex sese inclinationem ad unum motum magis quàm ad alium . evidens est ex priori . si enim haberet inclinationem ad certum motum , non acciperet determinationem lineae super quâ fertur à caussâ movente , sed à semetipsâ vel integrè vel ex parte ; & , quod sequitur , ipsum sibi esset saltem ex parte causa motûs . axioma iv. aliquis motus localis fit per tractum . evidens est . quia clarum est partes corporum aliquorum magis sibi cohaerere & difficiliùs divelli ab invicem quàm partes aliorum corporum ; quare , si una aliqua pars corporum non facilè divisibilium moveatur , caeterae sequentur , hoc est , trahentur . neque proficit dicere uncinata esse hujusmodi corpora secundùm partes minimas , nam etiam sic una pars illorum uncinorum trahet aliam ejusdem uncini . clarum itaque est aliquam vim movendi esse tractum . axioma . v. si corpus aliquod à pluribus moventibus hâc & illâc , sive impellatur sive trahatur , fertur super illâ lineâ ad quam dirigitur ab omnibus junctim . patet ex axiomatibus 3 , & 4. postulatum , seu experimento compertum primum . massa aëris quae circumstat terram ( quantam experimenta pertingere possunt ) tota comprimit terram , & omnia quae in illâ sunt habent motum quendam versùs gentrum terrae , quem appellamus gravitationem , fortiorem vel debiliorem ex aliis causis , maximè densitate mobilium . postulatum ii. ex vi motûs gravitationis seu compressionis sequitur motus in particularibus corporibus , aliquando transversus , aliquando etiam sursum , per hoc , quod densiora corpora repellant rariora à recto descensu ad centrum , quà facillimum est . postulatum iii. velocitas quâ corpus movens movetur habet virtutem movendi cropus impulsum , & interdum compensandi vel superandi vim densitatis quae operatur in illo . problema . si tubus vitreus , supernè sigillatus hermeticè , impleatur hydrargyro & infernè orificio aperto immergatur pelvi item hydrargyro plenae , hydrargyrum quod est in tubo invenietur effluere usque ad certam mensuram , & illîc subsistere , neque totum effluere . primò , quaeritur quae sit ratio quare quicquam omninò effluat . secundò , quaeritur quare totum non effluat aequè atque aliqua pars. propositio i. caussa cur ex parte defluat hydrargyrum , est compressio deorsum aëris , quae est causa gravitationis corporum in eo existentium . cùm enim hydrargyrum ex sese non habeat majorem inclinationem versùs unum motum quàm versùs alium , necessum est ( per axiom . 3. ) ut ex movente habeat quòd moveatur deorsum . sed causa movens deorsum est compressio aëris dicta ( postul . 1. ) ab eâ itaque habet hydrargyrum ut moveatur deorsum & effluat ex tubo . propositio ii. caussa cur totum non defluat est idem motus gravitationis , quatenus comprimendo hydrargyrum quod est in pelvi , facit resistentiam ad descensum illius quod est in tubo . cùm enim hydrargyrum quod est in tubo sit inter has duas compressiones quasi inter duo impellentia per oppositas vias , sicut necesse est ( per axiom . 5. ) dum altera vincit ferri secundùm lineam per quam ab illâ cietur , sic si vires impellentium sint aequales , necessum est hydrargyrum illîc subsistere ubi haec aequalitas contingit . propositio iii. caussa cur compressio aëris deorsum non sufficiat ad ejiciendum totum hydrargyrum , est quia aër malignè & cum difficultate penetrat poros vitrei tubi . clarum enim est per experimenta complura magneticorum , electricorum , refrigerativorum , calefactivorum , fervefactivorum , inustionem colorum & spirituum , ipsiúsque hydydrargyri percolationem , quam meis oculis hausi , monstrante eximio chymicorum experimentorum artifice kenelmo equiti digbaeo , plura volitantia in aëre per poros vitri transmeare . clarum quoque est ex adverso , quòd si sensibile foramen fiat in tubo , hydrargyrum statim defluat . clarum proinde est , caussam cur non defluat esse , quia aër cum difficultate ingreditur , & non in illâ copiâ ut valeat vincere resistentiam sursum pellentis . propositio iv. non est aliqua substantia aetherea ubique diffusa , tantae subtilitatis ut sine difficultate quaelibet corpora per quas libet lineas permeet . si enim foret talis substantia ubique diffusa , ipsa sine difficultate penetraret vitrum , & proinde aër excluderetur & foris quiesceret . praeterea , cùm hic aether ( postul . 1. ) necessariò à proximo aëre comprimatur , ipse quoque comprimet & descendere faciet hydrargyrum , aequè ac si in libero aëre consisteret . propositio v. subingressus aëris in tubum non sufficit ad descensum hydrargyri , nisi rarefiat aër intra tubum . cum enim experimento comprobetur hydrargyrum antequàm quiescat reciproco quasi aestu sursum & deorsum undulare , & primo impetu longissimè infra situm quietis ferri ; nisi rarefieret aër intra tubum , plus aëris primo impetu ingressum fuisset quàm ad effectum requisitum erat ; & , quod sequitur , difficultas penetrandi vitrum non foret sufficiens ratio cur hydrargyrum subsisteret elevatum supra libellam , contra dicta ( propos . 3â. ) tantundem ex machinâ ingeniosissimi & experientissimi viri , nobilissimi domini boylii , clarissimè patet . cùm enim ex eâdem exugat aërem , neque aliud corpus succedere patiatur quantum ars humana agnoscere queat , non est inficiabile primò corpus majus postmodùm minus idem vas implere & eundem locum occupare ; quod est plus quantitatis postmodùm quàm priùs eandem substantiam insidere & illam tendere . propositio vi. si resolutio facta sit vera , in aëre tenuiore ; verbi gratiâ , in vertice montis insignis altitudinis hydrargyrum intra tubum subsistet in situ inferiore quàm in aëre crasso . cùm enim magis abundent in aëre tenuiore subtiles partes quae natae sunt vitrum penetrare , quàm in ctassiori cujus pleraeque partes natae sunt obturate poros vitri , major erit de sursum compressio aëris pellens hydrargyrum deorsum . propterea , cùm densiora corpora vehementiùs premant inferiora , non erit in aëre puro tanta compressio hydrargyri in pelui natantis quàm in aëre crasso , ac proinde non aequè repellet & impediet descensum hydrargyri ex tubo . magis itaque in tubo ( per axiom . 5. ) subsidet hydrargyrum . propositio vii . si tubus in quo quieseit hydrargyrum eximatur ex pelui perpendiculariter , hydrargyrum quod est in tubo dividetur ab eo quod est in pelui circa latera tubi priùs quam in ipso meditullio , & per consequens in ipso medio propendebit aliquantis per extra tubum . cùm enim aër suppleturus vicem hydrargyri quod est in pelvi non possit in momento pervenire usque ad meditullium tubi , necesse est , interea dum movetur , haerere partes hydrargyri quod in tubo est ( in quarum locum nondum successit aër ) partibus hydrargyri quae sunt in pelvi , & per consequens figurâ coni mutili propendebit extra tubum . propositio viii . in separatione hydrargyri in tubo ab hydrargyro in pelvi , pars hydrargyri cum vehementiâ cadit in pelvim , & aër aequali velocitate subit vices ipsius ad sustinendum seu sursum pellendum hydrargyrum quod est in tubo . cùm enim aër dividens hydrargyra ex necessitate comprimat alteram partem sursum , alteram deorsum . ipse autem unâ tantum velocitate feratur , necesse est hydrargyrum superius ascendere sursum eâdem velocitate quâ hydrargyrum inferius descendit ; quam necesse est summam quandam esse ; cùm hydrargyrum auro excepto corporum gravissimum existimetur . propositio ix . non est mirandum si hydrargyrum superius in separatione ab inferiori pertundat tubum vitreum , & quasi in rorem argenteum spargatur . cùm enim velocitas motûs ( postul . 3. ) habeat vim virtutis motivae , hydrargyrum autem quod in tubo est ( ax. 3. ) modicam vel nullam resistentiam , obediet motui aëris tanto cum impetu sursum pellentis ; & serviet , sicut globus seu pila ferrea in sclopeto bellico , ad perrumpenda quaecumque obsistentia . palam quoque est frustrà quaeri justam libellam hydrargvri in tubo ad hydrargyrum in pelui , quia nulla est ; cùm ( propos. 6. ) ascendit plus vel minùs in diversis circumstantiis . celebriora itaque hujus experimenti symptomata sic declarata sunto . finis . errata . pag. 20. lin . 8. notum . p. 24. l. 4. est . p. 33. l. 1. attigerunt . p. 36. l. 4. sese est avida . p. 73. l. 11. naturam . p. 99. l. 2. fatum rejicit aristoteles . p. 102. l. 22. caeteri . a chronological account of the life of pythagoras, and of other famous men his contemporaries with an epistle to the rd. dr. bently, about porphyry's and jamblicus's lives of pythagoras / by the right reverand father in god, william, ld. bp. of coventry and lichfield. lloyd, william, 1627-1717. 1699 approx. 124 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 39 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48814) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107134) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1127:14) a chronological account of the life of pythagoras, and of other famous men his contemporaries with an epistle to the rd. dr. bently, about porphyry's and jamblicus's lives of pythagoras / by the right reverand father in god, william, ld. bp. of coventry and lichfield. lloyd, william, 1627-1717. lviii, 18 p. printed by j.h. for h. mortlock ... and j. hartley ..., london : 1699. errata: p. 18. imperfect: stained, with slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng pythagoras and pythagorean school. philosophy, ancient. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a chronological account of the life of pythagoras , and of other famous men his contemporaries . with an epistle to the r d dr. bentley , about porphyry's and jamblichus's lives of pythagoras . by the right reverend father in god , william , l d b p of coventry and lichfield . london , printed by j. h. for h. mortlock , at the phoenix in st. paul's church-yard ; and j. hartley , against gray's-inn-gate in holborn , 1699. to the reverend dr. bentley . sir , yov are pleas'd to ask my opinion concerning the time of the birth and death of pythagoras , and of the chief passages of his life ; and also of the lives of other famous men his contemporaries . i am sure you know these things better than i ; and therefore you need not come to me for information . but if you have only a mind to know my opinion of these matters , i can't deny you that : and in truth that is all i can tell you of that great philosopher . not but that i have by me every thing that i observ'd concerning pythagoras , when i read the old greek and latin authors ; and to satisfie your desire , i have put my collections in order to draw out a chronological account of his life , if it were possible . but now they are here before me , i know not well what to make of them ; they look like moon-shine in rough water , all over discord and confusion : out of which i am so far from making out that which i design'd , a perfect account of his life , that i must confess , i can't do any thing towards it . there is not in all my collection , any one certain year in which any thing happen'd to him , or was done by him . yet i cannot lament that great man's misfortune in this , nor ours neither : for as he was a perfect iugler , so his life , being all fast and loose , i must needs say , is written worthy of himself : and it is not only come intire into our hands , notwithstanding those defects i have mention'd ; but with many improvements by later writers , who have striven to out-do one another in stories to his honour and praise . of those * many eminent writers that have employ'd their pens on this subject , there are three that have given us his history at large ; diogenes laertius , porphyry and jamblichus . these three , i believe , have cull'd out all that was remarkable in any of the rest : and the two last were his great admirers who would not omit any thing that might make for his glory . they describe him as a very extraordinary person , for his parts and inventions for the good of mankind : they tell us what discoveries he made in natural philosophy : how much he advanced the mathematical sciences , as well by his studies as his travels . but above all , they magnifie his knowledge of the gods , and of the things of religion . laertius tells us , he was initiated in all the sacred rites , as well of the greeks , as barbarians . those other writers of his life take particular notice of this in every stage of his travels . and yet porphyry will not let his reader be ignorant , that pythagoras was a deist , as well as himself ; and took both apollo and jupiter for no other than deify'd men , which he shew'd by the verses that he made in those places where he was to see their sepulchres . indeed by those verses one cannot but think that he despised those made gods in his heart : and so did probably those philosophers that tell us these things ; though , according to the latitude of their principles , they were nevertheless as zealous as he was for the propagating of heathen idolatry . what notions men have of a deity , one cannot better judge than by their morals . for every one that hath any sense of religion will endeavour to conform himself to the god whom he worships : at least he will avoid any thing that he knows to be contrary to his god. if we judge this way of pythagoras , according to the accounts they give of him , we have reason to believe , that as the apostle tells us of them whom the heathens worship'd ) his gods were no better than devils . it could be no otherwise , if there be any truth in the stories they tell , of his impudent diabolical fictions , and of the fraudulent ways that he took to make the people admire him : which they also that tell us these things seem to think were no lessening of his moral virtues . particularly , they shew how he persuaded his hearers to receive that doctrine of the transmigration of souls . that it was originally an aegyptian doctrine we are told by herodotus . but if lying philostratus may be believ'd , the aegyptians had it from the bramins . it is agreed , that pythagoras was he that first brought it into greece ; and there it seems he had a mind to be thought the first author of it . to make the people believe this , he told them an impudent lye , that his soul was in euphorbus at the time of the trojan war ; and in the six hundred years between that and his birth , his soul had pass'd through several other bodies before it came into his . he faced them down that he knew this by a singular gift of remembring all the stages through which his soul had pass'd in its travels . first , when euphorbus was kill'd by menelaus , ( which was in the year before christ 1185 ) then his soul , as he said , came into aethalides the son of mercury . after his death , it came into hermotimus : then into one pyrrhus a fisherman ; and at last it came into pythagoras . this is porphyry's way of telling the story . but from others we have it , that pythagoras himself used to say , that his soul was in aethalides before it came into euphorbus . and for this , they give us the authorities of them that had reason to know things of him much better than porphyry ; namely , diog . laertius saith it from heraclides , that lived near the time of pythagoras ; and another from pherecydes , the mòst intimate friend of pythagoras . they tell their story with particulars worth knowing , if there were any truth in it . as namely , how pythagoras came by the gift above-mention'd : they tell us , that mercury , whose office it was to carry souls into hades , gave the soul of his son aethalides in its way thither , the privilege not to drink the waters of lethe , the drinking whereof makes souls forget all that pass'd in this world ; and so it is plain , how , as pythagoras used to say , euphorbus remembred his soul had dwelt formerly in the body of aethalides and hermotimus , that his soul was in both these , and the fisherman that his soul was in those three , and pythagoras , that his soul was in them all . they also tell us , how it came to pass , that in six hundred years that soul of his was only in two bodies , namely , of hermotimus and the fisherman : for mercury , as pythagoras himself used also to say , gave the soul of his son aethalides leave to rest sometimes in hades , and at other times to travel above-ground ; and so pythagoras himself said , that after the fisherman's death , his soul had rested 207 years in hades , before it came into that body of his . but what of all this ? the doctrine of transmigration of souls is sufficiently proved , if the soul of pythagoras was at any time formerly in the body of euphorbus . and that , as porphyry tells us , was positively affirm'd by pythagoras himself , and prov'd beyond dispute ; as likewise his scholar jamblichus tells us in the very same words . but these philosophers were wise ; they took care to hide that part of their ware which would haue disgrac'd all the rest . it was the aegyptian doctrine , that souls pass'd out of men into beasts , and fishes , and birds . this also , according to heraclides , pythagoras used to say of himself ; that he remembred , not only what men , but what plants , and what animals his soul had pass'd thoro●gh . and , tho' this was more than mercury gave to aethalides , pythagoras took upon 〈◊〉 to tell many others how their souls had lived before they came into their bodies . one particularly that was beating a dog , he desir'd to forbear , because in the yelping of that dog , he heard a friend's soul speak to him . so empedocles , that lived in the next age after pythagoras , and was for a while the oracle of his sect , declared of himself , that he had been , first a boy , then a girl , then a plant , then a bird , then a fish. apollonius had the same impudence , if philostratus may be believed : who tells us , he own'd that his soul was formerly in the master of a ship ; he shew'd one young man that had in him the soul of palamedes , another of telephus , both kill'd at the time of the trojan war ; and in a tame lion that was carried about for a sight , he said there was the soul of amasis king of egypt . how could such fictions as these come into men's heads ? there is more than idle fancy in them . they shew plainly a pernicious devilish design , to confound those two doctrines that have so great an influence into men's minds , to make them do good , and eschew evil : the doctrines of the immortality of the soul , and of the resurrection of the body . for if those fictions were true , there would be no difference between the soul of a man , and the soul of a brute , or a plant ; and there would be many more bodies than there would be souls to animate them at the resurrection . what would not the devil give to have these things believ'd by all mankind ? for the tricks they tell us he had to make the people admire him , they are so agreeable to his character , that his historian jamblichus , with the same design , aped him in some of them ; unless he is bely'd by eunapius the writer of his life . they were , as one may properly call them , the artifices of an impostor . mahomet , the greatest that ever was of that sort , when he set up to be a prophet , though it is not likely that he had ever heard of pythagoras , yet took the very same methods that he did to impose upon mankind . this will appear in several of the following instances , if any one will take the trouble to compare them with those that are in mahomet's life . the first thing , we read pythagoras did , to make way for the authentical publishing of his doctrines , was to make himself look like a sort of demigod to the people . for this purpose , he provided himself a cell under ground ; and then , giving out he was dead , he retir'd into that hole : and there for a long time together , seven years , as some tell us , he lived unknown to all mankind . only his mother was in the secret , for she was to supply him with necessaries : but of these , he took in no more than just what would keep him alive . then at last , he came forth like a perfect skeleton : and shewed himself as one that had been all this while in another world. he that was so greedy of vain glory , that he could afford to purchase it at this rate , would not spare his pains , or refuse any help , to get into possession of his purchase . and for this , it being requisite he should do things above the power of any mortal , therefore of such things , true or false , they tell us not a few in his life . some of the fathers have said that he wrought them by compact with the devil . but i see no necessity of that ; for he had other ways by which other men have obtained the fame of working miracles . he was doubtless both a natural philosopher , and a great mathematician . he understood all the secrets of the egyptians and chaldaeans . and having many disciples on those accounts , it seems very likely that he might act in confederacy with them . this at least they could do for him ; they might help devise stories of the miracles that he wrought : and then , for their own credit as well as his , they would be industrious to spread them among the people . such lyes they were , i do not doubt , that porphyry and jamblichus tell us , of his laying winds , tempests , and earthquakes ; for of these they do not give any particular instance , nor are these things mentioned by any other writers that i remember . so likewise they tell us of his curing diseases , whether of body , or mind , which , they say , he did with charms : that is , as cyril saith , he did them by the help of the devil . for his hearing the musick of the spheres , that porphyry speaks of as a wonderfull harmony , now we know this is a lye framed upon a false imagination . but if this were true , being an invisible miracle , and impossible to be proved , it could not be made use of to prove any thing else . many other lying wonders they tell of him , which seem to have been made only for talk , being such as could signifie nothing to the good of mankind . as namely , how to shew his company what he could do , he took up serpents , that had killed other men , and handled them , so as that they neither hurt him , nor he them . how for the same purpose , by whistling to an eagle that happen'd to fly over his head , he brought her down to his hand , and then let her go again . another time seeing some fisher men at their draught , he foretold them the exact number of fishes that their net should bring up ; and when they were told , threw them in again . how by stroaking a bear , and whispering a bull in the ear , he brought them both to the pythagorean diet : the bear to eat nothing that had life ; and the bull to crop no more bean-tops . how he spoke to a river that he was passing over with many of his friends , and it answer'd him again in all their hearings , good morrow pythagoras . but this goes beyond all the rest , if there be any truth in it ; that when abaris had been all over greece to beg money for the temple of his god apollo hyperboreus ; at last , in an evil hour for himself , he came to pythagoras in italy , where the cunning philosopher rooked him of his money , by perswading the poor man that he was his god. and to convince him of the truth of it , they say , that pythagoras shewed him his golden thigh ; and then , which was worst of all , made him swear the people into a belief that he was apollo himself . if any other author mentions any of these wonderful things , he declares that he hath it only from report , or by hearsay , and so leaves the reader to judge of the truth of it . but most of these things are positively affi●med by porphyry , and his scholar jamblichus : only they vouch nameless authorities for them , to shew they were not of their own devising ; which yet one can't forbear to think of as many of them as are not to be found in other authors . but why should these philosophers either be so wicked to abuse the faith of mankind in devising such stories ? or why should they take the pains to collect them , and pawn their faith to give them credit in the world ? such great men as they were , had no doubt great reason for this . but what that should be , deserves a farther consideration ; wherein , if i do a little exceed , i know you will not only pardon me , but will take the fault upon your self , if these papers should come to be publisht through your hands . it is certain that these men had a vehement hatred against the christian religion ; not only through the prejudices of their education , but much more on the account of that way of philosophy , by which they so much valu'd themselves , and had got so great a fame in the world. they had no patience to see that sort of learning , that had been so long in possession of glory among all civiliz'd nations , now to be brought in disgrace by a religion , which they accounted to be no better than folly and nonsense , and yet pretending to divine revelation , would shew that they by all their wisdom knew not god. their indignation at this was much the more , because th●s new religion sprung up among the jews , whom they look't upon as much the worst of the barbarous nations ; and the first teachers of it were justly , as these philosophers thought , both hated and contemned by the jews , as much as the jews themselves were by all other nations . that the author of this sect , our lord iesus christ himself , bore no greater figure in the world , than that of a poor carpenter ; and that his apostles and followers were unlearned and ignorant men ; this is own'd , to the glory of god , by those among themselves that writ his history , and their's , in the gospels , and the acts of the apostles . and that these very books were written by men of that sort , even by them whose names they bear , this i think hath not been gain-said by any that lived within some hundred years after christ : but it hath been acknowledged by those learned heathens that writ against the christian religion , and especially by julian , who of all others was best able to inform himself . but what is it that these men say of their master , in the account they give of him , and of them that were the first publishers of his doctrine , how they came to have such authority in the world ? they say he wrought in their presence an infinite number of miracles ; and particularly , those which they have published for the proof , as well of his authority , as of his doctrine . they say also of themselves , that , in their preaching of him and his doctrine , the lord worked with them confirming their word with signs following . they laid the chief stress of their proof upon his resurrection from the dead : of which , not only his apostles were eye-witnesses , but above 500 persons , most of them then living , when st. paul appeal'd to their testimony . and that he did , in an epistle which was written within some 20 years after the matter of fact. the apostles especially took it on themselves , as their office , to be witnesses of his resurrection . for the faithful discharge whereof , as they could expect nothing but sufferings in this life , so they desir'd nothing more than to finish their course by dying for it . and they were not deceiv'd in this expectation ; all of them being continually persecuted as long as they liv'd , and many of them suffering death for the testimony of christ. they were charged with no other crime in this world. as for what they write of his miracles ; and also of their own , which they profest they wrought only by a power derived from him ; the truth of the matters of fact , we do not find was ever question'd by any that lived in that age. on the contrary , we see it was acknowledged by the pharisees , the most malicious and vigilant enemies of our lord iesus christ , and of his holy apostles . no doubt it puzled their wise heads to think how ' such wonderful works should be wrought by such simple illiterate men. for one cannot think they could satisfie themselves with the account which they gave others , of the way that christ had to cast out devils , when they said that he did it by the prince of devils ; for , as he there answer'd them , it was visibly against the devil's interest to do this ; the miracles of christ being plainly in those instances to dispossess the devil of men's bodies ; and by that , and other beneficial works , to oblige them , and others , to receive a doctrine that would also dispossess him of their souls . but besides the absurdity of this , it is plain the jews did not believe themselves in this accusation of christ. for if they had , they would have insisted on this ; as being a capital crime , not only by their law , but also the roman : and therefore to be sure , they would not have been to seek for other crimes , if they had thought they had any colour to charge him with this . but that which the pharisees said then , of that one sort of miracles ; though it was against all reason , and against their own conscience ; yet , for want of a better colour for their unbelief , the jews in after times have alledged against all the miracles of christ , and his apostles and followers . this we see in those objections of the jews , whom celsus brings in arguing against the christian religion : these jews , on this very account , rank our blessed saviour with pythagoras , of whom enough has been said ; and with such other heathen impostors , of whom more will be said afterwards . but for those jews whom celsus produces , since it hath been sufficiently shown that they ought not to be admitted as accusers in this cause , therefore they might be dismissed ; but that the same celsus gives us occasion to make use of them as our witnesses , as to those matters of fact which he denies , when he comes to speak in his own person , as a heathen , and one that was an epicurean philosopher . for then he is pleas'd to say , that what things our scriptures tells us of the miracles of christ and his apostles , are all fictions and tales . this he saith more than once : and yet he doth not pretend to prove the writers of them were lyers , or to shew any inconsistence , either in the miracles themselves , or in the accounts that are given of them . so that he expected men should take his authority for this . but why so ? he could say nothing of these matters on his own knowledge : for he writ in the emperour hadrian's time , or something later ; and that was at least 50 years after any of those miracles that are mention●d in our scriptures . nor doth he pretend to have any ground to say this , either upon hear-say , or from what he found in former writers . if he had referr'd us to other writers , it would have been very great news . for , of all that have written in the times of christ and his apostles , there is none , iew , or heathen , that makes any mention of their miracles : which is a plain sign they knew not what to say against them . otherwise , they would have spoken as spitefully of them , as they spared not to do of christ himself . but how could celsus answer this to his own conscience ? that whereas of the miracles wrought by christians in his own time , he saw there was no denying the matters of fact ; and therefore he affirm●d that these miracles were wrought by invocation of the devil ; which was the same in effect , that , by his own telling , the iews said of the miracles that were wrought by christ and his apostles : he should nevertheless have the impudence to say , that these were fictions and tales , as if he knew christ and his apostles , better than the iews in whose country they liv'd , and whose ancestors were conversant with them ; or as if christ himself could not work as true miracles , as were done in celsus's time , and to his own knowledge , by christians that wrought their miracles in his name ? this learned man took surely a likelier way to disparage the miracles of christ to the unthinking part of mankind ; by likening the great things that are said of christ , to those that we read of aristeas proconnesius , and of abaris , in heathen writers . but they that think what they read , will consider , that of the former of these , the first account we have is from herodotus ; and he tells it only by hear-say . he says , they say that aristeas died at proconnesus , and appear'd there again 7 years after : and having made some verses , disappear'd : but that , two or three hundred years after , he appear'd again at metapontum , where , by special direction from apollo , he was worshipped as god. of abaris , celsus tells us himself , that he had such a power or faculty , that he rode about upon an arrow through the air , over mountains and seas , in his travels out of scythia into greece , and back again into scythia , as both porphyry and jamblichus tell us at large these things celsus tells us without any censure , as if he believ'd them to be true . and so they are , as much as his book is a true discourse , which is the title he gives it . whoever considers these stories , i think will not much regard the iudgment that he passeth on the miracles of christ and his apostles . but the way that he took to bring them in disgrace , by ranking them with those incredible fables , this took mightily with the learned heathens that came after him . and therefore , i doubt not , it was , that both philostratus writ the life of apollonius tyaneus , and that porphyry writ the life of pythagoras , which led me into this digression . they seem to have been written , both of them with this design . i am sure they are both of them made use of to this purpose ; to shew , that all the great things that are told of our saviour in the gospel , were equall'd , if not out-done by these heathen philosophers . as for porphyry , his hatred of the christian religion he shew'd sufficiently , in writing 15 books against it : the loss whereof , though some of our deists complain of , yet they may be assur'd for their comfort , they will not want the help of any of our learned men to bring them to light . we want them indeed on many accounts : but especially , to shew them , that as they have porphyry's malice , so if they had his great learning too , both these join'd together would not hurt the christian religion . we should want his books the less , if we had any of those answers that were written against him by three learned christians , methodius , eusebius , and apollinaris . but , as holstein well observes , the roman empire being turned christian within very few years after the writing of these books ; as the emperors took care by their edicts to keep them from coming into the hands of the vulgar ; so for learned men , they had now no occasion to transcribe them , or preserve the copies that were written . of the time of porphyry's writing these books , we have nothing certain , save that we are told they were written when he was in sicily . and the time of his coming thither , as he tells us himself , w●s about the 15th of galienus the emperour , that is , about the year of christ 267. he acknowledgeth that , being in rome at that time , he had a mind to kill himself : which plotinus discover'd ; and upon his chiding him for it , he left him , and went away into sicily . what it was that enraged porphyry to that degree that he must needs kill himself , he doth not say . probably it might be out of madness , to see that emperour's favour to christians , whom his father valerian had done all he could to destroy . if that was the reason of this philosopher's being weary of his life , he had some ease within a few months in the death of that emperour , and then a succession of others that wanted only a fit season for the renewing of the persecution . and it might be as well to quicken them to that wo●k , as to ease his own passion , that he set himself to the writing of these books . wherein , as all that quote from them observe , he out-did all others in virulent railing and scoffing at the christian religion . as for his arguments , it cannot be imagined that there was any thing of strength in them more than what julian the apostate took into the work that he writ afterwards on that subject . and to our comfort , as well as the deists , that work is not lost . it hath been often published , with cyril's answer to it : but never so much to the reader 's advantage , as now lately in the excellent spanhelm's edition . whether it was before , or after these books , that he writ the life of pythagoras , we cannot certainly know : for the life it self is imperfect , both at the beginning , and the end ; and the whole book is but a part of his history of the lives of philosophers . but whereas these lives of his , as holstein observes , were all made up of patches taken out of the ancient writers ; and so is this among the rest ; yet here , after all the heap of stuff that he hath collected from others concerning the life of pythagoras , at last , he brings in those stories of miracles wrought by him , part of which are in no other writers , and the rest he hath made his own by vouching for them , as i have shewn . this i cannot imagine why so wise a man should do , but in pursuance of his malicious design against the christian religion , by making his reader believe , that the miracles of christ , upon which the credit of our religion is built , were of no greater credit themselves , than those which were wrought by pythagoras . that i am not mistaken in this , the reader will see in the following instance of hierocles ; who , writing some few years after porphyry had so highly advanced pythagoras , set him up in competition with our lord iesus christ , as i shall presently shew . hierocles , being chief iudge at nicomedia in dioclet●an's time , was a chief instigator of that bloody persecution that was then against the innocent christians . and to justifie this , he writ two books against the christian religion , which he publish'd under the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a lover of truth . no doubt by these means he won the heart of the emperour galerius , who was the first mover of that persecution : and therefore by him he was advanced to the most profitable government of alexandria in egypt . there also he went on in his butcherly trade ; till an end was put to it , by the wonderfull providence of god , which by constantine's means brought christianity to be the imperial religion . then hierocles betook himself wholly to philosophy , and among other things , writ his commentary on the golden verses that bear the name of pythagoras ; which i mention , to shew how much he was addicted to the honour of porphyry's saint . of his two books against the christians , it seems that eusebius saw but one ; and of that , he tells us , the most part was stollen out of celsus ; and was long since answer'd by origen . it appears that in that work of hierocles , to pull down the honour of christ , he first set up aristeas , as celsus had done : next he sets up pythagoras ; and lastly apollonius tyaneus . all this we learn out of that fragment of hierocles , which is publish'd in the end of his works , and also at the end of eusebius's answer to his book : though eusebius medleth only with that part which concerns apollonius , because that was all that was new in this controversie . in this piece hierocles , having magnified apollonius tyaneus for the great things that were recorded of him by philostratus in his life ; and having vilified our lord iesus christ , whom the christians , as he saith on the account of his doing a few 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 call a god ; he concludes in these words : it is worth the considering , that those things of iesus are brag'd of by peter and paul , and some others of that sort of men , liars , and illiterate , and impostors : but for these things of apollonius , we have maximus , and damis a philosopher that lived with him , and philostratus , men eminent for their learning , and lovers of truth . what a lover of truth hierocles himself was , we are to judge , not by the title of his books , but by the things contained in them . and though his books against the christians have been lost many ages since , ( as those blasphemous books of porphyry were , ) yet here we have a kind of summary of them in this fragment . for here we see in short , what he had to say against the apostles of christ , and what to say for the evangelists of apollonius , whom he sets up against him : and it cannot be denied that , on either side , the truth of the matters of fact is to be judged of chiefly by the sufficiency and the honesty of the witnesses . therefore knowing what he has to say of them , we know in effect the validity of all that is contained in his books . first , in his charge against the apostles of christ , to say that paul was illiterate , this was certainly an impudent calumny . for beside his knowledge of the greek , that was his native language , wherein also we see he writ a large epistle with his own hand , and quotes the greek poets in several of his epistles ; i say , beside this , he had the hebrew learning in great perfection , being brought up at the feet of gamaliel , a doctor in great fame among the iews to this day . and he gave such proofs of his learning before the roman governour and king agrippa , that the governour said , too much learning had made him mad . so far was he from calling him an illiterate man. then to call him and peter , liars , and impostors , what occasion did they give him for this ? only by their preaching and writing for the christian religion . but did they believe that religion , or not ? if they did , suppose they might err in this , yet they could not be liars and impostors ; for they both knew , and writ , that all such are in a state of damnation , according to the rules of their religion . but if they did not believe it , then indeed they might do wicked things for their religion , if that would recommend them to the emperour's favour ; and so to get preferment , as hierocles did . but they were so far from that , the government being against their religion , that they could get nothing by it but dangers and sufferings . those they met with in all places wheresoever they preach'd . and they look'd for nothing else in this world , but sufferings , and those to end in a cruel death , for christ's sake . this both of them declared in the last epiples they writ . and in this we see they were not mistaken . for both of them suffer'd martyrdom , as clemens tells us in his epistle to the corinthians , which he writ within two or three years after their death , the truth of which epistle hath never been question'd by any learned man whatsoever . but what shall we say of a man that was perfectly blinded , with prejudice and malice , or with ambition and covetousness ? if hierocles had not been so , he could not but have seen that those two apostles of christ had nothing about them that would suit with those two ugly characters of liars and impostors . but he had those in his eye that would certainly have been taken by those marks , if there had been a hue and cry after them . i can't think any learned man in his age , being asked , of all the writers , whose works were then extant , which was the greatest liar ? would name any other than philostratus . i am sure he could not , if he would speak impartially . and yet this philostratus , and his two authors , maximus , and damis , known to none but himself , are the men whom hierocles calleth learned men , and lovers of truth . and for an impostor , if such a one had been enquired for , i know not whom a learned man , that had no design to serve with a lye , would have named before apollonius tyaneus : whom yet hierocles so much admires , that he thinks himself modest for saying only this , he was a favourite of the gods ; whereas the christians say , that christ was god himself , for those few strange things that are told of him . first , for philostratus , on whose single word all the credit of this story of apollonius depends ; of what value his word is , must be judged by considering how he was qualified for an historian . to begin with the opportunities he had to inform himself ; it is certain , he could say nothing of his own knowledge . for as himself tells us , apollonius died a few weeks after the emperour domitian : that was in the year of our lord 96. but philostratus did not write this till above a hundred years after . how came he then by all the stuff with which he hath filled a large history ? he tells us , that while he lived in the court of julia , that most infamous empress , the mother and wife of that horrible brute caracalla , the minutes of apollonius's life , written by one damis , that lived with him , were presented to her by one of damis's relations ; and she being a lover of fine language , delivered them to this sophist philostratus , to put them into a handsome dress . but that we may not think these minutes were all that he had for the furnishing of his history , he tells us , he had besides , an account from one maximus of aegae , how apollonius past his time in that town , for the two or three years that he lived there , being then about 20 years of age , almost a boy , as hierocles words it . and this is all the help he had from these two lovers of truth , as hierocles calls them . but there was besides , one moeragenes , that writ iv books , on or against apollonius ; but he is not to be heeded , saith philostratus , because he was ignorant of many of our stories ; so he lost the honour of being recorded by hierocles for one of the lovers of truth . in short , except the little things that hapned in the short time that apollonius was at aegae ; for any thing else of his life , philostratus doth not pretend to have any author but damis . yet all that he had of damis , was no more than a table-book of minutes , as philostratus owns . and those might be written by any one else , for ought he knew . for it was a hundred years after damis's death , before he saw or heard of them . till then they were not known . and then a nameless man , pretending to be a relation of damis , brought them , and said they were written by damis . th●s is all the authority we have for philostratus's legend . but he saith in the chapter before , he had some things from town-talk , in the places where apollonius had been ; and some things he had that other men said of him : and some things from epistles that apollonius had written to kings , &c. as for the talk of things done a hundred years ago , that is very uncertain ; but of what authority were these epistles ? there may well be a doubt of this . for the epistles in diogenes laertius were generally forged by sophists . and philostratus being a sophist , and one that knew how to write to kings , might be the very man that forged the epistles now extant . we have reason to like them the worse , for agreeing too well with his history . but besides , he seems to doubt that his reader might suspect these epistles , and therefore question his history . to fence against this , he saith , he took things that were more certain from the authors that he names afterwards : damis , &c. of how little credit those authors were , we have seen . and if things taken out of them were more certain , as he himself tells us , then there is no credit at all to be given to his epistles . so much for the authority : now for the matters of his history . some of them , i dare say , were such as lucian had never heard of , and yet he liv'd mid-way between apollonius and his historian . particularly , i cannot believe he ever heard of that story of apollonius , how he made the people at ephesus stone an old beggar ; who , as he told them , was a daemon ; and when the stones had made a hillock over his body , he bad the people remove the stones , which they did ▪ and found under them , not a man , but a mastiff , as big as the biggest sort of lion , and foaming at mouth , as if he had been mad . so likewise he tells how apollonius being invited , with many other guests , by his friend menippus to his wedding ; he found that the amiable bride was a she-devil , that was in love with menippus , and pretending to be a great fortune , had provided the wedding dinner , with a noble antendance , and all manner of delicacies : but , upon his telling his friend what she was , she , together with her attendance and dinner , vanisht , leaving apollonius to make her excuse to the bridegroom and his company . here were subjects for lucian to have bantered upon , beyond any that are in his book ; so that , because they are not there , i say again , one may be sure he never heard of them . he that could thus descry devils , might as well ken souls , one would think , and tell what bodies they had passed through ; especially being a pythagorean philosopher . i have shewn apollonius could do that , as well as pythagoras himself ; though philostratus doth not tell us , that ever his soul dwelt , as that of pythagoras did , in the body of a son of mercury , that had that gift from his father . but he was not to be measur'd by pythagoras , being as philostratus tells us , far the greater man of the two . he out-did him in many things ; and particularly in this , that he could call up the souls of any of the heroes , and entertain himself with them at his pleasure . particularly , at the tomb of achilles , where that heroe appear'd sometimes frightfully to others , who therefore warn'd apollonius not to come near him ; he laught at them , and spent a whole night there in conversation with achilles , till the cocks-crowing , which , it seems , warns the sprights away . but the next day he told his company all this ; how the ghost appear'd to him , at first but five cubits high , but rose up by degrees to be twelve ; perhaps swelling with indignation against his countrey-men of thessaly ; of whom he bitterly complained , that whereas they used to worship him formerly , now they had this good while left it off . he called apollonius by his name : and told him , i am glad you are here , for i have long lookt for such a one as you to tell them of this . but for one thing he expostulated with apo●l●nius too : that he had receiv'd into his company one antisthenes , that was of the race of king priamus , and that used to sing the praises of hector ; whom , belike , achilles hated , even after dea●h . but it seems apollonius , having done this ignorantly , now he was told of it discarded the young gentleman . all this , as philostratus says , was in the minutes of damis , who was present at that time . and with him i go next to apollonius's travels , of which philostratus tells us many wonders that he saith damis saw ; among which are the most incredible things that we read in the travels of sir john mandevill . but he tells us many more and greater than that knight has in his book . particularly this , which damis confesseth made him stare . when he was among the bramins , they brought him to a treat : where he saw four tables , that walked and placed themselves in an apt figure : each of these was supported by an image that served them with drink : two of these images pour'd out wine , and the other two water , one hot , and one cold , to every guest according to his drinking : and for dinner , there came in dishes of all the best fruits of the season ; invisible , till they were upon the table , and there they set themselves in order for eating : then the earth thrust up heaps of grass , that were softer than beds , for the guests to lie upon . philostratus saith indeed , that how they did these things , apollonius neither asked , nor cared to learn : that is , he took all to be done by magick . but he liked these magicians never the worse for it ; as appears by the high praises he gave them at every mention that he made of them afterwards . which so prick'd the gymnosophists , when he was with them in aethiopia , that they , to shew him a proof of their skill , made an elm-tree speak to him . it spoke , he saith , articulately : but it was with a woman's voice ; perhaps because the greek word for an elm is of the feminine gender . these are very rank fulsome lyes : but they are but a small tast of the abundance that philostratus gives us out of his damis's minutes . what he tells of apollonius without that authority , himself , as i have shewn , doth acknowledge to be very vncertain . such he owns those stories to have been that he tells us ; of a choire of swans , that , happening to be in the meadow where his mother fell in labour , sung him into the world : and also of a choire of virgins , that sung him into heaven ; if the lying cretans may be believ'd , that gave philostratus the words of their song . for the distance of time between his birth and his death , he owns it to be very uncertain : he saith it was , as some say , 80 years , as some 90 , and as some above 100. but therein , as well as in many other things , he shew'd his want of chronology . for if , as he tells us , archelaus rebell'd against the romans , when apollonius was at aegae , being then but 16 years old ; then he must have been born in or very near the first year of our lord : for it was certainly a. d. 17 , in which archelaus , after a very short struggle , yielded , and was deposed for his rebellion . and as i have shewn from philostratus himself , apollodorus died a. d. 96. therefore , according to philostratus's own account , he died at the age of 96 or 97 years old ; which is none of the years above mention'd . so uncertain was also the place of his death . for , as philostratus saith , some say he died at ephesus ; some say in the isle of candy ; and some in minerva's temple at lindus . for philostratus's part , not daring to strain the credit of damis , by making him side with any of them , he declares that d●mis said nothing of the manner of his death . but then , delivering the opinions of others , he saith , thus died apollonius ; adding , if he died at all . o rare historian ! that , having not only assured us he was born , but having given a particular account , of his father , and his mother , and the green chamber he was born in ; comes at last to make a doubt whether he ever died or no. what would this man have the reader think of his apollonius ? that he was greater than apollo ? or than jupiter himself ? so it seems . for both these died , as we have shewn from pythagoras himself ; who own'd it was after their deaths that they were made gods : and pythagoras could not but know this ; for , as this writer tells us , pythagoras was among them sometimes ; and apollo came to him , and own'd that it was he that spoke to him . yet here , philostratus , that told us all this , though he durst not speak out , that apollonius did never die ; yet he intimates this was his opinion , and would incline his reader to believe it : certainly your tzetzes did not exceed in calling him the most lying philostratus . among all the writers that i know , there is scarce a greater liar in the world . nor was there a greater impostor than apollonius ; whom , on the sole credit of philostratus's history , hierocles so much extolls , as the great favourite of the gods , and fitter to be called a god , than our blessed saviour . but to shew more particularly what apollonius was , we must not wholly reject his lying historian . for , if we do , we are quite in the dark : there being no other that writ of apollonius within two hundred years after his death , lucian only excepted . and therefore to make the best of what we have in these two writers , i shall begin with philostratus , and take the best information we can get of him . now according to this historian , apollonius was bred up at first among the pythagoreans , and always affected to be thought a philosopher of that sect. for he strictly observed the rules of pythagoras , though he understood not his doctrine . but he not only imitated , but much out did him in his travels . and according to the way of that sect , which was much addicted to the worship of daemon's , he made it his b●siness , wheresoever he went , to restore the gentile idolatry , which was then much sunk by the preaching of the christian religion . this , no doubt , might entitle him to the devil 's especial assistance , by which he might do wonderfull things ; and might , as he boasted he did , know more than all the men in the world . that was nothing to him . he would be thought to be a god , and therefore he boasted of things which no man could know or do . he declared , he knew all the languages of men without any teaching ; and that he understood , not only their words , but even their silent thoughts . damis , as soon as he heard this , fell down and worsh●pped him ; he could do no less , looking upon him as a daemon , saith the historian . others that saw his tricks , and heard such things from him , soon found both what he was , and what he would be at . they saw , he was either a magician or a grand cheat. this was the common opinion they had of him , according to philostratus , who notably fenceth against it . they also saw what he drove at , even to be thought a god. of this he was accused to the government : and that by philosophers even by euphrates the greatest of them in his age. these learned men , no doubt , had seen the books that he publish'd ; namely , his four books of iudicial astrology , and his books of sacrifices , to shew what sorts of them would best please every god. i find no other books that he writ . and these could not but confirm those philosophers in their opinion of him . we have these things , and much more of this kind , from philostratus ; whom we have reason to believe in these things , though not in many other ; for in these he agrees with him that lived nearest apollonius's time . of all the writers now extant , the nearest to the time of apollonius was lucian , as i have shewn . and what opinion he had of him , we may see in his account of another of the same trade , one alexander , a famous impostor . lucian tells us of this alexander ; that being at first a handsome youth , he was abused by one of tyana , that made him his catamite . this execrable sodomite , being , as lucian saith , not only a countryman of apollonius , but also one of his companions , that knew all his way of acting the part of a philosopher ; to make this young man the more passive to his lust , train'd him up to magic , and taught him the use of charms , and made him a great proficient in all the other arts of cheating , in which he excell'd . this is all that we have of apollonius from lucian . and we had not known so much of him as this , but that lucian , having occasion to speak of a companion of his , that set up at his trade , and took apprentices at it ; thereupon brings him in , as the master-workman of his age in all that way of diabolical practice . this was the reputation he had , as it seems , till above a hundred years after his death . then outcomes this book of his life ; compos'd , as i have shewn , out of unknown memoirs , brought into the world by an unknown hand . they are said to have been brought to the empress julia , as i have shewn . that might be , though they were first born in her court. she might as well order the first devising , as the composing of them in●o a history . philostratus owns that what he did was by her order . and she was her self a philosopher , as he tells us : a great intriguer , all acknowledge . no doubt she had very great reasons for such an extraordinary thing as this was , to canonize a magician a hundred years after his death , and to advance him even to be a god : whether she had a mind this way to draw off her son , the young emperor , from the esteem he had of the christians , whom he favour'd on his nurses account , that was of that religion : or whether to do honour to a disciple and in●imate friend of the magi , that were noted to lie with their mothers ; and thereby to countenance her wicked design of drawing her son to her bed. these are but conjectures . but whatsoever the matter was , it was she , as philostratus owns , that set him upon the design of writing the life of apollonius ; at such a rate , that whoever believ'd it , could not but look upon him as a fit rival for our blessed saviour . her , and her son caracalla , i take to have been the emperours that order'd him to be worshipped , at tyana where he was born . that emperors did order this , philostratus tells us in a chapter which i take to be an addition to the end of his book . and sure this could not be done by any emperors before lucian's time : for if it had , he durst not have writ those things that i have quoted from him . considering also that her sister or neice mammaea , the mother of alexander severus , was a christian ; i do not wonder at that which lampridius hath in this emperors life . where he saith , he had the images of christ and apollonius together in his lararium . of his mother he had his birth and education ; and it was his aunt julia that rais'd him to that greatness ; in which , being to furnish a closet for his devotion , he thought to please them both , in setting up his aunt 's god together with his mother's . as the bigotted heathens could not but be pleas'd with the honour done to apollonius , in order to the lessening of our blessed saviour , so no doubt the devil would promote it what he could . and therefore i am inclin'd to be of dr. more 's opinion ; that the devil might make that appearance to aurelian , in the name of his saint apollonius , to perswade that incensed emperor to spare his city of tyana for his sake . tho' otherwise , it is not improbable that vopiscus might invent this part of his history . for , as my most learned friend mr. dodwell shews , he writ it in the first heat of diocletian's persecution , and dedicated it to the praefectus urbis , who had the same concern in this matter at rome , that hierocles had at nicomedia . and by the high encomium he gives apollonius ; out of a greek book , as he tells us , which could be no other than his life written by philostratus ; it is plain he had the same wicked design with hierocles , namely , to set up this magician for a rival to our saviour ; and thereby to bring contempt on his holy religion , and on all them that suffer'd and died for it in that persecution . but when god●s time was come to set up the kingdom of christ , three or four emperors that oppos'd it with the utmost malice and rage , were successively taken away by the visible hand of god ; the iustice whereof two of them at their death did acknowledge . then the devil being thrown out of heaven , all his angels fell with him . christianity came to be the establish'd religion . and then , ( to use the phrase of a gentleman that had more wit than did him good , ) religion having taught the people to say grace , there was no more danger of the crooked pin in the pudding : those palpable lyes of apollonius would not go down ; and so , for ought i find , hierocles quite lost his labour . next , jamblichus , who , as eunapius saith in his life , was a greater scholar than his master porphyry , and who was no less a hater of christians ; yet living under christian emperors , a she did all the time of his age for writing books , he durst not write professedly against the christian religion . but taking this to be a safe way , he went on with his masters design of setting up pythagoras to be a rival to our saviour . in order to this , he took up all the stuff that porphyry in his life of pythagoras had gather'd ready to his hand . he worked it over again his own way , oftentimes making use of porphyry's words . then , for farther embellishment , he added out of his own invention , whatever he thought would either adorn his subject , or promote the design of his writing . his design was plainly to subvert the christian religion . but so , as not to run himself in any danger on that account : and therefore , without ever mentioning christ or christians ; which he could not do in this book without seeming to make some kind of reflection upon them ; he only endeavours to make pythagoras , and those of his sect , out-shine them in the lustre that he gives them with his eloquence , such as it is . which , together with other services that he did to the cause of heathenism against the christian religion , did so far endear him to julian , that wretched apostate ; that , after he came to shew himself , which was not till he took the empire upon him , he writ more epistles to jamblichus than to any other while he was living : and after his death never mentioned him but with the highest encomiums , calling him sometimes the hero , sometimes the divine jamblichus , and one whom he admired next the gods. julian , having been sometime a reader in the church , might very well understand him as i do in the following instances of his book ; which i take to have been written in a kind of abusive imitation of the gospel . namely , where he tells us , how the mother of pythagoras , being with child of him , which was more than her husband yet knew , was brought by him to the oracle of apollo pythius at delphi : and there the prophetess told him both the first news of his wife's conception , and also that the child she then went with should prove the greatest good to mankind . thereupon he saith , her husband changed his wife's name from parthenis to pythais : and afterwards , when the child was born , call'd him pythagoras ; as being foretold by apollo pythius , for so he saith that name signifies . jamblichus will not take upon him to say ( as he tells us some others did ) that the child was of apollo's own getting : but he saith , none can doubt it was one of apollo's companions in heaven , that came down to be the soul of that child . he should have said rather , one of pluto's companions in hell ; for the soul of pythagoras came then out of hades , if pythagoras himself may be believ'd . but jamblichus was aware that pythagoras overshot himself sometimes , and did it particularly in his account of the stages that his soul pass'd thro' in it's travels . therefore jamblichus takes notice of no other but euphorbus , in whom that soul formerly dwelt . he smuggles all the other names we have mention'd , not only from his master porphyry , but even from pythagoras himself . but however , he saith , it hath been affirm'd by many , and that with great probability , that pythagoras was the son of god. nay , that he was one of the heavenly gods that then appear'd upon earth for the good of mankind ; a greater good than ever did come before , or should ever come after . his disciples indeed could not agree among themselves what god he should be . some would have it that he was apollo pythius ; others , that he was apollo hyperboreus ; others , that he was aesculapius ; others , that he was one of the daemons that dwelt in the moon . they that said he was apollo , seem'd to be the greatest number ; and they had the greatest authority on their side , even his own ; for so pyth. himself told abaris ( to entitle himself to the money , as we have shewn ) that he was the very god himself : and proved it by shewing him his golden thigh , such , as it seems abaris had told him that the image of his god had in scythia . but then , lest abaris should ask him what he made here ? pythagoras added , that he put on human shape , that men might not be afraid to converse with him ; as they would , if they knew the excellence of his person , and so they would deprive themselves of the benefit of his doctrine . such stuff as this runs through his book ; which , being written for the deifying of an impostor , plainly shew'd that the design of it was to banter the gospel of christ. he begins like one of the heathen poets , with invoking the gods , and pythagoras , to assist him in the work. how he ended it , we cannot tell ; for his book is imperfect . but probably he continu'd it with an account of this impostor's disciples , in imitation of the acts of the apostles . in short , as well for history , as for doctrinal matters , from one end to the other , it hath so much of the devil in it , that it seems to have been wholly written by his inspiration . but all this i do acknowledge to have been a digression , as well as all the rest of what i have written , that doth not concern the writers of pythagoras's life . for it was my proper business to shew of what credit they are ▪ as to matter of history . now the two chief of these , being porphyry and jamblichus , who were great philosophers themselves , and such great admirers of pythagoras , as they shew in the writing of his life ; one ought to expect they would have taken care to gather all that was true of him out of all the former historians , and to have mingled nothing with it that was inconsistent with the truth of history . how well they have perform'd this in other respects , i shall not take upon me to examin . but i shall take account of it only as to matter of chronology . and that i think sufficiently sheweth how much at random it is that jamblichus pretends to give the years of pythagoras's life , and his chief actions and events : and also how grosly both he , and porphyry before him , have abused their readers in the accounts that they give us of his principal disciples . as to the years of pythagoras's life , jamblichus tells us , that it was much about his xviii year that he set out to travel : and that after some time , ( which i take to be iv years ) spent in other countries , he came into aegypt , and there he stay'd xxii years . he goes on , and says that the philosopher being taken there by cambyses's soldiers , was carry'd to babylon , and there he stay'd xii years ; and then return'd home to samos , being now about lvi years old . there he stay'd for some time , ( it should seem for another iv years ) and then in olympiad lxii he went into italy . there , he says , he govern'd his school xl years wanting i , and lived in all very near c years . so distinct an account as this is of the years of pythagoras's life , whereof there is not the least item in any of the ancienter writers , did , i confess , not a little rejoyce me , when i first met with it : and so much the more , because of two certain notations of time , by which , if they were true , all those years might be reduced to the like certainty . there is nothing better known in ancient history , than the year of cambyses's conquering aegypt . we are certain it was in the end of the third year , or the beginning of the fourth of olymp. lxiv . so that according to jamblichus , this was the very year of pythagoras's being carry'd to babylon . and the time of his going into italy is as certain , according to jamblichus , who saith it was olymp. lxii wherein eryxias was victor . there is plainly vi years distance of time between these years that are here mention'd . and the same , one would think , there should be between his being carry'd to babylon and his going into italy . but that cannot be jamblichus's meaning . for he saith , it was xii years that pythagoras stay'd at babylon ; and then , to make up his life very near c years , as jamblichus reckons it , there must be three or four years more that he stay'd in crete , and at samos , before he went into italy . add these to the xii years before mention'd , and they make some xv or xvi years . and yet here jamblichus makes his going into italy to be in olymp. lxii , that is , to be vi or vii years before the certain time of his being carry'd to babylon , which must be in the third or fourth year of olymp. lxiii , if he was carry'd thither by the forces of cambyses , as jamblichus tells us . so in short , he brings pythagoras captive to babylon some xv or xvi years before his going to italy ; and yet he makes his going into italy vi or vii years before his being carry'd to babylon . here are two of the chief accounts of time in his history which so manifestly contradict one another , that to believe him in both is impossible . th●s is a great disappointment , but it will make us some part of amends , if there be any truth in either of them . to begin with that which he saith of pythagoras's being taken in aegypt by the soldiers of king cambyses ; that must be in the third or fo●rth year of olymp. lxiii , as i have shewn . but as herein he contradicts himself in his other notation of time , so in this he doth not agree with the ancienter writers ; who generally speak of pythagoras's coming from babylon to samos , and 〈◊〉 going from thence in●o italy , before the reign of cambyses . now that he that lived near dccc years after those times , should presume to publish this to the world , without naming any author for it , but as if he said it of his own knowledge ; this i cannot look upon as any other than a very imp●dent fiction . as for that which he said of pythagoras's going into italy in olymp. lxii , it is very likely he had authors that said something like it . there are enough that say he was there in olymp. lxii ; and it is very likely jamblichus might mistake them , and that might occasion him to say that pythagoras went thither at that time . this is the best i can say of it . and so in short , i have lost all the joy that i had of both his discoveries . for having examin'd them , i see the last is a mere blunder , the former a bold fiction , and they both contradict one another . what credit can one give to such an historian ? for his account of the disciples of pythagoras , he takes what he will out of the rude heap that his master porphyry had thrown together , and much more he adds very lavishly out of his own head . zamolxis the lawgiver of the getes , they will have to be one of pythagoras's disciples . porphyry makes him one of the first . for he saith , that zamolxis being yet a boy , was brought out of thrace by the father of our philosopher , who gave him to his son , and he taught him all matters of religion . jamblichus owns he was slave to pythagoras ; who , as he says , taught , him and then gave him his liberty . and yet he had reckon●d him before , among the young men , that came to be disciples to pythagoras in his old age. all this is true alike . for herodotus , that liv'd among them who remember'd pythagoras , saith , zamolxis was much ancienter than he . and therefore jamblichus was once in the right , though perhaps it was through forgetfulness , when he left him out of the catalogue of pythagoras's disciples . zaleucus and charondas he hath in the catalogue ; for which , he hath not only porphyry on his side , who tells us from nicomachus , that by these he gave laws to their people ; but also in diogenes laertius there is a mention of them to this purpose . but jamblichus of his own head reckons both these among them that came young to be pythagoras's disciples when he was old : which is no truer of them than of zamolxis ; for these also were much ancienter than pythagoras . zaleucus lived olymp. xxix , according to eusebius's chronicon . of charondas you have shewn that he was the scholar of zaleucus , or as others say , older than he . so that , if these three were pythagoras's disciples , it must have been some time after the wars of troy , before his soul came into that samian body of his ; which , if it could be made out , would be a wonderfull proof of his doctrine of transmigration . they reckon three other disciples of pythagoras , on whom he set no ordinary value , if it be true that they tell us of the names that he gave them . these three were epimenides , by him surnamed purger ; empedocles , call●d wind-charmer ; and abaris , called sky-rider . and very fine stories they tell of the reasons of his giving them these names : all tending to this , that he imparted to them some of those romantick powers which these historians were pleas'd to ascribe to pythagoras . i indeed call'd them lyes , but i shall ask their pardon , if i do not prove that they belye pythagoras in what they say of these his disciples . first , for epimenides , whom both porphyry and jamblichus do reckon among his disciples ; there is much more probability in what laertius says , that makes him one of the masters of pythagoras . but certainly jamblichus over-shot himself , in saying that he also came a young man when pythagoras was old . and both he and his master are extravagant in making pythagoras teach him to conjure . for epimenides , as all writers agree , had purged athens , whence he had the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before he could see pythagoras , who , as they say , gave him that name . and he was a very old man when he died . and that was either before pythagoras was born , or not many years after . see my account of him in the year 594 before christ. to fetch empedocles into his school , they seem to stretch hard on the other hand . for , though all agree that he was of the pythagorean sect , yet that ever he was taught by pythagoras , seems very improbable . that alcidamas said this , is true : but he makes empedocles a hearer of anaxagoras , either first , or together with pythagoras . this could not be ; because pythagoras was dead , either before , or a very little after the birth of anaxagoras . see my account of him in the year 500 before christ. but that empedocles came too late into the world to be at all a disciple of pythagoras , it sufficiently appears by the accounts we have of him in d. laertius . who saith , that he flourish'd in olymp. lxxxiv , and that aristotle saith he died at lx years old ; tho' others of less credit say he lived lxxvii , or cix years . but if he was in the flower of his age in the lxxxivth olympiad , that is above lx years after olymp. lxviii , 3. in which i place the death of pythagoras ; or placing it in olymp. lxx , 4. which is but ix years after , and that is the lowest i can go : i must needs say , empedocles was a very young conjurer , or he flourish'd in a very old age : or , which i rather believe , there is no credit to be given to these two historians . this will farther appear by the account they give of abaris , whom also they make a great conjurer , and train'd up to it by pythagoras . so much porphyry had said . but jamblichus much out-does his master . for having told us that abaris came for improvement in knowledge into greece ; he saith , that in his way home from thence , being now well stricken in years , he came to see pythagoras in italy . there he gave pythagoras the arrow upon which he used to ride aloft in the air : though elsewhere he saith pythagoras took away his arrow , and kept it till he made him confess all he cared to know of him . when there in italy they had spent as much time together as jamblichus pleas'd , then he brings them to agrigentum in sicily ; and there he sets them to try if they can work any good upon phalaris . in his 32d chapter jamblichus sheweth his talent in the making of speeches for them , and of answers for phalaris ; till they came to be upon ill terms . then he makes phalaris resolve to kill them both ; and he makes them for prevention set the people against him ; by whom , he saith , phalaris was kill'd the same day that he had determin'd to kill both pythagoras and abaris . now this is so fine a romance , that it is pity there should be no truth in it ; but only that there was such a city , and that there were such persons . it is civil to grant that in the time of pythagoras there was such a one as abaris living , though authors differ much about the time of his coming into greece . for as harpocration tells us , hippostratus placed it in olymp. iii , others in olymp. xxi . pindar in the time of king croesus ; and euseb. chronicon hath it twice , namely there , and in olymp. lxxxii . but granting that abaris was in greece in croesus's time , which is the only time that consists with jamblichus's story : then , according to euseb. chronicon , his coming was in olymp. liv , 2. that was while pythagoras was abroad in his travels , according to jamblichus's account , which makes his coming into italy to be in olymp. lxii ; that is , full xxx years after . by this time abaris , though he came out of greece with him , must needs be very well stricken in years : much more , if he came after pythagoras was setled in italy . but what becomes of phalaris the mean while ? see in my account , 572 before christ. there it appears , the latest we can bring phalaris to die , is in olymp. lvii , 4. that is xvi years before jamblichus makes pythagoras come into italy . after this , phalaris could neither kill , nor be kill●d , but in a romance ; and i take all this story of jamblichus to be no other . for the rest of the 218 names of disciples in his catalogue , i can bring none of them within the time of pythagoras's life , but milo , and parmenides , whom i mention in my account in the years 539 , and 504 before christ. there are scarce two more of them that ever saw pythagoras , for ought that appears in any good author : though here are the names of several more that were philosophers of the pythagorean sect. yet even these , together with them before mention'd , will not make up the odd number of eighteen . for the other two hundred , i take them to be insignificant names , invented by jamblichus only out of vain ostentation . to conclude , i do not lay any weight at all upon the testimony of jamblichus , nor much on that of his master porphyry , where he doth not mention his author . but i quote them sometimes in the following account , as in a history of the british kings i would geoffry of monmouth . but then naming my author , for want of a better , where i think what he says may be true , i should leave all i said from him to the reader , with a perfect indifference whether he believ'd him or not . with the like indifference , as to every thing but what i have scripture for , i commit these papers into your hands ; desiring you to take them only as my opinion , which is all that you ask of , sir , your affectionate friend , and servant , w. cov. and lich. mar. 30. 1699. a chronological account of the life of pythagoras , and of other famous men his contemporaries . pythagoras's age of pythagoras the samian philosopher years before christ olympiads there is nothing said by any of the ancients , that i know , which can make us think he was born before olymp xliii , save only that of plin. nat. hist. ii. 8. who says , that in olymp. xlii , and v. c. 142 , he first found that venus was sometimes the morning star , and sometimes the evening star. but it is not improbable that in this pliny might mistake pythagoras for his master thales , of whom see the year 585 before christ. n. pythagoras born this year , if years before christ 605 olympiads 43 , 3 , 4. he was the same that is here mention'd in the year 588 before christ. this year also suits best with antilochus's account , which follows in 583 before christ. years before christ 604 olympiads 44 θ. nabopolassar king of babylon . next his son nabocolassar or nebuchadnezzar , who had reigned about two years with his father . this year jan. 21 , was his first thoth , according to ptol. canon . years before christ olympiads 45 n. pherecydes , born this year . suidas . he was born in the isle of syrus one of the cyclades . strabo x. pythagoras was at first his disciple . cicero tusc. qu. i. diod. sic. excerpt . and many others . years before christ 594 , 3. olympiads 46 , 3. solon was this year archon at athens . diog. laert. from sosicrates . so euseb. chronicon in 1 ms. clem. alexandr . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith , he was archon in olymp. xlvi . he made his laws in the time of tarquinius priscus . a. gellius xvii , 21. he made them the year that he was archon , and that with the help of epimenides , who came thither from crete , and having expiated the city in olymp. xliv , as suidas saith , or in olymp. xlv , as eus. chron. pontaci , or olymp. xlvi , as laertius , returned home , and died soon after . d. laert. l. 110 , being 154 years old , as xenophanes said he had heard . ib. iii. of xenophanes see in the year 540 before christ. years before christ 592 olympiads 47 anacharsis scytha now came to athens , eucrates being archon . d. laert. 1. 101. years before christ 588 olympiads 48 pythagoras samius offer'd himself to play at fisticuffs among the boys at the olympic games ; but having long hair , and wearing purple , he was rejected with reproach . therefore he went from them among the men ; and there offering himself at the same exercise , he was victor . this was our philosopher , according to d. laert. viii , 48. who hath all this from eratosthenes , favorinus , and theaetetus . iamblichus hath the same ; and many others . eratosthenes says farther , that our philosopher was the first that boxed according to art. yet d. laert. cites a poet , that saith this was pythagoras , son of crateus . hesychius saith , they are mistaken that think it was the philosopher . pythagoras's age 1 n. pythagoras , son of mnesarchus , years before christ 586 , 5. olympiads 48 , 3. ( descended from hippasus , who was formerly of phlius ) by pythaïs , who was descended from ancaeus one of the planters of samos . there most writers say he was born : though porphyry would have him born at tyre , and jamblichus at sidon , perhaps as being the ancienter city . it seems there were other pretenders to the honour of being his countrymen : for joseph . in ap. 11. saith , it is as hard to tell his country as homer's but yet it is harder to tell the year of his birth . i am doubtfull whether it ought not to be the year 605 before christ. but i rather place it here , for reasons that will appear afterwards in the years 506 and 497 before christ. pythagoras's age 2 θ. periander died 40 years before years before christ 585 olympiads 48 , 4. croesus , and 1 year before olymp. xlix . d. laert. 1 , 95. from sosicrates . he had reigned at corinth 44 years . arist. pol. v , 12. of the vii wise men of greece , he was the first that died . the other vi were thales , solon , cleobulus , chilo , bias , and pittacus , thus reckon'd by diog. laert. prooem . 13 , and 1.40 , 1 , 2. olympiads 48 , 4. thales this year foretold an eclipse of pythagoras's age 2 the sun. he was the first among the greeks that could do this . cicero de divin . i. years before christ 583 , 2. olympiads 49 , 2. pythagorae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to antilochus , pythagoras's age 4 who in his history of learned men reckon'd 312 years from hence to epicurus's death , which was ( 270 years before christ ) olymp. cxxvii , 2. gamelion 10. cic. de fato . d. laert. x , 15. and clem. alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . years before christ 580 , 79. olympiads 50 n. aristeas proconnesius was born this pythagoras's age 7 olymp. suidas . it was after olymp. l. that pythagoras came into italy , saith d. halicarn . lib. 11. p. 120. but h. valesius , and menagius think this is a mistake of olymp. n̄ . instead of olymp. ξ years before christ 578 olympiads 50 , 3. θ. tarquinius priscus died . next king pythagoras's age 9 servius tullius . dion . hal. iii. years before christ 572 olympiads 52 began the tyranny of phalaris , according pythagoras's age 15 to suidas , and eus. chron. pontaci , which saith it continued 16 years . eus. chron. in a former account hath his tyranny , according to scaliger's edition , beginning olymp. xxxi , 2 , and ending olymp . xxxviii , 2. here also according to scaliger it should be liii , 4. pythagoras's age 15 anacreon teius lived in this olymp. olympiads 52 it was in polycrates's time . suidas . pythagoras's age 15 aesop the fable-maker now flourish'd . olympiads 52 d. laert 1 , 72. pythagoras's age 17 θ. pittacus died at mitylene . d. laert . years before christ 570 olympiads 52 , 3. 1 , 79. pythagoras's age 17 pythagoras , being 18 years old , went years before christ 568 , 7. olympiads 53 , 1. to travel as on the account of his studies . jamblichus c. 2. for which , by thales , he was advised to go to aegypt . ib. d. laert . viii , 2. saith , he was then a young man , and addicted to learning . but his going for aegypt , was to avoid the growing tyranny of polycrates . strabo xiv . and jamblichus c. 2. yet polycrates writ a letter in his commendation to king amasis , being his friend and hospes , desiring him to get him instructed by the aegyptian priests . d. laert. and porph. from antipho . iamblichus c. 2. saith , he went first to pherecydes , then to anaximander , then to thales . id. c. 3. then to sidon , to byblus , to tyre , and many other cities of syria : in all which places he was initiated . then he took ship for aegypt : but by the way he landed , and went up mount carmel . iamblichus , c. 3. he came into aegypt . isocr . de laud. busiridis . cic. de finibus v. strab. xiv . plin. xxv , 2. lucian , tatian , clem. alex . he gave polycrates's letter to amasis , and obtained amasis's letter to the aegyptian priests . d. laert. and porph. from antipho . with this letter he came first to them of heliopolis : they sent him to them of memphis , their seniors : they to the diospolites ; who at first were very shy ; but , fearing to displease amasis , they undertook him , thinking at first to balk him with their austerities . but he underwent all , saith porphyry from antipho . he was circumcised , and initiated in their sacred rites . clement . alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he learnt the aegyptian language , he learnt their three sorts of letters . they admitted him to their sacrifices , and exercises of learning ; which none ever obtain'd before . d. laert. from antipho . he learnt of their priests the manner of their sacrifices , and their religious rites . isocr . de l. busir . he read the books of their ancient priests , clem. alex. he learnt their geometry , and astronomy . jambl. c. 4. he got the observations of infinite ages . valer. maximus , viii , 7. he was in aegypt a long time , as all confess . plut. q. symposiac . viii , 8.22 years saith jambl. c. 4. this i believe was all the time of his eastern travels . he also went to the king of arabia , and learnt all he could there . porph. strabo xiv . p. 439 , 18 , &c. saith , from a●gypt he went to babylon . there he was with the chaldees and magi. d. laert. there at babylon he learnt of several of the chaldees ; particularly of zabratus , by whom he was purged from all the desilements of his former life . porph. he was disciple of nazaratus the assyrian . clem. alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he went to the persian magi. cic. de finibus v. plin. xxv , 2. of them he learnt matters of their religion , and way of living . d. laert. from lycus . there he came to learn and understand the jewish knowledge , particularly their oniromancy . porphyry from diogen . in his return from babylon , he came to crete to get minos's laws . justin , v , 4. after his being with the chaldees and magi , he was there in crete with epimenides . d. laert. viii , 3. he was purged by the priests of morgus , one of the idaean dactyli . porph. he went into the idaean cave . ib. the priests there have the verses that he made on the sepulchre of jupiter . ib. after his return from babylon , he came home to samos . strabo xiv . so d. laert. and porph. from antipho . there he open'd a school in a place call'd in antipho's time , pythagorae hemicyclus . d. laert . and porph. from antipho . there he also had a cave without the town , into which he retir'd for his studies . id. and id. this is the summ of what we read of the life of pythagoras for the space of 22 years , that is , as i account it , from the year before christ 568 , till the year 546 before christ. pythagoras's age 24 abaris priest of apollo hyperboreus , years before christ 563 , 2. olympiads 54 , 2. came into greece . eus. chron. scaligeri , and two mss. other mss bring him 10 years sooner . harpocration from pindar faith , he came in the time of croesus . years before christ 562 olympiads 54 , 2 , 3. the first comedy at athens was made pythagoras's age 24 by susarion , and acted upon a movable scaffold . chron. marmor . years before christ 561 olympiads 54 , 3 , 4. θ. nabocolassar or nebucadnezzar king of babylon . next his son iluarodam or evil merodach . this year jan. 1● . was his first thoth according to ptolemee's canon . years before christ 561 olympiads 54 , 3 , 4. croesus began his reign of 14 years . pythagoras's age 25 herod . 1.86 . pisistratus was now tyrantat athens . chron. marm. θ. aesop died . eus. chron. cleobulus was yet living at lindus , if his epistle to solon be true , which we have in d. laert. 1.93 . years before christ 560 olympiads 55 θ. astyages king of media . next his pythagoras's age 26 son cyaxares . xen. 1. scripture calls him darius the mede . africanus saith all agree that cyrus son of cambyses , by mandane , daughter of astyages , began his reign over the persians in olymp. lv. years before christ 559 olympiads 55 , 1 , 2. θ. iluarodam kill'd by his sister's husband neriglissoroor . beros . next king of babylon ; this neriglissoroor or nergal-sharezer . his first thoth was jan. 10. this year in ptol. canon . years before christ 559 olympiads 55 , 1 , 2. θ. solon died in cyprus this spring . pythagoras's age 27 see it proved in vss. annals . he died 2 pisistrati plut. in solon . years before christ 557 olympiads 55 , 4. n. simonides born this year ; for he pythagoras's age 30 was 80 years old in olymp. lxxvi , when adimantus was archon , as himself saith ▪ and so chron. marm. years before christ 556 olympiads 56 θ. phalaris died this year , if he began , pythagoras's age 31 as is above-said , in olymp. lii ; or if in olymp. liii , 4 , then he died seven year later . the people of agrigentum rose against him , and kill'd him . cic. offic . 11. pythagoras's age 31 θ. stesichorus died this year . suidas . years before christ 556 olympiads 56 the lowest account of his death in eus. chron. is olymp. lvi , 2. the highest is olymp. liv , 4. this year euthydemus was archon at years before christ 556 olympiads 56 athens . chron. marm. and the year that he was archon , chilo was ephorus at lacedaemon . d. laert. 1.68 from sosicrates . θ. laborosoarchod son of neriglissoroor years before christ 555 olympiads 56 , 2. having reigned 9 months after his father . next king of babylon , nabonadius or labynitus , called belshazzar in scripture . his first thoth was jan. 9 , according to ptol. canon . pythagoras's age 36 n. confutius born this year , the years before christ 551 olympiads 57 , 2. great philosopher of the chineses . martin . hist. sin. pythagoras's age 39 croesus past over the river halys on a years before christ 548 olympiads 58 bridge built by the art of thales . herod . 1.75 . and so lost himself and his kingdom , after 14 years reign . herod . 1 , 86. that was this year according to my account from herodotus . pythagoras's age 39 θ. thales died this year , saith d. laert . olympiads 58 1.38 . and eus. chron. scal. & pont. from 4 mss. he was born in olymp. xxxv , and died 90 years old . d. laert. 1 , 38.91 years old , saith chron. paschale . pythagoras's age 39 anaximander succeeded him in the ionic olympiads 58 school . d. laert. prooem . now flourish'd lasus of hermione , that first wrote of musick . schol. arist. in vespas . years before christ 547 olympiads 58 , 2. now anaximander was famous , being 64 years old ; and he died a little after , pythagoras's age 40 saith diog. laert. ii , 2. from apollodorus . he flourish'd chiefly under polycrates tyrant of samos . ib. xenophanes lived in his time . d. laert. ix , 18. but his successor in the school was anaximenes . xanthus the lydian historian liv'd at the time when sardes was taken . suidas . years before christ 546 , 5. olympiads 58 , 3. pythagoras , being 40 years old , and seeing it was not for a freeman to live in his country under the tyranny of polycrates , which was now stricter than formerly ; thereupon thought of going into italy . d. laert. and porph. from aristoxenus ; and strabo xiv . without the year . in his way thither he went to delos , where he writ those verses on apollo's sepulchre . porph. from diog. he went to lacedaemon for the laws of lycurgus . iust. v , 4. he came to phlius the ancient country of his family . there being asked by leo , tyrant of that city , what profession he was of , he said , of none ; but that he was a philosopher . see the rest in cic. tusc. qu. v. or in d. laert . prooem . 12. who saith this was at sicyon , and who makes leo tyrant of sicyon and phlius . both cic. and d. laert. prooem . have it from heraclides . but d. laert. viii , 8. hath much the same story from sosicrates , pythagoras went also to delphi to give the more authority to his laws , by pretending that he receiv'd them from theoclea , or themistoclea , the priestess of apollo in that place . d. laert. viii . 7 , 21. from aristoxenus . porphyry calls her aristoclea . being come into italy , he lived there all the rest of his life . strabo xiv . he taught there 40 years wanting one , saith jamb . c. 36 , who makes his whole life very near 100 years . ib. he stay'd 20 years at croton , then went to metapontum , where he died . justin , xx , 5. at croton he began the italic school , which grew old at metapontum , saith clem. alex . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . croton was then in great glory for having so many of pythagoras's scholars in it , among whom was milo the most famous athleta : strabo iv. dion . halicarn . saith pythagoras was in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , four generations after numa . it is to be considered , whether he reckons from the beginning of his reign , which was in olymp. xvi , 3. or whether from the end , which was olymp. xxvii , i. plut in the life of numa saith , pythagoras came into italy almost five ages after numa . livy 1.18 . saith , he came into italy above 100 years after numa ; accounting no doubt from his death in 672 before christ. livy saith farther , it is certain , that in the time of servius tullius , pythagoras had his colleges of disciples at metapontum , heraclea , and croton , as above-mention'd . years before christ 545 olympiads 58 , 4. now the medes were coming up against pythagoras's age 42 the ionians , of which anaximenes writes to pythagoras , who was then at croton , and had his house full of scholars out of italy and sicily , if the epistle be genuine . d. laert. ii , 5. years before christ 544 olympiads 59 pherecydes was yet living . d. laert. pythagoras's age 43 i , 121. now he flourish'd according to eus. chron. he lived in the time of my gentilis , ( that is , of servius tullius , ) saith cicero , tusc. qu. i. theognis the poet of megara flourish'd now . eus. chron. pontaci . years before christ 541 olympiads 59 , 4. bias was yet living , if that be true pythagoras's age 46 which is said of him in herod . 1. that he advised the iones to leave their country to the medes , and go all to sardinia . years before christ 540 olympiads 60 pythagoras now flourish'd . d. laert. pythagoras's age 47 viii . 45. now also xenophanes colophonius flourish'd d. laert. ix . 20. of whom see before in 547 , before christ. he was now at least 80 years old , according to sextus empiricus , and clem. alex. from apollodor . that place him in olymp. xl. but he was a writer till after he was 98 years old . d. laert. ix . 19. now ibycus , the poet of rhegium , came to samos . eus. chron. scalig. & pontac . years before christ 538 olympiads 60 , 2 , 3. after belshazzar's being slain in the taking of babylon by the armies of darius and cyrus , the next king of babylon was darius or cyaxares according to xenophon . his reign being short , he is omitted in the canon , and there the next is cyrus , whose thoth was jan. 5. θ. cambyses father of cyrus in persia , years before christ 536 olympiads 61 and θ cyaxares in media . xenophon . viii . according to whom this is the first of the seven years reign of cyrus at babylon . pythagoras's age 51 pythagoras was now famous in italy , years before christ 536 olympiads 61 thericles being archon at athens . diod. sic. excerpta . p. 241. the first tragedy at athens , was made by thespis , and acted on a wagon , in olymp. lxi . suid. see chron marm. pythagoras's age 53 θ. servius tullius died this year . liv. years before christ 534 olympiads 61 , 3. 1.48 . after whom the next roman king was tarquinius superbus . in this tarquin's time pythagoras came into italy according to cic. tusc. qu. i. and a. gellius , xvii , 21. pythagoras's age 55 eus. chron. hath this year polycrates , years before christ 532 olympiads 62 and his two brothers syloson and pantagnotus tyrants together at samos . but polycrates drove out his two brothers soon after . now in polycrates's time pythagoras flourish'd . tatian . p. 174. b. clem. alex . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cyril . contra julian . ii. in this olympiad , in which eryxias was victor ; pythagoras came into italy , saith jambl. c. 7. he was now famous , saith eus. chron. pythagoras's age 58 cyrus being now dead , his son cambyses years before christ 529 olympiads 62 , 3 , 4. is king of persia. his first thoth was jan. 3. according to ptol. canon . pythagoras's age 59 θ. pisistratus tyrant of athens died years before christ 528 olympiads 63 after a reign of 33 years , tho' twice interrupted in that time . arist. polit. v. 12. next was his son hipparchus , a great lover of learning . he first brought homer's poems to athens . plato in hipparcho . years before christ 527 olympiads 63 , 1 , 2. according to justin , xx , 5. pythagoras pythagoras's age 60 after he had been 20 years in italy , removed from croton to metapontum , and died there . it was at metapontum , that as the fablers say , having taken his disciple abaris's arrow , he rode upon it in the air from thence to taurominium in one day , though some days sailing distant from one another . ponph . and jambl. they tell us , that there at metapontum , he had a noble house , which was afterwards the temple of ceres , and a school . which was call'd the museum . iambl . c. 30. years before christ 525 olympiads 63 , 3 , 4. θ. amasis king of aegypt . he died pythagoras's age 62 olymp. i. xiii , 3. when cambyses was coming against aegypt . diod. sic. 1. the next king psammenitus after 6 months was kill'd , and aegypt conquer'd by cambyses . herod . iii. years before christ 525 olympiads 63 , 4. n. the poet aeschylus was born . chr. pythagoras's age 62 marm. years before christ 523 olympiads 64 , 2. θ. polycrates tyrant of samos died pythagoras's age 64 a few days before cambyses king of persia . herod . iii. 120. about v. c. 238. plin. xxxiii , 1. years before christ 522 olympiads 64 , 2 , 3. θ. cambyses king of persia. next king smerdis magus was kill'd after seven months . next was darius son of hystaspes . his first thoth was 521. jan. 1. according to ptolemey's canon . years before christ 520 olympiads 65 n. the poet pindar was born suidas . pythagoras's age 67 years before christ 515 olympiads 66 , 2. θ. pherecydes died now , for he was pythagoras's age 72 born olymp. xlv . suid. and lived 85 years . lucian in macrob. he was eat up with lice . arist. hist. animal . v. 30 ▪ and that for his blasphemy . aelian . iv , 28. serpents came out of his body . plin. vii , 5. pythagoras , who had been his disciple , now hearing that he was dying in delos , went out of italy thither , and did all he could to recover him : and when he was dead , bury'd him as his father , and then return'd into italy . diod. sic. excerpt . that he dy'd in delos , see apul. florid. ii. aelian iv. hist. 28. porph. and jambl. duris samius saith he died in samos , follow'd by d. laert. i , 119. where also he quotes heraclides for it . porphyry saith , that pythagoras went to delos from samos , and return'd to samos . but he saith afterwards , that it was in pythagoras's absence on this occasion at delos , that cylon rais'd the mob , v. infra 497 , 6. before christ. ( these things do not agree . ) pythagoras's age 74 θ. hipparchus kill'd by harmodius years before christ 513 olympiads 66 , 4. and aristogiton . thucyd. i , and vi. then was pythagoras in italy . a. gell. xvii , 21. pythagoras's age 78 by pythagoras's advice the people of years before christ 509 olympiads 67 , 4. croton would not deliver up some of sybaris that had fled to their altars for protection against their own people . whereupon a war follow'd , in which 300000 of the sybarites were overcome by milo with 100000 of croton , who after this victory destroy'd the city of sybaris . diod . sic. olymp. lxxxiii , 3. where he saith , this happen'd 58 years before , and 5 years , that is in all 63 years before . therefore i place it in olymp. lxvii , 4. this milo was disciple of pythagoras , and had been 6 times victor in the olympic games . ib. and often at the other publick games . years before christ 508 olympiads 68 when brutus deliver'd rome , pythagoras pythagoras's age 79 was yet in italy , saith cic. tusc. qu. iv. solinus c. 16. by mistake saith , then he came into italy . years before christ 506 , 5. olympiads 68 , 3. θ. pythagoras died . eus. chron. in pythagoras's age 81 2 mss. having lived 80 years , according to his own account of the four parts of mans life , consisting each of 20 years . d. laert. 1 , 44. from heraclides . this account of his age menage takes to be the most likely , because lucian doth not reckon pythagoras among the long-liv'd men ; as probably he would if pythagoras had lived 90 years , as most say , according to d. laert. ib. much more , if he had lived , as jamblichus saith , very near 100 ; or as tzetzes says , perhaps from jamblichus , 100 wanting one ; or according to the nameless writer in photii biblioth . ccxlix . 104 years ; or according to a nameless writer in galen's works 117 years . but if the reader is not yet tir'd , i will go on with him to the end of the 90 years , which is as far as i see any ground . years before christ 505 , 4. olympiads 68 , 4. here the death of pythagoras is plac'd in one ms of eus. chron. years before christ 504 years before christ 69 heraclitus now flourish'd . d. laert. pythagoras's age 83 ix . beginning . parmenides now flourish'd . d. laert. ix , 23. now cynaethus chius first rhapsodied homer's verses . schol. in pindar . nem. b. years before christ 502 olympiads 69 , 2. hecataeus the historian flourish'd ; pythagoras's age 85 for now he endeavour'd to disswade aristagoras from taking arms against darius king of persia , herodot . v. 36. pythagoras's age 87 n. anaxagoras the philosopher years before christ 500 olympiads 70 born this year . d. laert. ii , 7. from apollodorus . this is confirm'd by democritus saying of himself , tha●●e was 40 years younger than anaxagora● d. laert. v. 41. for democritus was born olymp. lxxx . ib. pythagoras's age 89 mariana's copy of eus. chron. places years before christ 498 , 7. olympiads 70 , 3. the death of pythagoras this year . pythagoras's age 90 θ. pythagoras died eus. chron. scal. years before christ 497 , 6. olympiads 70 , 4. and pontac . from 4 mss. most say he lived 90 years . d. laert. iii. 44. the accounts of his death are various . the likeliest is that which we have in the excerpta of diod. sic. porphyry , and jambl. c. 35. they tell how one cylon of croton , a rich , ambitious , boisterous man , having offer'd himself to be taken into the college , and being refus'd , was thereby so enraged , that he got the mob together , and fell upon milo's house , when pythagoras and his disciples were all there together , and burnt the house , and all that were in it , except two or three that narrowly escaped . some say pythagoras was one of them that were burnt there . others say , he escaped out of the fire , and was kill'd in pursuit . others , that he fled to caulonia , thence to locri , thence to tarentum ; but being no where receiv'd , at last he went to metapontum , and there got into the muses temple , where being kept from victuals 40 days , he was starved . hermippus , whom josephus calleth the most eminent writer of pythag. life , hath a most unlikely story of his death . he saith that being ingag'd with ●he agrigentines against the syracusans , and his party , being worsted , he was taken in flight because he would not run over a bean plot , and so was kill'd by the enemy . d. laert. hath an epigram on his death , according to this story , which i think indeed is fitter for a poet than an historian . after his death , those of his disciples that were living , are said to have been dispersed into greece , and the neighbouring countries . and yet his family is said to have continued at or about croton . his wife theano was born there , according to clem. alex. from didymus , and d. laert. and suidas . but porphyry says she was of crete . some say that she , and her son telauges , revived or continued his school . others say it was done by aristaeus of croton , that married his daugh. theano . his son arimnestus is mention'd by porphyry from duris samius , and said to have taught democritus the famous philosopher . d. laert . mentions his son marmacus , and d. damo . suidas seems to call that son mnesarchus , and also mentions his d. arignote , and myia . another d. of his is call'd sara . but of all these we have nothing that looks like a certainty , in my opinion . finis . errata . p. vii . l. 2. have also from . p. ix . l. 12. for lvii , r. lxii . p. 5. l. 1. for 5 2. r. 52. p. 10. l. 12.41 should be in lin . 15. p. 11. l. 22. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. is here put for the birth , and θ. for the death of any person . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a48814-e220 * jonsius de script . hist. philos . viii , 2. herod 11. diod. sic. philostr . vit . apoll. ty. iii. 6. porph. p. 188. porph. p. 201. schol. in sophoclis electram . diog. laert viii , 4. schol. in apoll. argonaut i. d. laert. viii , 4. d laert. viii . 14. porph. p. 191. jambl. c. 28. herod . ii. diog. laert from heraclides . porph. p 191. d. laert. viii . 36. philostr . iii. 707. vi. 18. v. 15. diog. laert . viii . 41. from hermippus . chrysost. hom. ii. in joh. cyril . in julian iii. porph. p. 193. jambl. c. 28. p. 194. porph. p 191 , 192. jambl. c. 28. porph. ib. & jambl. c. 13. jambl . c. 28. porph. p. 190. 1 cor. i. 21. acts iv. 13. v. hierocl . infra , & julian . apost . in spanheim's edition of cyril . lib. x. p. 327. john xx. 30 , 31. mar. xvi . 20. 1 cor. xv. 6. v. uss. annal . a. d. 54. & pearson . posthum . act ▪ ii. 32. iv. 33. v. 32. john ix . 47. acts iv. 16. mat. ix . 34. xii . 24. mat. xxvi . 59 , 60. luke xxiii . 14. origen . contra celsum . i. p. 30 , 55. ii. p. 93 , 94. p. xx , xxv . origen . contra celsum . iii. p. 126 , 127. & viii p. 407. origen contra cels. i. p. 8. orig. cont . cels. i. p. xvii . origin . contra cels. iii p. 125 , 129. orig. cont . cel. iii. 125 , 129. herod . iv. orig cont . cels. iii. p. 129. holstein de vitâ & scriptis porph. c. 10. hieron . praef . dan. de vit . & scr . porphyr c 4. euseb. hist. vi. 19. porph. v. plotini , p. 4. euseb. hist. vii . 12. viii 4. ho●st ib. c 10 de vit . & scr. porph. c. 7. p. xiii . lact. de justit . v. 2. lact. de mort . perfec c 16. euseb. de mart. palaest . c. 5. eus. cont . hier. edit . oxon . 8 o. p. 264. gal. 6.11 . act. 22.3 . act. 26.24 . rom. 3.8 . 2 pet. 3.3 . 2 tim 4.6 . 2 pet. 1.14 . philost . viii . 12. philost . i. 3. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. i , 3. i , 2. philostr . soph. ii. p. 617. he writ a book of love-epistles . suid. i , 1. iv , 3. iv. 8. empusa . p. ix . c. 1 c. 1. iv. 3. iv. 5. iii , 8. vi , 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. xxxi . i , 4. viii , 12. i , 9. tac● ann. ii. 42. tac annal ii , 42. p. xxix . viii , 12. viii , 12. p. v. i , 1 , 2. euseb. in hier. i , ●3 . p. 25. i , 2 , 3. vii , 1. iii , 13. lucian in pseudo-mant . p. 476. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. xxx . p. xxix . philost . soph. ii. p. ●●● eus. hist vi. phil. vit . apol. l. 18 , 24. sext. empir . pyrth . iii , 24. i , 3. more 's mystery of godliness , iv , 3 , 4. v , 7 , 1. phil. viii . 13. eus. hist. vi , 21. lampr. alex . a. § 29. mystery of godliness , v , 7 , 8. vopisc . divus aurel . c. 24. mr. dodwell 's praelect . prooem . in hist. aug. v. 6. v. lact. de mort . perfec . juliani epist xxxiv ▪ xl , xli , liii , lx , lxi . juliani orat . iv. crat vii . ib. jambl. vit . pyth c. 2 p. 28. c. 2. p. 29. ib. p. viii . p. vi , vii , viii . p. 43. c. 27. p. 127. c. 19. p. 94. p. xiii . c. 19. p. 94. c. 2. p. 31. l. 5. c. 4. p. 36. l. 27. c. 4. ending . c. 5. beginning . c. 7. p. 47. l. 23. c. 36. p. 220. l. 4. c. 30. p. 154. l. 22. c. 23. p. 103 ▪ l. 15. herodot . iv , 56. c 23. p. 103. l. 11 , 15. dissert . p. 362. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . porph. vit . pyth. p. 193. jambl. c. 28. p. 127 , 128. p. xi . viii , 3. c. 23. p. 103. l. 15. d. laert. viii , 56. ibidem . viii , 74. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c. 19. p. 92. l. 32. p. 93. l. 10. c. 28. p. 131. l. 28. c. 36 p. 221 , &c. a review of the theory of the earth and of its proofs, especially in reference to scripture burnet, thomas, 1635?-1715. 1690 approx. 120 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30484 wing b5945 estc r7953 11802555 ocm 11802555 49396 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30484) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49396) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 18:4 or 175:4b) a review of the theory of the earth and of its proofs, especially in reference to scripture burnet, thomas, 1635?-1715. [2], 52 p. printed by r. norton for walter kettilby ..., london : 1690. attributed to thomas burnet. cf. bm. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng burnet, thomas, 1635?-1715. -telluris theoria sacra. creation -early works to 1800. philosophy, ancient. cosmology. earth. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-08 john latta sampled and proofread 2002-08 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a review of the theory of the earth , and of its proofs : especially in reference to scripture . london , printed by r. norton , for walter kettilby , at the bishop's-head in st. paul's church-yard . 1690. a review of the theory of the earth . to take a review of this theory of the earth , which we have now finish'd , we must consider , first , the extent of it : and then the principal parts whereof it consists . it reaches , as you see , from one end of the world to the other : from the first chaos to the last day , and the consummation of all things . this , probably , will run the length of seven thousand years : which is a good competent space of time to exercise our thoughts upon , and to observe the several scenes which nature and providence bring into view within the compass of so many ages . the matter and principal parts of this theory , are such things as are recorded in scripture . we do not feign a subject , and then descant upon it , for diversion ; but endeavour to give an intelligible and rational account of such matters of fact , past or future , as are there specified and declar'd . what it hath seem'd good to the holy ghost to communicate to us , by history or prophecy , concerning the several states and general changes of this earth , makes the argument of our discourse . therefore the things themselves must be taken for granted , in one sence or other : seeing , besides all other proofs , they have the authority of a revelation ; and our business is only to give such an explication of them , as shall approve it self to the faculties of man , and be conformable to scripture . we will therefore first set down the things themselves , that make the subject matter of this theory : and remind you of our explication of them . then recollect the general proofs of that explication , from reason and nature : but more fully and particularly shew how it is grounded upon scripture . the primary phaenomena whereof we are to give an account , are these five or six . i. the original of the earth from a chaos . ii. the state of paradise , and the ante-diluvian world. iii. the universal deluge . iv. the universal conflagration . v. the renovation of the world , or the new heavens and new earth . vi. the consummation of all things . these are unquestionably in scripture : and these all relate , as you see , to the several forms , states , and revolutions of this earth . we are therefore oblig'd to give a clear and coherent account of these phaenomena , in that order and consecution wherein they stand to one another . there are also in scripture some other things , relating to the same subjects , that may be call'd the secondary ingredients of this theory , and are to be referr'd to their respective primary heads . such are , for instance , i. the longevity of the ante-diluvians . ii. the rupture of the great abyss , at the deluge . iii. the appearing of the rainbow after the deluge : as a sign that there never should be a second flood . these things scripture hath also left upon record : as directions and indications how to understand the ante-diluvian state , and the deluge it self . whosoever therefore shall undertake to write the theory of the earth , must think himself bound to give us a just explication of these secondary phaenomena , as well as of the primary ; and that in such a dependance and connexion , as to make them give and receive light from one another . this part of the task is concerning the world behind us , times and things pass'd , that are already come to light . the remainder is concerning the world before us , times and things to come : that lie yet in the bosome of providence , and in the seeds of nature . and these are chiefly the conflagration of the world , and the renovation of it . when these are over and expir'd , then comes the end , as s. paul says . then the heavens and the earth fly away , as s. john says . then is the consummation of all things , and the last period of this sublunary world , whatsoever it is . thus far the theorist must go , and pursue the motions of nature , till all things are brought to rest and silence . and in this latter part of the theory , there is also a collateral phaenomenon , the millennium , or thousand years reign of christ and his saints , upon earth , to be consider'd . for this , according as it is represented in scripture , does imply a change in the natural world , as well as in the moral : and therefore must be accounted for , in the theory of the earth . at least it must be there determin'd , whether that state of the world , which is singular and extraordinary , will be before or after the conflagration these are the principals and incidents of this theory of the earth , as to the matter and subject of it : which , you see , is both important , and wholly taken out of scripture . as to our explication of these points , that is sufficiently known , being set down at large in four books of this theory . therefore it remains only , having seen the matter of the theory , to examine the form of it , and the proofs of it : for from these two things it must receive its censure . as to the form , the characters of a regular theory seem to be these three ; few and easie postulatums : union of parts : and a fitness to answer , fully and clearly , all the phaenomena to which it is to be apply'd . we think our hypothesis does not want any of these characters . as to the first , we take but one single postulatum for the whole theory : and that an easie one , warranted both by scripture and antiquity : namely , that this earth rise , at first , from a chaos . as to the second , union of parts , the whole theory is but one series of causes and effects from that first chaos . besides , you can scarce admit any one part of it , first , last , or intermediate , but you must , in consequence of that , admit all the rest . grant me but that the deluge is truly explain'd , and i 'le desire no more for proof of all the theory . or , if you begin at the other end , and grant the new heavens and new earth after the conflagration , you will be led back again to the first heavens and first earth that were before the flood . for st. john says , that new earth was without a sea : apoc. 21. 1. and it was a renovation , or restitution to some former state of things : there was therefore some former earth without a sea ; which not being the present earth , it must be the ante-diluvian . besides , both st. john , and the prophet isaias , have represented the new heavens and new earth , as paradisiacal ; according as is prov'd , book the 4th . ch . 2. and having told us the form of the new-futureearth , that it will have no sea , it is a reasonable inference that there was no sea in the paradisiacal earth . however from the form of this future earth , which st. john represents to us , we may at least conclude , that an earth without a sea is no chimaera , or impossibility : but rather a fit seat and habitation for the just and the innocent . thus you see the parts of the theory link and hold fast one another : according to the second character . and as to the third , of being suited to the phaenomena , we must refer that to the next head , of proofs . it may be truly said , that bare coherence and union of parts is not a sufficient proof ; the parts of a fable or romance may hang aptly together , and yet have no truth in them . this is enough indeed to give the title of a just composition to any work , but not of a true one : till it appear that the conclusions and explications are grounded upon good natural evidence , or upon good divine authority . we must therefore proceed now to the third thing to be consider'd in a theory , what its proofs are : or the grounds upon which it stands , whether sacred or natural . according to natural evidence , things are proved from their causes or their effects . and we think we have this double order of proofs for the truth of our hypothesis . as to the method of causes , we proceed from what is more simple , to what is more compound : and build all upon one foundation . go but to the head of the theory , and you will see the causes lying in a train before you , from first to last . and tho' you did not know the natural history of the world , past or future , you might , by intuition , foretell it , as to the grand revolutions and successive faces of nature , through a long series of ages . if we have given a true account of the motions of the chaos , we have also truly form'd the first habitable earth . and if that be truly form'd , we have thereby given a true account of the state of paradise , and of all that depends upon it . and not of that onely , but also of the universal deluge . both these we have shewn in their causes : the one from the form of that earth , and the other from the fall of it into the abyss . and tho' we had not been made acquainted with these things by antiquity , we might , in contemplation of the causes , have truly conceiv'd them , as properties or incidents to the first earth . but as to the deluge , i do not say , that we might have calculated the time , manner , and other circumstances of it : these things were regulated by providence , in subordination to the moral world. but that there would be , at one time or other , a disruption of that earth , or of the great abyss : and in consequence of it , an universal deluge : so far , i think , the light of a theory might carry us . furthermore , in consequence of this disruption of the primeval earth , at the deluge , the present earth was made hollow and cavernous : and by that means , ( due preparations being used ) capable of combustion , or of perishing by an universal fire : yet , to speak ingenuously , this is as hard a step to be made , in vertue of natural causes , as any in the whole theory . but in recompence of that defect , the conflagration is so plainly and literally taught us in scripture , and avow'd by antiquity , that it can fall under no dispute , as to the thing it self . and as to a capacity or disposition to it in the present earth , that i think is sufficiently made out . then , the conflagration admitted , in that way it is explain'd in the 3d. book : the earth , you see , is , by that fire , reduc'd to a second chaos . a chaos truly so call'd . and from that , as from the first , arises another creation , or new heavens and a new earth ; by the same causes , and in the same form , with the paradisiacal . this is the renovation of the world : the restitution of all things : mentioned both by scripture and antiquity : and by the prophet isaiah , st. peter and st. john , call'd the new heavens and new earth . with this , as the last period , and most glorious scene of all humane affairs , our theory concludes , as to this method of causes , whereof we are now speaking . i say , here it ends as to the method of causes . for tho' we pursue the earth still further , even to its last dissolution : which is call'd the consummation of all things : yet all , that we have superadded upon that occasion , is but problematical : and may , without prejudice to the theory , be argued and disputed on either hand . i do not know , but that our conjectures there may be well grounded : but however , not springing so directly from the same root , or , at least , not by ways , so clear and visible , i leave that part undecided . especially seeing we pretend to write no more than the theory of the earth , and therefore as we begin no higher than the chaos , so we are not obliged to go any further than to the last state of a terrestrial consistency : which is that of the new heavens and the new earth . this is the first natural proof , from the order of causes . the second is from the consideration of effects . namely of such effects as are already in being . and therefore this proof can extend onely to that part of the theory , that explains the present and past form and phaenomena of the earth . what is future , must be left to a further trial , when the things come to pass , and present themselves to be examin'd and compar'd with the hypothesis . as to the present form of the earth , we call all nature to witness for us : the rocks and the mountains , the hills and the valleys , the deep and wide sea , and the caverns of the ground : let these speak , and tell their origine : how the body of the earth came to be thus torn and mangled : if this strange and irregular structure was not the effect of a ruine : and of such a ruine as was universal over the face of the whole globe . but we have given such a full explication of this , in the first part of the theory , from chapt. the 9th . to the end of that treatise , that we dare stand to the judgment , of any that reads those four chapters , to determine if the hypothesis does not answer all those phaenomena , easily and adequately . the next phaenomenon to be consider'd , is the deluge , with its adjuncts . this also is fully explain'd by our hypothesis , in the 2d . 3d. and 6th . chapters of the first book . where it is shewn , that the mosaical deluge , that is , an universal inundation of the whole earth , above the tops of the highest mountains , made by a breaking open of the great abyss , ( for thus far moses leads us ) is fully explain'd by this hypothesis , and cannot be conceiv'd in any other method . there are no sources or stores of water sufficient for such an effect : that may be drawn upon the earth , and drawn off again , but by supposing such an abyss , and such a disruption of it , as the theory represents . lastly , as to the phaenomena of paradise and the ante-diluvian world , we have set them down in order in the 2d . book : and apply'd to each of them its proper explication , from the same hypothesis . we have also given an account of that character which antiquity always assign'd to the first age of the world , or the golden age , as they call'd it : namely , equality of seasons throughout the year , or a perpetual equinox . we have also taken in all the adjuncts or concomitants of these states , as they are mention'd in scripture . the longevity of the ante-diluvians , and the declension of their age by degrees , after the flood . as also that wonderful phaenomenon , the rainbow : which appear'd to noah for a sign , that the earth should never undergo a second deluge . and we have shewn , wherein the force and propriety of that sign consisted , for confirming noah's faith in the promise and in the divine veracity . thus far we have explain'd the past phaenomena of the natural world. the rest are futurities , which still lie hid in their causes ; and we cannot properly prove a theory from effects that are not yet in being . but so far as they are foretold in scripture , both as to substance and circumstance , in prosecution of the same principles we have ante-dated their birth , and shew'd how they will come to pass . we may therefore , i think , reasonably conclude , that this theory has performed its task and answer'd its title : having given an account of all the general changes of the natural world , as far as either sacred history looks backwards , or sacred prophecy looks forwards . so far as the one tells us what is past in nature , and the other what is to come . and if all this be nothing but an appearance of truth , 't is a kind of fatality upon us to be deceiv'd . so much for natural evidence , from the causes or effects . we now proceed to scripture , which will make the greatest part of this review . the sacred basis upon which the whole theory stands , is the doctrine of s. peter , deliver'd in his second epistle and third chapter , concerning the triple order and succession of the heavens and the earth . that comprehends the whole extent of our theory : which indeed is but a large commentary upon s. peter's text. the apostle sets out a threefold state of the heavens and earth : with some general properties of each : taken from their different constitution and different fate . the theory takes the same threefold state of the heavens and the earth : and explains more particularly , wherein their different constitution consists : and how , under the conduct of providence , their different fate depends upon it . let us set down the apostle's words , with the occasion of them : and their plain sence , according to the most easie and natural explication . ver. 3. knowing this first , that there shall come in the last days scoffers , walking after their own lusts . 4. and saying , where is the promise of his coming ? for since the fathers fell asleep , all things continue as they were from the beginning of the creation . 5. for this they willingly are ignorant of , that by the word of god , the heavens were of old , and the earth consisting of water and by water . 6. whereby the world that then was , being over flowed with water , perished . 7. but the heavens and the earth that are now , by the same word , are kept in store , reserved unto fire against the day of judgment , and perdition of ungodly men . — 10. the day of the lord will come as a thief in the night , in the which the heavens shall pass away with a great noise , and the elements shall melt with fervent heat ; the earth also and the works that are therein shall be burnt up . 13. nevertheless we , according to his promise , look for new heavens and a new earth , wherein dwelleth righteousness . this is the whole discourse so far as relates to our subject . s. peter , you see , had met with some that scoff'd at the future destruction of the world , and the coming of our saviour ; and they were men , it seems , that pretended to philosophy and argument ; and they use this argument for their opinion , seeing there hath been no change in nature , or in the world , from the beginning to this time , why should we think there will be any change for the future ? the apostle answers to this , that they willingly forget or are ignorant that there were heavens of old , and an earth , so and so constituted ; consisting of water and by water ; by reason whereof that world , or those heavens and that earth , perish'd in a deluge of water . but , saith he , the heavens and the earth that are now , are of another constitution , fitted and reserved to another fate , namely to perish by fire . and after these are perish'd , there will be new heavens and a new earth , according to god's promise . this is an easie paraphrase , and the plain and genuine sence of the apostle's discourse ; and no body , i think , would ever look after any other sence , if this did not draw them into paths they do not know , and to conclusions which they do not fancy . this sence , you see , hits the objection directly , or the cavil which these scoffers made ; and tells them , that they vainly pretend that there hath been no change in the world since the beginning , for there was one sort of heavens and earth before the flood , and another sort now ; the first having been destroyed at the deluge . so that the apostle's argument stands upon this foundation , that there is a diversity betwixt the present heavens and earth , and the ante-diluvian heavens and earth ; take away that , and you take away all the force of his answer . then as to his new heavens and new earth after the conflagration , they must be material and natural , in the same sence and signification with the former heavens and earth ; unless you will offer open violence to the text. so that this triplicity of the heavens and the earth , is the first , obvious , plain sence of the apostle's discourse : which every one would readily accept , if it did not draw after it a long train of consequences , and lead them into other worlds than they ever thought of before , or are willing to enter upon now . but we shall have occasion by and by to examine this text more fully in all its circumstances . give me leave in the mean time to observe , that s. paul also implyes that triple creation which s. peter expresses . s. paul , i say , in the 8th chap. to the romver . 20 , 21. tell us of a creation that will be redeem'd from vanity : which are the new heavens and new earth to come . a creation in subjection to vanity : which is the present state of the world. and a creation that was subjected to vanity , in hopes of being restor'd : which was the first paradisiacal creation . and these are the three states of the natural world , which make the subject of our theory . to these two places of st. peter and st. paul , i might add that third in st. john , concerning the new heavens and new earth ; with that distinguishing character , that the earth was without a sea. as this distinguisheth it from the present earth , so , being a restitution or restauration , as we noted before , it must be the same with some former earth : and consequently , it implies that there was another precedent state of the natural world , to which this is a restitution . these three places i alledge , as comprehending and confirming the theory in its full extent . but we do not suppose them all of the same force and clearness . st. peter leads the way , and gives light and strength to the other two . when a point is prov'd by one clear text , we allow others , as auxiliaries , that are not of the same clearness ; but being open'd , receive light from the primary text , and reflect it upon the argument . so much for the theory in general . we will now take one or two principal heads of it , which vertually contain all the rest , and examine them more strictly and particularly , in reference to their agreement with scripture . the two heads we pitch upon , shall be , our explication of the deluge , and our explication of the new heavens and new earth . we told you before , these two were as the hinges , upon which all the theory moves , and which hold the parts of it in firm union one with another . as to the deluge , if i have explain'd that aright , by the disruption of the great abyss , and the dissolution of the earth that cover'd it , all the rest follows in such a chain of consequences , as cannot be broken . wherefore in order to the proof of that explication , and of all that depends upon it , i will make bold to lay down this proposition , that our hypothesis concerning the universal deluge , is not onely more agreeable to reason and philosophy than any other yet propos'd to the world , but is also more agreeable to scripture . namely , to such places of scripture , as reflect upon the deluge , the abyss , and the form of the first earth . and particularly , to the history of noah's flood , as recorded by moses . if i can make this good , it will , doubtless , give satisfaction to all intelligent persons . and i desire their patience , if i proceed slowly . we will divide our task into parts , and examine them separately : first , by scripture in general , and then by moses his history and description of the flood . our hypothesis of the deluge consists of three principal heads , or differs remarkably in three things from the common explication . first , in that we suppose the antediluvian earth to have been of another form and constitution from the present earth : with the abyss placed under it . secondly , in that we suppose the deluge to have been made , not by any inundation of the sea , or overflowing of fountains and rivers : nor ( principally ) by any excess of rains : but by a real dissolution of the exteriour earth , and disruption of the abyss which it cover'd . these are the two principal points , to which may be added , as a corollary , thirdly , that the deluge was not in the nature of a standing pool : the waters lying every where level , of an equal depth and with an uniform surface : but was made by a fluctuation and commotion of the abyss upon the disruption : which commotion being over , the waters retired into their chanels , and let the dry land appear . these are the most material and fundamental parts of our hypothesis : and these being prov'd consonant to scripture , there can be no doubt of the rest . we begin with the first : that the ante-diluvian earth was of another form and constitution from the present earth , with the abyss placed under it . this is confirm'd in scripture , both by such places as assert a diversity in general : and by other places that intimate to us , wherein that diversity consisted , and what was the form of the first earth . that discourse of st. peter's , which we have set before you , concerning the past , present , and future , heavens and earth , is so full a proof of this diversity in general , that you must either allow it , or make the apostle's argumentation of no effect . he speaks plainly of the natural world , the heavens and the earth : and he makes a plain distinction , or rather opposition , betwixt those before and after the flood : so that the least we can conclude from his words , is a diversity betwixt them ; in answer to that identity or immutability of nature , which the scoffers pretended to have been ever since the beginning . but tho' the apostle , to me , speaks plainly of the natural world , and distinguishes that which was before the flood , from the present : yet there are some that will allow neither of these to be contain'd in st. peter's words ; and by that means would make this whole discourse of little or no effect , as to our purpose . and seeing we , on the contrary , have made it the chief scripture-basis of the whole theory of the earth , we are oblig'd to free it from those false glosses or mis-interpretations , that lessen the force of its testimony , or make it wholly ineffectual . these interpreters say , that st. peter meant no more than to mind these scoffers , that the world was once destroy'd by a deluge of water : meaning the animate world , mankind and living creatures . and that it shall be destroy'd again by another element , namely by fire . so as there is no opposition or diversity betwixt the two natural worlds , taught or intended by the apostle ; but onely in reference to their different fate or manner of perishing , and not of their different nature or constitution . here are two main points , you see , wherein our interpretations of this discourse of the apostles , differ . first , in that they make the apostle ( in that sixth verse ) to understand onely the world animate , or men and brute creatures . that these were indeed destroy'd , but not the natural world , or the form and constitution of the then earth and heavens . secondly , that there is no diversity or opposition made by st. peter betwixt the ancient heavens and earth , and the present , as to their form and constitution . we pretend that these are mis-apprehensions , or mis-representations of the sence of the apostle in both respects , and offer these reasons to prove them to be so . for the first point ; that the apostle speaks here of the natural world , particularly in the 6th . verse ; and that it perish'd , as well as the animate , these considerations seem to prove . first , because the argument or ground these scoffers went upon , was taken from the natural world , its constancy and permanency in the same state from the beginning ; therefore if the apostle answers ad idem , and takes away their argument , he must understand the same natural world , and show that it hath been chang'd , or hath perish'd . you will say , it may be , the apostle doth not deny , nor take away the ground they went upon , but denies the consequence they made from it ; that therefore there would be no change , because there had been none . no , neither doth he do this , if by the world in the 6th . verse , he understands mankind onely ; for their ground was this , there hath been no change in the natural world ; their consequence , this , therefore there will be none , nor any conflagration . now the apostle's answer , according to you , is this , you forget that mankind hath been destroyed in a deluge . and what then ? what 's this to the natural world , whereof they were speaking ? this takes away neither antecedent nor consequent , neither ground nor inference ; nor any way toucheth their argument , which proceeded from the natural world to the natural world. therefore you must either suppose that the apostle takes away their ground , or he takes away nothing . secondly , what is it that the apostle tells these scoffers they were ignorant of ? that there was a deluge , that destroyed mankind ? they could not be ignorant of that , nor pretend to be so ; it was therefore the constitution of those old heavens and earth , and the change or destruction of them at the deluge , that they were ignorant of , or did not attend to ; and of this the apostle minds them . these scoffers appear to have been jews by the phrase they use , since the fathers fell asleep , which in both parts of it is a judaical expression ; and does st. peter tell the jews that had moses read to them every sabbath , that they were ignorant that mankind was once destroyed with a deluge in the days of noah ? or could they pretend to be ignorant of that without making themselves ridiculous both to jews and christians ? besides , these do not seem to have been of the vulgar amongst them , for they bring a philosophical argument for their opinion ; and also in their very argument they refer to the history of the old testament , in saying , since the fathers fell asleep , amongst which fathers , noah was one of the most remarkable . thirdly , the design of the apostle is to prove to them , or to dispose them to the belief of the conflagration , or future destruction of the world ; which i suppose you will not deny to be a destruction of the natural world ; therefore to prove or perswade this , he must use an argument taken from a precedent destruction of the natural world ; for to give an instance of the perishing of mankind onely , would not reach home to his purpose . and you are to observe here that the apostle does not proceed against them barely by authority ; for what would that have booted ? if these scoffers would have submitted to authority , they had already the authority of the prophets and apostles in this point : but he deals with them at their own weapon , and opposes reasons to reasons ; what hath been done may be done , and if the natural world hath been once destroyed , 't is not hard , nor unreasonable , to suppose those prophecies to be true , that say it shall be destroyed again . fourthly , unless we understand here the natural world , we make the apostle both redundant in his discourse , and also very obscure in an easie argument . if his design was onely to tell them that mankind was once destroy'd in a deluge , what 's that to the heavens and the earth ? the 5th . verse would be superfluous ; which yet he seems to make the foundation of his discourse . he might have told them how mankind had perish'd before with a deluge , and aggravated that destruction as much as he pleas'd , without telling them how the heavens and the earth were constituted then ; what was that to the purpose , if it had no dependance or connection with the other ? in the precedent chapter , verse 5th . when he speaks onely of the floods destroying mankind , he mentions nothing of the heavens or the earth : and if you make him to intend no more here , what he says more is superfluous . i also add , that you make the apostle very obscure and operose in a very easie argument . how easie had it been for him , without this apparatus , to have told them , as he did before , that god brought a flood upon the world of the ungodly ; and not given us so much difficulty to understand his sence , or such a suspicion and appearance , that he intended something more ; for that there is at least a great appearance and tendency to a further sence , i think none can deny ; and st. austin , didymus alex. bede , as we shall see hereafter , understood it plainly of the natural world : also modern expositors and criticks ; as cajetan , estius , drusius , heinsius , have extended it to the natural world , more or less ; tho' they had no theory to mislead them , nor so much as an hypothesis to support them ; but attended onely to the tenor of the apostle's discourse , which constrain'd them to that sence , in whole or in part . fifthly , the opposition carries it upon the natural world. the opposition lies betwixt the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the heavens that were of old , and the earth , and the present heavens and earth , or the two natural worlds . and if they will not allow them to be oppos'd in their natures ( which yet we shall prove by and by ) at least they must be oppos'd in their date ; and as this is to perish by fire , so that perish'd by water ; and if it perish'd by water , it perish'd ; which is all we contend for at present . lastly , if we would be as easily govern'd in the exposition of this place , as we are of other places of scripture , it would be enough to suggest , that in reason and fairness of interpretation , the same world is destroy'd in the 6th verse , that was describ'd in the foregoing verse ; but it is the natural world that is describ'd there , the heavens and the earth , so and so constituted ; and therefore in fairness of interpretation they ought to be understood here ; that world being the subject that went immediately before , and there being nothing in the words that restrains them to the animate world or to mankind . in the 2d ch . ver . 5. the apostle does restrain the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by adding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the world of the ungodly ; but here 't is not only illimited , but according to the context , both preceding and following , to be extended to the natural world. i say by the following context too , for so it answers to the world that is to perish by fire ; which will reach the frame of nature as well as mankind . for a conclusion of this first point , i will set down s. austin's judgment in this case ; who in several parts of his works hath interpreted this place of s. peter , of the natural world . as to the heavens , he hath these words in his exposition upon genesis , hos etiam aerios calos quondam periisse diluvio , in quâdam earum quae canonica appellantur , epistolâ legimus . we read in one of the epistles called canonical , meaning this of s. peter's , that the aerial heavens perish'd in the deluge . and he concerns himself there to let you know that it was not the starry heavens that were destroy'd ; the waters could not reach so high ; but the regions of our air . then afterwards he hath these words faciliùs eos ( coelos ) secundum illius epistolae authoritatem credimus periisse , & alios , sicut ibi scribitur , repositos . we do more easily believe , according to the authority of that epistle , those heavens to have perish'd ; and others , as it is there written , substituted in their place . in like manner , and to the same sence , he hath these words upon psal. 101. aerii utique coeli perierunt ut propinqui terris , secundum quod dicuntur volucres coeli ; sunt autem & coeli coelorum , superiores in firmamento , sed utrùm & ipfi perituri sint igni , an hi soli , qui etiam diluvio perierunt , disceptatio est aliquanto scrupulosior inter doctos . and in his book de civ . dei , he hath several passages to the same purpose , quemadmodum in apostolicâ illâ epistolâ à toto pars accipitur , quod diluvio periisse dictus est mandus , quamvis sola ejus cum suis coelis pars ima perierit . these being to the same effect with the first citation , i need not make them english ; and this last place refers to the earth as well as the heavens , as several other places in s. austin do , whereof we shall give you an account , when we come to shew his judgment concerning the second point , the diversity of the ante-diluvian and post-diluvian world. this being but a foretaste of his good will and inclinations towards this doctrine . these considerations alledg'd , so far as i can judge , are full and unanswerable proofs , that this discourse of the apostle's comprehends and refers to the natural world ; and consequently they warrant our interpretation in this particular , and destroy the contrary . we have but one step more to make good , that there was a change made in this natural world at the deluge , according to the apostle ; and this is to confute the second part of their interpretation , which supposeth that s. peter makes no distinction or opposition betwixt the antediluvian heavens and earth , and the present heavens and earth , in that respect . this second difference betwixt us , methinks , is still harsher than the first ; and contrary to the very form , as well as to the matter of the apostle's discourse . for there is a plain antithesis , or opposition made betwixt the heavens and the earth of old ( ver . the 5th ) and the heavens and the earth that are now ( verse the 7th ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the adversative particle , but , you see marks the opposition ; so that it is full and plain according to grammar and logick . and that the parts or members of this opposition differ in nature from one another , is certain from this , because otherwise the apostle's argument or discourse is of no effect , concludes nothing to the purpose ; he makes no answer to the objection , nor proves any thing against the scoffers , unless you admit that diversity . for they said , all things had been the same from the beginning in the natural world , and unless he say , as he manifestly does , that there hath been a change in nature , and that the heavens and earth that are now , are different from the ancient heavens and earth , which perish'd at the flood , he says nothing to destroy their argument , nor to confirm the prophetical doctrine of the future destruction of the natural world. this , i think , would be enough to satisfie any clear and free mind concerning the meaning of the apostle ; but because i desire to give as full a light to this place as i can , and to put the sence of it out of controversie , if possible , for the future , i will make some further remarks to confirm this exposition . and we may observe that several of those reasons which we have given to prove , that the natural world is understood by s. peter , are double reasons ; and do also prove the other point in question , a diversity betwixt the two natural worlds , the anti-diluvian and the present . as for instance , unless you admit this diversity betwixt the two natural worlds , you make the 5th verse in this chapter superfluous and useless : and you must suppose the apostle to make an inference here without premises . in the 6th verse he makes an inference , * whereby the world , that then was , perish'd in a deluge ; what does this whereby relate to ? by reason of what ? sure of the particular constitution of the heavens and the earth immediately before describ'd . neither would it have signified any thing to the scoffers , for the apostle to have told them how the ante-diluvian heavens and earth were constituted , if they were constituted just in the same manner as the present . besides , what is it , as i ask'd before , that the apostle tells these scoffers they were ignorant of ? does he not say formally and expresly ( ver . 5. ) that they were ignorant that the heavens and the earth were constituted so and so , before the flood ? but if they were constituted as these present heavens and earth are , they were not ignorant of their constitution ; nor did pretend to be ignorant , for their own ( mistaken ) argument supposeth it . but before we proceed any further , give me leave to note the impropriety of our translation , in the 5th . verse , or latter part of it ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this we translate standing in the water , and out of the water , which is done manifestly in compliance with the present form of the earth , and the notions of the translators : and not according to the natural force and sence of the greek words . if one met with this sentence * in a greek author , who would ever render it standing in the water and out of the water ? nor do i know any latin translator that hath ventur'd to render them in that sence ; nor any latin father ; st. austin and st. jerome i 'me sure do not , but consistens ex aquâ , or de aquâ , & per aquam : for that later phrase also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not with so good propriety signifie to stand in the water , as to consist or subsist by water , or by the help of water , tanquam per causam sustinentem ; as st. austin and jerome render it . neither does that instance they give from 1 pet. 3. 20. prove any thing to the contrary , for the ark was sustain'd by the waters , and the english does render it accordingly . the translation being thus rectified , you see the ante-diluvian heavens and earth consisted of water , and by water ; which makes way for a second observation to prove our sence of the text ; for if you admit no diversity betwixt those heavens and earth , and the present , shew us 'pray , how the present heavens and earth consist of water , and by water . what watery constitution have they ? the apostle implies rather , that the now heavens and earth have a fiery constitution . we have now meteors of all sorts in the air , winds , hail , snow , lightning , thunder , and all things engender'd of fiery exhalations , as well as we have rain ; but according to our theory , the ante-diluvian heavens , of all these meteors had none but dews and rain , or watery meteors onely ; and therefore might very aptly be said by the apostle to be constituted of water , or to have a watery 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . then the earth was said to consist by water , because it was built upon it , and at first was sustain'd by it . and when such a key as this is put into our hands , that does so easily unlock this hard passage , and makes it intelligible , according to the just force of the words , why should we pertinaciously adhere to an interpretation , that neither agrees with the words , nor makes any sence that is considerable ? thirdly , if the apostle had made the ante-diluvian heavens and earth the same with the present , his apodosis in the 7th . verse , should not have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i say , it should not have been by way of antithesis , but of identity or continuation ; and the same heavens and earth are kept in store reserv'd unto fire , &c. accordingly we see the apostle speaks thus , as to the logos , or the word of god , verse 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the same word of god ; where the thing is the same , he expresseth it as the , same ; and if it had been the same heavens and earth , as well as the same word of god , why should he use a mark of opposition for the one , and of identity for the other ? to this i do not see what can be fairly answer'd . fourthly , the ante-diluvian heavens and earth were different from the present , because , as the apostle intimates , they were such , and so constituted , as made them obnoxious to a deluge ; whereas ours are of such a form , as makes them incapable of a deluge , and obnoxious to a conflagration ; the just contrary fate . if you say there was nothing of natural tendency or disposition in either world to their respective fate , but the first might as well have perish'd by fire , as water , and this by water as by fire , you unhinge all nature and natural providence in that method , and contradict one main scope of the apostle in this discourse . his first scope is to assert , and mind them of that diversity there was betwixt the ancient heavens and earth , and the present ; and from that , to prove against those scoffers , that there had been a change and revolution in nature ; and his second scope seems to be this , to show that diversity to be such , as , under the divine conduct , leads to a different fate , and expos'd that world to a deluge ; for when he had describ'd the constitution of the first heavens and earth , he subjoyns , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quià talis erat , saith grotius , qualem diximus , constitutio & terrae & coeli . w h e r e b y the then world perish'd in a flood of water . this whereby notes some kind of causal dependance , and must relate to some means or conditions precedent . it cannot relate to logos , or the word of god , grammar will not permit that ; therefore it must relate to the state of the ante-diluvian heavens and earth immediately premis'd . and to what purpose indeed should he premise the description of those heavens and earth , if it was not to lay a ground for this inference ? having given these reasons for the necessity of this interpretation ; in the last place , let 's consider st. austin's judgment , and his sence upon this place , as to the point in question . as also the reflections that some other of the ancients have made upon this doctrine of st. peter's . didymus alexandrinus , who was for some time st. jerome's master , made such a severe reflection upon it , that he said this epistle was corrupted , and should not be admitted into the canon , because it taught the doctrine of a triple or triform world in this third chapter . as you may see in his enarr . in epist. canonicas . now this threefold world is first that in the 6th . verse , the world that then was . in the 7th . verse , the heavens and the earth that are now . and in the 13th . verse , we expect new heavens and a new earth , according to his promise . this seems to be a fair account that st. peter taught the doctrine of a triple world ; and i quote this testimony , to show what st. peter's words do naturally import , even in the judgment of one that was not of his mind . and a man is not prone to make an exposition against his own opinion , unless he think the words very pregnant and express . but st. austin owns the authority of this epistle , and of this doctrine , as deriv'd from it , taking notice of this text of st. peter's in several parts of his works . we have noted three or four places already to this purpose , and we may further take notice of several passages in his treatise , de civ , dei , which confirm our exposition . in his 20th . book , ch . 24. he disputes against porphyry , who had the same principles with these aeternalists in the text ; or , if i may so call them , incorruptarians ; and thought the world never had , nor ever would undergo any change , especially as to the heavens . st. austin could not urge porphyry with the authority of st. peter , for he had no veneration for the christian oracles ; but it seems he had some for the jewish , and arguing against him , upon that text in the psalms , coeli peribunt , he shows upon occasion how he understands st. peter's destruction of the old world. legitur coelum & terra transibunt , mundus transit , sed puto quod proeterit , transit , transibunt aliquantò mitiùs dicta sunt quàm peribunt . in epistolà quoque petri apostoli , ubi aquâ inundatus , qui tum erat , periisse dictus est mundus , satis clarum est quae pars mundi à toto significata est , & quatenùs periisse dicta sit , & qui coeli repositi igni reservandi . this he explains more fully afterwards by subjoyning a caution ( which we cited before ) that we must not understand this passage of st. peter's , concerning the destruction of the ante diluvian world , to take in the whole universe , and the highest heavens , but onely the aerial heavens , and the sublunary world. in apostolicâ illâ epistolâ à toto pars accipitur , quod diluvio periisse dictus est mundus , quamvis sola ejus , cum suis coelis , pars ima perierit . in that apostolical epistle , a part is signified by the whole , when the world is said to have perish'd in the deluge , although the lower part of it onely , with the heavens belonging to it , perished : that is , the earth with the regions of the air that belong to it . and consonant to this , in his exposition of that hundred and first psalm , upon those words , the heavens are the work of thy hands , they shall perish , but thou shalt endure . this perishing of the heavens , he says , s. peter tells us , hath been once done already , namely , at the deluge ; apertè dixit hoc apostolus petrus , coeli erant olim & terra , de aquâ & per aquam constituti , dei verbo ; per quod qui factus est mundus , aquâ inundatus deperiit ; terra autem & coeli qui nunc sunt , igni reservantur . jam ergo dixit periisse coelos per diluvium . these places shew us that s. austin understood s. peter's discourse to aim at the natural world , and his periit or periisse ( verse 6. ) to be of the same force as peribunt in the psalms , when 't is said the heavens shall perish ; and consequently that the heavens and the earth , in this father's opinion , were as really chang'd and transform'd at the time of the flood , as they will be at the conflagration . but we must not expect from s. austin or any of the ancients a distinct account of this apostolical doctrine , as if they knew and acknowledg'd the theory of the first world ; that does not at all appear ; but what they said was either from broken tradition , or extorted from them by the force of the apostle's words and their own sincerity . there are yet other places in s. austin worthy our consideration upon this subject ; especially his exposition of this 3d chap. of s. peter , as we find it in that same treatise de civ . dei. there he compares again , the destruction of the world at the deluge , with that which shall be at the conflagration , and supposeth both the heavens and earth to have perish'd . apostolus commemorans factum ante diluvium , videtur admonuisse quodammodò quatenùs in fine hujus secult mundum istum periturum esse credamus . nam & illo tempore periisse dixit , qui tunc erat , mundum ; nec solum orbem terrae , verùm etiam coelos , then giving his usual caution , that the stars and starry heavens should not be comprehended in that mundane destruction , he goes on , atque hoc modo ( penè totus aer ) cum terra perierat ; cujus terrae utique prior facies ( nempe ante-diluviana ) fuerat deleta diluvio . qui autem nunc sunt coeli & terra eodem verbo repositi sunt igni reservandi ; proinde qui coeli & quae terra , id est , qui mundus , pro eo mundo qui diluvio periit , ex eâdem aquâ repositus est , ipse igni novissimo reservatur . here you see s. austin's sence upon the whole matter ; which is this , that the natural world , the earth with the heavens about it , was destroyed and chang'd at the deluge into the present heavens and earth ; which shall again in like manner be destroyed and chang'd by the last fire . accordingly in another place , to add no more , he saith the figure of the ( sublunary ) world shall be chang'd at the conflagration , as it was chang'd at the deluge . tunc figura hujus mundi , &c. cap. 16. thus you see , we have s. austin on our side , in both parts of our interpretation ; that s. peter's discourse is to be referr'd to the natural inanimate world , and that the present natural world is distinct and different from that which was before the deluge . and s. austin having applyed this expresly to s. peter's doctrine by way of commentary , it will free us from any crime or affectation of singularity in the exposition we have given of that place . venerable bede hath followed s. austin's footsteps in this doctrine ; for , interpreting s. peter's original world ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 2 pet. 2. 5. he refers both that and this ( chap. 3.6 . ) to the natural inanimate world , which he supposeth to have undergone a change at the deluge . his words are these , idem ipse mundus est ( nempe quoad materiam ) in quo nunc humanum genus habitat , quem inhabitaverunt hi qui ante diluvium fuerunt , sed tamen rectè originalis mundus , quasi alius , dicitur ; quia sicut in consequentibus hujus epistolae scriptum continetur , ille tunc mundus aquâ inundatus periit . coelis videlicet qui erant priùs , id est , cunctis aeris hujus turbulenti spaciis , aquarum accrescentium altitudine consumptis , ac terrâ in alteram faciem , excedentibus aquis , immutatâ . nam etsi montes aliqui atque convalles ab initio facti creduntur , non tamen tanti quanti nunc in orbe cernuntur universo . 't is the same world ( namely , as to the matter and substance of it ) which mankind lives in now , and did live in before the flood , but yet that is truly call'd the original world , being as it were another from the present . for 't is said in the sequel of this epistle that the world that was then , perish'd in the deluge ; namely , the regions of the air were consumed by the height and excess of the waters , and by the same waters the earth was chang'd into another form or face . for although some mountains and valleys are thought to have been made from the beginning , yet not such great ones as now we see throughout the whole earth . you see this author does not only own a change made at the deluge , but offers at a further explication wherein that change consisted , viz. that the mountains and inequalities of the earth were made greater than they were before the flood ; and so he makes the change or the difference betwixt the two worlds gradual , rather than specifical , if i may so term it . but we cannot wonder at that , if he had no principles to carry it further , or to make any other sort of change intelligible to him . bede also pursues the same sence and notion in his interpretation of that fountain , gen. 2. 5. that watered the face of the earth before the flood . and many other transcribers of antiquity have recorded this tradition concerning a difference , gradual or specifical , both in the ante-diluvian heavens ( gloss. ordin . gen. 9. de iride . lyran. ibid. hist. scholast . c. 35. rab. maurus & gloss. inter. gen. 2. 5 , 6. alcuin . quaest. in gen. inter . 135. ) and in the ante-diluvian earth , as the same authors witness in other places . as hist. schol. c. 34. gloss. ord. in gen. 7. al. cuin . inter. 118 , &c. not to instance in those that tell us the properties of the ante-diluvian world under the name and notion of paradise . thus much concerning this remarkable place in s. peter , and the true exposition of it ; which i have the more largely insisted upon , because i look upon this place as the chief repository of that great natural mystery , which in scripture is communicated to us , concerning the triple state or revolution of the world. and of those men that are so scrupulous to admit the theory we have propos'd , i would willingly know whether they believe the apostle in what he says concerning the new heavens and the new earth to come , ver . 13. and if they do , why they should not believe him as much concerning the old heavens and the old earth , past ; ver . 5 , & 6. which he mentions as formally , and describes more distinctly than the other . but if they believe neither past nor to come , in a natural sence , but an unchangeable state of nature from the creation to its annihilation , i leave them then to their fellow eternalists in the text , and to the character or censure the apostle gives them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 men that go by their own private humour and passions , and prefer that to all other evidence . they deserve this censure , i am sure , if they do not only disbelieve , but also scoff , at this prophetick and apostolick doctrine concerning the vicissitudes of nature and a triple world ; the apostle in this discourse does formally distinguish three worlds ( for 't is well known that the hebrews have no word to signifie the natural world , but use that periphrasis , the heavens and the earth ) and upon each of them engraves a name and title , that bears a note of distinction in it ; he calls them the old heavens and earth , the present heavens and earth , and the new heavens and earth . 't is true , these three are one , as to matter and substance ; but they must differ as to form and properties ; otherwise what is the ground of this distinction and of these three different appellations ? suppose the jews had expected ezekiel's temple for the third , and last , and most perfect ; and that in the time of the second temple they had spoke of them with this distinction , or under these different names , the old temple , the present temple , and the new temple we expect : would any have understood those three of one and the same temple ; never demolish'd , never chang'd , never rebuilt ; always the same both as to materials and form ? no , doubtless , but of three several temples succeeding one another . and have we not the same reason to understand this temple of the world , whereof s. peter speaks , to be threefold in succession ? seeing he does as plainly distinguish it into the old heavens and earth , the present heavens and earth , and the new heavens and earth . and i do the more willingly use this comparison of the temple , because it hath been thought an emblem of the outward world. i know we are naturally averse to entertain any thing that is inconsistent with the general frame and texture of our own thoughts ; that 's to begin the world again ; and we often reject such things without examination . neither do i wonder that the generality of interpreters beat down the apostle's words and sence to their own notions ; they had no other grounds to go upon , and men are not willing , especially in natural and comprehensible things , to put such a meaning upon scripture , as is unintelligible to themselves ; they rather venture to offer a little violence to the words , that they may pitch the sence at such a convenient height , as their principles will reach to . and therefore though some of our modern interpreters , whom i mention'd before , have been sensible of the natural tendency of this discourse of st. peter's , and have much ado to bear off the force of the words , so as not to acknowledge that they import a real diversity betwixt the two worlds spoken of ; yet having no principles to guide or support them in following that tract , they are forc'd to stop or divert another way . 't is like entering into the mouth of a cave , we are not willing to venture further than the light goes . nor are they much to blame for this ; the fault is onely in those persons that continue wilfully in their darkness , and when they cannot otherwise resist the light , shut their eyes against it , or turn their head another way . — but i am afraid i have staid too long upon this argument : not for my own sake , but to satisfie others . you may please to remember that all that i have said hitherto , belongs onely to the first head : to prove a diversity in general betwixt the ante-diluvian heavens and earth , and the present : not expressing what their particular form was . and this general diversity may be argued also by observations taken from moses his history of the world , before and after the flood . from the longevity of the antediluvians : the rain-bow appearing after the deluge : and the breaking open an abyss capable to overflow the earth . the heavens that had no rainbow , and under whose benign and steddy influence , men liv'd seven , eight , nine hundred years and upwards , must have been of a different aspect and constitution from the present heavens . and that earth that had such an abyss , that the disruption of it made an universal deluge , must have been of another form than the present earth . and those that will not admit a diversity in the two worlds , are bound to give us an intelligible account of these phaenomena : how they could possibly be in heavens and earth , like the present . or if they were there once , why they do not continue so still , if nature be the same . we need say no more , as to the ante-diluvian heavens : but as to the earth , we must now , according to the second part of the first head ; enquire , if that particular form , which we have assign'd it before the flood , be agreeable to scripture . you know how we have describ'd the form and situation of that earth : namely , that it was built over the abyss , as a regular orb , covering and incompassing the waters round about : and founded , as it were , upon them . there are many passages of scripture that favour this description : some more expresly , others upon a due explication . to this purpose there are two express texts in the psalms : as psal. 24. 1 , 2. the earth is the lords , and the fulness thereof : the habitable world , and they that dwell therein . for he has founded it upon * the seas , and establish'd it upon the floods . an earth founded upon the seas , and establish'd upon the waters , is not this the earth we have describ'd ? the first earth , as it came from the hands of its maker . where can we now find in nature , such an earth as has the seas and the water for its foundation ? neither is this text without a second , as a fellow-witness to confirm the same truth : for in the 136. psalm , ver . 4 , 5 , 6. we read to the same effect , in these words : to him , who alone does great wonders : to him that by wisdom made the heavens : to him that stretched out the earth above the waters . we can hardly express that form of the ante-diluvian earth , in words more determinate than these are ; let us then in the same simplicity of heart , follow the words of scripture ; seeing this literal sence is not repugnant to nature , but , on the contrary , agreeable to it upon the strictest examination . and we cannot , without some violence , turn the words to any other sence . what tolerable interpretation can these admit of , if we do not allow the earth once to have encompass'd and overspread the face of the waters ? to be founded upon the waters , to be establish'd upon the waters , to be extended upon the waters , what rational or satisfactory account can be given of these phrases and expressions from any thing we find in the present situation of the earth : or how can they be verified concerning it ? consult interpreters , ancient or modern , upon these two places : see if they answer your expectation , or answer the natural importance of the words , unless they acknowledge another form of the earth , than the present . because a rock hangs its nose over the sea , must the body of the earth be said to be stretched over the waters ? or because there are waters in some subterraneous cavities , is the earth therefore founded upon the seas ? yet such lame explications as these you will meet with ; and while we have no better light , we must content our selves with them ; but when an explication is offer'd , that answers the propriety , force , and extent of the words , to reject it , onely because it is not fitted to our former opinions , or because we did not first think of it , is to take an ill method in expounding scripture . this foundation or establishment of the earth upon the seas , this extension of it above the waters , relates plainly to the body , or whole circuit of the earth , not to parcels and particles of it ; as appears from the occasion , and its being joyn'd with the heavens , the other part of the world. besides , david is speaking of the origin of the world , and of the divine power and wisdom in the construction and situation of our earth , and these attributes do not appear from the holes of the earth , and broken rocks ; which have rather the face of a ruine , than of wisdom ; but in that wonderful libration and expansion of the first earth over the face of the waters , sustained by its own proportions , and the hand of his providence . these two places in the psalms being duly consider'd , we shall more easily understand a third place , to the same effect , in the proverbs ; delivered by wisdom , concerning the origin of the world , and the form of the first earth , in these words , chap. 8. 27. when he prepared the heavens i was there , when he set an orb or sphere upon the face of the abyss . we render it , when we set a compass upon the face of the abyss ; but if we have rightly interpreted the prophet david , 't is plain enough what compass is here to be understood ; not an imaginary circle , ( for why should that be thought one of the wonderful works of god ) but that exterior orb of the earth that was set upon the waters . that was the master-piece of the divine art in framing of the first earth , and therefore very fit to be taken notice of by wisdom . and upon this occasion , i desire you to reflect upon st. peter's expression , concerning the first earth , and to compare it with solomon's , to see if they do not answer one another . st. peter calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an earth consisting , standing , or sustained by the waters . and solomon calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . an orb drawn upon the face of the abyss . and st. peter says , that was done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the wisdom of god : which is the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or wisdom , that here declares her self , to have been present at this work . add now to these two places , the two foremention'd out of the psalmist ; an earth founded upon the seas , ( psal. 24. 2. ) and an earth stretched , out above the waters : ( psal. 136. 6. ) can any body doubt or question , but all these four texts refer to the same thing ? and seeing st. peter's description refers certainly to the ante-diluvian earth , they must all refer to it ; and do all as certainly and evidently agree with our theory concerning the form and situation of it . the pendulous form and posture of that first earth being prov'd from these four places , 't is more easie and emphatical to interpret in this sence that passage in job ch . 26. 7. he stretcheth out the north over the tohu , ( for so it is in the original ) and hangeth the earth upon nothing . and this strange foundation or no foundation of the exteriour earth seems to be the ground of those noble questions propos'd to job by god almighty , ch . 38. where wast thou when i laid the foundations of the earth ? declare if thou hast understanding . whereupon are the foundat●ons thereof fastned , and who laid the corner stone ? there was neither foundation , nor corner stone , in that piece of architecture ; and that was it which made the art and wonder of it . but i have spoken more largely to these places in the theory it self . and if the four texts before-mentioned be consider'd without prejudice , i think there are few matters of natural speculation that can be so well prov'd out of scripture , as the form which we have given to the ante-diluvian earth . but yet it may be thought a just , if not a necessary appendix to this discourse , concerning the form of the ante-diluvian earth , to give an account also of the ante-diluvian abyss , and the situation of it according to scripture ; for the relation which these two have to one another , will be a further means to discover if we have rightly determin'd the form of that earth . the abyss or tehom-rabbah is a scripture notion , and the word is not us'd , that i know of , in that distinct and peculiar sence in heathen authors . 't is plain that in scripture it is not always taken for the sea ( as gen. 1. 2. & 7. 11. & 49. 25. deut. 33. 13. job 28. 14. & 38. 16. ps. 33. 7. & 71. 20. & 78. 15. & 135. 6. apoc. 20. 1. 3. ) but for some other mass of waters , or subterraneous storehouse . and this being observ'd , we may easily discover the nature , and set down the history of the scripture-abyss . the mother-abyss is no doubt that in the beginning of genesis , ver . 2. which had nothing but darkness upon the face of it , or a thick caliginous air . the next news we hear of this abyss is at the deluge , ( gen. 7.11 . ) where 't is said to be broke open , and the waters of it to have drowned the world. it seems then this abyss was clos'd up some time betwixt the creation and the deluge , and had got another cover than that of darkness . and if we will believe wisdom , ( prov. 8. 27. ) who was there present at the formation of the earth , an orb was set upon the face of the abyss at the beginning of the world. that these three places refer to the same abyss , i think , cannot be questioned by any that will compare them and consider them . that of the deluge , moses calls there tehom-rabbah , the great abyss ; and can there be any greater than the forementioned mother-abvss ? and wisdome , in that place in the proverbs , useth the same phrase and words with moses , gen. 1. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the face of the deep or of the abyss ; changing darkness for that orb of the exteriour earth which was made afterwards to inclose it . and in this vault it lay , and under this cover , when the psalmist speaks of it in these words ( ps. 33. 7. ) he gathereth the waters of the sea , as in a * bag ; he layeth up the abyss in storehouses . lastly , we may observe that 't was this mother-abyss whose womb was burst at the deluge , when the sea was born , and broke forth as if it had issued out of a womb ; as god expresseth it to job , ch . 38. 8. in which place the chaldee paraphrase reads it , when it broke forth , coming out of the abyss . which disruption at the deluge seems also to be alluded to job 12. 14 , 15 , and more plainly , prov. 3.20 . by his knowledge the abysses are broken up . thus you have already a threefold state of the abyss , which makes a short history of it ; first , open , at the beginning ; then covered , till the deluge . then broke open again , as it is at present . and we pursue the history of it no further ; but we are told , apoc. 20. 3. that it shall be shut up again , and the great dragon in it , for a thousand years . in the mean time we may observe from this form and posture of the ante-diluvian abyss , how suitable it is and coherent with that form of the ante-diluvian earth which s. peter and the psalmist had describ'd , sustain'd by the waters ; founded upon the waters ; stretcht above the waters ; for if it was the cover of this abyss ( and it had some cover that was broke at the deluge ) it was spread as a crust or ice upon the face of those waters , and so made an orbis terrarum , an habitable sphere of earth about the abyss . so much for the form of the ante-diluvian earth and abyss ; which as they aptly correspond to one another , so , you see , our theory answers and is adjusted to both ; and , i think , so fitly , that we have no reason hitherto to be displeas'd with the success we have had in the examination of it , according to scripture . we have dispatch'd the two main points in question , first , to prove a diversity in general betwixt the two natural worlds , or betwixt the heavens and the earth before and after the flood . secondly , to prove wherein this diversity consisted ; or that the particular form of the ante-diluvian heavens and earth was such according to scripture , as we have describ'd it in the theory . you 'l say , then the work is done , what needs more , all the rest follows of course ; for if the ante-diluvian earth had such a form as we have propos'd and prov'd it to have had , there could be no deluge in it but by a dissolution of its parts and exteriour frame : and a deluge so made , would not be in the nature of a standing pool , but of a violent agitation and commotion of the waters . this is true ; these parts of the theory are so cemented , that you must grant all , if you grant any . however we will try if even these two particulars also may be prov'd out of scripture ; that is , if there be any marks or memorandums left there by the spirit of god , of such a fraction or dissolution of the earth at the deluge . and also such characters of the deluge it self , as show it to have been by a fluctuation and impetuous commotion of the waters . to proceed then ; that there was a fraction or dissolution of the earth at the deluge , the history of it by moses gives us the first account , seeing he tells us , as the principal cause of the flood , that the fountains of the great abyss were cloven or burst asunder ; and upon this disruption the waters gush'd out from the bowels of the earth , as from the widen'd mouths of so many fountains . i do not take fountains there to signifie any more than sources or stores of water ; noting also this manner of their eruption from below , or out of the ground , as fountains do . accordingly in the proverbs , ( chap. 3.20 . ) 't is onely said , the abysses were broken open . i do not doubt but this refers to the deluge , as bede , and others understand it ; the very word being us'd here , both in the hebrew and septuagint , that express'd the disruption of the abyss at the deluge . and this breaking up of the earth at that time , is elegantly exprest in job , by the bursting of the womb of nature , when the sea was first brought to light ; when after many pangs and throes and dilacerations of her body , nature was deliverd of a burthen which she had born in her womb sixteen hundred years . these three places i take to be memorials and proofs of the disruption of the earth , or of the abyss , at the universal deluge . and to these we may add more out of the prophets , job , and the psalms , by way of allusion ( commonly ) to the state of nature at that time . the prophet isaiah in describing the future destruction of the world , chap. 24. 18 , 19. seems plainly to allude and have respect to the past destruction of it at the deluge ; as appears by that leading expression , the windows from an high are open , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , taken manifestly from gen. 7. 11. then see how the description goes on , the windows from an high are open , and the foundations of the earth do shake . the earth is utterly broken down , the earth is quite dissolv'd , the earth is exceedingly moved . here are concussions , and fractions , and dissolutions , as there were in the mundane earth-quake and deluge ; which we had exprest before only by breaking open the abyss . by the foundations of the earth here and elsewhere , i perceive many understand the centre ; so by moving or shaking the foundations , or putting them out of course , must be understood a displacing of the centre ; which was really done at the deluge , as we have shewn in its proper place . if we therefore remember that there was both a dislocation , as i may so say ; and a fraction in the body of the earth , by that great fall ; a dislocation as to the centre , and a fraction as to the surface and exterior region , it will truly answer to all those expressions in the prophet , that seem so strange and extraordinary . 't is true , this place of the prophet respects also and foretells the future destruction of the world ; but that being by fire , when the elements shall melt with servent heat , and the earth with the works therein shall be burnt up , these expressions of fractions and concussions , seem to be taken originally from the manner of the world's first destruction , and to be transferr'd , by way of application , to represent and signifie the second destruction of it , though , it may be , not with the same exactness and propriety . there are several other places that refer to the dissolution and subversion of the earth at the deluge : amos 9. 5 , 6. the lord of hosts is he that toucheth the earth , and it shall melt , or be dissolv'd . — and it shall rise up wholly like a flood , and shall be drowned as by the flood of aegypt . by this and by the next verse the prophet seems to allude to the deluge , and to the dissolution of the earth that was then . this in job seems to be call'd breaking down the earth , and overturning the earth , chap. 12. 14 , 15. behold he breaketh down and it cannot be built again , he shutteth upon man , and there can be no opening . behold , he withholdeth the waters , and they dry up ; also he sendeth them out , and they overturn the earth : which place you may see paraphras'd . theor. book 1. p. 91 , 92. we have already cited , and shall hereafter cite , other places out of job ; and as that ancient author ( who is thought to have liv'd before the judaical oeconomy , and nearer to noah than moses ) seems to have had the praecepta noachidarum , so also he seems to have had the dogmata noachidarum ; which were deliver'd by noah to his children and posterity , concerning the mysteries of natural providence , the origine and fate of the world , the deluge and ante-diluvian state , &c. and accordingly we find many strictures of these doctrines in the book of job . lastly , in the psalms there are texts that mention the shaking of the earth , and the foundations of the world , in reference to the flood , if we judge aright ; whereof we will speak under the next head , concerning the raging of the waters in the deluge . these places of scripture may be noted , as lest us to be remembrancers of that general ruine and disruption of the earth at the time of the deluge . but i know it will be said of them , that they are not strict proofs , but allusions onely . be it so ; yet what is the ground of those allusions ? something must be alluded to , and something that hath past in nature , and that is recorded in sacred history ; and what is that , unless it be the universal deluge , and that change and disturbance that was then in all nature . if others say , that these and such like places are to be understood morally and allegorically , i do not envy them their interpretation ; but when nature and reason will bear a literal sence , the rule is , that we should not recede from the letter . but i leave these things to every one's thoughts ; which the more calm they are , and the more impartial , the more easily they will feel the impressions of truth . in the mean time , i proceed to the last particular mention'd , the form of the deluge it self . this we suppose to have been not in the way of a standing pool , the waters making an equal surface , and an equal heighth every where ; but that the extreme heighth of the waters was made by the extreme agitation of them ; caus'd by the weight and force of great masses or regions of earth falling at once into the abyss ; by which means , as the waters in some places were prest out , and thrown at an excessive height into the air , so they would also in certain places gape , and lay bare even the bottom of the abyss ; which would look as an open grave ready to swallow up the earth , and all it bore . whilst the ark , in the mean time , falling and rising by these gulphs and precipices , sometimes above water , and sometimes under , was a true type of the state of the church in this world ; and to this time and state david alludes in the name of the church , psal. 42. 7. abyss calls unto abyss at the noise of thy cataracts or water-spouts ; all thy waves and billows have gone over me . and again , psal. 46. 2 , 3. in the name of the church , therefore will not we fear , tho' the earth be removed , and tho' the mountains be carried into the midst of the seas . the waters thereof roar and are troubled , the mountains shake with the swelling thereof . but there is no description more remarkable or more eloquent , than of that scene of things represented , psal. 18. 7 , 8 , 9 , &c. which still alludes , in my opinion , to the deluge-scene , and in the name of the church . we will ser down the words at large . ver. 6. in my distress i called upon the lord , and cried unto my god ; he heard my voice out of his temple , and my cry came before him into his ears . 7. then the earth sbook and trembled , the foundations also of the hills moved and were shaken , because he was wroth . 8. there went up a smoke from his nostrils , and sire out of his mouth devoured ; coals were kindled by it . 9. he bowed the heavens also and came down , and darkness was under his feet . 10. and he rode upon a cherub and did flie , he did flie upon the wings of the wind . 11. he made darkness his secret place ; his pavilion round about him was dark waters and thick clouds of the skie . 12. at the brightness before him the thick clouds passed , bail and coals of fire . 13. the lord also thunder'd in the heavens , and the highest gave his voice , hail and coals of fire . 14. yea , he sent out his arrows , and scatter'd them : and he shot out lightnings and discomfited them . 15. then the chanels of waters were seen , and the foundations of the world were discovered ; at thy rebuke , o lord , at the blast of the breath of thy nostrils . he sent from above , he took me ; he drew me out of great waters . this i think is a rough * draught of the face of the heavens and the earth at the deluge , as the last verses do intimate ; and 't is apply'd to express the dangers and deliverances of the church : the expressions are far too high to be apply'd to david in his person , and to his deliverance from saul ; no such agonies or disorders of nature as are here instanc'd i● , were made in david's time , or upon his account ; but 't is a scheme of the church , and of her fate , particularly , as represented by the ark , in that dismal distress , when all nature was in confusion . and though there may be some things here intermixt to make up the scene , that are not so close to the subject as the rest , or that may be referr'd to the future destruction of the world : yet that is not unusual , nor amiss , in such descriptions , if the great strokes be fit and rightly plac'd . that there was smoke , and fire , and water , and thunder , and darkness , and winds , and earth-quakes at the deluge , we cannot doubt , if we consider the circumstances of it ; waters dash'd and broken make a smoke and darkness , and no hurricano could be so violent as the motions of the air at that time ; then the earth was torn in pieces , and its foundations shaken ; and as to thunder and lightning , the encounters and collisions of the mighty waves , and the cracks of a falling world , would make flashes and noises , far greater and more terrible , than any that can come from vapors and clouds . there was an universal tempest , a conflict and clashing of all the elements ; and david seems to have represented it so ; with god allmighty in the midst of it , ruling them all . but i am apt to think some will say , all this is poetical in the prophet , and these are hyperbolical and figurate expressions , from which we cannot make any inference , as to the deluge and the natural world. 't is true , those that have no idea of the deluge , that will answer to such a scene of things , as is here represented , must give such a slight account of this psalm . but on the other hand , if we have already an idea of the deluge that is rational , and also consonant to scripture upon other proofs , and the description here made by the prophet answer to that idea , whether then is it not more reasonable to think that it stands upon that ground , than to think it a meer fancy and poetical scene of things : this is the true state of the case , and that which we must judge of . methinks 't is very harsh to suppose all this a bare fiction , grounded upon no matter of fact , upon no sacred story , upon no appearance of god in nature . if you say it hath a moral signification , so let it have , we do not destroy that ; it hath reference , no doubt , to the dangers and deliverances of the church ; but the question is , whether the words and natural sence be a fancy onely , a bundle of randome hyperboles : or whether they relate to the history of the deluge , and the state of the ark there representing the church . this makes the sence doubly rich , historically and morally ; and grounds it upon scripture and reason , as well as upon fancy . that violent eruption of the sea out of the womb of the earth , which job speaks of , is , in my judgment , another description of the deluge ; 't is chap. 38. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. who shut up the sea with doors , when it broke forth , as if it had issued out of a womb ; when i made the cloud the garment thereof , and thick darkness a swadling band for it . and broke up for it my decreed place — hitherto shalt thou come , &c. here you see the birth and nativity of the sea , or of oceanus , describ'd * ‖ how he broke out of the womb , and what his first garment and swadling cloaths were ; namely clouds and thick darkness . this cannot refer to any thing that i know of , but to the face of nature at the deluge ; when the sea was born , and wrapt up in clouds and broken waves , and a dark impenetrable mist round the body of the earth . and this seems to be the very same that david had exprest in his description of the deluge , psal. 18. 11. he made darkness his secret place , his pavilion round about him were dark waters and thick clouds of the skies . for this was truly the face of the world in the time of the flood , tho' we little reflect upon it . and this dark confusion every where , above and below , arose from the violent and confus'd motion of the abyss ; which was dasht in pieces by the falling earth , and flew into the air in misty drops , as dust flies up in a great ruine . but i am afraid , we have stayed too long upon this particular , the form of the deluge ; seeing 'tis but a corollary from the precedent article about the dissolution of the earth . however time is not ill spent about any thing that relates to natural providence , whereof the two most signal instances in our sacred writings , are , the deluge and the conflagration . and seeing job and david do often reflect upon the works of god in the external creation , and upon the administrations of providence , it cannot be imagin'd that they should never reflect upon the deluge ; the most remarkable change of nature that ever hath been , and the most remarkable judgment upon mankind . and if they have reflected upon it any where , 't is , i think , in those places and those instances which i have noted ; and if those places do relate to the deluge , they are not capable , in my judgment , of any fairer or more natural interpretation than that which we have given them ; which , you see , how much it favours and confirms our theory . i have now finisht the heads i undertook to prove , that i might shew our theory to agree with scripture in these three principal points ; first , in that it supposeth a diversity and difference betwixt the ante-diluvian heavens and earth , and the present heavens and earth . secondly , in assigning the particular form of the ante-diluvian earth and abyss . thirdly , in explaining the deluge by a dissolution of that earth , and an eruption of the abyss . how far i have succeeded in this attempt , as to others , i cannot tell ; but i am sure i have convinc'd my self , and am satisfied that my thoughts , in that theory , have run in the same tract with the holy writings : with the true intent and spirit of them . there are some persons that are wilfully ignorant in certain things , and others that are willing to be ignorant as the apostle phraseth it ; speaking of those eternalists that denyed the doctrine of the change and revolutions of the natural world : and 't is not to be expected but there are many still of the same humour ; and therefore may be called willingly ignorant , that is , they will not use that pains and attention that is necessary for the examination of such a doctrine , nor impartiality in judging after examination ; they greedily lay hold on all evidence on one side , and willingly forget , or slightly pass over , all evidence for the other ; this i think is the character of those that are willingly ignorant ; for i do not take it to be so deep as a down-right wilful ignorance , where they are plainly conscious to themselves of that wilfulness ; but where an insensible mixture of humane passions inclines them one way , and makes them averse to the other ; and in that method draws on all the consequences of a willing ignorance . there remains still , as i remember , one proposition that i am bound to make good ; i said at first , that our hypothesis concerning the deluge was more agreeable not only to scripture in general , but also to the particular history of the flood left us by moses ; i say , more agreeable to it than any other hypothesis that hath yet been propos'd . this may be made good in a few words . for in moses's history of the deluge there are two principal points , the extent of the deluge , and the causes of it ; and in both these we do fully agree with that sacred author . as to the extent of it , he makes the deluge universal ; all the high hills under the whole heaven were cover'd , fifteen cubits upwards ; we also make it universal , over the face of the whole earth ; and in such a manner as must needs raise the waters above the top of the highest hills every where . as to the causes of it , moses makes them to be the disruption of the abyss , and the rains ; and no more ; and in this also we exactly agree with him ; we know no other causes , nor pretend to any other but those two . distinguishing therefore moses his narration as to the substance and circumstances of it , it must be allowed that these two points make the substance of it , and that an hypothesis that differs from it in either of these two , differs from it more than ours ; which , at the worst , can but differ in matter of circumstance . now seeing the great difficulty about the deluge is the quantity of water required for it , there have been two explications proposed , besides ours , to remove or fatisfie this difficulty ; one whereof makes the deluge not to have been universal , or to have reacht only judea and some neighbouring countreys ; and therefore less water would suffice ; the other owning the deluge to be universal , supplies it self with water from the divine omnipotency , and says new waters were created then for the nonce , and again annihilated when the deluge was to cease . both these explications you see , ( and i know no more of note that are not obnoxious to the same exceptions ) differ from moses in the substance , or in one of the two substantial points , and consequently more than ours doth . the first changeth the flood into a kind of national innundation , and the second assigns other causes of it than moses had assigned . and as they both differ apparently from the mosaical history , so you may see them refuted upon other grounds also , in the third chapter of the first book of the theory . this may be sufficient as to the history of the flood by moses . but possibly it may be said the principal objection will arise from moses his six-days creation in the first chapter of genesis : where another sort of earth , than what we have form'd from the chaos , is represented to us ; namely , a terraqueous globe , such as our earth is at present . 't is indeed very apparent , that moses hath accommodated his six-days creation to the present form of the earth , or to that which was before the eyes of the people when he writ . but it is a great question whether that was ever intended for a true physical account of the origine of the earth : or whether moses did either philosophize or astronomize in that description . the ancient fathers , when they answer the heathens , and the adversaries of christianity , do generally deny it ; as i am ready to make good upon another occafion . and the thing it self bears in it evident marks of an accommodation and condescention to the vulgar notions concerning the form of the world. those that think otherwise , and would make it literally and physically true in all the parts of it , i desire them , without entring upon the strict merits of the cause , to determine these preliminaries . first , whether the whole universe rise from a terrestrial chaos . secondly , what systeme of the world this six-days creation proceeds upon : whether it supposes the earth , or the sun , for the center . thirdly , whether the sun and fixt stars are of a later date , and a later birth , than this globe of earth . and lastly , where is the region of the super-celestial waters . when they have determin'd these fundamentals , we will proceed to other observations upon the six-days work , which will further assure us , that 't is a narration suited to the capacity of the people , and not to the strict and physical nature of things . besides , we are to remember , that moses must be so interpreted in the first chapter of genesis , as not to interfere with himself in other parts of his history ; nor to interfere with s. peter , or the prophet david , or any other sacred authors , when they treat of the same matter . nor lastly , so , as to be repugnant to clear and uncontested science . for , in things that concern the natural world , that must always be consulted . with these precautions , let them try if they can reduce that narrative of the origine of the world , to physical truth ; so as to be consistent , both with nature , and with divine revelation every where . it is easily reconcileable to both , if we suppose it writ in a vulgar style , and to the conceptions of the people : and we cannot deny that a vulgar style is often made use of in the holy writings . how freely and unconcernedly does scripture speak of god allmighty , according to the opinions of the vulgar ? of his passions , local motions , parts and members of his body . which all are things that do not belong , or are not compatible with the divine nature , according to truth and science . and if this liberty be taken , as to god himself , much more may it be taken as to his works . and accordingly we see , what motion the scripture gives to the sun : what figure to the earth : what figure to the heavens : all according to the appearance of sence and popular credulity ; without any remorse for having transgressed the rules of intellectual truth . this vulgar style of scripture in describing the natures of things , hath been often mistaken for the real sence , and so become a stumbling block in the way of truth . thus the anthropomorphites of old contended for the humane shape of god , from the letter of scripture ; and brought many express texts for their purpose : but sound reason , at length , got the upper hand of literal authority . then , several of the christian fathers contended , that there were no antipodes : and made that doctrine irreconcileable to scripture . but this also , after a while , went off , and yielded to reason and experience . then , the motion of the earth must by no means be allow'd , as being contrary to scripture : for so it is indeed , according to the letter and vulgar style . but all intelligent persons see thorough this argument , and depend upon it no more in this case , than in the former . lastly , the original of the earth from a chaos , drawn according to the rules of physiology , will not be admitted : because it does not agree with the scheme of the six-days creation . but why may not this be writ in a vulgar style , as well as the rest ? certainly there can be nothing more like a vulgar style , than to set god to work by the day , and in six-days to finish his task : as he is there represented . we may therefore probably hope that all these disguises of truth will at length fall off , and that we shall see god and his works in a pure and naked light. thus i have finish'd what i had to say in confirmation of this theory from scripture . i mean of the former part of it , which depends chiefly upon the deluge , and the antediluvian earth . when you have collated the places of scripture , on either side , and laid them in the balance , to be weigh'd one against another ; if you do but find them equal , or near to an equal poise , you know in whether scale the natural reasons are to be laid : and of what weight they ought to be in an argument of this kind . there is a great difference betwixt scripture with philosophy on its side , and scripture with philosophy against it : when the question is concerning the natural world. and this is our case : which i leave now to the consideration of the unprejudic'd reader : and proceed to the proof of the second part of the theory . the later part consists of the conflagration of the world , and the new heavens and new earth . and seeing there is no dispute concerning the former of these two , our task will now lie in a little compass . being onely this , to prove that there will be new heavens , and a new earth , after the conflagration . this , to my mind , is sufficiently done already , in the first , second and third chapters of the 4th . book , both from scripture and antiquity , whether sacred or prophane : and therefore , at present , we will onely make a short and easie review of scripture-testimonies , with design chiefly to obviate and disappoint the evasions of such , as would beat down solid texts into thin metaphors and allegories . the testimonies of scripture concerning the renovation of the world , are either express , or implicit . those i call express , that mention the new heavens and new earth : and those implicit , that signifie the same thing , but not in express terms . so when our saviour speaks of a palingenesia , or regeneration , ( matt. 19. 28 , 29. ) or st. peter of an apocatastasis or restitution , ( act. 3. 21. ) these being words us'd by all authors , prophane or ecclesiastical , for the renovation of the world , ought , in reason , to be interpreted in the same sence in the holy writings . and in like manner , when st. paul speaks of his future earth , or an habitable world to come , hebr. 2. 5. or of a redemption or melioration of the present state of nature , rom. 8. 21 , 22. these lead us again , in other terms , to the same renovation of the world. but there are also some places of scripture , that set the new heavens and new earth in such a full and open view , that we must shut our eyes not to see them . st. john says , he saw them , and observ'd the form of the new earth , apoc. 21. 1. the seer isaish spoke of them in express words , many hundred years before . and st. peter marks the time when they are to be introduc'd , namely after the conflagration , or after the dissolution of the present heavens and earth : 2 pet. 3. 12 , 13. these later texts of scripture , being so express , there is but one way left to elude the force of them ; and that is , by turning the renovation of the world into an allegory : and making the new heavens and new earth to be allegorical heavens and earth , not real and material , as ours are . this is a bold attempt of some modern authors , who chuse rather to strain the word of god , than their own notions . there are allegories , no doubt , in scripture , but we are not to allegorize scripture without some warrant : either from an apostolical interpretation , or from the necessity of the matter : and i do not know how they can pretend to either of these , in this case . however , that they may have all fair play , we will lay aside , at present , all the other texts of scripture , and confine our selves wholly to st. peter's words : to see and examine whether they are , or can be turn'd into an allegory , according to the best rules of interpretation . st. peter's words are these : seeing then all these things shall be dissolv'd , what manner of persons ought ye to be , in holy conversation and godliness ? looking for , and hasting the coming of the day of god : wherein the heavens being on fire shall be dissolv'd , and the elements shall melt with fervent heat . nevertheless , we , according to his promise , look for new heavens and a new earth , wherein righteousness shall dwell . the question is concerning this last verse , whether the new heavens and earth here promis'd , are to be real and material heavens and earth , or onely figurative and allegorical . the words , you see , are clear : and the general rule of interpretation is this , that we are not to recede from the letter , or the literal sence , unless there be a necessity from the subject matter ; such a necessity , as makes a literal interpretation absurd . but where is that necessity in this case ? cannot god make new heavens and a new earth , as easily as he made the old ones ? is his strength decay'd since that time , or is matter grown more disobedient ? nay , does not nature offer her self voluntarily to raise a new world from the second chaos , as well as from the first : and , under the conduct of providence , to make it as convenient an habitation as the primaeval earth ? therefore no necessity can be pretended of leaving the literal sence , upon an incapacity of the subject matter . the second rule to determine an interpretation to be literal or allegorical , is , the use of the same words or phrase in the context , and the signification of them there . let 's then examine our cafe according to this rule . st. peter had us'd the same phrase of heavens and earth twice before in the same chapter . the old heavens and earth , ver . 5. the present heavens and earth , ver . 7. and now he uses it again , ver . 13. the new heavens and earth . have we not then reason to suppose , that he takes it here in the same sence , that he had done twice before , for real and material heavens and earth ? there is no mark set of a new signification , nor why we should alter the sence of the words . that he us'd them always before for the material heavens and earth , i think none will question : and therefore , unless they can give us a sufficient reason , why we should change the signification of the words , we are bound , by this second rule also , to understand them in a literal sence . lastly , the very form of the words , and the manner of their dependence upon the context , leads us to a literal sence , and to material heavens and earth . nevertheless , says the apostle , we expect new heavens , &c. why nevertheless ! that is , notwithstanding the dissolution of the present heavens and earth . the apostle foresaw , what he had said , might raise a doubt in their minds , whether all things would not be at an end : nothing more of heavens and earth , or of any habitable world , after the conflagration ; and to obviate this , he tells them , notwithstanding that wonderful desolation that i have describ'd , we do , according to god's promises , expect new heavens and a new earth , to be an habitation for the righteous . you see then the new heavens and new earth , which the apostle speaks of , are substituted in the place of those that were destroy'd at the conflagration ; and would you substitute allegorical heavens and earth in the place of material ? a shadow for a substance ? what an equivocation would it be in the apostle , when the doubt was about the material heavens and earth , to make an answer about allegorical . lastly , the timeing of the thing determines the sence . when shall this new world appear ? after the conflagration , the apostle says : therefore it cannot be understood of any moral renovation , to be made at , or in the times of the gospel , as these allegorists pretend . we must therefore , upon all accounts , conclude , that the apostle intended a literal sence : real and material heavens , to succeed these after the conflagration : which was the thing to be prov'd . and i know not what bars the spirit of god can set , to keep us within the compass of a literal sence , if these be not sufficient . thus much for the explication of st. peter's doctrine , concerning the new heavens and new earth : which secures the second part of our theory . for the theory stands upon two pillars , or two pedestals , the ante-diluvian earth and the future earth : or , in s. peter's phrase , the old heavens and earth , and the new heavens and earth : and it cannot be shaken , so long as these two continue firm and immoveable . we might now put an end to this review , but it may be expected possibly that we should say something concerning the millennium : which we have , contrary to the general sentiment of the modern millenaries , plac'd in the future earth . our opinion hath this advantage above others , that , all fanatical pretensions to power and empire in this world , are , by these means , blown away , as chaff before the wind . princes need not fear to be dethron'd , to make way to the saints : nor governments unhing'd , that they may rule the world with a rod of iron . these are the effects of a wild enthusiasm ; seeing the very state which they aim at , is not to be upon this earth . but that our sence may not be mistaken or misapprehended in this particular , as if we thought the christian church would never , upon this earth , be in a better and happier posture than it is in at present : we must distinguish betwixt a melioration of the world , if you will allow that word : and a millennium . we do not deny a reformation and improvement of the church , both as to peace , purity , and piety . that knowledge may increase , mens minds be enlarg'd , and christian religion better understood : that the power of antichrist shall be diminish'd , persecution cease , and a greater union and harmony establish'd amongst the reformed . all this may be , and i hope will be , ere long . but the apocalyptical millennium , or the new jerusalem , is still another matter . it differs not in degree only from the present state , but is a new order of things : both in the moral world and in the natural ; and that cannot be till we come into the new heavens and new earth . suppose what reformation you can in this world , there will still remain many things inconsistent with the true millennial state . antichrist , tho' weakned , will not be finally destroy'd till the coming of our saviour , nor satan bound . and there will be always poverty , wars , diseases , knaves and hypocrites , in this world : which are not consistent with the new jerusalem , as s. john describes it . apoc. 21. 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. you see now what our notion is of the millennium , as we deny this earth to be the seat of it . 't is the state that succeeds the first resurrection , when satan is lockt up in the bottomless pit . the state when the martyrs are to return into life , and wherein they are to have the first lot and chief share . a state which is to last a thousand years . and blessed and holy is he , that hath a part in it : on such the second death hath no power , but they shall be priests of god and christ , and shall reign with him a thousand years . if you would see more particular reasons of our judgment in this case , why such a millennium is not to be expected in this world : they are set down in the 8th chap. of the 4th book , and we do not think it necessary that they should be here repeated . as to that dissertation that follows the millennium , and reaches to the consummation of all things , seeing it is but problematical , we leave it to stand or fall by the evidence already given . and should be very glad to see the conjectures of others , more lcarned , in speculations so abstruse and remote from common knowledge . they cannot surely be thought unworthy or unfit for our meditations , seeing they are suggested to us by scripture it self . and to what end were they propos'd to us there , if it was not intended that they should be understood , sooner or later ? i have done with this review : and shall only add one or two reflections upon the whole discourse , and so conclude . you have seen the state of the theory of the earth , as to the matter , form , and proofs of it : both natural and sacred . if any one will substitute a better in its place , i shall think my self more obliged to him , than if he had shew'd me the quadrature of the circle . but it is not enough to pick quarrels here and there : that may be done by any writing , especially when it is of so great extent and comprehension . they must build up , as well as pull down ; and give us another theory instead of this , fitted to the same natural history of the earth , according as it is set down in scripture : and then let the world take their choice . he that cuts down a tree , is bound in reason to plant two , because there is an hazard in their growth and thriving . then as to those that are such rigorous scripturists , as to require plainly demonstrative and irresistible texts for every thing they entertain or believe ; they would do well to reflect and consider , whether , for every article in the three creeds ( which have no support from natural reason ) they can bring such texts of scripture as they require of others : or a fairer and juster evidence , all things consider'd , than we have done for the substance of this theory . we have not indeed said all that might be said , as to antiquity : that making no part in this review , and being capable still of great additions . but as to scripture and reason i have no more to add . those that are not satisfied with the proofs already produc'd upon these two heads , are under a fate , good or bad , which is not in my power to overcome . finis . books printed for walter kettilby . h'enrici mori cantabrigiensis opera omnia , tum que latinè , tum que anglicè scripta sunt ; nunc vero latinitate donata instigatu & impensis generofissimi juvenis johannis cockshuti nobilis angli , 3. vol. fol. — 's exposition upon daniel . quart . — 's exposition upon the revelations . quart . — 's answer to several remarks upon his expositions upon daniel , and the revelations . quart . — 's notes upon daniel and the revelations . quart . — 's paralipomena prophetica , containing several supplements and defences of his expositions . quart . — 's confutation of judiciary astrology against butler . quart . — 's brief discourse of the real presence of the body and blood of christ , in the celebration of the holy eucharist . 40. stitcht . — 's reply to the answer to his antidote against idolatry . oct . — 's remarks upon judge hales of fluid bodies . oct . the theory of the earth , &c. the two first books , concerning the deluge , and concerning paradise . fol. telluris theoria sacra , &c. libri duo priores de diluvio & paradiso . quarto . libri duo posteriores de conflagratione mundi , & de futuro rerum statu . quart . dr. goodal's royal colledge of physicians . quart . sydenham opera universa medica . oct . ent. de circuitione sanguinis . oct . charleton de causis catameniorum & uteri rheumatismo . oct . mr. l'emery's course of chymistry . oct . an answer to harvey's conclave of physicians . dr. scott's christian life , in 3. vol. dr : falkner's libertas ecclesiastica . oct . — 's vindication of liturgies . oct . — 's christian loyalty . oct . dr. fowler 's libertas evangelica . oct . dr. kidder's christian sufferer . oct . mr. w. allen's twelve several tracts , in 4. vol. oct . lately printed . mr. w. allen's nature , series , and order of occurrences , as they are prophetically represented in the 11th . chapter of the revelations . oct . mr. raymond's pattern of pure and undefiled religion . oct . dr. worthington's great duty of self-resignation . oct . reprinted . a relation of the proceedings at charter-house , upon occasion of k. fames's presenting a papist to be admitted into that hospital , by vertue of his letters dispensatory . fol. stitcht . mr. mariott's sermon , on easter-day , before the lord mayor . — 's sermon at the election of the lord mayor . dr. pellings sermon before the k. and q. at white-hall . dec. 8. 1689. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a30484-e90 1. cor. 15 apoc. 20. theor. book 3 ch . 7 , & 8 theor. book 2. chap. 5. 2. pet. 3. there was a sect amongst the jews that held this perpetuity and immutability of nature ; and maimonides himself was of this principle , and gives the same reason for it with the scoffers here in the text , quod mundus retinet & sequitur consuetudinem suam . and as to those of the jews that were aristoteleans , it was very suitable to their principles to hold the incorruptibility of the world , as their master did . vid. med. in loc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , per quae . vulgat . quamobrem , beza , quâ de causâ , grot. nemo interpretum reddidit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per quas ; subint elligendo aquas . hoc enim argumentationem apoquod suppostolicam tolleret , supponeretque illusores illos ignorâsse quod olim fuerit diluvium ; ni non posse suprà ostendimus . * this phrase or manner of speech 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not unusual in greek authors , and upon a like subject ; plato saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but he that should translate plato , the world stands out of fire , water , &c. would be thought neither graecian , nor philosopher . the same phrase is us'd in reciting heraclitus his opinion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and also in thales his , which is still nearer to the subject , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which cicero renders , ex aquâ , dixit , constare omnia . so that it is easie to know the true importance of this phrase , and how ill it is render'd in the english , standing out of the water . book 2. c. 5. p. 233. whether you refer the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . separately , to the heavens and the earth , or both to the earth , or both to both , it will make no great difference as to our interpretation . theor. i book . c. 2. cap. 18. cap. 16 : de 6. dier . creat . see theor. book 2. ch . 5. * i know some would make this place of no effect by rendering the hebrew particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 juxta , by or near to ; so they would read it thus , he hath founded the earth by the sea-side , and establish'd it by the floods . what is there wonderful in this , that the shores should lie by the sea-side ; where could they lie else ? what reason or argument is this , why the earth should be the lord's ? the earth is the lord's , for he hath founded it near the seas , where is the confequence of this ? but if he founded it upon the seas , which could not be done by any other hand but his , it shows both the workman and the master . and accordingly in that other place , psal. 136. 6. if you render it , he stretched out the earth near the waters , how is that one of god's great wonders ? as it is there represented to be . because in some few places this particle is render'd otherwise , where the sense will bear it , must we therefore render it so when we please , and where the sence will not bear it ? this being the most usual signification of it , and there being no other word that signifies above more frequently or determinately than this does , why must it signifie otherwise in this place ? men will wriggle any way to get from under the force of a text , that does not suit to their own notions . book 1. p. 88. * this reading or translating is generally followed , ( theor. book 1. p. 86. ) though the english translation read on a heap , unsuitably to the matter and to the sence . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 38. theor. book 2. p. 194 , 195. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 see philo iudaeus his description of the deluge , both as to the commotions of the heavens , and the fractions of the earth . in his first treatise de abrahamo , mihi pa. 279. * utì comparatio praecedens ‖ de ortu telluris , sumitur ab aedificio , ita haec altera de ortu maris , sumitur ù partu ; & exhibetur oceanus , primùm , ut foetus inclusus in utero , dein us erumpens & prodeuns , denique ut fasciis & primis suis pannis involutus . atque ex aperto terrae usero prorupit aquarum moles , ut proluvies illa , quam simul cum foetu profundere solet puerpera . ‖ ver. 4 , 5 , 6. see theor. book 1. p. 99. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 isa. 65. 17. 2 pet. 3. 11 , 12 , 13. miracles, work's above and contrary to nature, or, an answer to a late translation out of spinoza's tractatus theologico-politicus, mr. hobbs's leviathan, &c. published to undermine the truth and authority of miracles, scripture, and religion, in a treatise entituled, miracles no violation of the laws of nature. browne, thomas, 1654?-1741. 1683 approx. 131 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 38 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29780 wing b5062 estc r1298 11781684 ocm 11781684 49094 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29780) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49094) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 17:3) miracles, work's above and contrary to nature, or, an answer to a late translation out of spinoza's tractatus theologico-politicus, mr. hobbs's leviathan, &c. published to undermine the truth and authority of miracles, scripture, and religion, in a treatise entituled, miracles no violation of the laws of nature. browne, thomas, 1654?-1741. [2], 68 p. printed for samuel smith ..., london : 1683. attributed to thomas browne. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng spinoza, benedictus de, 1632-1677. -tractatus theologico-politicus. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. -leviathan. blount, charles, 1654-1693. -miracles, no violation of the laws of nature. miracles -early works to 1800. philosophy and religion -early works to 1800. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-11 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion miracles work' 's above and contrary to nature : or , an answer to a late translation out of spinoza's tractatus theologico-politicus , mr. hobb's leviathan , &c. published to undermine the truth and authority of miracles , scripture , and religion , in a treatise entituled miracles no violation of the laws of natvre . sicut non fuit impossibile deo quas voluit instituere , sit ei non est impossibile in quicquid voluerit quas instituit mutare naturas . d. august . de civitate dei , l. 21. cap. 8. london , printed for samuel smith at the princes arms in st. pauls church-yard . 1683. miracles works above and contrary to nature : or , an answer to a translation , &c. in a treatise entituled miracles no violations of the laws of natvre . to the compiler of this treatise we are ingaged for two things . 1. the collection of the several parts of his work out of several authors , and the tacking of them together . 2. the translation of each part out of the latin : a method much in use of late , to copy out the pernicious authors , as well as practices , of former times , and instead of sitting down and putting their own invention upon the rack , to take a more easie and compendious way of doing mischief , by transcribing or translating for the greedy reception of the present age , whatever has been formerly written tending to the subversion either of religion or civil authority . the former of these is unquestionably the design of this treatise ; since the asserting , that there is no such thing as a miracle , i. e. a work above nature , undermines the foundations of both law and gospel , overthrows the credit and authority of divine revelation , and remits us either to a bare religion of nature and morality , or to none at all . the book ( to assign to each author his share in it ) consists of two parts . the latter , which is the main , from the middle of the third page to the end of the book , is wholly ( except two or three authorities in the last page ) a bare translation of the sixth chapter of the tractatus theologico-politicus , written by spinoza . which chapter he seems to have made choice of out of that author , as effectual by it self to compass the design of his whole treatise : viz. to instill the principles of deisme or atheisme into the minds of his readers . the other part , which takes up the two first pages and half of the third , is a translation likewise of part of mr. hobbs's chapter about miracles in his leviathan , from whence he has taken as much as he thought would make for his purpose , and seem to be of a piece with the other translation out of spinoza , to which he has prefixt it . introductory to the book there is a premonition to the reader . and here we might justly expect from him to speak himself , and to give us a free and ingenuous account of his authors , his translation , and the design of it . but the greatest part of this too is borrowed ( or translated , whether you please ) out of mr. burnett's telluris theoria sacra , and the rest only some brief touches of what he has after more at large out of spinoza . of his three authors , the last i believe , is not very proud of the company of the other two ; and therefore is not much obliged to his translator for clapping him and them together as confederates and brethren in opinion . but it is more pertinent to observe , that two of the three are clearly against him in their sense about the main point in controversie . spinoza indeed is the great patron of his assertion , viz. that there is no such thing as a miracle , if we take the word to signifie a work above or beside nature . but mr. burnett and mr. hobbs are point blank of the contrary mind , and therefore either they must speak very inconsistently , nay in effect contradict themselves , or what he here produces out of them cannot be drawn to favour his and spinoza's opinion ; and so the co-herence of the several parts of the collection will not appear to be very great , nor the harmony very agreeable , to any that shall first consider each as they stand apart in the distinct authors , before he examine them as they are here associated in the rhapsody of this treatise . to begin with mr. hobbs , whom we have least reason to suspect to have any wrong done him , we have no more to do but to read the rest of that chapter , where the translator leaves him , and we shall soon find that he admits and supposes miracles in that very sense , wherein he is produced to deny them here . for , first , he defines a miracle to be , a work of god beside his operation by the way of nature ordained in the creation ; which is flatly contradictory to that assertion , that nothing can fall out but according to the order of nature . 2. he infers from that definition , that a miracle is not the effect of any vertue in the prophet whose doctrine it confirms , but of the immediate hand of god : and that no devil , angel , or created spirit can work a miracle . which positions ( however questionable if understood of a delegated power in men or angels ) are sufficient to demonstrate that it is his sense , that there are miracles or works above nature . for if there are works wrought which no finite spirit , nothing but the immediate hand of god can effect , these certainly must surpass the force of nature , she working by second causes in all her operations . it is to be confessed , that mr. hobbs does in his own way , as well as spinoza , destroy the authority of miracles by his doctrine : in as much as he does not admit them for sufficient credentials of the divine mission of any prophet , when the doctrine he reveals does not square with the religion established by the civil magistrate . so that all the miracles of our saviour and his apostles were of no force , because the doctrine they taught contradicted the established tenets of the superstitious jews , and the idolatrous gentiles . yet , though these two authors ( equally to be honoured for the good service they have done the christian religion ) agree very well in the main design , they differ notwithstanding very widely in the way of compassing it , as far as the opposite parts of a contradiction can set them at odds : the one asserting that there are works above nature , the other denying it : so that the author of this collection was not very well advised to think they would cotten so well together ; and ought rather to have tried first how far the work might be done by one of them singly , and to have reserved the other for a new expedient if the former had failed . mr. hobbs then , we see , asserts there are miracles . and so does mr. burnett in words most express , and in the very same paragraph , part whereof he has quoted out of him in the latine in his last page , and at very little distance from the very words , there quoted to represent him as an abettor of the contrary opinion , certissimum est ( says he ) à divinâ providentiâ ( pendere res omnes cujuscunque ordinis & ab eâdem ) vera miracula edita esse . it is , i think , a sufficient prejudice against the opinion which he produces these authors to insinuate and patronize , or at least his judgment in the choice of his authors , that two out of three declare flatly against him in that point . yet 't is possible that , as he produces them here , they may both better consist with him and spinoza than with themselves . this therefore comes to be examined , and will lead us gradually to give a particular answer to each part of the whole work. we begin therefore with the premonition to the reader , he there with mr. burnett . what he takes from mr. burnett , is out of the eleventh and last chapter of the first book of his theory . mr. burnetts words are these , in eâ sum equidem sententiâ , authores sacros cùm de rebus naturalibus sermones habent , &c. upon these the translator thus varies in the first words of his premonition , it is the judgment of most of the ancient fathers of the christian faith , and of the most learned theologues of the moderns , that the authors of the holy scriptures when they speak of natural things , &c. and so goes on with the rest of that page , which he translates more faithfully : what he designed in this amplification , whether to amuze his reader , oblige mr. burnet , or to make a fair shew of his own great reading , i shall not enquire . the summ of what he has out of mr. burnett is this , that the authors of the holy scriptures where they speak of natural things , design only to excite piety and devotion in us , not to improve us in the knowledg of nature . that agreeably to this design , they explain the visible works of god in a manner suitable to the received opinions of the vulgar : they wrest the general causes and ends of the whole creation in favour of the peoples prejudices , as if all things were ordained only for the good and benefit of mankind : they do not make mention of the ordinary train of second causes in the productions of nature , but recur immediately to god himself , the first cause , author and president of it , and compendiously refer all things to his immediate power , and to his irresistible will and command . all mr. burnett's design in this , is to excuse himself for giving a philosophical and mechanical account of the deluge and other grand effects in the sublunary world ; as the original of the mountains , rocks , islands , ocean , rivers , &c. in the terraqueous globe . the production of all these the scripture immediately refers to god : and divines ordinarily speak of them as effects supernatural and miraculous ; viz. that god by the same powerful word , whereby he created heaven and earth , cast up the mountains , and cut out the channels for the rivers , and that vast cavity for the immense ocean , commanded the waters into one place , and made the dry land appear . and by the like command , when the wickedness of man was great upon the earth , and the end of all flesh was come before him , opened the catarrhacts of heaven , and broke up the fountains of the deep , and destroyed all mankind , except eight persons , by a deluge of waters . to this mr. burnetts answer is , that it is in no wise necessary that these effects should be conceived to have been wrought by miracle . for the scripture , that it does not appear that they are recorded for miracles there , because the scripture immediately refers effects purely natural to god , and makes no mention of the train of second causes subservient to god in their production : the design of the sacred writers , when they speak of natural things , being not to instruct us in the knowledg of nature by giving us a philosophical account of their mediate causes , but to excite in us piety and devotion , by working in our minds a true sense of the power and providence of almighty god , to which all things owe their original . this is the intent , scope , and drift of mr. burnett's words , as they stand at home in their proper place ; but here they are applied to far different purposes , as appears by the conclusion the translator draws from them , when he comes to speak himself : viz. that these things considered . 1. we are not to admire , if we find in the holy scripture many memorable things related as miracles , which notwithstanding proceeded from the fixt and immutable order of nature , &c. 2. ( which is but the application of the former ) we ought not rashly to accuse any man of infidelity , only because he refuses to believe , that those miracles were effected by the immediate power of god , &c. which conclusion of his 1. is just the quite contrary to mr. burnett's . 2. destroys the authority of scripture , and leaves us free to disbelieve any miracle recorded in it for such . 1. it is quite contrary to mr burnett's . mr. burnett's way of arguing is this , the scripture immediately refers to god things which are purely the effects of nature . ergo , we cannot justly conclude , that what effects the scripture immediately refers to god , those it records for miracles . yes ( says the translator upon the same grounds ) we may conclude that it records them for miracles , and this too we may conclude over and above , that the scripture records such effects for miracles which really are the effects of nature . 2. it destroys the authority of scripture , and leaves us free to disbelieve any miracle recorded in it for such . for first it makes the holy scripture guilty of imposture , and that not in a small matter , but such whereupon depends the authority of all the revelations made therein by god to mankind : for upon the truth of those relations in scripture , wherein these miracles are recorded as matter of fact , depends the certainty of the divine mission , of moses and the prophets , our blessed saviour and his apostles , and consequently the authority of the doctrine which they revealed . 2dly , it takes away the only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have , to discern whether the effect it relates be a miracle or not . the only thing whereby we can know it is from the scriptures manner of relating it : if it relates one thing for a miracle ▪ which is not , all may be , for ought we know , of the same nature . and so farewel both the belief of miracles and the scripture it self . i presume that he does not play with us in a matter of this importance , i. e. that he does not mean by the scriptures relating such things as miracles , onely that it relates the production of them in such terms , as idiots and illiterate persons may from thence conceive that they are super-natural effects ( for then all he says will be very true , but withal very impertinent ) but that it sets them down for effects miraculous and supernatural as much as any in the whole bible . and if he means thus , i have already hinted the ill consequences of his doctrine , and how disagreeable his conclusion from mr. burnett's principles is to that which mr. burnett himself draws from them , and shall proceed now to shew how unnaturally it is drawn from such premises . i shall not stand to make any tedious reflection upon each particular in the summary account which i have given above of what he has out of mr. burnett ; but i shall apply my self chiefly to the consideration of that whereupon he seems wholly to build his conclusion . all that i shall say to the rest is this , touching the design of the sacred writers when they speak of natural things , i grant it to be such as is there suggested : and , that in subordination to that design , they may be conceived to explain the visible works of god in a manner suitable to the received opinions of the vulgar ; i. e. to speak their sense and dialect about natural things , when they do occasionally speak of them , and to comply therein with their common prejudices ; as moses seem to do gen. 1.16 . where he ranks the moon with the sun as the other great light , i. e. the next or only one besides of considerable magnitude ; speaking there agreeably to the appearance of sense , and the apprehension of the vulgar grounded thereupon . yet not that they are obliged to comply with all their prejudices neither ; for this is one , that every considerable effect in nature is miraculous and supernatural : and the design of the sacred writers does not oblige them to condescend so far to the apprehensions of the vulgar , as to relate every effect for miraculous which they conceive to be so . their design is , not to instruct us in the knowledge of nature , but to excite piety and devotion in us . the utmost therefore that design will oblige them to , in this regard , is to make no mention of the train of second causes in the productions of nature ( which effectually answers the first part of their design ) and to ascribe all effects to god as their author ( which as fully answers the second ) and nothing of all this amounts to a relation of the effects of nature for miracles , as will appear immediately . to the next thing , that they wrest the general causes and ends of the whole creation in favour of the peoples prejudices , as if all things were ordained only for the good and benefit of mankind : i deny that the scripture wrests the ends of the creation ; for this were to make the parts of the world be created by god for other ends and purposes than he created them for . all the scripture does is , that it mentions only those ends of nature ( out of many for which it is ordained in the divine wisdome ) that relate to the good and benefit of mankind ( as for instance those ends only of the heavenly bodies , that they are for lights in the firmament of heaven , and for signs , and for seasons , and for days , and for years ) yet it does not deny but that there may be many other which to consider is not pertinent to its purpose . but the principle from whence he draws his conclusion , is in the last words of what he has out of mr. burnett : viz. that the authors of the holy scriptures make no mention of the ordinary train of second causes in the productions of nature , but recur immediately to god himself , the first cause , author , and president of it , and compendiously refer all things to his immediate power , and to his irresistible will and command . their recurring immediately to god himself , and referring all things to his immediate power , is to be understood in this sense , not that the scripture declares these effects to proceed from nothing but the immediate hand of god ( for this is to declare them to be spernatural , and such then they are unquestionably . ) but , that it ascribes them only to god , and makes no mention of any train of second causes subservient to him in their production . for instance , the scripture immediately refers the effects of nature to god himself , in those places of the 147th psalm where it says , he giveth snow like wooll ; he scattereth the hoar-frost like ashes . he casteth forth his ice like morsels . — he sendeth out his word and melteth them , he bloweth with his wind and the waters flow . so when god says to noah , i do set my bow in the cloud , and to samuel , to morrow about this time i will send thee a man out of the land of benjamin . these instances are his and spinoza's , as appears p. 17th and 18th below in his treatise . and the scripture refers these effects immediately to god , as it mentions him only as the author of them , and no other mediate cause ; not that it says that he alone acts in the production of them , for this were to relate them for miracles . this therefore being stated , his way of arguing will appear to be this , the authors of the holy scriptures make no mention of the ordinary train of second causes in the productions of nature , but recur immediately to god himself , &c. ergo , they relate many things as miracles , which yet notwithstanding are the effects of nature . the connexion of this antecedent and consequent is by vertue of this proposition , that the authors of the holy scripture must be conceived to relate those effects as miracles , which they immediately ascribe to god , without mention of any second causes subservient to him in their production . the falshood whereof i shall evidently discover . 1. by instance . 2. from the natural import of the words . 3. from the reason of the thing it self . 4. by shewing in some instances what it is for the holy scripture to relate any thing as a miracle . 1. by instance . infinite would be the number of miracles recorded in scripture , if this were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereby we are to know what effects are related therein as such . the scripture teaches us ( from the mouth of our blessed saviour ) to pray to god immediately for our daily bread , for our food and raiment , for the annual increase of our corn , wine , and oyle , for the former and latter rain in their season . it takes no notice of the ordinary way whereby nature it self supplies us with these necessaries , how our corn grows in our fields , how the vine sends forth her grapes , how the clouds drop fatness : but in a word , refers all to god without any more ado . he , it says , visiteth the earth and blesseth it : he maketh it very plenteous : he crowneth the year with his goodness . in a word , he openeth his hand and filleth all things living with plenteousness . yet , i suppose , it were very hard to infer that the scripture sets down all this as supernatural and miraculous : that it obliges us to conceive ( not the flood only , but even ) the former and latter rain to come down by miracle : that it prompts us to expect as supernatural a provision of our daily bread , as the israelites had in the wilderness , elijah in horeb when the ravens were his purveyours , the widow with whom he lodged , whose barrel of meal was preserved from wasting ; or lastly , the four or five thousand fed by our saviour in the gospel , which i suppose was a work of nature , but related in scripture as a miracle , because it mentions not how the corn grew in the hands and mouths of them that did eat it . 2. the natural import of the words disproves this conceit . to be related as a miracle , is to be recorded for an effect of god's own immediate hand and supernatural power . to be immediately refer'd or ascribed to god , without mention of a train of mediate causes , is quite another thing . there it is expresly or by consequence declared ; that the work is above nature ; here it is left in medio , without any determination from the manner wherein it is related , whether it be a natural or supernatural effect of the divine power . for instance , the scripture says in one place , thou makest darkness , and it is night . in another , he sent darkness , and made it dark . in the former it speaks of the ordinary , in the latter of the egyptian darkness ; and both it immediately refers to god , mentioning no natural causes of the one or the other . both of them it may thus ascribe to god , though the one be the effect of nature , and the other a miracle ; and therefore to ascribe any effect immediately to god , is not to relate it as a miracle . 3. this will farther appear from the very reason of the thing it self . the scripture may justly ascribe to god all the effects of nature without mentioning any train of suborbordinate causes , and yet cannot thereupon be justly concluded to relate these things as miracles . and this because first god is the author of nature , by his power , and the governour and president of it by his superintending providence : therefore every effect in nature may be justly ascribed to him as it's author . 2dly , the scriptures designs to speak of the effects of nature only with regard to the power and providence of almighty god ; therefore it may justly ascribe them to him without mention of the train of natural causes whereby he mediately produces them . if then any effect may be in this manner ascribed to god , and yet he be no farther the cause of it , than as he is the author and governour of nature by his power and providence : if so , then it is no just conclusion , that the sacred writers relate any thing as a miracle , because they immediately refer it to god without meniion of the train of natural causes subservient to him in the production of it . 4. but to give as full satisfaction as may be in this point , ( and withal to shew that , all this notwithstanding , there are some effects so related in the holy scripture , as that it may be justly conceived to have recorded them for miracles ) i shall state , what it is for the scripture to relate any thing as a miracle . it is not enough ( as we have seen already ) that it ascribes the effect to god as its author : nor that it immediately ascribes it to him , without mention that it is produced by the mediation of second causes . for every thing proceeds from him , whether it be by the course of nature ▪ or a work of his supernatural power , and therefore is to be ascribed to him : and the scriptures ascribing of it to god without mention any other cause , does not necessarily imply , that no other cause had any hand in the production of it . but to relate a thing as a miracle , is to relate it for an effect of gods own immediate hand , or , an effect above , beside , or contrary to nature . and this may be done two wayes : 1. by express declaration : 2. by relating it in such a manner and with such circumstances as from thence we may rationally conclude the effect to be miraculous . for the first , there may seem to be very few instances if any , wherein we can certainly assure our selves , that the holy scripture declares any effect to be a work above nature . for though it may and often does use the word miracle , yet , that being ambiguous , it may still be uncertain whether it be to be taken for any thing more than an effect wonderful and surprizing indeed , yet purely natural . all which notwithstanding , in some places we may truly vouch the express declaration of the holy scripture , that such and such effects are miraculous . joh. 2.11 . after the relation of our blessed saviour's turning the water into wine , the text says , this beginning of miracles did jesus . so also john 4.54 . after the cure of the nobleman's son , this is again the second miracle that jesus did . in these two places the scripture does in a manner reflect upon the works it had related , and declares them to be supernatural . but by the word miracle may possibly be meant no more than an effect strange and wonderful , not a work above nature : unless we can give some certain proof of the contrary . and i think this one consideration may be sufficient to evince it . the design of the scripture in relating these works of our blessed saviour , is to propound them to us as undoubted evidences of his divine mission . now evidences of that they could not be unless they were works above nature , because an effect of nature cannot prove gods immediate power and presence , nor consequently confirm the truth of any prophets commission from heaven to reveal his doctrine . for the scripture therefore to relate these works of our blessed saviour , as undoubted evidences of his divine mission , will argue that the scripture where it stiles these works miracles , signs , and wonders , must mean strictly such as exceed the power of nature : otherwise it would impose upon our belief , and oblige us under pain of damnation to embrace a doctrine as divine , upon such evidences , as are in no wise sufficient to confirm the authority of the person that reveals it . and upon this ground we might discover many more instances of effects , expresly declared in scripture to proceed from god's immediate extraordinary power . for it holds as well in the miracles of the apostles as our blessed saviour's , and in moses's too , the scripture relating them as wrought to evidence his commission from heaven to institute the law , as well as those of our saviour and his apostles to evidence their authority to preach and plant the gospel . but if there were no such express declaration in the holy scripture , there are yet , 2. many relations of matters of fact couched in such terms , as that we may justly conclude from thence that the effects there spoken of are related as miraculous and supernatural . as , 1. where the effect is related as done without the use of means . so in our saviours curing diseases ( and indeed working most of his miracles ) by the word of his mouth , turning the water into wine by the internal tacit act of his will , &c. 2. where mention is made of means used , but those such as cannot be conceived to be in their own nature proper or sufficient to produce the effect . as the clay wherewith our saviour cured the eyes of the person born blind , the spittle wherewith he loosed the tongue of the other that was dumb , &c. these effects may be justly affirmed to be related in scripture as miracles : not upon this account , that the scripture refers them immediately to god without mention of any train of natural causes subservient to him in their production : it appears we have some surer grounds whereupon to proceed in examining what effects in scripture are related as miracles , though that which he would possess his readers with the opinion that it is the only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have , be ( as has been shewed ) not only false , but ridiculous and absurd . from what has been said , i may rationally draw these two consequences . 1. that for the scripture to refer any effect immediately to god , is not for it to relate the effect as miraculous : and therefore from its referring the effects of nature immediately to god , we cannot infer ( as he does ) that the scripture relates many memorable things as miracles , which yet notwithstanding proceeded from the fixt and immutable order of nature . 2. that there are yet many effects plainly related in scripture for miracles ; by it 's express declaration , and it 's relating of them in such terms , from whence we may by undeniable consequence gather as much . and so ( supposing that the scripture is a true history , for which we have infinitely more evidence than for any other history in the world ) it follows evidently ( against his main assertion ) from the relations of these miraculous effects in scripture , that there really have been miracles in the sense wherein he denies them , i. e. works beside , above , and contrary to nature . but this corollary ( though very pertinent to our purpose ) is ex abundanti : all that we were obliged to , was to shew , that the conclusion which he draws from the principles he takes out of mr. burnett is false and illogical . since therefore mr. burnett asserts positively that there are miracles , as is shewed above , and nothing here produced out of him can infer or insinuate the contrary : we may justly demand both in his name , and in behalf both of religion , reason , and good logique , that this part of the premonition be returned into the place from whence it came , where it may stand with more truth and coherence ; and the conclusion of the translator left to stand apart by it self , as a bold and ( i may say ) impious assertion without any proof . but , not to wrong him , he has some succedaneous arguments in the close of the premonition : but these ' as i before hinted , are only some brief touches of what we have after more at large out of spinoza . viz. that for god to work by a power immediate ( or supernatural ) is inconsistent with and point-blank repugnant the fundamental laws and constistutions of nature . ( it sounds somewhat like to the king's prerogative being inconsistent with the fundamental laws of property and priviledge . ) that these laws are the acts of the divine wisdom , & extend themselves to whatever events he hath willed and decreed : that the power of nature is infinite , as being one and the same with the power of god. he has one thing which he asserts besides , that among all the miracles related to be done in favour of the israelites , there is not one that can be apodictically demonstrated to be repugnant to the established order of nature . now here i am not bound to demonstrate it for his sake , for two reasons . 1. because it were to prove a negative , 2. because his main ground ( or spinoza's rather ) why he denies all supernatural effects , is not upon account of his own great reach in natural philosophy , whereby he could undertake to solve mechanically all the effects related in scripture for miraculous ; but from arguments purely metaphysical proving in his opinion , the impossibility of any such thing as a work above nature . for to this he holds and not the other , as appears from p. 21. of the treatise where he concludes absolutely ( from his arguments against the possibility of miracles . ) that all the events that are truly related in scripture to have come to pass , proceeded necessarily according to the immutable laws of nature : and that if any thing be found which can be apodictically demonstrated to be repugnant to those laws , or not to have followed from them , we may safely and piously believe the same not to have been dictated by divine inspiration , but impiously added to the sacred volumes by sacrilegious men. so that unless the scripture miracles will submit to his touch-stone , unless they will come and lay open their occult qualities , and the whole plot and confederacy of those natural causes that combined to effect them , he has an index expurgatorius to blot their names out of the holy scripture , and a court of inquisition for those that relate them , to arraign them for sacriledge and impiety : but i pass on to consider each part of the treatise in order . the treatise is divided between mr. hobbs and spinoza . mr. hobbs speaks as far as to the middle of the third page , out of the chapter about miracles , in the third part of his leviathan . he first explains the signification of the word , from its etymology , and other words in sacred and profane writers of like import with it . from its etymology he deduces that it signifies , a work of god which men admire or wonder at . then proposes to enquire what works are such , and reduces them to two kinds . 1. such as are rare , and the like thereof seldom or never seen . 2. such as we cannot conceive to be produced by natural causes , but only by gods immediate hand . he gives some instances of both : an oxe or an horse speaking , preter-natural births , the conversion of a man into stone , and the first rainbow that appeared . that such effects as these seem miraculous , because rare , or no natural cause of them conceivable . on the contrary , the works of art , however wonderful , not reputed to be miracles , because their causes known . upon the same ground he observes , that the same thing may seem to be a miracle to one man , and not to another , in proportion to their different degrees of knowledge and experience . so , eclipses miracles to the vulgar , not to philosophers : simple men made to believe that others can know their most secret actions by inspiration , when the more wary and prudent perceive the juggle . so far mr. hobbs here , in his leviathan he proceeds to assign another property of a miracle , viz. that it be wrought to confirm the divine mission of some prophet or other , and then to give a definition of it : but there his translator leaves him , and passes on to spinoza . before we follow him thither , we may reflect a little . 1. upon mr. hobbs's doctrine . 2. upon the use whereto he applies it . mr. hobbs informs us , what works are by men wondered at and reputed miraculous : he shews by instance , that they are such as are rare and unusual , or such as we cannot conceive to proceed from natural causes . he does not say , that this is all that goes to the making of a miracle , nor that this is the only rule we have whereby to discern what effects are such : but that this is enough to make things seem to men to be miraculous , and that a true miracle is indeed an effect rare and inexplicable , and somewhat more . if he mean otherwise , he contradicts himself soon after , when he defines a miracle to be a work of god ( not conceived only , but really ) beside his operation by the way of nature ordained in the creation : and infers from thence , that it cannot be the effect of any thing but the immediate hand of god. yet , to clear all ; that a man cannot conceive such an effect to proceed from natural causes , may bear a double sense . 1. that he is not capable of assigning the natural cause of it , or farther , of apprehending how it can be effected by any . 2. that he clearly and distinctly perceives that it is impossible to be produced by the course of nature . i grant that this is enough to assure a man that it is a miracle ; but if he concludes it to be so in the other case , he is guilty of presumption in measuring the extent of the force of nature by the narrow reach of his own knowledge or capacity . this may prepare us to consider the use whereto mr. hobbs's doctrine is applied by his translator . his design is , before he come to spinoza's arguments against the belief of miracles , to make a discovery of the causes that introduced this grand mistake into the world. and the first , as a corollary from mr. hobb's doctrine , he makes to be , admiration , and that proceeding from these two causes , rarity and ignorance . that is , all the effects which the deluded world has mistaken for miracles , are such as are only rare and unusual , and inexplicrable : and the causes which make mankind so prone to admit them for miraculous , are our ignorance of the causes , and want of experience and observation of the effects of nature . the second cause which he assigns of the belief of miracles , is superstition , viz. that it is our hopes and fears which make us conceive every unusual event in nature to be the effect of an extraordinary divine power , fore-bodding to us some good or evil . and here he takes spinoza in hand , and we come at length to the main part of his work , to which the rest is only preliminary , and with what coherence and how much to his purpose , hath already been shewed . before i joyn issue with him about the main point in controversy , i shall premise only this short observation , in regard to what he says of the causes of the belief of miracles . it may very well be granted him , that the generality of mankind , who are the ignorant and unthinking sort , are very prone to admire and wonder at every considerable effect of nature , and to look upon it as proceeding from an extraordinary power , and the immediate hand of god : and that the causes of this may be their want of knowledg and experience , and their superstitious hopes and fears . but to insinuate thereupon the same to be the only ground of the belief of any miracles , is very presumptuous as well as irrational : unless it could be evidently made out that all miracles are impossible ; and to see how effectually that may be done is our next work , viz. to examine the method wherein spinoza , and from him the author of this collection , attempts to demonstrate it . spinoza begins with a brief account of the chief heads of this ( as he calls it ) popular mistake , and the first authors of it . these he makes to be the people of the jews , who to magnify their own nation , as under a more peculiar care of the divine providence than any other , and to set forth the greatness of the god they adored above the gods of the heathen , recounted to them what mighty works he had done for them , and how all the parts of nature , which the heathens worshipped , were under his command and controul . the particulars of this error which he recounts are these , that the ordinary sort of men think that god's power and providence does then most eminently appear , when any thing happens contrary to what they conceive to be the course of nature . that they think nature's swerving from her own laws , to be the best argument for the existence of a deity . that they take those persons for atheists , who attempt to deduce a miracle from natural causes . that they think god sits idle when nature acts in her usual way , and nature is suspended , whenever god pleases to interpose . that they form in their brain a notion of two powers numerically distinct , the one of god , the other of nature , understanding not what they mean by either . and that all this they do partly out of superstition , partly out of a desire to oppose themselves to men of more wise and philosophical heads . i need not stand to examine the truth of this account : it appears to be purely declamatory , and not ( which might have been more justly expected ) a fair opening of the state of the question , and a declaration what those of his adversaries hold concerning it , who take up the belief of miracles upon better grounds than vulgar prejudice and superstition . i shall have occasion to do that for him in what follows . he proceeds therefore , and proposes to do four things . 1. to prove , that nothing in the world happens contrary to nature , but that nature keeps an eternal , fixt , and immutable order . 2. to prove , that by miracles we cannot know the essence nor the existence , nor consequently the providence of god : but that all these may be better known by the fixt and immutable order of nature . 3. to shew by instances out of the scripture , that by the decrees and volitions , and consequently the providence of god , it understands nothing else but the very order of nature , which necessarily follows from his eternal laws . 4. to treat of the manner of interpreting the scripture miracles , and what is chiefly to be observed in the relations about them ; or ( as the traslator ) to shew that most men have erred in the manner of interpreting the miracles recorded in the holy scriptures . of these four , the first onely tends directly to prove his assertion : the second obliquely strikes at the being of miracles , as it makes them no evidences of the immediate power and presence of god , and so wholely useless and insignificant , as no proofs of what they are designed for . the other two tend only either to draw the scripture to his side , or to elude the force of the arguments brought from thence against him . 1. he is to prove , that nothing in the world happens contrary to nature , but that nature keeps an eternal , fixt , and immutable order . before i come to examine his arguments , i shall 1. state what is meant by nature , and the laws of it , in this controversy . 2. lay down the main grounds whereupon the possibility of miracles depends . 1. what is the meaning of the word nature , and the laws of it in this controversy . a miracle in the common acceptation of the word , which spinoza opposes , is taken for a work beside , above , or contrary to nature , beside the order , above the force , and contrary to the laws of it . now the word nature may be taken in many significations . eeither 1. for the essence of any , but properly of material and corruptible beings . or 2. for the aggregate of them , the material world. or 3. for the author of nature , god himself , called thence natura naturans . or lastly , for the order of the several bodies , as they act amongst one another , according to their innate powers and dispositions . now the acception of the word here , is for the aggregate of bodies in the world , and the order wherein they act amongst one another : and so the laws of nature must be , such as determine the manner wherein natural bodies act among themselves ; whether they be the general laws of motion , which determine how each part of matter must be moved upon the occurrence of other bodies , or particular laws impressed upon their several natures , determining each to act in such or such a particular manner . the question therefore about the possibility of miracles , must be this , whether there can be any such effects in the material world , as are beside , above , or contrary to the order wherein natural bodies are determined to act among themselves : i. e. such effects as transcend their power and efficacy , and deviate from or are repugnant to the general or particular laws of motion determining them to act . 2. the question therefore thus stated , i am to shew , what are the main grounds whereupon the possibility of miracles depends . and i think it may be rationally deduced from these principles . god is able to effect any thing which neither does , 1. imply a contradiction in the nature of the thing it self ; nor 2. is repugnant to the nature of god and his infinite perfection . omnipotence is properly a power to bring any thing to effect which does not imply a contradiction : and the contradiction must lie in one or the other of these two . i am to shew therefore that a miracle , or a work above nature is , not impossible upon either account . 1. a miracle does not imply a contradiction in the nature of the thing . every miraculous effect is either a production of something by a supernatural power or a suspension or utter abolition of its being . the thing produced or destroyed by miracle , is either matter it self , or a form , quality , motion , or any other accident of it . 1. matter ; as suppose a new portion of it created , beyond the extent of this world ; or the matter of this world ; or any determinate portion of it reduced to nothing . 2. a form , quality , motion or any other accident of matter ; as suppose , 1. god should endue any part of matter with a form , quality , or any other accident , above or contrary to what it other wise might or should have , by the course of nature . 2. god should devest any part of matter of any form , quality , motion , &c. which otherwise it must have by the course of nature . two kinds of miracles therefore we have here : 1. when a portion of matter is created a-new , or reduced to nothing . 2. when a form , quality , or motion , or a-any other accident of matter , is produced , suspended , or destoyed in a supernatural manner . and to these two are reducible all effects above or contrary to the order of nature ; as the whole frame and order of nature , is made up of matter , and the forms , qualities , motions , and other accidents thereof . now neither of these implyes a contradiction in the nature of the thing ; 1. it does not imply a contradiction for a portion of matter to be created a-new , or to be reduced to nothing . matter in its own nature is a being possible and contingent : possible , because its idea or conception is not a mere chimaera and a notion that destroys it self : contingent , because it 's idea or conception does not include necessity of existence . if matter therefore be in its own nature a thing possible , then ( unless the matter of the present world be extended in infinitum ( which is a contradiction ) there is still room and possibility for more to be created : but this must be by miracle , quia ex nihilo nihil fit naturaliter . again , if matter be in its own nature a contingent being , the matter of the world , or any determinate portion of it may cease to be , or be reduce to nothing , but this too must be by miracle , quia in nihilum nihil revertitur naturaliter . possibile therefore it is in the nature of the thing for a portion of matter to be created a-new , or reduced to nothing . 2. it does not imply a contradiction for a form , quality , motion , or other accident of matter to be produced , suspended , or destroyed in a supernatural manner . for instance , the form of a serpent to be produced , and again destroyed , in aarons rod : the form and qualities of blood , in the waters of the nile ; of lice , in the dust of the earth ; of wine , in the water at the marriage feast at cana of galilee . the qualities and powers of sight in the blind , hearing in the deaf , speech in the dumb , strengh in the lame , health in the sick , life in the dead : lastly the form of bread , or the very humane nature it self in the matter of a stone : the motion of ten degrees backward , in the sun , for a sign to hezekiah , and the suspension of his natural motion for a considerable time , at the request of joshua . the production or determination of fire from heaven , at the word and prayer of elijah , upon his sacrifice , and the captains &c. sent to apprehend him : and the suspension of the action of fire in nebuchadnezzar's furnace . the production or determination of the wind to bring the locusts , and drive them back , and to force back the waters of the red-sea : at the stretching forth of moses's rod : and the ceasing of the wind and storm at our saviours command . in all these instances there is nothing done , but only a form , quality , motion , or the like , produced , suspended , or destroyed in the parts of matter , by a power above nature . and that nothing of all this implies any contradiction in the nature of the thing , may be thus made to appear . matter in its own nature is indifferently susceptible of any form or qualities imaginable , and therefore is in it self capable at any time of being without those forms and qualities which it has , or of having any others instead thereof . capable it is of being without any particular forms & qualities which it has , because they are each of them contingent & accidental to matter considered in its own nature : for instance , that it should have such magnitude , figure , texture , order and scituation , motion or rest of its sensible or insensible parts , and constitute a body of such a particular nature , endowed with such and such qualities peculiar to it . capable likewise it is at any time of having any forms or qualities indifferently , because in its own nature considered it is susceptible of any , and in it's own nature considered , not determined to receive any one more than another . now if this be so , it is then possible for any form or quality to be produced , in any part of matter , at any time ; or to be suspended , or destroyed utterly , in that body which is endued with it : and consequently for any part of matter to be endued with such a form or quality , which otherwise it could or ought not to have by the course of nature ; or , on the other hand to be devested of that form or quality , which otherwise by the course of nature it must have had and kept ▪ for instance , the water at the marriage feast in cana of galilee , could not at the bare word or will of christ by the course of nature have its form changed into the form of wine , and yet the matter in it's own nature was capable of receiving the form of wine , and capable too of being without the form of water , though left to it self and the order of nature it must have kept it . if capable of losing the one and receiving the other , then it was possible for it to be turned from the one into the other : if possible , then within the sphere of omnipotence to effect it : by a miracle though , quia quid lilibet non fit ex quolibet naturaliter . the like may be said of motion in matter : it is wholely contingent and accidential to it . it might in it's own nature considered have for ever been without it , and so have continued one great unwieldy mass : now it has so great a quantity of motion impressed , yet all it's part may be again reduced to rest , not by the course of nature indeed , but yet by a power working above and contrary to nature . to press this further home , the whole order of nature , ever since the production of it , has depended upon the motion first impressed upon the parts of matters and the power given them to transfer their motions from one to another : for hereupon depends all the variety of forms and qualities , all the various productions in the world , wherein the order of nature consists . now this motion , and this power of transferring and communicating it , was at first contingent , and so might not have been impressed upon matter , is contingent still , and so may be now destroyed , and then what b●●omes of the order of nature . there are therefore things possible which it is above the power of nature to effect , as the creation of matter , &c. other things which are contrary to nature and it's established order , as the annihilation of the matter of the whole world , the suspension of that motion in the parts of matter , whereupon the whole order of nature depends , the production of any form or qualities in matter , howsoever in the order of nature unqualified to receive them , &c. in a word , the matter of the whole world , and every form , quality , and motion of bodies therein are things contingent , and so capable either not to be , or to be othewise . and consequently the whole frame and order of nature may be altered , suspended , or reduced into nothing . a miracle therefore , which is some of these effects , does not imply a contradiction in the nature of the thing . 2. a miracle is not repugnant to the nature of god , and his infinite perfections . not to his power , because it is the effect of it , and not of a principle opposing it self to him . not to his justice , because all nature is his own : nor his goodness , because never made use of but to the best purposes . but rather highly serviceable to both , as it pleases him to make use of it either to execute judgment upon notorious sinners in an exemplary manner , or to defend and protect the innocent and pious man by the most signal instances of providence and mercy . not to his wisdom , because the frame and order of nature is admirably fitted to the ends of it : but miracles are ordained for higher purposes and special and emergent occasions . for instance , if god be pleased to reveal himself to man in an extraordinary manner , to enter into a new covenant with us , and to propound to us new terms of favour and reconciliation ; to authorize some holy and inspired persons to be his messengers and embassadors from heaven , and to attest their commission by his letters of credence ; nay to cloath himself with humane nature , and yet to dart forth the rays of his divinity through the vail of flesh . upon these grand and important occasions , what sure and infallible evidence can we have that god himself speaks to us either by his prophets or his son , but by a miracle ? but by nature's sitting down and being suspended a while , to shew that one greater than nature is there , that god himself is then present by his immediate extraordinary power as well as revelation ? it is not therefore ( as spinoza below profanely suggests ) that god has created nature so impotent , and given her laws and rules so barren , as that he is compelled sometimes to help her by new ordinances and supplies of vertue , in order to her support and conservation , and that things may succeed according to his intentention and design : it is not , i say , upon this account that god has obliged himself to work a miracle upon special occasions ; but because nature was only fitted to the ends of nature , and supernatural and extraordinary means provided for ends extraordinary and supernatural . nor lastly , is the working of a miracle in any wise repugnant to the immutability of the divine nature or counsel , as if he acted therein de novo , ex tempore , and upon the sudden : because he has by one eternal immutable act of his will , settled the order of all events natural or above nature . but this will appear more clearly in the answer i shall give to his arguments , to which i now come . his proposition to be proved is , that nothing happens contrary to nature , but nature keeps an eternal , fixt , and immutable order . his arguments for the proof of this proposition are two . 1. because the laws of nature are the decrees of god , and therefore involve eternal necessity and truth . 2. because the power of nature is the power of god , and therefore as infinite as god himself . 1. because the laws of nature are the decrees of god , &c. in the prosecution of this argument ; it will appear : 1. that he takes the word nature in another sense than this question properly admits . 2. that his argument as it proceeds upon his own principles , terminates directly in flat atheisme or idolatry . 3. that , setting aside his own principles , his argument may in some sense be true , and yet not infer the truth of his conclusion . 1. he takes the word nature in another sense than this question properly admits . by nature ( as i shewed above ) is meant here , the whole aggregate and compages of bodies in the world , and the order wherein they act amongst one another . in this sense therefore spinoza must be presumed to prove , that nothing happens contrary to nature , which whether he does or no will immediately appear . in the conclusion of this first argument , to these words , nihil igitur in naturâ contingit , quod ipsius legibus universalibus repugnat , &c. he subjoyns this marginal note , n. b. me hîc per naturam non intelligere solam materiam ejusque affectiones , sed praeter materiam alia infinita . the translator , i confess , has it not ( whether omitted as impertinent only , or as that which would too openly discover the weakness of his reasoning , i do not determine ) but i shall take leave to consider what he has as spinoza's and not his own . now if spinoza take the word nature in so great a latitude as to understand by it an infinite number of other things besides matter , he may find it pretty easie to reduce all things within its compass : and if he make the laws of nature in his sense of so great extent , it may be hard for any thing not to fall within their circuit and jurisdiction : but then the philosopher's way of arguing will be as much beside the question , as a miracle is beside nature . the schoolmen where they treat of laws , make the first division of them into the eternal law , and those that are derived from it . the eternal two-fold . 1. the order whereby god eternally decreed to do all things . 2. the order which he decreed to prescribe to his creatures , to be observed by them according to their several natures and conditions . the latter is branched out in these particulars , the law of natural agents , of angels ▪ and men ; and this , either the law of natural reason , divine revelation , or humane institution . this second eternal law , and the branches of it , are such as that the several agents to whom they were given , may swerve from and not act in a constant and uniform obedience to them . so the angels first violated their law ; then mankind theirs , as they daily do all laws natural and positive , divine and humane . the natural agents indeed , as not endued with freedom of will , observe one constant order and tenor if left to themselves : yet may either cease to act , or act otherwise , if god in his eternal purpose think fit to interpose , who can then either suspend their operations , or determine them to act beyond their sphere , beside their usual course , and contrary to their natural tendencies and the laws of their motion . but the first eternal laws is of universal extent , and holds inviolably . nothing can fall out beside , above , or contrary to it . it directs to its own grand purposes whatever strayes from the particular laws of its creation , draws good out of evil , and makes all events conspire to the setting forth of the glory of god. it ordains the sins of lapsed angels and men , to the irrevokable damnation of the first , and the redemption of the latter , by the most surprizing and mysterious methods of love and mercy . it provides for a suppliment to the lost or decayed light of nature , the revelations of law and gospel by moses and the prophets , our blessed saviour and his apostles ; and to attest their divine authority and mission , ordains nature to act above or contrary to her self by an obediential power . the same eternal act of the divine counsel decreeing the production of miraculous effects upon emergent occasions , which first determined into act the whole frame and order of nature . we see here an vniversal law from whence all things follow , and contrary to which nothing does or can fall out . an order eternal , fixt and immutable , set down with himself by that supream being , who worketh all things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that by this he hath appointed times for miraculous and supernatural effects , as well as this lasting period for the constant and settled operations of nature . if this be spinoza's law of nature , where he extends the signification of that word infinitely beyond the compass of the material world , and the order whereby natural bodies act therein ; his proposition may be true , that nothing falls out contrary to nature , but nature keeps an eternal , fixt , and immutable order . but then , 1. he takes the word nature in a different sense from all the world besides ; 2. wholely leaves the question about the possibility of miracles , that being consistent with the truth of his proposition if taken in that sense . and i wish his sense were so orthodox as this i have hinted , and that all his fault were only that he has mistaken the state of the question , and the meaning of the terms of it . but it will appear far otherwise when we come to examine upon what principles his argument proceeds . his argument is this , the laws of nature are the decrees of god , and therefore involve eternal necessity and truth . ergo , nothing can fall out contrary to nature , but nature keeps an eternal , fixt , and immutable order . the ground of the argument lies in this , that whatever god wills or decrees , involves eternal necessity and truth . for the proof whereof spinoza referrs us to his fourth chapter . the argument which he brings for it there , is drawn from the identity 〈◊〉 the divine will and vnderstanding , and it proceeds thus , all the difference between the understanding and will of god is , he says , onely in our conception , and that in this manner , we conceive god to understand any thing , as , for instance , the nature of a triangle , when we regard only this , that the nature ( v. c. ) of a triangle is contained eternally in the divine nature as an eternal truth . we conceive god to will the same thing , when we regard this farther , that the nature ( v. c. ) of a triangle is so contained in the divine , not upon account of the necessity of the nature of a triangle it self , but upon account of the necessity of the divine nature : and that all the necessity of the nature of a triangle and its properties , as they are conceived as eternal truths , depends not upon the necessity of its own nature , but the divine . so that for god to will or decree any thing , is for the same to be contained necessarily in the divine nature , by reason of the necessity of it , as an eternal truth : and therefore , whatever god wills or decrees involves eternal truth and necessity . this is his principle , which he borrows from his fourth chapter , and we see it is grounded upon a particular notion which he had formed in his brain of the divine will and understanding . this conceit he does not farther explain or make out in his tractatus theologico-politicus ; and therefore , to run up his argument to the head , i shall consult his opera posthuma for a scheme of his principles from whence to deduce it . there , in the first part of his ethicks , which treats de deo , he has this doctrine , that there is but one substance in the world , and that is god. that god is a substance absolutely infinite , i. e. a substance endued with an infinite number of attributes , each infinite , each displaying his infinite essence : two whereof are known to us , cogitation and extension . that from the necessity of the infinite essence and attributes of god do proceed ( as properties from an emanative cause ) infinite modes wherein the divine nature and attributes do subsist and act . that nature and all created beings are only these various modes wherein the divine essence and attributes do necessarily display themselves : in particular that all bodies and finite spirits are only various modes of those two infinite attributes in god , extension and cogitation . and from these principles we may indeed deduce not only his conception of what it is in god to understand and to will : but many other consequences admirably agreeable to religion and right reason . as , 1. that god is an extended substance , and extension infinite . 2. that god is the emanative cause of all finite beings , and they therefore really and identically contained in the divine nature , and the same with him . 3. that god subsists in all bodies and finite spirits , as a substance under its necessary modes flowing from its essence : and therefore both he himself material and bodily , as being extended , and every body in nature a part of him . so that now we clearly see the ground whereupon spinoza asserts , that nothing can happen contrary to nature : viz. because god and nature are one and the same , god nature subsistent , and nature god modified . and why he says , that for god to will or decree any thing , is for the thing to be contained in his nature as an eternal truth flowing from the necessity of it , viz. because his will is only that of an emanative cause , and every thing which we conceive produced by the divine will , is so only in regard that it flows necessarily from his essence , as light in the sun , and heat in the fire from their very nature . and so likewise his understanding of the same thing , is only that he sees its necessary existence proceeding from the necessity of his own nature . here we have a full discovery of his sense and scope in this argument ; and it plainly terminates in one of these two , atheism or idolatry . for to make god and nature the same thing , is either to advance a creature into the place of god , or ( what tully says of epicurus ) oratione relinquere deum , re tollere . i shall not therefore prosecute his argument , so far , as to confute him through the whole set of his principles : nor take my self to be obliged , in order to prove the possibility of a work above nature , to go so far about as to prove first the being of a god above it . but his argument may deserve a little consideration , setting aside his principles , and that only in order to state how far the laws of nature may be granted to be the decrees and volitions of god , and whether and how far thereupon they involve eternal necessity and truth . his argument therefore is in form this , whatever god wills or decrees , involves eternal necessity and truth . the laws of nature are the decrees and volitions of god. e. they involve eternal necessity and truth . e. nothing can fall out contrary to them . the laws of nature may be considered as in nature it self , or as in the author of it . in nature it self they signifie the determinations of bodies to act in such or such a manner . in the author of it they signifie those decrees whereby the order of nature is established , and particular bodies determined to act in such a particular manner . in this sense , i grant that the laws of nature are the decrees and volitions of god. and how they are so , and how far thereupon they may be conceived to involve eternal necessity and truth , may appear from these considerations : 1. that there is one grand universal law , decree , and purpose of the divine will , whereby he eternally set down with himself the order wherein to work all things . this conception is most agreeable to the simplicity and immutability of the divine nature . to his simplicity , that as his nature , so the act of his will , should be perfectly one , and not multiplied in infinitum in proportion to the variety of effects ordained and regulated by it . to his immutability , that we should not suppose him to be daily enacting new laws and decrees , but that he works all things by a decree co-eternal to himself . and this conception is cleared by our parallel apprehensions about the divine understanding . the objects thereof are temporary , yet the act of his knowledg whereby he sees them eternal : they are manifold and various , yet that simple and uniform . therefore as by one act of his understanding he sees ab aeterno all things future in their several times , so by one act of his will he ordains them all . 2. that in this universal law are included , secundum nostrum concipiendi modum , many particular laws and decrees establishing the order of particular events , necessary and contingent , natural and above nature , in their particular times and places . 3. that these particular laws and decrees have each ( in subordination to the universal ) a limited and determinate compass of times , places , and events , wherein they take effect . 4. that yet each of them does certainly take effect within that determinate compass to which it is limited . and therefore 5. that a proposition declaring that such a law and decree will certainly take effect , is true ; and the truth of it necessary and ab aeterno by vertue of that law and decree . 6. that yet as the law it self and the decree is , so is the necessary and eternal truth of that proposition : viz. it is necessary and true ab aeterno ▪ that this law and decree shall take effect within that determinate compass of times , places , and events , whereto it is limited , and no further . now the laws and decrees by which the order of nature is established , are such particular laws and decrees ; and such is their eternal truth and necessity . for instance , the motion of the sun is an ordinance in nature , proceeding from gods will and decree : yet so limited ( in subordination to his universal law and purpose ) to a determinate compass , as not to take effect at some points of time within that period for which nature is established : i mean at that time , when the sun stood still at joshua's word , and when it went back so many degrees for a sign to king hezekiah . so that the same universal purpose and decrees of god might settle the order of the suns motion , and thereupon it be necessary and true ab aeterno that the sun shall move in this order ; and yet withal ordain , that at such times notwithstanding the sun should stand still or go back , and thereupon it be as necessary and true ab aeterno , that at those points of time the sun should go back or stand still . the laws therefore of natural agents may in this sense be the decrees of god , and involve eternal necessity and truth ; and yet it may be possible for some certain effects to fall out contrary to them , viz. without that compass within which they are limited to take effect , and no farther . but if spinoza will have it , that whatever god wills to come to pass in such a time , must therefore be always ; or , that whatever order god settles for such a determinate compass , must , because he wills and settles it , hold eternally : i deny that in this sense every law and decree of god involves eternal necessity and truth . it is eternally necessary and true , that whatever god decrees to be , shall be : if he decree any thing to be and endure to perpetuity , it is eternally true and necessary that it shall be perpetually ; if he decree it to such a compass , it is ab aeterno necessary and true that it shall hold so long , and his decree or the truth and necessity of the effect , consequent thereupon , is not violated if it hold no longer . so much therefore may be said in answer to his first argument to prove that nothing can happen contrary to nature , &c. the sum is , that he mistakes the meaning of the terms of the question . that he makes nature the same with god , and so ( besides his taking the word in a sense of his own ) he in effect rejects the existence of a deity in order to overthrow the belief of miracles . lastly , that in the sense wherein i have considered his argument , it may be true , and yet his conclusion not follow from it . his second argument is , because the power of nature is the power of god , and therefore as infinite as himself . e. nothing can fall out without its compass , or contrary to it . his ground whereupon he proceeds in this argument is to be sure the very same conception of the divine nature , viz. that nature is nothing but an infinite variety of modifications of the divine essence , and the power of it consequently nothing but the infinite fecundity of the divine essence determining it necessarily to exert it self in all the infinite variety of the modes of its being . i shall therefore onely give this argument so much consideration as it may require , setting aside his principles . the power of nature is the force that natural causes have to act each in their several manners , and the vertue and efficacy of the whole arising from the joynt concurrence of the several parts in their distinct operations : this , to speak properly , is all resolved into a vismotrix impressed upon matter , enabled to act by gods power , and determined to do it by his will. this therefore certainly must be different from the power of its author , in as much as the powers must be different if the subjects differ to which they belong . but granting that the power of nature is virtually and origionally ( though not formally ) the divine power exerting it self in nature as its instrument : yet it no more follows thereupon , that the power of nature must be infinite , then it follows that because the motion of the sun is the motion of nature , therefore it is of as great extent as the motion of the whole frame of nature besides . or because the power that moves the hand is the power of the soul , that therefore the whole sphere of the souls power in the body is no larger than the hand . the argument is from a particular to an universal . gods power , though simple and indivisible , is yet unlimited . it may act far beyond that compass wherein it does , and therefore infinitly beyond the limits of nature . it exerts it self both in a natural and supernatural way ; and both kinds of effects proceed from one and the same indivisible omnipotence : which is no more multiplied by the variety of effects that flow from it , than the power of the soul as it moves the hands , and the feet , the eye , and the tongue . these are all the arguments he brings for the proof of his first proposition . the rest is the conclusion he draws from the whole , viz. what a miracle is : that ( it being proved that all supernatural effects are impossible ) a miracle can be only an effect inexplicable by our own observation , or the principle of nature known to us . having therefore proved that supernatural effects are not impossible , and answered his arguments for the contrary , i may take leave to draw a conclusion contradictory to his , that a miracle is not only what he says , but an effect beside , above , or contrary to the order of nature . the second thing he undertakes is , to prove that by miracles we cannot know the essence , existence , or providence of god : but that all these may be better known by the fixt and immutable order of nature . his design in this seems to be to destroy the authority and credit of miracles , by shewing that they are not proofs sufficient of what they are designed for . but in the framing of this proposition , he mistakes the end , for which they are design'd . for 1. the design of miracles is not to make a discovevery ( at least immediately and by themselves ) of the essence of god. they are proper and meet evidences of the truth of any revelation , and if in that revelation it please god to make any supernatural display of his own nature , then miracles may be said mediately to discover to us the essence of god ; otherways they demonstrate no other attribute of god but his power , viz. as it is able to suspend the operations of nature , or to act above it . 2. neither do they tend in any peculiar manner to prove the existence of a deity , but rather suppose it : viz. that there is a supream being who is the author of nature , who gave it such a power and set it such laws whereby to act ; which power and which laws , a miracle being either above or contrary to , proves thereupon ( not that god is , but ) that it is he who then acts by his own immediate hand , and not nature . but , for any proof it gives us of the being of a god , it is onely in the same way that every natural effect demonstrates it , by leading us to a first cause . 3. miracles are indeed sufficient evidences of the divine providence ; that god does take upon him and actually exercise the government of the world ; that he does not leave nature to her self , but sometimes interposes and sets her aside : that he does not sit an unconcerned spectator of the actions of men , but sometimes in a most signal manner rewards or punishes them here in this life . yet the demonstration of gods providence is not the proper and primary end of supernatural effects , but 4. a miracle is properly intended to prove , 1. immediately , the immediate power and presence of god acting himself in an extraordinary manner in the working of it . 2. ( by vertue of this evident demonstration of gods immediate extraordinary presence ) the divine authority and mission of that person whom god has been pleased to make his instrument in the effecting of it ; at whose word or request the order of nature is suspended , which we cannot suppose god would permit either for no end at all , or for one so repugnant to his sanctity and goodness , as to assist an imposture . thus much therefore we may know by miracles , not what god is in his nature , nor his existence any better than we may know it by any effect of nature : but his providence , his extraordinary presence and power , and the authority of that person whose divine mission it attests . we are next to enquire whether his arguments are more sufficient to disprove the authority of miracles in this regard . his arguments for the truth of his second proposition are from reason and scripture . from reason he attempts to prove it three wayes . 1. because the belief of the possibility of a miracle does vertually introduce meer scepticisme , and consequently is so far from proving the essence , existence , or providence of god , that it takes away the certainty both of the existence of a deity and every thing else . 2. because a miracle is a work that transcends our capacity to understand it , and therefore what we understand not , it self cannot lead us to the understanding of any thing else . 3. because a miracle is a thing finite , and therefore cannot be a fit medium to prove the being of an agent of infinite power . 1. the belief of the possibility of a miracle virtually introduces meer scepticisme , and so takes away the certainty both of the being of god and every thing else . this argument strikes as much at the belief of miracles themselves as of any thing else upon their credit and authority : for there can be no reason to believe any thing , which to believe obliges me to doubt of every thing else as impossible to be certainly known . the ground whereupon he asserts that the belief of miracles , leads us to scepticisme , is , because it takes away the certain truth of those notions from whence we conclude the being of a god or any thing else that we know ; and that this it does in as much as it supposes a power in god able to alter the truth of these notions , for this too he must be able to do , if able to change the course of nature . by these notions may be understood two things ; 1. the principles of truth where upon we build all our knowledge . 2. our own idea's and apprehensions of things . the former are either the common principles of natural light , viz. axioms evident upon the first apprehension of the terms , as that a thing cannot be and not be at the same time , the whole is greater than any part , &c. or 2. the definitions of things , and propositions ascribing to them their nature and properties : as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rationale , triangulum habet tres angulos aequales duobus rectis , &c. or 3. propositions containing the mutual respects of things , as that cruelty and injustice are repugnant to the nature of god , theft and murder to the nature of a sociable creature , &c. now these principles of truth are all necessary , and immutable , and the truth of them does not depend upon the being or order of nature : a possibility therefore of change in the order of nature does not imply that by the same power the truth of these notions may be altered . they are , first , necessary and immutable , because it implies a contradiction for them to be false , v. c. for the whole to be no greater than any part , man not to be a rational creature , god to be cruel or unjust , &c. 2. they are true independently upon the being or order of nature . if god should destroy the whole frame of nature , yet it were true notwithstanding , that the whole body were bigger than any part . if he should reduce mankind into nothing , it were still true notwithstanding , that the nature of man consists in the vnion of a rational soul , and a body endued with life and sense . god may turn one thing into another , and make the same matter appear under a form above or contrary to what it should have by the course of nature , but he cannot make it be and not be , be of this nature and of another , at the same time . he can suspend the actions of his creatures , but yet cannot make them act and not act both together . in short , however god by his power may alter or suspend the order of generations in nature , yet this principle will hold true , that in an order of successive generations of men there must be some first man , and this first man must have a cause that is not man , and this cause must either be it self , or lead us at last to , an infinite supream being . so that the existence of a god may be deduced from certain and necessary principles , though the order of nature be capable of being changed by his almighty power . the altering therefore of the course of nature , makes no alteration in the principles of knowledg . but does it not infer a power in god to change our notions and apprehensions of them and of every thing else ? a physical power indeed it does , as it proves him omnipotent : but this will not drive us to scepticisme , while we are certain that it is as much repugnant to his veracity and goodness as compatible to his power barely considered . for it is impossible that a being infinitely good and holy should impose upon his creatures , and implant such notions in their minds as would necessarily induce them to believe a lye , or so alter their apprehensions of things , as to make it impossible for them to make a true judgment by the use of their own reason . the belief of miracles therefore does not lead us unto scepticisme , and so does not take away the certainty of the being of a god , but yet perhaps it may not be a fit medium to prove either his existence , or his proovidence , or to declare bis nature to us . and this upon two accounts . 1. because a miracle is a work that transcends our capacity to understand it , and therefore what we understand not it self , cannot lead us to the understanding of any thing else . 2. because a miracle is a thing finite , and therefore cannot be a fit medium to prove the being of an agent of infinite power . to the first , a miracle is a work that transcends our capacity to understand it ; i. e. it is beyond the compass of our knowledge to deduce it from natural causes , and good reason , because it is beyond their power and efficacy to effect it . but yet so far it is within our capacity , that it is possible for us to know whether it be an effect supernatural or not , and when it is known to be such it is sufficient to demonstrate the immediate operation of god's power and providence . to the second , nothing is more false or groundless than that assertion . it is so far from being true , that a finite effect cannot be a proof of an infinite cause , that every finite effect is so ; either immediately , as when the effect though finite exceeds the force and efficacy of any finite being in the order and sphere wherein it acts , or mediately when the effect is produced by a train of finite causes , which yet must have had their own being and their first motion or power to act from an infinite agent . the argument for an infinite from the existence of finite beings , proceeds thus , every finite being is contingent , and so might not have been ; therefore the reason of its being must not be in it self , but in something else , viz. the cause that produced it . again , every finite being has limits of perfection ; these cannot be set by it self , but by something else which gave it such a degree of perfection and no greater ; and this must be the cause that produced it . if this cause be finite too , it must proceed from another , and the question will recur till we stop , at last in a cause self-existent and infinite . so much therefore may be said in answer to his arguments from reason for the former part of his second proposition , viz. that by miracles we cannot know the essence , existence or providence of god. to what he says for the other part , viz. that all these may be better known by the fixt and immutable order of nature , the answer may be shorter . his reason is , because the laws of nature are infinite , eternal , and immutable , and therefore in some measure indicate to us the infinity , eternity , and immutability of god : or rather ( to make him speak more plainly out of his opera posthuma ) because god and nature are all one , and the more i know of nature the more i understand of the modifications of the divine essence . but if he tells us that the belief of miracles leads us to scepticisme , we may reply that this discovery of the divine essence which he pretends to make from nature , will rather carry us either to atheisme or idolatry . i proceed to his arguments from scripture , which are two . 1. he argues from deut 13. v. 1 , 2 , 3. because a miracle ( as is plain from that place ) may be wrought by a person that designs to introduce the worship of a false god. 2. he argues from the corrupt notions the israelites had of god and his providence , notwithstanding so many miracles wrought among them . the words in deut. 13. v. 1 , 2 , 3. are these . if there arise among you a prophet , or a dreamer of dreams , and giveth thee a sign or a wonder , and the sign or wonder come to pass , whereof he spake unto thee , saying , let us go after other gods ( which thou hast not known ) and let us serve them ; thou shalt not hearken unto the words of that prophet , or dreamer of dreams ; for the lord your god proveth you , to know whether you love the lord your god with all your heart and with all your soul. and that prophet or that dreamer of dreams shall be put to death , &c. from hence he argues , a miracle may be wrought by one that designs to introduce the worship of a false god. ergo , by miracles we may be as easily induced to embrace the worship of a false god , as of the true . e. god cannot be made known to us by miracles . this is a difficulty commonly propounded for these words in deut. viz. how miracles can be an undoubted evidence of the authority of a prophet and the truth of his doctrine , & yet it be possible for a miracle to be wrought by a false prophet in the highest degree : viz. a preacher of idolatry . and the best way to give a clear and satisfactory answer to it , will be to consider the utmost force of it as it is urged from this place . the israelites to whom these words were spoken , had already a law given them , and the authority of it attested by unquestionable miracles ; the same law repeated again in this book of deut. with a repetition likewise of the history of those mighty works which had been wrought for it's confirmation . their religion therefore being thus settled , to fortifie them against all temptations that might draw them to the worship of the gods of the nations round about them , they are fore-warned in this place not to give ear to any person that should entice them to idolatry , though he should work a miracle to confirm the authority of his false doctrine ; for that god might possibly permit such a person to work a miracle meerly to try the stedfastness of their faith and adherence to his worship . this is the case wherein those words ( deut. 13. ) must be understood to be spoken ; and this is all that can be rationally drawn from them , that god may permit a miracle to be wrought by a false prophet after he has established the true religion , and fore-warned his people not to believe a miracle against it . we are to enquire therefore whether if this be possible , miracles can be sufficient evidences of a true prophet . the argument is in form this , if god after he has established the true religion , and fore-warned his people not to believe a miracle against it , may permit a false prophet to work a miracle to try the stedfastness of their faith ; then miracles are not sufficient evidences of a true prophet . but god may in this case permit a miracle to be wrought by a false prophet . ergo. if the consequence is , that miracles are not always sufficient evidences , or not in this particular case , i readily grant it : if , that they never are in any case ( which must be the conclusion if to the purpose . ) i deny it : and the reason of my denial of it is this , because notwithstanding an impostor may work a miracle in this case , and so the miracle he works be no evidence of a true prophet : yet in any other case ( notwithstanding the force of these words ) it may be ( and i may positively say is ) impossible for a true miracle to be wrought by an impostor ; and therefore all other miracles which are not reducible to this case may be certain and infallible evidences of a true prophet . for instance , two sorts of miracles are excepted from this case . 1. those miracles ( suppose ) that were wrought among the israelites , after this warning given them not to believe any person that would seduce them to idolatry , though he should work a miracle , by persons that did not attempt to seduce them from the worship of the true god. 2. those miracles which were wrought at any time by any persons whose doctrine the people before whom they were wrought had not been fore-warned by god not to believe . and that neither of these could be wrought by an impostor , but both were sufficient evidences of a true prophet , i shall demonstrate evidently from these principles . 1. in every miracle or supernatural effect , god must be present ( not consenting and assisting only , but ) working it himself by his extraordinary power . 2. this god cannot do ( viz. alter the course of nature ) for no end , or for any that is mean and trivial . 3. nor can his end be to deceive or impose upon those persons before whom it is wrought . 4. if his end cannot be to deceive us , and yet he cannot work a miracle , but for some great end : it follows , that every miracle wrought by any person pretending thereupon a commission to reveal any doctrine , must either be ordained by god to ratifie and confirm his commission , and this miracle cannot be wrought by a false prophet : or if it be not ordained by god to confirm his commission , but may be done by him though he be a false prophet , it must be onely in such a case where sufficient warning has been given to those before whom the miracle is wrought , that they are not to believe the authority or doctrine of that prophet though he work a miracle . 5. therefore in this one case ( where sufficient warning is given us not to believe such a person though he work a miracle ) god may work a miracle by a false prophet , and therefore it is no sufficient evidence of a true : in any other case it is impossible he should work it by a false prophet , and therefore it is not sufficient evidence of a true . all this necessarily follows from the wisdome , veracity , and holiness of god. his wisdome cannot permit him to work a miracle by any man for nothing or upon any trivial account : and his veraciy and holiness cannot permit him to bear witness to a liar and seducer ( working a miracle and pretending thereupon to a commission from heaven to preach his doctrine ) which he does in working a miracle by him , unless in such a case where he gives us warning not to believe him upon the authority of his miracle : and in that case he does not bear witness to a liar , because he fore-warns us that his miracle is not done to attest the authority of that person by whom he does it : and so though it were the setting of his seal to his commission ( to use that expression ) yet we are sufficiently secured from being imposed upon thereby , because fore-warned that in this case his seal is to be no evidence to us , though otherwise it be the cleerest and most convincing evidence imaginable . a miracle therefore , where warning before-hand is given against it , may be wrought by a seducer and impostor , but where we are not fore-warned against it , it must be wrought by a true : ergo , though in that case a miracle is no evidence of a true prophet , yet in every other case it certainly is , and consequently , though an impostor may work a miracle , yet a miracle is in most cases an undoubted evidence of a true prophet . now the warning or notice given us in this case , may be either expressed , or implied . expressed as in the place fore-mentioned , under the law ; or where we are forbidden to hearken to false prophets and false christs , which shall do great signs and wonders ; or to an angel from heaven that should preach another doctrine , then that we have received under the gospel . implied , as where the doctrine and institution of the gospel is declared to be the last will of almighty god , and a law to endure without alteration or repeal to the end of the world ; for if god declare it to be such , this implies that no doctrine contrary to it , no other doctrine , is to be embraced , though the person preaching it should work a miracle to confirm his authority . all other miracles therefore are evidences of a true prophet , except where such warning is given . and those i reduced to two sorts : 1. those that were wrought among the israelites after the warning given them deut. 13. by any person that did not attempt to seduce them from the worship of the true god ; for against such a person working a miracle they had no warning , and therefore his miracle was enough to command their belief . 2. those wrought at any time by any persons against whose doctrine there had been no warning eign to the persons before whom the miracles were wrought . and under these two kinds are placed all the miracles whose authority spinoza would destroy by this argument . to begin with moses's , they were wrought before the isralites had any warning to reject the authority of any miracles whatsoever : and if after , they were wrought not to sedvce them to idolatry but with the contrary design , viz. to settle the worship of the true god among them . so also elijah's , to reclaim that people from idolatry . and the miracles of our blessed saviour and his apostles , will not i suppose be said by any one to be wrought to seduce the jews from the worship of the true god. so that if all these miracles must be excepted from the case wherein a miracle may be wrought by a false prophet , his argument from the possibility of it ( out of deut. 13. ) against the authority of all miracles , falls to the ground . his other argument from scripture is from the corrupt notions the israelites had of god and providence , notwithstanding all the miracles wrought among them . he instances in their worshipping the calf in moses's absence : in the doubts the author of the 73 psalm says he had about a providence ; and solomon's opinion that all things were governed by chance , which he confesses he once held . to this i answer , 1. i have already intimated that miracles in themselves do not discover to us what god is in his nature , any farther than as it is done in the revelaion which they confirm . 2. therefore i hope he will not say that the revelation which the israelites had concerning god , was such as was not sufficient if they would have attended to it , to have taught them that god was not to be worshipped under the resemblance of a creature , much less his glory to be turned into the similitude of a calf . 3. the mighty works that god did for the children of israel , were such as might easily have convinced them , that such a base creature was not the god that brought them forth out of the land of egypt . 4. therefore he ought rather to impute it to the great stupidity and blindness of that people , there being newly converted from the worship of the egyptian apis , and their forgeting of god their saviour who had done so great things for them , than to any insufficiency either in the miracles to demonstrate god's power and providence to them , or in the law he had newly given them to instruct them how he was to be worshipped . i pass by what he says of solomon and the author of the 73 psalm : their doubts were about such things wherein miracles were not proper means to inform them : viz. why the wicked prosper in this life ? what he has besides under this head , is , 1. a profane abuse of the scripture , instead of an answer to those plain expressions therein , where god is said to have wrought his miracles , that he might make his power to be known , and that the israelites might know that he was god. this , he says , is not as if the scripture meant , that miracles are in themselves convincing arguments , but onely that the holy spirit makes use of them as arguments ad hominem , that is ( for want of better evidences ) he is fain to take all the advantage he can of their pre-conceived opinions , however irrational and absurd , and makes these his topicks , as most effectual to perswade or convince them , and in this sense he interprets what st. paul says , that to the jews he became as a jew , to the greeks as a oreek , that is , argued with both not from any true and rational principles , but by making the best use he could of their prejudices and prepossessions to gain them to his side . 2. that it is not consistent with true philosophy , that god in the order and course of his providence should be conceived to take greater care of one person or nation than another ; viz. he is not only bound to provide for all whatsoever means are necessary for their happiness , but also obliged not to give any one man over and above any degree of grace which he does not equally impart to all the world. to answer these two positions fully , we should be obliged to examine spinoza's second and third chapter of his tractatus theologico-polit . whereto he refers us for the demonstration of both . i pass on therefore to the third thing he proposes to make out : viz. that the scripture by the decrees and commands , and consequently the providence of god understands nothing else but the fixt and immutable order of nature . this he attempts to prove two ways , 1. by instance . 2. because the scriptute relates several circumstances in the production of those effects that are commonly held to be supernatural . his instances are some that i mentioned above in my answer to the premonition , viz. god telling samuel , he would send him a man out of the land of benjamin , which was onely sauls coming to him to enquire about the asses . god being said to turn the hearts of the egyptians , so that they hated the israelites , who yet it appears , were moved to hate them upon politique accounts . gods saying , he would set his bow in the sky , and yet the rainbow , and undoubted effect of nature . so also the melting of the snow called gods word , and the wind and fire his ministers . i grant that the scripture in these instances , by gods decrees or commands means no more than the laws of nature : but his argument ought to conclude universally , for which a few instances in such particulars wherein it holds , are not sufficient . it is enough for me to name some things which the scripture relates as the decrees and purposes of god , which yet could never take effect by the mere course of nature . as for instance , that a virgin should conceive and bear a child , that three men should be cast into nebuchadnezzar's furnace , and the same fire kill those persons that came so near to the mouth of the furnace as to throw them in , and yet not so much as singe a hair of their heads , though thrown into the midst of it . that the sun should stand still at the word of a man ; fire come down from heaven at the command of another ; the sea be stilled , the dead raised , the devils cast out , at the word , touch , and shadow of others . all these effects the scripture sets down as wrought by the decree and order of almighty god , but not , i presume , by the course of nature . in a word , the answer has been given before : that the scripture a : scribes all effects to god , natural or above nature and as , from it's ascribing the effects of nature to god , without mentioning how he produces them , we cannot justly conclude that it records them for miraculous ; so on the other hand , from its speaking of supernatural effects in the same manner , we have as little reason to infer , that it means nothing by them but the order of nature . his second reason is , because the scripture relates several circumstances in the production of miracles ; which circumstances , he says do shew that these miracles required natural causes . so the sprinkling of ashes required to produce the plague of scabs , an east wind to bring the locusts , and a west wind to drive them away ; an east wind likewise to drive back the red sea. elijah's laying his body upon the body of the shunamites child , in order to raise it to life again . if he argue to the purpose , he must grant that these circumstances , which he makes requisite in the order of nature to produce these effects , were also proper and suffi●ient in the order of nature to produce them either wholely or in part . and indeed the wind may seem a very proper instrument to bring and carry away the locusts , and to drive back the sea : but the raising of the wind , and determination of it is ascribed to another circumstance not very proper to be the efficient cause of it , viz. the stretching out of moses's hand and his rod. and this commonly was the first circumstance in every miracle which moses wrought , and therefore though it were not sufficient to produce those effects immediately and by it self , yet it must be supposed proper to set all the other subordinate causes on motion . for their requiring natural causes , because related with some circumstances concurring to their production , must imply that these circumstances were the natural causes requisite . and if so , then moses's rod had many great , many occult , yet natural qualities , very-hard indeed to explain or conceive , and very admirable though not miraculous ▪ as of raising and laying winds and storms of thunder and hail , turning the water into blood , bringing frogs out of the river , producing lace out of the dust , water out of the rock , &c. to be short , the circumstances commonly mentioned as concurrent to the production of miracles , are so far from proving that they had natural causes , that they prove the contrary . for if they had any natural causes , these circumstances must be all or part of them : but they are such as are in no wise qualified to produce the effects ascribed to them in the order of nature , therefore must be qualified for it by a supernatural power , which can produce quidlibet ex quolibet , and make any thing instrumental to what purposes and effects it pleases . for instance , the clay and the spittle were the immediate instruments applied by our saviour to the eyes of the blind , and tongue of the dumb-man , the mention whereof in the account of these miracles , if it prove that they required natural causes , then these were the causes requisite , these they had , and these immediately produced the effects . this they could not by the force of nature , therefore by miracle ; and so his argument destroys it self . but farther , what if many are produced without any circumstances at all , but purely at the word and will of the person that works them ? this he says we cannot be assured of from the scripture , because there may have been some though not mentioned there ( he refers to exod. 14.27 . compared with ex. 15.10 . ) but what if the scripture does not only not make mention of any , but in a manner declares there were none ? so in our saviours stilling the storm , the very reflection that his disciples make upon that miracle , proves that it was wrought by his bare word , and not by the application of any means , much less , natural . before he draws his conclusion from these arguments , he answers an objection from scripture , viz. that famins are said to be caused by the sins of men , and the like : and rain and plenty restored by their prayers , &c. his answer is , that the scripture does here speak ad hominem , and with the same propriety as when it says that god is angry , sorrowful , repents , or the like ; and that it is not true that any of these are the causes of the effects ascribed to them . here 1. methinks he is wary in his answer . he might have granted that famine is sent for the sins of men , and rain and fruitful seasons for a return to their prayers and repentance , and yet have denied that either of these is wrought by miracle . for nature is ordered and directed by the wisdom and providence of almighty god , as well as preserved and upheld by his power ; and therefore his wisdom may so direct it , as often even by the course of nature to execute his divine purposes whether of judgment or mercy . he sees our actions and hears our prayers from all eternity , and therefore may , as he has the whole order of nature before his eyes , direct and determine the certain and necessary events of it to their proper seasons , and make them instrumental to the accomplishing of his purposes , whether of shewing favour or executing wrath upon the sons of men. thus therefore he need not be so strict as to deny any possibility of god's punishing us for our sins in the order of nature , for fear lest it should betray him unawares to the concession of a miracle . natural causes indeed our sins or p●ayers are not of these effects , nor yet supernatural neither , but moral only and meritorious , as god upon view of either determines to punish or reward us . but suppose it were not so , 2. he gives but a very mean solution of the difficulty that the scripture speaks improperly here , and in condescension to the capacities and opinions of the vulgar , as it does when it says that god is angry , sorrowful or repents . we grant the scripture may be conceived to be obliged to speak in this manner , concerning the incomprehensible nature of god , and such of his perfections the modes whereof it is not necessary we should have explained to us , how they are and act in him : but yet it is not necessary that it should speak of every thing in the same manner , or that every thing that it says should be shuffled off by this or the like suggestion . nothing is more natural and easie to be conceived , than that god does punish or reward our good or bad actions , and that in this life , and that his justice and wisdom will oblige him to do it as he takes upon him the government of the world : though it be very hard for the vulgar to conceive how he does it without anger or displeasure and the contrary affections . therefore the scripture may be conceived to speak of the one in condescention to our capacities , though yet no reason why it should be presumed to speak of the other in like manner . i proceed to his fourth and last undertaking , viz. to treat of the manner of interpreting the scripture miracles , and what things are chiefly to be observed in the relations about them . or ( as the translator ) to shew that most men have erred in their way of interpreting the miracles recorded in the holy scripture . to set us right he directs us in the reading of the scripture-narrations about miracles , to enquire into two things , 1. the particular opinions and prejudices of the relator : 2. the idioms , phrases and tropes , of the hebrew tongue . the first , because generally all historians relate the events they speak of suitable to their own conjectures , opinions , and prejudices . the other , because otherwise we may , from the scripture-style , conceive some things to be related for miracles which really are not . for the first he instances in joshua 10. v. 12 , 13. where the account of the extraordinary length of that day is given according to the common opinion of the sun 's and not the earth's motion . for the second , in some , allegorical places out of the prophets . zachariah 14. v. 7. isa . 13. v. 10.48 . v. ult . by these two insinuations he would elude the force of all the clear and plain narrations about miracles in scripture . to the first , and the instance he brings for it , i answer , the truth of the miracle which joshua relates is not at all prejudiced though it were true that the earth moves , and not the sun ; for the course of nature was stopped , whether in the motion of the sun or the earth , and therein consists the truth of the miracle : as to the relation of it , it was not necessary either that joshua should himself be so great a philosopher or so far instructed by an extraordinary revelation , as to put up his request to god that the earth should stand still and not the sun ; or that the account of it which he gives should be otherwise than according to the appearance of sense , and the apprehensions of the vulgar grounded thereupon . to the second , the truth of the scripture-miracles depends not upon any allegorical expressions in the prophets , but upon the naked relations of matters of fact in the historical writers ; so that though in the former we are to proceed with some caution , and not to take every thing for miraculous , which is spoken of in an high strain of expression : yet in the latter we find no such danger of being imposed upon by the tropes and figures of the hebrew tongue , all things being delivered in the historical part of scripture with the greatest plainness and simplicity . i have run through the main of spinoza's chapter , which consists in the proof of his four propositions at first laid down . what is behind , is , 1. an account of his different method in this chapter from that which he takes in his first and second chapters about prophecy and prophets : but this is proper to his tractatus theologico polit. 2. he attempts to prove from scripture the immutability of the order of nature , repeating also some of his former arguments for it ; 3. he closes all with a passage out of josephus , agreeable to his opinion his places of scripture which he alledges , are , psal . 148. v. 6. he hath established them for ever : he hath made a decree , which shall not pass ; eccl. 1. v. 9. that there is no new thing under the sun , and other places parallel to them . to the first , the order of nature may be said to be established for ever , and yet that term imply no uninterrupted or eternal duration of it : see exod. 21.6 . 1 sam. 1.22 . deut. 29.29 . levit. 23.14 , &c. to the second , it is possible , notwithstanding that place , that there may something new happen even according to the order of nature , for solomon observes there no more than this , that ordinarily in nature there is a constant vicissitude , a coming and returning of the several species of things : for all which , it is possible within the period of six thousand years that nature may produce something new and not seen or heard of before : and if by nature something thus new may be produced , there is no reason from this place but the like may be done by miracle too . to josephus's authority it is enough to oppose the learned mr. gregory's remark of him in his opera posthuma , p. 33. that he makes it his business to lessen and detract from the greatness of the miracle which he relates out of the scripture , only to gain a more easie approbation of his history among the heathen : and this mr. gregory makes out by several instances , one whereof is the passage here quoted by spinoza . to spinoza's quotation out of josephus , the translator adds one or two more out of valesius , st. austin , mr. burnett , and dr. sprat . mr. burnett , i have shewed above , in the very next words almost to those which here he quotes out of him , asserts possitively that there are miracles . i need not tire my self to examine whether the rest are as directly against him , as i make no question they are . upon the whole then i have made it appear , that the whole treatise is only a collection out of other authors . that all of them , except spinoza , are against the opinion for which they are produced . and whether i have given a full answer to his arguments , i leave to the candid and impartial reader to determine . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a29780-e210 the treatise about miracles a translation out of several authors . the authors spinoza , mr. hobbs , and mr. burnett . part 3. cap. 37. lib. 1. c. 11. p. 114. mr. hobbs and mr. burnett against the opinion for which they are produced . how mr. hobbs's doctrine destroys the authority of miracles . lib. 1. c. 11. p. 138. the first part of the premonition taken out of mr. burnett . the summ of it . the design of mr. burnett in what he speaks there . gen. 1. v. 9. gen 6. v. ● , 1● . gen. 7. v. 11. the conclusion which the translator draws from mr. burnett's principles . this conclusion ▪ quite contrary to mr. burnett's . it destroys the authority of the scripture , and the belief of miracles . it does not follow from mr. burnett's principles . how far each particular , in what he has from mr. burnett , is true . gen. 1.14 , 15. the principle from whence he draws his conclusion . psalme 47. v. 16 , 17 , 18. gen. 9.13 1 sam. 9.16 . the ground of the connexion of his conclusion , with the principle from whence he draws it . this ground proved to be false , 1. by instance . psal . 65. 9 , 11. psal . 145.16 . 2. from the natural import of the words . psal . 104. v. 20 , 105. v. 28. ● . from the reason of the thing . what it is for the scripture to relate any thing as a miracle . corollary 1. ●●●●llary ● . the rest of the premonition considered . the sum of what he has from mr. hobb's in the beginning of the treatise . treat . p. 2. reflection upon what mr hobb's says . the use whereto the traslator applies what he takes from mr. hobb's . tr. p. 3. where he takes spinoza in hand . tr. p. 3.4 , 5. tr. p. 6. four propositons laid down by spinoza . 1. proposition . what is here meant by nature and the laws of it . the ground of the possibility of miracles . a miracles implyes no contradiction in the nature of the thing . it implies no contradiction for matter to be 〈…〉 . nor for the form sec. of natural bodies to be supernaturally produced , or destroyed . ex●d 〈…〉 . john 2. 2 kings 20. ● . 11 . josh . 10. v. 13. 1 kings 18.38 . 2 kings 1.9 , 12. dan. 3.27 . exod. 10.12 , 14.21 . all motion in matter capable of being suspended or destroyed . the production of a miracle not repugnant to the nature of god. p. 7 tr. p. 6. spinoza's arguments for the truth of his first proposition . arg. 1. in this argument he takes the word nature in another sense than the question admits . tractat. theolog. polit. c. ● . p. 100. his proposition true , if he take the word in this sense , but not to the question . eph. 1. v. 11. his argument 〈…〉 proceeds upon his own principles terminates in flat atheisme or idolatry . tractat theologico ▪ polit. c. 4. p. 70. ethic. p. 1. p●op . 1● , 1● , 16. de naturâ deorum l. 1. his argument , setting aside his principles , may be true , and yet not infer the truth of his conclusion . how the laws of nature are the decrees of god , and eternal truth . spinoza's second argument for his first proposition . tr. p. 7. tr p. 8 proposition 2. tr. p. 2. in the framing of this proposition he mistakes the end for which miracles are designed . his arguments for his 2. propos . from reason , and scripture . his first argument for his 2 propos . from reason . the belief of miracles does not introduce scepticisme . arg ▪ 2. tr. p. 10. arg. 2. tr. p. 11. arg. 1. from scripture . tr. p. 13. though a false prophet may work a miracle , yet miracles sufficient evidences of a true prophet . deut. 13. matt 24.24 . gal. 1.8 . heb. 1 , 2.7.16 , 17. argument 2. from scripture . tr. p. 14. psal . 106.20 . exod. 22.4 . psal . 106.21 . tr. p. 15. psal . 106.8 . ex. 10.2 . tr. p. 16. proposition 3. tr. p. 16. arg. 1. tr. p. 17. 1 sam. 9.15 , 16. psal . 105.24 . ex. 1. gen. 9.13 . tr. p. 18. psal . 108.18 . and 104.4 . is . 7.14 . dan. 3. josh . 10. arg. 2. tr. p. 19. ex. 9 , 8.10.14.14.21 2 kings 4.34 . luk 8. v. 25. tr. po . 2 proposition 4. tr. p. 21. tr. p. 26. tr. p. 27. an exclusion of scepticks from all title to dispute being an answer to the vanity of dogmatizing / by thomas white. white, thomas, 1593-1676. 1665 approx. 131 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65786 wing w1824 estc r11142 12929269 ocm 12929269 95611 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65786) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95611) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 991:19) an exclusion of scepticks from all title to dispute being an answer to the vanity of dogmatizing / by thomas white. white, thomas, 1593-1676. [8], 80 p. printed for john williams ..., london : 1665. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng glanvill, joseph, 1636-1680. -scepsis scientifica. philosophy, english -17th century. knowledge, theory of -early works to 1800. 2004-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an exclusion of scepticks from all title to dispute : being an answer to the vanity of dogmatizing . by thomas white . — sciri hoc sciat alter . london , printed for john williams at the crown and globe in s. pauls church-yard ▪ 1665. to the young witts of both universities . though i doubt not of more powerful and seasonabler provision against that destructive contagion of pyrronism , which , not long since , has begun to take fresh heart : yet , hearing no news of any publick cauterization apply'd to that tumour of glanvil's , which has rag'd now full two years ; methought this silence of my betters turn'd the task upon my weakness , if not to avert , at least to open & expose to be torn in pieces by eloquenter pens the injustice of that calumny impos'd on the whole profession of philosophers . reflect then o flourishing englands fertilest hope ! the joy and crown of your mother , whose beholding you with pleasure swells her silent breast ! reflect , i say , and seriously ruminate what you strain to live and grow to ; what persons you hope and covet to become hereafter : whether wise and skilful to govern christian life and manners : or a crew of rhetoricians , pleasantly tattling unknown and uncertain things ; and betraying those under your tuition into all precipices that fall in their way : for , for such blind ones , and leaders of the blind , he sets you out to the world , who inculcates to your england the vanity of dogmatizing or promising truths . i am not angry with the man , who , with a great deal of wit and an unfordable stream of eloquence ( which will ripen with his years ) prosecutes what he proposes to himself , and takes for a truth ; not without some savour of modesty : for , neither does he derogote from faith the power of teaching its tenets , nor disclaim all hope of attaining science hereafter through a laborious amassment of experiments . but , he points to acertain person ( whom he owns his master ) that , giving us the heads of some books he had written , thus concludes the second , here it is where the chief foundations of pyrronism are laid ; and that mainly establisht , that nothing is known . well , indeed , may the future despair , if the pains of so may ages have brought it but to this , that there 's nothing known . have , then , the so many magnificent structures of your colledges been devis'd , only to delude the people with a deal of pretty talk , not a jot advancive of reason ? have so many prodigious wits of your ancesters been sent abroad over all the christian world , but to sell smoak and bubbles for jewels & pearls ? have you yourselves the patience to be till'd on through so many years exercises , only to the like emptiness ? scorn and hate that so foul a reproach should be cast on the fame of all past ages , and present industry . but , what , at length , has enveigled into these conceits that great interpreter of epicurus , a man never to my hearing , mis-spoken of , either for wit , or life and manners ? since i 'm utterly a stranger to his privy-councils , i 'le tell you what his book seems to offer . there are two sciences contested about : physick and metaphysick ( between which that of the soul and morals take their places ) . the first , content with few experiments , surprises truth by vertue of demonstration , and fixes it by that force which alone is inerrable , viz. the power of our spiritual intellect . this eye alone pierces into the strength of contradiction ; and is onlily certain and necessary , as far as it scapes ore-shadowing by the senses : but , it is not overlavish too , in making use of them ; and advances in growth by reflecting on it self its inmost eye . physick is more florid , and with a vernal look , as it were , sooth's our spirit inclin'd to body . 't is more abundant in experiments , and meer historical almost , unless assisted and forc'd into rules by this its companion . that many court this gay one , no wonder , and slight her elder sister as 't were but dry leaves ; whereas , yet , on her 't is the gallant depends , nor without her help and principles borrow'd from her , is able scarce to demonstrate any thing and advance by causes connectedly . the ignorance of this necessity has bin the ruin of this author , and many great mens endeavours ; nay , and will be , 'till the utter despair of getting forward teach first a retreat back again to settle principles . another rubb is the unbridled impudence of very many moderns , who loudly crack of aristotle and metaphysick , as oft as there falls occasion of setting themselves out . they fill the book-sellers shops with mighty tomes : they counterfeit the highest knowledge by pompous skirmishes in their own schools ; and by wonderful promises enkindle the native ardour of science . by these arts they heap on themselves the honours and fruits due to science ; they flourish gayly and are propos'd to be ador'd in the chairs . mean while , look but into the matter , and those vast mountains bring forth this solution of questions , perhaps i , perhaps no. histories are related of what the antients , what the moderns have thought of any propos'd thesis ; petty reasons for the i or no are shot out at random , as it were , from bands of slingers or archers : so their pages get bredth , their tomes bulk : but , when they come to give judgment , out comes an edict to this purpose , all the opinions are probable , but , this last seems to me the more probable . what could be look'd for more silly from midas's ears ? what blind tiresias could not as truly give verdict of colours , perhaps 't is white , perhaps not ? what wonder now is it , if that ingenious person derided such solemn trifles ? and imagining these men , because none contradicted it , entertainers of aristotle and his secrets , wholy neglected and contemn'd them . you , then , o yong branches , growing up into wine to rejoyce the hearts of men ! remembring that vertue 's the mean hedg'd in by both extreams , neither disclaim and detest aristotle , nor superstitiously adore and embrace him . those things he has demonstrated , though but few and seeming contemptible , yet receive . 't is the nature of principles to appear vulgar and despicable ; but there 's not a step can be made in sciences without them . the foundations of edifices lye buryed under ground , yet 't is they sustain the magnificent and towring fabrick . they that slight aristotle's grounds must of necessity , being always in quest of principles , ever fall short of science . yet , far worse than these are they who feign and profess themselves aristotelians , and are ignorants the while in the method of demonstrating , & neglect what he prescribes : circumventers of parents , spiriters of youth ; whom , enveigled with a shew of philosophy , they betray to vanity and prattle : worst enemies of the commonwealth ; to which owing youth adorn'd with science & vertue , they pay it foolishly-confident , sophisticate , and fitted by their education to ill and good alike . for you , let aristotle be your master , of few things indeed ; but those such as fructifie into thousands , viz. the whole race of separated substances , the things necessary to be fore-known to physical contemplation , and judgment , in fine , of experiments . you have now the pleas of both sides : 't is your part to call aside into council with you that candour and sollicitude which so weighty an affair deserves . the most earnest coveter of your sollid knowledge thomas white . the table . first plea. there is demonstration and science , page 1 second plea. the scepticks alledge nothing sollid , page 11 third plea. t is imprudent to deny the existence of science , p. 17 fourth plea refells the preliminary objection , page 24 fifth plea refells our ignorance of the soul and sensation , p. 30 sixth plea displaies the pastick vertue , continuity , adhesion of parts , and the mysteries of rolling , page 42 seventh plea inquires after the causes of our modern shortness in science , page 51 eight plea wards off from aristotle the calumny of special impiety , page 55 ninth plea wipes off the aspersions on aristotle's doctrine and terms , page 60 tenth plea maintains certain definitions and arguings , p. 65 eleventh plea refutes some topicks babbled against science , p. 71 an exclusion of scepticism and scepticks from all title to dispute . first plea. there is demonstration and science . 1. scepticism , born of old by an unlucky miscarriage of nature , for her own credit , carryed off the tongues of the eloquent where it had long been fostred , and buryed by the steddiness of christian faith ; this monster snatcht from the teeth of worms and insects , peter gassendus , a man of a most piercing sagacity , of neat and copious eloquence , a most pleasing behaviour and wonderful diligence , by a kind of magick has endeavoured to restore again to life . he , a person ( which is the strangest of all ) most tenacious of catholick faith , and never suspected guilty of mischievous tenets : whereas , yet , this scepticism is the mother of infinite errors , and all heresies , and that very seducing philosophy and vain fallacy which the saints , warn'd by the apostles , have taught us to beware of . heard , this man , otherwise eminent in his paradoxical exercitation against the aristotelians , has dar'd to expose , not vail'd , as before , and wandring like a quean in the dark , but bold-fac'd and painted , to the multitude and market place . by his example , the author of the vanity of dogmatizing has produc'd her amongst us beauteously trick'd-up in english : he , too , a great master of wit and eloquence . nor indeed are vast mischiefs to be dreaded from vulgar heads . this is the occasion of my undertaking ; and this my design ( if heaven vouchsafe to enlighten and guide my pen ) to force back into her grave this carcass that would be rivalling science , and deliver her up a feast to her former worthy commoners . come on then , let 's untie the knot of the question . 3. since , then , 't is of science we are to speak , its genius would in some measure be look'd into . nature her self , therefore , teaches us , that man is an animal endued with reason , to fit him for governing his action , and reason is allowed to be that whereby what before was unknown is rendred known : dayly experience also convinces that our action consists for the most part in such things as are subject to an infinite and insuperable mutability and variation : whence it comes to pass , that that vertue which is immediate to action cannot properly be called science ( since 't is not infallible , and the effect of demonstrative discourse ) but a power of conjecturing aptly ; and uses commonly to be term'd prudence , either properly or derivatively ; properly , if it be concerning the thing to be done , as to its right proceeding from reason ; analogically , if of the action or thing to be done , as it regards some other inferior faculty subservient to the dominion of reason . now prudence depends on two previous powers , art and inference or experiment . art , though it ows its birth to experience , yet is sustained by universall and unfailing rules : but , it self understands not the necessary and indefectible efficacy of its rule ; but is content with the testimony of ever-corresponding effects . inference , or experience for the most part is true , but necessitates not assent , because not universal . 4. setting this therefore aside , 't is clear the decrees of art , since she is veracious , have necessitating and necessarily connected principles , which force the effect of art to be not possibly otherwise than as art teaches 't will succeed . whence follows , that the subject matter of science and art is the same ; and every art has a proper science due to it self , if the nature of man would stretch to attain it . but , the same warning we gave before concerning prudence , must be repeated concerning science . for , as he who behaves himself prudently in any artifice , is not therefore esteem'd and stil'd a prudent man ; but only he who rightly tempers his action in as much as 't is humane : so , neither is he , with propriety , to be called a knowing man , who skills the demonstration of duelling , or versifying ; but he that has the demonstration of those things which are principles for governing our life , in as much as 't is humane : the chief whereof is that which has merited the term of theology , or metaphysicks : the next is ethicks : then physicks , or natural science ; whether , because all corporeal natures , or the world , is proposed to the disputation of men ; or because , next metaphysical contemplation , nothing so much advances our desired beatitude as physicks . nor yet are mathematicks to be excluded ; both because quantity , their subject , is the vesture of those bodies which physicks speculate through ; as also , because the rules , and as it were , the demonstrableness of natural things at every step depends on them . out of all which 't is clear , that in nothing equivocation more lewdly cheats man-kind , than in this term of knowing , or learned men . for , if masters in sciences , analogically so called , are not really worthy this name : how much further off meriting so noble a title are those , whose ambition streins no higher than , like parrats , to repeat others sentiments ? and how manifestly pernicious are they that have the confidence to apply such learning to the government of humane life ; and vent poison , or at best , smoak , under the reverend name of science ? 5. it follows , that such science 't is we propose to our selves as is beneficial to humane life . and concerning this , three things offer themselves to our enquiry . whether there be at all any certainty attainable , at least of one proposition or one reasonment , which we call a sylogism ? at this hangs the next , whether at least , any habit , or series of more truths traced with certainty ( such as generally are esteem'd those which arithmeticians and geometricians profess ) may be acquired by humane industry ? the last question , by most ( at least in practise ) disputed ( whate're in words they pretend ) is limited to physicks and metaphysicks ; whether about the objects of these any beneficial multitude of truths may be spun out connectedly ; as the masters in mathematicks seem already to have done ? and herein consists the usefulness of my discourse ; and the desparation or difficulty of this conclusion compels me to clear the former ; which of themselves by their own evidence had stood unscrupled , had not the step , and almost necessary consequence they afford to the third , terrified those who feel such difficulty to yield this last . 6. to work , then ; let us fix the first step , and assert , as invincibly known , and unshakable by any art of the scepticks , that what is is , or that what terminates and specifies an identical proposition as its object is self-evident : as if we should say , that peter is peter , wood is wood , a stone is a stone ; and whatever others carry as open-fac'd an evidence . the scepticks i imagine , will laugh at this axiom as foolish : because identical propositions use to be excluded from the rank of scientifical ones , and the sciences themselves ; as nothing at all advancing the understanding . but , by this their very laugh they 'l yield us the victory ; as confessing evidence in these , however they be useless : and therefore that wherever the same necessity shall intervene , there cannot want evidence . one thing in this position occurs a little cloudy , obscuring it through a mist caus'd by the shadow of that most acute person , renatus des cartes ; who , severely prying to descry the very first thing falling under knowlege , beat it up at length to this , that the first thing every one knows , is , that himself thinks . but , the difference of our opinions , i conceive , has sprung from hence , that , whereas science may be consider'd both in its generation and in its subsistence ; he has taken the former method , i the later . for , really , if we examine by what degrees science is born in us , we see , the first thing that happens is to have a passion made in us by bodies ; and the first evident thing that strikes us is that we think . but , if , looking upon science now existing ▪ and as it s t were at rest in us , we enquire what 't is that fasten truth to our minds , so that we cannot doubt or , as were , waver about it : nothing will appear more simply or originally manifest then that what is is , wherein , in a manner , is formally included that what is so is , that , whilst it is , it cannot not-be ; which , indeed , is , that the understander is certain that the thing is , or has a fixedness concerning the truth which is in him . 7. it being determin'd that an identical proposition is evident , 't is equally determin'd that propositions term'd self-known are evident : for , if they be look'd into , t will be clearly seen , that a self-known proposition is in some sort composed of an identical proposition and another otherwise evident , or taken for evident . for , there are two sorts of self-known propositions ; one wherein the generical notion is predicated of a species ; another wherein the species are predicated divisively of the genus . take these for examples : a man is an animal : the sense is , a rational animal is a sort , or one of the animals : the evidence of the proposition consists in this , that the word animal signifies , as it were formally in predication , to be one of the animals ; and the word rational denotes that whereby a man is one of the animals . wherefore in this proposition , a man is an animal ; these two propositions shrowd themselves , one of the animals is one of the animals ; and that other , that rational is a determiner of animality : now this later is not affirmed , but taken for granted , either from sense as it were , or some other way supposed to be known and past doubt ; and in force of the former identification , t is concluded that a man is an animal . in like manner when 't is said , number is either even or odd , bulk is either finite or infinite ; and whatever predicates , contradictorily oppos'd , are predicated divisively of a subject ; two propositions lye in them ; one an identical one , for example , that even and not-even are all , or comprise all the kinds of number ; and another otherwise known , viz. that such a number , for example , ten , is a certain number . this later is known as it were by sense ; or suppos'd , not affirm'd : the former is equivalent to this all number is all number ; and one of all the numbers , for example ; ten , is affirm'd to be one of the even or odd , because , by force of the contradiction between even and not-even , even and odd must of necessity comprise all numbers , or even and odd and all number be the same . 8. the same force of identity is also clear in a sylogism : for example , when in the first mood , or barbara , two self-known propositions are taken and another truth , unknown before , is concluded out of them . as , when t is argu'd that every man is a living creature , because every man is an animal , and every animal is a living creature : there 's made an identification of man and living creature ; or rather it is discovered by the double identification of animal with the superior and inferior . the force therefore of the sylogism whereby it fixes the mind in this identity , tha● man is a living creature , lies in nothing but this , tha● through the former two identifications it rests fixed as to the premisses . plain therefore t is , that the light of an identical proposition shews it self both in self-known propositions , and in those which are concluded by sylogisms : and , which follows , either that the truth of an identical proposition is not evident , or else that self-known propositions , and such as are concluded by a legitimate sylogism are evident and most certain : and , that it cannot be doubted , so many truths are palpably certain as can be reacht by a legitimate deduction of sylogisms . since , therefore , he cannot be esteem'd other than a mad sot that should deny the evidence of an identical proposition ; he cannot be reputed rational who should at all reject propositions self-known , or collected by legitimate discourse . 9. be this , therefore , a demonstration a priori , as they term it , of this truth , that there is some certainty or science ; that , since t is undenyable that what is is , or , an identical proposition is true , and every proposition , whether self-known or sylogistically-concluded , has no other necessity than what shews it self in an identical one ; there can be no doubt of these , unless identical ones , too , be called in question . for , since , in a self-known proposition , t is evident , that the thing signified by one term is that which is signified by the other : and in a sylogistically-concluded proposition , it likewise appears , that because a is b , and b is c , a too is c ; or that , unless a be c , a will not be a ; for 't is not a unless it be b , nor b unless it be c : 't is evident that whatever is evinced by a legitimate sylogism , has the same necessity as an identical proposition . since therefore 't were meer perversness , and such as cannot fall into humane nature , to doubt whether an identical proposition be true ; t is absolutely manifest that whatever is concluded by ligitimate discourse out of self-known propositions is engrafted , beyond any danger of ambiguity ; or , that there is science of all such like : and therefore that there is some science , and that , indeed , of many truths . now , that which either in a self-known or in a demonstrated proposition , is assum'd beyond identical ones is not capable either of truth or falshood ; but , in a manner , is taken by way of snpposition ; as if 't were said , if he be a man ; if it be an animal : i say , for as much as man or animal are the subjects of the propositions or premisses . second plea. the scepticks alledge nothing sollid . 1. now , to the scepticks , or scepticism it self . what says the sceptick ? though , says he , nothing be certain , yet many things appear true to us ; and , out of such appearance we proceed to operation . thou entanglest thy self , sceptick ! for , how , whilst , in common , it most clearly appears to thee that nothing is true ; yet assertest thou , in particular , that this appears to thee true ? can these two stand together ; it appears that none of those things proposed us are true ; and at the same time , it appears that some of them are true ? besides , if any thing appears true , 't is because it deceives us with the face and similitude of certain or true , ( which two , as to us , speak the same thing ; for , we say , that is certain which we know to be true , or which is true to us ) : but , 't is clear , we cannot affirm any thing to be like another , if we know not that other : if therefore , there be amongst us no certainty , or nothing known to be true ; nothing can ever be or appear like certainty amongst men. 't is , therefore , stark folly to joyn these two togther , there is nothing certain , or ther 's no certainty ; and yet some things appear certain . 2. for all that , the sceptick will stand to it , that at least this appearance is enough for humane action : since all action is singular , that is , in infinite circumstances upon which demonstration has no force , but only prudence , or the power of conjecturing which is to be prefer'd before other . notwithstanding , if the action be truly humane , that is , purely and thoroughly govern'd by reason , this sceptical appearance is not enough for it . for , first , since prudence is an intellectual vertue , it cannot be indifferent to truth and falsity ; but always tenacious of truth . in action , therefore , govern'd by prudence two things fall under consideration ; that which is most conspicuous and spy'd by every one is , whether the action be like to attain its immediate and next end , to which 't is destin'd : and this for the most part is uncertain ; but withall , in this consists not the primary effect of prudence , but a certain faculty of guessing , which they call sagacity . the other thing , wherein especially prudence plays its part , is whether this action be to be done here and so : for which it suffices that two things be certain ; one , that the actor is led by no passion ; the other , that he has used pains , or disquisition enough ; which depends on the former ; since that will not fall short , unless some passion makes the actor precipitate . but , as far as the soul proves deficient in these two , so much , too , she deviates from the rule of prudence . now , these two may be very clear to an experienced person . farther , this tenet , again , of the scepticks fails of sufficiency for action in the very first root of acting , viz. whether any thing be to be done , or whether action be wholly to be suspended : for , in vain the understanding tugs at it , what action to perform ; unless it be first evident that something is to be acted : they therefore , who profess not so much as this is known , that something sometimes is to be done , cannot be mov'd to action out of pure understanding . nor can it be reply'd that it appears to the sceptick he is to act : for , since appearing is common to true and false ; nay , since 't is known that false is oft-times more probable and apparent , than true ; 't is plain that neither probability in general , nor the greater probability can have any force at all to cause assent . but , if one has not assented to this universal proposition , something is to be done ; 't is plain that , as to pure reason , he has no principle of acting : and , if he has any other principle besides , reason , the action , as far as it springs from that , is not rational . it must therefore be concluded that all action of the scepticks is utterly not-humane , but only brutal ; as rising purely from sense and imagination : or , rather worse than brutal ; in as much as they force reason to submit to and serve sense . 3. but , that which highlyest crosses this sect is , that professors of science much undervallue themselves , if they vouchsafe to dispute with them or endure to hear them babble . for , since in all humanenature , no sect is to be found more addicted to prattle , and more greedy of that vanity which follows tinckling cymbals : at what a distance will they be from their beatitude , if among the adorers of science they be not allow'd to vent their trifles ? let us , therefore , fairly weigh this , whether they are to be admitted among the professors of learning . scientifical persons , then , are either masters or disciples ; that is , such as have already attain'd the habit of science , or such as endeavour after it , or are seekers of truth . since , therefore , t is plain , the scepticks profess not themselves possessors of the science ; it remains they are to be reckoned among the seekers ; wherefore , since this contradicts it self , that one should seek what he thinks is no where , or at least , which dispairs possible to be found ; in vain they declare themselves candidates or seekers after sciences . add to this , that , since they neither admit self-known propositions , nor any legitimate consequence of discourse ; they have no way or method of seeking , or any trace from which to commence their search : but , if they admit any of these two , they cannot but acknowledge something certain . 4. it ought , therefore , be objected , at the very begining , to such contemners of sciences ; what attempt you ? what 's your aim ? how have you the confidence to attaque any one that 's truly a man ? for , whence shall what you say derive any appearance ? is it not just to press on you to prove first whatever you assume ; and this without ever coming to an end ? you therefore , will never be able to assume any thing that can prove our tenets false or uncertain . again , will you use any other form of discourse then sylogistical ? but , this you deny to be evident and certain . you , therefore , come but to deride , sillily to play the rooks , and chatter figments like poetical magpies . you i reply , perhaps , you dispute ad hominem ( as they term it ) , and shew , out of those things which our selves have accepted , that what we teach thereupon has no certainty . what 's your meaning ? if indeed you endeavoured this in any one tenet , it might be allow'd you to try what you were able to do : but , if universally you assert us unable to make good consequences , you call us beasts and deserve not the hearing . and , you your selves , how will you evince any one consequence to be ill ? will you tell us how it ought to be , to be good , you i say that grant none to be evident ? ' again , why will ours be false , and yours good ? but , if you affirm your own not good neither ; what madness possesses you , that you cannot suffer us to rest even in our error ; when you neither can nor strive to exempt us from erring ? t is sweeter , sure , to believe one-self in the light , then to know one-self in darkness and all light hopeless . 5. in fine , to what purpose do we amass arguments against those , who , as far as in them lies , have put off humane nature , and made themselves beasts ? for , if to reason be to advance our selves , out of certain and known things , to things before unknown and uncertain ; and nothing be certain : neither is any reasoning possible ; nor consequently any power of reasoning ; or animal endowed with it . but , if nothing be certain , nothing , too , will be true , since that is certain which we see to be true ; that is , truth had , our truth true to us , true by which we are true . for , clear it is , that our nature is covetous of truth in it self ; that , when we or our understanding is true , being impregnated with this truth , it may be made operative , and master of all things without it ; or , that it may pursue useful things , fear such as are to be fear'd contemn things contemptible , and reject all manner of counterfeit scare-crows . he frustrates , therefore , the whole bent of nature , that denies there 's any certainty ; and utterly evacuates , as nature her self , so also her most vehement desire and aim . what need i mention humane conversation , but especially negotiation ? for , if there can be nothing certain in humane matters , why do we instruct infants and boys ? why strive we to perswade youth into those things which seem true to us ? for , if there be no certainty acquirable , t is to be judg'd wholly indifferent what every youth does , or whither he tends : especially , since not so much as this is certain , that one thing is more probable than another ; and far less , that what now is more probable will be so when the boy comes to choose it . third plea. t is imprudent to deny the existence of sciences . 1. let us raise our style , and enlarge it to entire habits . can it be believed , that men of excellent wits should be so fond as to deny those things that humane life is full of ; and without which there 's no living , at least commodiously ? i mean arts. let 's consider what part of our action or life is exempt from their service : what arts go to the providing us food , cloaths , houses , delights ? our minds are cultivated with liberal ones : the fields , mountains , seas are mastred by arts. to conclude , what is there that falls under mans use , wherein some kind of art is not exercised ? art , therefore , what is it , but a rule which commonly fails not ? this , then ( if mens souls but own themselves ) is certain , that art , for the most part , fails not . what if i should say , that it never fails ? but either the artificer is unskilfull , or else , through laziness or knavery follows not the prescription of the art , as oft as any error happens . but , be it so , that art sometimes fails ; at least , the whole course of our actions is grounded on this that , commonly it fails not : wherefore since what never fails is certain , art , which in most cases never fails , in most cases is certain ; and whoever denies this , either out of ignorance or stomack , opposes himself to very nature and the order of things . this is , therefore , a throughly-attested truth , that there are intire and complete habits of certainties : since , both of the several arts , in common , t is certain that for the most part they attain their effect ; and the same is as evident of the several members and joints in each art in particular . 2. the next place mathematicks challenge , which have gain'd the true name of science : first , arithmetick and geometry , each of so large an extension , that they make up many entire habits ; and if they be acknowledg'd for sciences , they leave no room for opposing others , upon pretence of the abundance of their doctrines , or the largeness of their subject . such , again is the steddiness of attestatition to these sciences , of so many ages , so many eminent wits , by shewing and perpetuating so many effects , beyond the estimation of humane prudence ; that there can be no doubt but they winch against nature it self that calumniate these sciences . let 's behold the multiplicity of sylogisms ; the derivation of far distant truths by intermediate propositions , immediate to one another ; and how many principles or fore-known truths are sometimes made use of towards the search of some one : and we shall see these sciences will not sustain themselvs alone , but extend their power to others also ; and perswade , nay , evince , that there 's nothing but may be demonstrated , if there want not industry . 3. yet i am not ignorant what uses to be urg'd against these sciences , especially against geometry : which though in other works i have sometimes repell'd , yet here too , as in their properest place , they are again to be repeated ; chiefly because the scepticks no where , in my judgment deserve more applause . for , plain it is , though nothing be farther from the meaning of the geometricians than what the scepticks lay to their charge ; yet nothing appears clearer in the terms they use , than what they mean not : providence so ordering it , that those things which best guard themselves by their own evidence should be most infesed with prejudices ; to warn us , in more obscure points , not to desert evidence , though we be hard put to 't with weighty , perhaps , but obscure argments . for , what 's more manifest than that geometricians require a streight line to be drawn from one point to another ? that they dispute , whole volumes full , conconcerning lines and superficies ? that they demand a line to be drawn out in infinitum ? that a circle be made ? an equilateral triangle ? and a thousand such like : that none of all which , yet , can exist in the world , 't is either certain , or , at least , so ambiguous that it ought not to be presum'd without demonstration ; whereas the geometricians neither attempt nor promise any such thing . 4. notwithstanding in all these , t is no hard matter to satisfie an attentive reader . for , i ask , whether or why t is not lawful for a mathematitian to speak universally of his object , in the same manner as both the learned and unlearned talk of theirs ? he may then speak of the body proposed to him , as t is long , not treating at all about it , as t is broad ; since for a body to be broad is nothing else , but to be long according to two dimensions . in like manner , since a body to be deep signifies it to be long according to three dimensions ; what an envious part 't is not to allow the same to be considered as broad , abstracting from the third dimonsion ? these things being clear to the utmost pitch of evidence ; and so that we cannot speak otherwise according to nature ; let 's see wherein lyes the fault of the geometricians . you urge that they assert there is a line in being , that is , longitude without latitude ; i deny it : you prove it , alledging they mark a line with letters , saying the line a. b. i demand , to what purpose serves this marking ? is it for any thing but to notifie the longitude of the body they measure ? if that be all , then the sense which serves the mathematicians turn in the word is , that the body propos'd , according to longitude , is equivalent to the distance between a and b. and , if he assumes any more , it must of necessity be something impertinent to his discourse , which geometricians , of all men , are farthest from . 5. the very same may be said for their manner of speaking concerning a superficies . but , for points , the solution is more evident : for , in stead of this word the point a , or the point b , put the word end or term , and there will remain no shadow of difficulty . for , who can doubt but that a body , as long , is terminated : and therefore can forbid an end or term to be assign'd it ? for the rest , 't will easily appear the like discourse serves : for , when he demands a line to be produc'd in infinitum , the clear sense of the geometrician is to have it drawn out as far as is necessary for his work ; which never does or can happen to require it actually infinite . not an infinite , therefore , but an indefinite line the geometrician asks ; that he may use any as big a part of it as he needs . in like manner , if he demands a circle or streight line to be made ; 't were fond to think he expects them scor'd out mathematically on paper or sand : since the demonstration he intends is universal and exists in the understanding only , not in paper . it suffices therefore , that the accurateness of the circle or line be in his mind , to which the paper yields a phantasm ; a weak one , indeed , but fit enough to delineate the rigorous form in his mind . some , too , will not allow a line can be cut just in the middle . nor do i deny this to be petty work of geometry : but , neither do i expect the scepticks should be able to prove this impossible : and therefore , against a perfect demonstration , such as euclid's is , to listen to slight-babling reasons were to trifle , not philosophize . 6. is not this hugely remarkable , or rather to be admir'd ? that those things which advance geometry , above other sciences , in a great measure are false ; taken for granted in order to use , but not credited for science : for , mathematick is not certainer or more evident than other sciences ; but easier and more adapted to fancy , not understanding . for , if in geometry we were still to use strick terms , and always to repeat this body , as long , abstracting from its latitude , or , as broad , abstracting from its depth , the whole discipline , losing that inveiglement of clearness by which it tills on the reader , would be but tedious work . now , because we may use the names of points , lines , and superficies , as they were things ; and , according to this gross apprehension , make visible figures : geometrical truths strike almost our very corporeal eyes . whether as much may be done in other sciences , at least as to some part , is not yet clear ; but , from the way of algebra , it may be conjectur'd not utterly out of the reach of humane industry . 7. this , at least , may passe for evident , from the manner we have expressed of the geometricalcontemplation : that the geometricians use to draw their consequences and positions , not from the sounds of their words , but the notions in their minds . but , herein kind nature has been indulgent to those disciplines ; that they are excus'd from any necessity to resolve the equivocation of their terms : but having once explain'd them , they may , without any rub , proceed , whence we see that if at any time , they are put to explicate their words , geometry grows even as troublesom as metaphysick : as appears in that question bandy'd concerning an angle of contact ; because they reflect not that an angle speaks a quantum , whereas yet they confess it cannot exist without a space . plain then 't is rendred that the first task in the other sciences is , to make the question clear between the opposite parties , not only in term , but also in meaning : and that this is the main fault of the weak managers of other sciences , that they stick obstinately at using the words in a fore-received sense , and that no clear one ; nor can be bronght to an agreement about their explication . 8. it must be concluded , that , in physick also and metaphysick , there 's a capacity of infinite demonstrations , if industry be not wanting . for , who is so senselesse as pertinaciously to deny , that a formal sylogism may be made ev'n about the subjects of these sciences , or , when made , is of force ? it must , therefore , be said , either that the discoursers in these disciplines cannot comprehend their own meaning , and declare what they feel in their mind when they pronounce such words : or else , that they may reduce them into a sylogism and breed science . plain too , it is , that , in that part of physick , which is truly call'd such , viz. that which treats of sensible qualities , not so subject to obscurity through the equivocalnesse of the terms , demonstration will cost lesse pains : in metaphysicks 't will prove harder , because the commoner the words are , the more they are subject to equivocation . but , on the other side , because , the commoner the things treated are , the simpler are their notions , and consequently , more evident the connexion of the terms : demonstrations in metaphysicks must needs be most evident and secure , and such as deserve the evidence of all other sciences should depend on them . fourth plea refells the preliminary objections . 1. now we must give ear to the complaints , ( shall i call them ? ) or rather reproaches of the scepticks : though themselves are no slight causes of those ills which they object to the lovers of dogmatizing ; who , whilst they even acknowledge it the entire work of a man , and one minding his businesse too , to dilate the bounds of any science ; themselves , pursuing mean studies and the applause of a smooth-tongue , strive , under pretence of impossibility , to avert from that heroick thought the scientifically-dispos'd genius of others . yet , would they do even this but solidly , i should think it pardonable : but , if they fall not on this neither in a legitimate way ; how are they not to be exploded ? now , perhaps , the defects of mis-seekers may be more ; but i le content my self with the proposal of three . let the first be of those who seek things incapable of truth ; or who , of that which has no being at all , enquire how it is or may be made : as if one should require a triangle , equal to an assign'd circle , to be inscrib'd in it . let the second be of those , who complain that those things are unknown , which , though true in themselves , are yet , either , absolutely , or at least as yet , out of the reach of human power : as if one should be angry that the wars or government of the planetary common-wealths ( supposing those globes planted with rational creatures ) are unknown to us . for , 't is fondness to quarrel at our ignorance of such things , for reaching the knowledge whereof nature has afforded us no ladder of accidents . the last defect is of such as lament those things are unknown , which , by honest industry , may be searcht out , and will , if the ardour of inquisition grow ripe . for , 't is ignorance and importunity to allow no time for encrease of sciences . amongst these i reckon not those self-tormentors , who fret that those things are unknown , which are publickly known to others , but unknown to them ; because , upon some extrinsecal prejudice , they neglect inquiring into what others have said : which race of men is , at this day , most frequent among the courters of science ; but withall most insufferable : for , what can be viler than to shut the eyes against things most manifest to the understanding ; upon the calumnies of such as profess they know not these things which others constantly affirm are most evidently comprehended ? 2. let now the complaints themselves speak , viz. those with which the contemner of advancing dogmatically has stuft his 3 , 4 , 5 , and 6 chapters : but , first le ts examine those things which he indulgingly reproaches . they are the two , as it were , acknowledged ultra's of philosophers , viz. the causes of the seas ebbing and flowing , and of the wonders of the load-stone . i le endeavour to look into them severally . and , as to the first , though that may well be reckoned among the things whose accidents are not-yet-enough comprehended by us ; and therefore i might justly exact that they , who think it incomprehensible , should take care to have the phoenomena's clear'd , and teach us , by just calculations of seamen , what dayes , in the several regions , the sea ebbs and flows happen : otherwise , i may deservedly lay the blame on industry , and excuse philosophy : yet i will not proceed so rigorously with a courteous adversary ; but argue , that these things may be convinced concerning this vicissitude of the sea : that the motion is caus'd by an extrinsecal mover : that that is no other than the winde : that what rules the windes is but various aspects of the sun and moon to the divers climates of the earth . which , if they be true , if evident from the phoenomena's ; what remains , but that the phoenomena's be more acurately traced ; and the ignorance of particulars laid to the charge of industry , not of art : and so philosophy scape scot-free ? 3. le ts run over our proposals one by one . the first is that the seas motion is from something extrinsecal , or without it . this is demonstrated by aristotle in his books of physicks ; as they who have studyed him know : the dialogues , too , de mundo have made this some part of their pains ; and , if a proper place for it occurs in this treatise , i shall not be loath of my labour to explicate the same again : here this proposition is to be assum'd , not prov'd . that the author of this motion is the winde comprehends more than one thing , viz. that the winde is a sufficient stirrer of the sea ; and that it , in particular , concurs to this motion call'd the flux . as to the first part , ( not to mention how many deluges or overflowings of the sea have infested the coasts by the windes help ) , we need not travel beyond the thames ; in which , almost every winter , the flood happens , sometimes more than once in a day , to be beaten back or pour in more abundantly than ordinary , to the overflowing the streets in the subburbs of london , that , again , the winde causes this course of the tydes , besides the necessity which the perpetual west-winde , flowing from the atlantick sea to the east-indies , carries with it ; the six-months strong currents , which take their turns constantly backward and forward between africa and america , conformable to the windes always keeping the vicissitude there , are a manifest testimony . add to these , that , through the whole coast of china , certain tempests , with most vehement rains and overflowings of rivers , are daily expected at the new and full moons ; whence the variation of the fluxes at the same just periods is encreased . now , that the windes and rains and rising of storms depend from the sun and moon is so notorious that 't is past contest . these things , then being clear ; the causes of ebbing and flowing cannot be obscure : though the certain compasses they fetch be unknown , because the observations of them are not-yet exactly calculated . 4. nor is the magnetical philosophy less evident , if we 'l have but patience to look into 't by piece-male . for , it cannot be doubted , from the sudden turning of iron-tools fit for the purpose , and other bodies apt for magnetical direction ; but that power of direction , which we call magnetical , is attaind by a flux of unperceivable atoms deriv'd from one body into another : and as little , that because a perpendicular or horizontally-sidelong position of the magnetical body is apt to beget in it that vertue ; the primarily magnetical body is the earth we tread on , or at least the crust of it next us . nor , again , is it questionable , from the perpetual motion of corruption and generation of this magnetical vertue in those bodies ; but there is a certain perpetual flux of atoms upwards and downwards , as also between the equator and the poles ; whereby this vertue is infus'd and fed . neither , again , will any stick at it , that the magnetical body , if it be set at full liberty , must be carry'd according to the flux of the like atoms ; as that which swims in a river follows the violence of the stream : and consequently , the declination , too , or variation of the needle point out the channel of the earth's atoms , which are proper to it . all which if we solidly remark , and pursue with a steddy discourse ; i see not what great mistery lies in this magnetical vertue and operation , beyond possibility of bringing clearly to light . these secrets , therefore , of nature were , heretofore , like the head of nilus , undiscover'd ; but now , themselves attest not the defect but proficiency of science . these then thus touch'd on , let us fall to the objections themselves . fifth plea refells our ignorance of the soul and sensation . 1. in the third chapter , therefore , of his most eloquent discourse , he objects our ignorance of that thing we ought to be best acquainted with , viz. our own souls . concerning which , what a kind of thing 't is in this our earthly habitation , he neither teaches nor enquires at all , as far as i can discern ; only that it is , he asserts , may be most clearly gathered from its effects ; but , to ask what it is , he saies is like the mistake of infants , that look behind the glass for the body whose superficies they saw painted on its foreside . and , in my judgment , he had said rarely , had he stopt here : but in his following questions , he shews his deficiency even in this . for , he asks farther , whence the soul comes ? and how t is united to the body ? he is therefore most manifestly detected , to think that the soul , lying hid in the body , is of it self a certain substance , which may directly be made , come , and be joined to another thing : whence he terms it subsistence , which doubtless denotes a thing and substance . now , that this is a most important error in philosophy none can doubt , that 's able to discern the opposition of one and many . for , t is plain , that either a man is not a thing ; or else that his soul and body are not two things ; if one thing cannot at once be many , nor many one . nor am i scar'd with the distinction ( which the boys that gabble philosophy have always ready in their budget ) of a perfect and imperfect thing : which saies just nothing , unless imperfect signifie to which somewhat is wanting to make it a thing ; which suppos'd , an imperfect thing is not a thing , and the distinction vanishes . otherwise , the same cannot be one thing and more things : wherefore either a man is not a thing , but a pair of things consisting of an intelligence and a beast ; or his soul and body are not two things . 2. when , therefore , he asks , whence comes the soul ? it must be answered with a question , whether he doubts whence the man comes ? for , if whilst the man lives , there be but one only thing which is call'd the man , 't is he alone can have come ; and he beats the wind that enquires whence the soul comes ? nor am i shaken with the authority of our fore-fathers , though never so reverend : i mean not of those who profess themselvs unable to grapple with the question ; for these deliver the candle into the hands of posterity , advising them to pursue on the same race , that it may be seen whether any thing purer occur to them than to themselves , ready to patronize whoever shall clear the truth . but their opposition i resist , who clamor 't is the faith of all churches that rational souls are fram'd by god. for , now i 'm accustom'd to it , to distinguish between what 's due to the sincerity of faith , and what to scholastical subtilty . if i attribute the making of man , as he 's intellectual , to the singular power and operation of god , i have submitted my self to the keys of the churches doctrine , and subscrib'd to the tradition of the saints . but , whether that action , which is the generation of man , consists of two actual parts , or be but one alone , by more notions equivalent to more really-distinct actions , is a purely speculative question belonging to the schools . and so it must be said that one thing , a man , equivalent to a beast and an intelligence , is brought into existence , by one action , equivalent to two , the generation of an animal and the creation of an intelligence . 3. by this truth we are led to the evident solution of the two following knots ; the econd being how the body and soul are united ? which , 't is plain , is herein faulty , that it supposes two things to be united existing either before the compound , or not destroyd but ty'd together in it : which is clearly false , not only out of the ' fore-declared truth , but also out the definition of a part. for , parts are call'd such , whereof , by a motion , call'd composition , one thing is made ; or into which , what was one is resolv'd by division , or destruction of the unity . now , unity , not union , is the form of what is one : and , in that which is one , to seek for the colligation or cement , is to seek by what the same is made the same . the same error runs through the following difficulty , which laments that 't is unknown how the soul moves the body : which is utterly knock'd on the head , by denying the soul moves the body . for , true it is , that one animated member moves another ; but not , that any substance , which is a pure soul , moves immediately any member in which the soul is not . i appeal to other animals , in which there 's frankly denied to be a soul independent of the body : and i desire to have shewn me what motion there is in man , which is not in them . i confess freely , that one member , the brain especially , moves the rest after another manner in man , than in other animals ; and this by reason of the difference in their souls : but first it ought to be made evident by experiments , that a humane soul , without the help of the body , or some member acting together with it , moves another member ; before we are to enquire into the manner how this either is or can be done . 4. the last darkness which he bemoans in this chapter lyes in our ignorance of that motion , whereby the spirits are deriv'd out of the brain into the fit nerves for the animal's natural action . and , if indeed the objection brandish an argument common to all animals , i should soon quit the field : for i confess my self not so skilful in anatomy , that i can lay before the eyes , why , from the motion of anger boyling in the heart , the spirits should start into those muscles , by whose streining the animal is carry'd towards its adversaries ; and , from the motion of fear , spirits flow into the opposite muscles , by which the animal flies fromwards them ; whereas they , in a manner , add strength to and enforce both alike . yet , i make no question at all but , by force of the brain 's motion , caus'd by the motion of the heart , it comes to pass that the entrance into one sort of channels are shut , others opn'd , and that thence comes this admirable and as-yet-not-sufficiently-seen-through direction of the spirits . but , the authors seems to make mans case proper to himself ; alledging will , and perhaps election , to be , as it were , the first author of this direction . still , therefore , he slips into the same error . for , first , he should demonstrate some act of the will , without some either precedent or concomitant motion of the heart , ( which , when t is violent , we call passion ; when we endeavour at any thing , desire or flight , or some other such like we stile it ) : but , if there be no such , then the cause of this direction is purely mechanical , as he calls it , and not any certain inexplicable power . now , that there cannot possibly be any such exempt act of the will , 't is clear enough to them who allow ther 's no knowledge without a beat of phansies : for , phansies cannot chuse but both be stird themselves and stir others , by the usual ways of nature . by motions , therefore , deriv'd from the heart , whether in man or in animals , all motions , whether natural or free , universally are perform'd : and , by consequence , are subject to the contemplation and scrutiny of philosophy and acurate mechanicks . 5. the fourth chapter objects that the natures of sensation and memory are inexplicable . as to the former , first he acknowledges the substance of sensation is seated in the brain alone : then he inclines to des cartes's fantastical conjecture , shall i call it , or deviation from the manifest footsteps of nature ; about motion's being brought down from the heav'ns to our eyes , through the continuedness of a very thin ether : but , because he esteems aristotle's conceits , too , not incredible , i may be excus'd from that speculation . at length , therefore , he falls again into the old error , enquiring how corporeal things can have any force upon a naked spirit ? he supposes therefore , the soul in the body to be a kind of thing , not the form or affection of the thing , man ; and so , is upon the same false haunt again , nor needs repeating former discourses to beat him off it . but , left he should say nothing new , he objects that , by sense alone ; there 's no discerning the quantities , distances , figures and colours of things . i wonder , i must confess , at these objections from a curious and ingenious man ; things so clearly explain'd & demonstrated in opticks . who is so ignorant , that he knows not that bigger things , at the same distance , strike the eye in a more obtuse angle and stronglier ? who knows not that figure , if plain , as objected to the eye , is nothing else but quantity more spacious or contracted this or that way ? but , if it be a solid one and participate of the third dimension , it borrows its variety from distance . again , that distance is nothing else , but a certain magnitude spread between the eye and the object ; which if it be past judging of , neither can the eye attest the distance . lastly , that colour is nothing else , but the confused figuration of a superficies , according to its parts undistinguisht to sense . whence it remains clear , that the eye needs no other geometry for all these , than what is necessary to judge of a magnitude from the variety of an angle . 6. his next pains is about memory . to shew the explication of that impossible , he commemorates and rejects four waies of resolving it . i must take another path than any of those . first , i must weaken this consequence , that if any thing about memory has not hitherto been explicated , we must therefore make account it never will be , or that 't is impossible to be explicated . we must be aware too , that alwaies some things will be unknown ; either because their trivialness merits not the pains of learning them ; or in that at length the bulk of things known will be grown so great , that more will be burthensome to the understanding . now , to complain of such like is to have forgot human shortness . what , therefore , seems my task in this queston is , to bring into play those things which are already establisht and evident about memory ; and , for those that are unknown to make an estimate whether , some time or other , they too will come or merit to be known . first , then 't is evident , we must distinguish what is memory and what remembrance . for , memory is only a conserving of the impressions made by the objects , whereby the animal is rendred able to use them when he lists or needs . but , remembrance is a certain motion whereby that power of using the impressions is reduc'd into act and use. concerning memory , therefore , a reason is to be given both of its station or rest , and of the causes or manner of its motion : and of both , if i be not mistaken , nature and experience offer evident footsteps , for tracing them . 7. in the first place , that all things that move the sense have certain minute particles of their body shorn off ; as to the touch , tast and smell , is too notorious to abide contest . he that denyes the same force to the light , returning from the things to our eyes , must deny , too , that the sun extracts exhalations from the earth and sea : there being no other diversity in the operations , but that the one is greater and stronger , the other weaker and less . now that these atoms get up to the brain , by the waftage of the spirits , ( that is , a certain liquid and most subtil substance ) can scarce be denied by one never so pievish , that 's but put in minde how waters and oyles are impregnated . these atoms , therefore , must of necessity strike , not without some violence , upon that part of the brain , whose being-struck causes perception . again , that a stream or any thing liquid dasht against a resister should not leap back again is most clearly repugnant , both to experience and reason . and , that a substance any thing viscuous , in a viscuous vessel besides ( such as those are about the brain ) being repuls'd , should not stick to any thing solid is equally impossible : as also , that a notable part of that stream should not cling together , is against the nature of gluyness . the walls therefore , of the empty and hollow places of the brain must of necessity be all hang'd and furnisht with little threads . conclude we , then , that through all the senses , except hearing , the animal is enabled , by atoms constantly sticking in it , to make use again of the impressions made by objects . in fine , since sound is made by a collision of the air ; 't is evident by anatomy , that it drives the hammer of the ear to beat upon the anvil , by which beat 't is not to be believ'd but certain particles must fly off and strike the fancy : the orderly storing up ▪ therefore , of these is apt to constitute the memory of sounds . the structure , then , of memory ( if i am not mistaken ) is rationally enough declared . 8. i cannot see why the like track may not carry us to the explaining of the symptoms of remembrance too ; or why their solution should be desparate . for , there 's nothing clearer than that the fore-explicated motion of the atoms is set on work by a wind , as it were . for , that passion is a certain ebullition of spirits reeking out of the heart , t is visible even to the eies , in anger , and love , and bashfulness . if we make inquisition what effect these motions have on the fancy , we experience , that those objects occur to the mind , tumultuously and all on a heap , as it were , which solicite these passions ; so hastily and in a huddle , that they prevent mature weighing . it appears , therefore , that the atoms , rouz'd from their places by such like vapours , fly about the cognoscitive part , in a kind of confused tumble . if then , there are certain winds and blasts , which we call motions of the appetitive faculty : is it not plain , that the cavities of the brain will be brusht , as it were , and the images sticking to the wals be moved to the place destin'd for attaining their effect ? and that these atoms are carried neither meerly by chance , nor yet in a certain order , is evident by this ; that , upon inquisition , the things we seek for do not suddenly and perfectly occur ; which were a sign of election ; and yet manifestly , such abundance of them suit to our purpose , that t is clear , they could not run thus without any industry at all . as , therefore , when we treated of directing the spirits into the nerves , we allowed the several passions each their waies into certain parts of the brain : so , here , t is also manifest , the same passions have the places and series of some certain atoms , in a manner more obvious to them , than others . 9. but our new admirer of nature is perplext , how this multitude of objects , swimming in the cavities of the brain , should possibly be , without entangling and confounding one another : and by what art they shift out of one anothers way , so as to be able to keep humane knowledge distinct . and here , i must confess , i had need crave the help of a machine : for , really , we have no candle , nor spectacles enabling us to look into the subtile paths by which the atoms avoid and slip by , to escape ruining one another by shocking . but , in exchange , i ask how many sun-beams ( which philosophy now questions not to be bodies ) pierce streight to our eies , through the vast continuity of air , and so many little bodies flying up and down in it ? there 's no body , if we credit experience and reason , without its steams , and a sphere of vapours derived from it : how do these steams find free paths to run in and attain such wonderful effects ? the magnetical , sympathetical , and smell-producing streams , have not their courses broken , or ends intercepted by one another . they that have not the confidence to deny these , why are they loath to allow the same may happen in the wide passages of the brain ? but you 'l reply , that to multiply a difficulty is not to salve it ; but to profess the rest of nature inscrutable , when t is our task to clear this particular . well then , thus i cut the very knot asunder : in currents of greater atoms , where t is easier to make experiment , t is plain , that many are confounded , many lost ; yet , out of the very nature of multitude , that some are preserved entire , and those enough to serve nature's turn . so it passes even in the brain : whatever object enters requires time for affecting the sense ; which , if it be too short , the object is lost almost before it be perceiv'd ; if long , it roots in the knowledge by the multiplicity of the images , and the frequent sight of the same object does as much ; nay , that knowledge often repeated , works the same effect , is evident beyond dispute . this being so , we must conclude , that such is the art of nature as , for things to be remembred , there shall not want that abundance of images , which is necessary and sufficient to force their way through the crowd of all others they meet . 10. 't is plain that , in this answer , i have prefer'd the digbaean method before the rest : because that , as neer as is possible , traces nature step by step . i concern not my self in the rest ; as studying philosophy , out of a design to build , not destroy . only , i 'd remember the ingenious author that he mis-imposes the third opinion ( which relishes nothing of philosophy ) upon aristotle ( who taught the digbaean way ) ; deceiv'd by the counterfeit stilers of themselves aristotelians , whereas they are nothingless . in this same chapter , the author seems sollicitous about the will 's following the understanding : but , because , he disputes nothing on 't , neither will i ; only , hint that the will , as spiritual , signifies not any thing else , but the very understanding perfect , or ripe for action to follow out of it . that mystery of whence comes ill , i deny not , has bin brought down , by the contests of the ancients , even to our ears ; nor question i but 't will last as long as the bold and ignorant shall endure : but , as the author mis-insinuates , i doubt not that st. augustine himself has most clearly convinc'd it ; nor can it any longer be troublesome to any , but those who either know not , or neglect his doctrine . sixth plea displaies the pastick vertue , continuity , adhesion of parts , and the mysteries of rolling . 1 ▪ in his fifth chapter he falls upon the obscurity of the formation of natural bodies , especeially living ones : yet , not so smartly but that what he says may , with ease enough be repuls'd . i say , then , that there are two methods , by which the formation of living creatures may be rendred intelligible ; without any farther difficulty than what may , without a miracle , be refunded into the wisdome of our maker . conceive the first , thus : let 's say the seed of a plant or animal conteins invisible parts of all the animals members : these , le ts say , supply'd with moisture , encrease , with some slight mutation , whereof the reason may be easily rendred ( for example , that some parts dryer and harder , others are more throughly water'd and grow soft ) ; and what great matter will be apprehended in the formation of living things ? the other method is , that , observing the progress in chymicks , which must of necessity hold the very same in nature if self , we 'd see that things concocted with a gentle fire result into three more remarkable parts : a kind of thin and , as it were , fiery one , though condensablein to the species of water ; another oily and answerable to air ; a third expressing the nature of salt and , as it were , hardned water ; with all which ther 's mingled and lyes at the bottom a fourth , that 's dry and of an earthy quality , however they call it . the same we ought to expect from nature ; since the acting of heat upon moisture is the end of both fornaces . this laid for a ground , suppose , in a proper vessel , a drop of prepared liquor , so kept warm and preserv'd that it may be encreas'd , too ; is it not plain that , by the very action , some parts will become dryer , others more subtil and liquid ? and that the dryer will grow into different figures ? especially into certain hollow vessels ; if , by the beats of the boyling moisture , they be extended and thrust out in length ? and that all of them will cling together , where they begin first to divide ? and see you not now the figure of the animal and its respectively homogeneous parts form'd ? and that their connexion and variety , and its other heterogeneous parts follow the variety of either the fire or liquor . 2. he that shall comprehend these things well , will not lament that the plastick vertue is an empty name and a word without a thing . but , if he be ingenious and conveniently at leisure , he 'l either , in spring time close-observe the breeding plants in gardens or the fields ; or at home pluck up seeds buried in pots , just while they are taking life ; and daily rake into the bowels of berries and seeds : and i dare promise him so manifestly connected steps of advance , that , after many experiments , he shall fore-tel , meerly out of what he sees the day before , what will be the next days issue . those things which appear wonderful confusedly in the whole , taken asunder discover and fairly offer themselves to view . if one observe the spreading of figures or colours , he shall find the principles of these founded in the nature of juice ; the reasons of those chalk'd out by some manner of their production : for both fruits and even slips are , by art , variable into any kind of forms . much more the figures of different salts or concret juices spring , not from any intrinsecal nature , but from their usual generation and the diffidulty or facilness of their place and motions . nor let any be scar'd by the talk of artists , that admire and amplifie those things whose causes they understand not : or of our authour , amaz'd at the constancy of natural operations ; why our hens should never be colour'd like peacocks-tails or parrats . for , in different regions , great varieties spring from the diversity of food and air : and , for what is out of our reach about these things , we must be beholden to time . 3. in the same chapter he raises two other questions , which he thinks absolutely inexplicable : to me , on the other side , they seem to have scarce any difficulty in them . the later in him is concerning the composition of bulk or continuum : a question both debated by the antients and desperate to the modern's . the former , though the later in nature , is concerning the sticking together of parts , or , why one body is more divisible , another less . the former question supposes another , whether there be parts actually in a continuum , whereof the affirmative side , though they wrangle in words , yet is commonly taken by the modern's , as it were a self-or-sensibly-known truth ; but , by the whole school of the antient peripateticks and that of the thomists following them , hist out , as demonstratively convicted . the issue of the matter is that , about the composition of bulk , the moderns , after a world of laborious trifling , confess philosophy at a stand : the peripateticks deride them as groping in the dark . for , if there be no parts til they are made by division ; they are manifestly out of their wits that seek how those should be united which are-not at all ? the arguments of those that assert actual parts cite even sense ; concerning which ther 's nothing certainer than that it cannot discern any part in a bulk ; since the term of each part is invisible , whereas sence requires a notable quantity to judge of . their other arguments commonly assume our manner of speaking , and end in logical trifles , how we ought to speak , not what the thing it self has really in it . now , this no-very-difficult contest being decided , all the controversie concerning the composition of bulk is over . 4. about the other question there 's even as wise work . the followers of democritus strive to resolve it into hooks and corner'd hold-fasts : not seeing , that nothing can be imagin'd so one , or an atom , as that it self is not compos'd of many parts , concerning which it must be ask'd how they come to stick so fast together ? but , this difficulty they , at least , slip over , asserting that these in minutest bodies , by force of nature , resist whatever divisive power , not so the compounds of them : that is , the greatest and invincible coherence of parts they carelesly ascribe to the force and quality of nature , and are narrowly inquisitive about a less . the first resolution , therefore , 't is plain , is refunded into nature it self , and the division of body or bulk into rare and dense , or having more and less of quantity in equality of bulk . which differences most demonstrably dividing the notion of quantitative and constituting more species of it in things ; there remains no greater difficulty in the adhesion of the parts of the same continuum , than whether there be any such thing or not : for , if there be any , by its very being a continuum , of necessicity it must be whereof parts may be made , not wherein parts are ; else ( as we have press'd above ) the same thing would be one and many , divided and not-divided , in the same notion . therefore 't is that substance , from its very quantity , whence it has its refolvableness into parts , has also its easier or harder resolvableness , which they call its parts more or less sticking to one another . but , as soon as ever the speculation is strein'd up to intellectual notions , these naturalists's stomack turns : as if philosophy enjoyn'd us not to know our own thoughts , and made it unlawful to understand what we speak . 5. his sixth chapter is all dedicated to the motion of wheels ; nor , if we believe an author that wants for no wit , is it any ways solvable . but , before he attaques that fatal difficulty , he objects a certain previous one to us , which the antients object to aristotle ; but he , i confess , in a clearer form . for , he considers a wheel mov'd about its center , and plainly concludes that no part of it moves ; but the whole is mov'd , and the several parts together change place . but , what inconvenience this conclusion drags along with it , i am utterly ignorant : for , though he strives to reduce at large , that one part first quits the place before another is in it ; yet evidently the words , not the thing , breeds all the contest : for , what hinders that , altogether and at-once , both the quitter should first not-be and the succeeder first be in the same place ? another solution might be given , did the argument exact it : but , as i said , the quarrel is about the words and manner of speaking , not the thing . the author subjoyns a second difficulty , how , in a wheel turn'd about , the parts nearer the center , in the same time , come to run over so little a space ; whereas they are connected with the remoter , which fetch so large a compass ? and , after he has acknowledged it to arise from hence , because they are not carry'd alike swiftly ; he infers that , if the swiftness of the motions be unequal , the straight line drawn from the center to the circumference must be crook'd : whereas 't is most evident , the right line would be crook'd , if the nearer and distanter parts from the center were carry'd with equal velocity . 6. at length the author loftily enters upon his boasted experiment , professing before hand , hee 'l stop the mouth of the boldest obstinancy . thus he proposes it . let one axle-tree have three wheels on it , one at each end , both alike , and a third in the middle far less . let the bigger rest upon the floor , the lesse● upon some table . let them all be drawn in a progressive motion , till , having fetch'd a full compass , they mark the floor and the table with the very same points , in which , at first , they rested on them . the three scor'd lines will be found equal ; whereas the middle one is scor'd out by the contact of a circle far less than the other two , yet 't is as long as them : which , with no likely-hood , can be deny'd impossible ; since , 't is clear , things that touch , as far as they do so , are , necessarily equal . this is the knot ; this the evident repugnancy . but , alas ! let 's observe that motion is call'd in to help tye the knot the harder ; and that the motion is of two kinds , a right and a circular , compounding a third progressive motion of the wheel . observe we farther , that the right ( or streight ) motion of the three wheels is equal ; and that the circular motion of the great wheels is equal to the right motion ; but the circular motion of the middle little wheel is less than the right motion : and , which follows , that the greater wheels are mov'd with the same celerity according to both motions ; but the lesser is mov'd stronglyer in the right , than in the circular . now , the compounded motion is not that which is scor'd upon the floor or table , which , 't is clear , is a simple and purely right one ; but a certain crooked motion in the air , making , with the scored motion , a certain area ( whose quantity , torricellus has demonstrated ) : as is manifest beyond dispute to whoever but takes any one point of the circle or wheel ; and withall , that the progressive motion of the bigger wheels is greater than that of the lesser wheel . these things thus explicated , there appears nothing in this objection more intricate , than in this simple proposition , that of two bodies , which are carryed according to one line with equal velocity , one may , at the same time , be carried swiftlyer than the other , according to another line : which is so evident , that any one , that 's a mathematician , cannot doubt of it . 7. yet still galilaeus presses closer that , in the circumvolution , the several points of the lesser circle or wheel are just fitted , in an immediate succession , to the several points of the space in which 't is carried : and , therefore , that it cannot be understood how the right can be longer than the crooked . but , that which deceived galilaeus was his not having discussed aristotle himself , but bin overcredulous to his modern interpreters , or rather corrupters . for , aristotle has taught us that a moveable , in actual motion , alwaies possesses a bigger ( and not-equal ) place to it self ; which is most evident : for , since no part of motion can be but in time ; and , in every part of time , the thing moved quits some place and gets some new ; 't is plain , there cannot be found any so little motion , wherein the body moved , has not possessed both the place in which it had rested , and some part of a new one . this supposed , though the moveable were conceived indivisible ; yet certain it would be that , in whatever determinate part of time , or by however little a part of motion , it would score out not a space equal to it self , but some line ; and , in the conditions of our present dispute every point of the lesser wheel will draw a line proportionate to a part of the circle of the greater wheel . and , since really there are no either instants in time , or indivisibles in motion , or points in a circular line : 't is evident , this argument has no force ; but in vertue of that false apprehension which we have convinced in the ' fore-alledged defence of geometry . seventh plea inquires after the causes of our modern shortness in science . 1. in some of the following chapters he , exquisitely enough , searches into the causes of errors and human ignorance : yet , me-thinks , i could suggest two which he has over-slipt . one is the laziness or rather vanity of this age : for , whoever has got himself but talk enough to weave a learned story amongst the ignorant or half-learned , such as understandings unaccostomed to sciences are apt to be dazled with : partly out of irksomness to pursue harder things , partly out of confidence of his own wit , he slights descending into those mines whence our ancestors have dig'd out science ; and to take those pains himself which alone wisdom regards and follows . let this author be my witness ; who , about the end of his former chapter , complains of the obscurity of our speculations concerning motion , gravity , light , colours , sight , sound ; all which the digbaean philosophy makes as clear as day : whence also ( though there they are more copiously and clearly explicated ) we have borrowed our discourses of the load-stone , the derivation of the spirits into the members , the memory and remembrance , the formation of living creatures , and whatever almost we have alledged for solving the proposed difficulties : the very dictates of nature leading us the way . such like philosophers , therefore , read the eminent and highly elaborate works of others , as if they were romances invented for pleasure , or as spectators behold a comedy : what on the sudden takes them they commend ; if any thing more knotty than ordinary occurs , they either out of laziness let it pass unregarded , or break some bitter jest on 't . 2. another cause of ignorance , wav'd by our author , appears to me to be a certain special error in the nature of demonstration . for , they feign to themselvs a certain idea of demonstration , which should not only have this force on the vnderstanding , to render the truth propos'd evident ; but , so , besides , that no objection can with any likelihood be oppos'd against it . which is as much as if they should require this demonstration to clear whatever follows out of , or any way relates to it ; or , that one demonstration should be a kind of entire science . for , otherwise , how is it possible but opposition may be rais'd against this , out of things not-yet seen-through and conjoin'd with this truth ? an understanding then , adapted to sciences , out of very principles and what it already knows , is secure of a deduced truth : nor fears any thing can be infer'd opposite to the truth it knows ; whatever pains it may cost to get out of streights . for , it knows , that those things are certain , which the vnderstanding , out of a steddy sight that a thing is a thing , or that the same is the same , has fixt to and in it self : and patiently waits till the distinction between the entanglements shew it self , and the confusion vanish . 3. in that these contemners of sciences endeavour not at fixing any thing in themselves by a severe contemplation of truth : as soon as any truth pretends but to evidence , as if they were incapable of owning it , they quit their station , and betake themselves to enquiring whether any one has oppos'd that same : and if they find impugners , they assume it for most evident , that such a truth is not evident . for , say they , were it evident , 't would be so to all ; 't would convince every understanding . but , they may just as well say , the sun is not visible , because t is not seen by them who turn their backs on 't , or keep their eies shut . for , as in corporeal sight , some corporeal motion is necessary , by which the ball of the eye may be set against the object : no less to see and fix in the mind this very evidence , that the same cannot be and not-be at once , a certain application , and as it were , opening of the mind is required ; even to conceive and give birth to the very evidentest evidence . and , for want of this , so many of the ancients and moderns have not own'd , but corrupted , the evidence of that very first and most notorious principle . whence they can never attain that scientifical method which shines so clear in arithmetick and geometry , but are wholly entangled in logical and equivocal trifles ; and fill babbling volumes with fopperies . let these lusty compilers of tomes shew the world but one leaf , or one page deduc'd , or , at least , attempted in a geometrical method ; and then , let them complain there 's no science , or that it lies hid in an unfathomable well : now the sordid sluggards , only mettlesome at repaoaches , conceit a lion in the way , and stir not a foot , so much as to behold the very way . eighth plea wards off from aristotle the calumny of special impiety . 1. and now i seem at an end of the task set me : did not the same persons strein , as enviously as possible , to defame aristotle , with all manner of contumelies ; that the ignominy of that one man may make way for them to tear science it self out of the hands of the learned , and throw it into the dirt of probability . for , he alone , of all the ancients , has left any monument of demonstration in metaphysicks and physicks . the academicks , where they leave the peripateticks , were orators , not philosophers . for , socrates himself was meerly a disputer and a doubter . plato and aristotle divided his school . plato propos'd to himself , with his wholy-divine wit and purest eloquence , to set out probability , and make himself admir'd for speaking specious things concerning the principles necessary to human life . aristotle very concisely hunting after truth by experiments , and marrying with the inspection of nature , the power of deducing consequences , design'd to shew the world science in physicks and metaphysicks worthy to vye with geometry : and , therefore , as long as a popular form of common-wealth nourisht the power of orators , he was less esteem'd . for , those famous persons affected to manage science after the manner of civil causes , without a solid and firm judgment . the orators at length , wearing out of credit , the authority of aristotle grew stronger ; and has been deriv'd from the romans to the arabians ; from them , to our schools : the italians first ( to our knowledge ) re-calling into the west , the science of the arabians , which the wars long since had chas'd away . 2. 't is highly unjust , and a sign of a cavilling spirit , to pry into his life , whose doctine you go about to impugn : for , these oratorial preventions of the reader argue the writer has no mind a candid judgment should be given of the truth ; but lyes in wait to distort justice by stirring the affections . wherefore , hissing out those things which are tattled against aristotles manners , let 's trace what 's objected against his doctrine . peter gassendus , then , in his third exercitation , objects it as certain , that 't is aristotles opinion , in his book of metaphysicks , that god is an animal : whereas , on the contrary , in the 8. book of his physicks , chap. 6 and 10. he so expresly makes god a substance immaterial , indivisible , immoveable either by himself or by accident ; that impudence it self cannot be able to deny god , in his opinion , not-an animal . he adds , that god is ty'd to the out-most superficies of the highest heaven , which is extream-heedlesly said in the peripatetical way : whether you construe without heaven , in imaginary spaces ( whereas aristotle most expresly attests there are no such ) ; or an indivisible adherent to heaven ; whereas , both the first mover must necessarily be said to be in that which is first moveable or moved ; and , t is well known , that , in aristotle's way , the superficies is mov'd only through the motion of the body whose it is ; as also , the superficies ( as we have said above ) is a certain being divided , or term , or no-farther of a body , and not any entity in which god may be placed . 3. the next accusation argues god bound up to the laws of fate and necessity . but , here , the calumniator is clearly in an error . for , there are two kinds of fate ; one a stoical ; their 's who assert that whatever things are , exist in force of contradiction , since , of necessity , every thing must either be or not-be ; and this fate aristotle rejects : the other fate is a course of causes . since , therefore , 't is evident and agreed by all , in the peripatetical way , that god is the first-being , and by consequence , the cause of the whole series of the rest ; most clear it is that , in aristotle's school , he is not subject to fate , but himself the fate of all other things ; which is the most wise tenet of the saints , and the marrow of christian doctrine . like this is the other , that he is subject to necessity . for , the term , necessity , is ambiguous : for , as t is attributed to animals contradistinctly from liberty , so it takes away perfect knowledge ; which no peripatetick ever deny'd to god , to whom aristotles doctrine forces the very top of knowledge to be attributed . there 's another necessity springing from prefect knowledge ; to which nothing lying undiscovered , one perfect in knowledge , and , consequently , god , can take but one way . but , this necessity implying the determination of an understander to particulars , out of common principles , manifestly speaks election or liberty actuated . 4. he is farther calumniated to have taught that god knows not despicable and petty things ; and , the 12. of his metaphysicks is cited , where this is not found but by way of doubting : but , his best interpreters conclude , out of other texts , that aristotle attributes the knowledge even of these too , to god. this crimination , therefore , argues an ill will , drawing the words of that excellent person to the worst sense . yet , at least , he makes the world increated . but this may easily be deny'd . he asserted it , indeed , not-generated , or , impossible to have begun by motion and the force of natural causes ; which is most consonant to christian faith : but , as to the creation of the world , he has not a word on 't : yet , 't is one thing not to have acknowledg'd it , or reacht so high ; another , to deny ; amongst modest men that babble not incertainties . yet , i confess , he thought the world it self eternal : but , in his very error , he shewed himself the chief of heathen philosophers . for , whereas , they all with one consent declared , that nothing is made of nothing , 't was inconsequent for the world to have begun by motion , which could not exist without time ; and no begining of time , either out of its own essence , or by the action of moving causes , could appear . t is plain , therefore , that this error of aristotle's argues his excellency above the rest , who by chance , and not by science light on the truth . 5. the last calumny about his tenets concerns the immortality of the soul , which gassendus saies , aristotle in many places denies : but as disfavourably as before ; since , his best interpreters attest that he acknowledged it ; and plutarch records him to have written concerning the soul , upon eudemus's death ; out of whom is cited that famous story of a dead man's soul begging revenge of his friend . whence is evidenc'd that those interpreters err , who , out of aristotle's principles , endeavour to conclude the soul not immortal , and that this was aristotle's own sence . it hits strangely in fine , that the author , otherwise very ingenious , should judge this a fit objection , that aristotle denyed the resurrection of the dead : which , t is most certain , the light of faith first discover'd to mortals ; though , after its acceptation on that account , its conformity also to the progress of nature might be discern'd . this farther , that he concludes , saying , that aristotle speaks many things wholly disagreeable to our h. orthodox faith : as if plato and the rest of the philosophers had tendred the world none but tenets agreeable to faith : which is by so much an unworthier part of gassendus , in that he himself in his preface , promises he 'l shew that , t is by faith alone , any thing comes to our knowledge of god and the intelligences ; and that all arguments about these things , drawn from the light of nature , are vain . a worthy epiphonema , indeed , to close up his sixth book , design'd against metaphysick , or the supreme science . ninth plea wipes off the aspersions on aristotle's doctrine and terms . 1. i must now return from gassendus to the author of the vanity of dogmatizing ; since he has selected the strongest mediums : justly preferring them before that numerable rabble which gassendus has heap'd together , even to cloying ; out of love to reproaching , rather than science . our english academick , then , first by way of preface , as it were , seems to decline that envy , which the honourable train of aristotle's followers would be apt to procure him ; applying that sentence of seneca's , the multitude is an argument of the worst : so prone we are to err , even in the plainest things . for , t is evident , the vulgar , in some things , follow men of excellence , as it were , their captains ; in other things are govern'd , or rather hurried by their own judgment . the former method is that of nature it self , that many ignorants may , by the vertue and authority of a few , be carried to good : but , that the vulgar should judge of things themselvs know not , and by a tumultuary consent , precipitate the counsels of the prudent ; this is opposite to the laws of nature and reason . here now enquire whence aristotle has got an authority with the vulgar ? and t will clearly appear he has been made the coripheus of philosophers by the sway of the very princes of scholastical theology : to whom if you compare the judgments of orators or criticks , they 'l dwindle away to nothing . the fathers themselves ( those great persons pardon me if i say so ) are of another different trade ; nor have fallen upon any philosophical explication of faith , otherwise than as forc'd to it by the importunity of hereticks . 2. the author subjoins , that in the opinion of the wise , peripeteticism is a mass of terms that signifie nothing . but this author knew not that his own terms are so equivocal , that themselves speak nothing . for , who has sufficiently fifted this , who , or by whose judgment they are called wise , that have pronounced this of the peripateticks ? if we consult aristotles works themselves , or his ancient emulators , t is clearer than the sun , none ever of the philosophers so industriously , and by distributing so many of his terms into obvious sences , took care for the clearness of his dictates , and eluded the entanglement of equivocations . t is manifest then , the wise men had little skill in aristotle . they have mistaken , therefore , for aristotelians some apes cloaking themselves with aristotle's name , and expose other mens tenets for peripatetical ones : and ( which he seems not to know ) in very truth pyrronians . for , whoever , in mighty volumes and questions piled one on another , teaches nothing else , but , that one part , indeed , is more likely , but either side is defensible ; in such a world of twattle saies no more , than had he pass'd sentence in one word , that nothing is clear . this calumny , therefore , touches his own friends , not aristotle . 3. then , he prosecutes his plea against the peripateticks by certain doubts ; which either are not , or seem not , clear to him , in spight of reason . the notion of materia prima , which asserts it to have neither quiddity , nor quantity , nor quality , he contests is a description of nothing . ' strange , that men be so humorsome ! are there , perhaps , in all nature more usual words than being and power ? who is so sottish , that he speaks not thus of a piece of brass or marble assign'd for the purpose , that it is not-yet , but may or will be a statue of mercury ? do they not , peradventure , understand themselves that speak thus ; or , when they say , it may be , or has an aptitude to be a mercury , do they say the brass or marble is nothing , or , is nothing of mercury ? how , then , besides mercury , or the form of mercury , is there not a certain power or aptitude to be mercury , which neither is mercury actually , nor yet a notion of no-thing or no-thing ? or if , in respect of the figure which constitutes mercury , there is some aptitude which neither is that , nor yet a notion of nothing ; why may we not affirm the same of a quantum or bulk , and say , a boy is not yet big , but may be big ? for he that asserts this does he not , at the same time , deny bigness ; and yet clearly he names an aptitude to bigness ? nor , perhaps , is there any difference in respect to entity ; for we scruple not to say that tallow or oile may be flame , and yet that they are not yet flame : the tallow , therefore , or oil neither are the thing , flame , which they may be , nor so big as they will be when they are flame , nor so hot ; and yet they may be flame , they may be greater , they may be hotter : and there is in them a certain power , which neither has quiddity , quantity , nor quality ; since they are refer'd to all these , and are in a present state of privation in respect to them . now whoever professes this unintelligible , directly condemns mankind for a company of fools , that know not what they say in their vulgarest speech and commerces : and , he that denies matter it self destroys that solemn maxim of philosophy , that nature makes nothing of nothing . 4. there are two other terms which trouble our sceptick , form and being educ'd out of the power of matter . as for the first , 't is strangely odd , that too much speculation should so render ingenious men no better than the most stupid . can any man be born such a bruit , as not to own that one thing is distinct from another ? or , if it be distinct , can he assert t is distinguish'd by nothing ? does the difficulty lie here , that this , by which t is distinguish'd should be called a form ? what a strange unreasonableness is this , not to let me call that a form , which i see distinguish one from the other ? may not i say of two brazen statues , that they agree in brass , and are distinguisht by their figures ? or , if there be a third of marble , shall i be chid for saying , the brazen ones are distinguisht from the marble one , in that this is of stone , those other of mettal ? as , therefore , before , i distinguisht power and being in substance , quantity , and quality ; i may , now , in the same , find grounds for the denominations of form and subject in each of them . 5. as to the later term , being educ'd out of power , let the ingenious man reflect whether that which , out of some dark hole , softly and by degrees comes forth n●o open view , is improperly said to be educ'd or brought out . again , let him remember ( if he have ever seen a peece of marble form'd by a statuary ) how , at first it cannot be imagin'd what the artist means to form : after a little pains , there appears a confus'd resemblance of a humane creature ; then , whether it be a man or woman ; and at length , what man it is . behold , how a man , which was potentially in the marble , and confused in the dark , as it were , is by little and little educ'd by art out of that confusion into clear light , and the marble is palpable and expresly made a caesar. philosophers consider as much in nature ; whether you observe the seeds of living things , or the community of the elements to be mixt into a compound , or the abstraction of matter from the elements , whence this phrase to be educ'd out of the power of matter signifies matter out of its aptitude to many , to be determin'd , by the operation of nature or art to one certain thing ; through a motion from confusion to distinctness : and not to be , as it were , infus'd , with a dependance from the subject , as this anti-peripatetick fancies out of i know not what dreamers . for , there are none of these triflles extant in aristotle . tenth plea maintains certain definitions and arguings . 1. next they shoot at two of aristotle's definitions , either of them most exact , and as clear as can be , to those that understand any thing in his way . the first is the definition of light , in these words , light is the act of a prespicuous thing : which seems obscure to this race of people , because the use of the word act is fram'd by philosophers , and not taken from tully , or found in calipine . let them know , therefore , that act is deriv'd from agere , to do , or agi , to be done , or the participle actum , done ; and us'd by philosophers for that , by which what was intended by the agent at the end of his action is term'd or demonstrated donc . in greek , perhaps , 't is more elegantly call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it were , the operation of the causes , taking the operation , not for the flux of the action , but , for that which remains introduced by the operation , which is such a flux . but , because our language affords not a proper word correspondent to the term , act ; our sterling philosopher is all in choller against aristotle . for , if he had put but ordinary words , instead of terms of art , saying , light is a certain perfection of a body , that has this in its nature , to let coloured things appear through it , making them de facto appear through it ; as we experience objects are seen through illuminated air , which are not seen through it darkened : what had he found worth making such a wide mouth over ? now because he has spoken most neatly and briefly , poor aristotle smarts for it . 2. the other definition has the same fault . the definition is this , motion is the act of a thing in power , as in power . for , since a thing is said to be in power , to that it may be brought to by motion ; for example ; one that 's sick , to health ; wood , to firing , or to be fire : t is plain , that motion is that perfection , or act with which the subject is affected whilst 't is yet in power , or , till the sick person be in health , or the wood be fire ; as in power , or in that state by which it may attain the intended perfection . behold here a most clear and learned definition , and subject to no other reproach than a certain umbrage , from a ridiculous story concerning the greek term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which i believe fram'd by the philosopher to express his intention emphatically . the story 's this ; that a critick , i know not who , went to one ciccus , esteem'd a magician ( i imagine , because he wrote of magick ) to enquire of the devil what was the meaning of that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in aristotle ; and return'd as wise as he went , and mock'd at by the oracle . that it may appear then what a dunce devil our philosophers have consulted ; lte them take notice that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a word made up of three , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the addition of a foeminine termination , which is proper for signifying abstractions : and so signifies the manner the subject of motion is found in at the end of the action ; which is the very same thing with the term act , as t is explicated above . 3. in his seventeenth chapter there is a new calumny forg'd against aristotle ; the more unworthily , in that he ; above the rest , has endeavour'd at clearness . his philosophy is accus'd to be litigious , and through the wavering use of his terms , confused and obscure . this accusation is found guilty of a double ignorance : one , of what aristotle's use is ; for he 's the carefullest that ever writ , to distinguish and form the significations of his terms : the other is , that he takes scepticks for peripateticks . and , that the scepticks endeavours are the vainest that can be , i easily grant ; that they little trouble themselves about fixing the use of their words , to be left more at liberty to sell any trifles they list for vanity or profits sake ; that they are petty orators , or rather janglers , not philosophers ; that they take upon them the name of aristotelians , to corrupt youth and draw disciples after them . i deny not that these are to be shun'd like the plaigue , by all pursuers of science ; nor is any thing of sollidity to be expected from them : this one thing puts me out of patience , that persons , otherwise ingenious and desirous of knowledge , should be averted by these cheats , not only from true science , but from all hope of ever gaining any , in the things most necessary to human life . 4. they back their feigned plea against the philosopher out of his own words and actions . their first crack is upon that saying of his , that his books of physicks were so publisht , that they were not made publick . the sense whereof was , that the matter or subject handled in them is so abstracted , that , without the assistance of an experienc'd master , they could not be understood by those unus'd to his way ; which we see hold to this day : for , scarce any one comprehends those books , unless aided by the old commentators . whence our moderns , for the most part , are quite besides the cushion as to aristotles meaning ; though he himself has spoken , as clearly as possible the brevity he prefixt to himself could bear . the next calumny is grosser and more luckless ; that those things which he has collected , to furnish logical disputants , and perfect the act of disputing previously to giving judgment , should be applyed to his method of demonstrating , and to his practice not in disputing but defining . for , as , in plays , 't is a commendation to entangle the story , that it may come off at last with greater admiration : so , 't is the task of the inquirer to confound the question , with proposing difficulties before it , that the demonstrator may clearly vnidicate it , and , as it were , dispelling the clouds , restore it to light. 5. this plea requir'd instances out of that work of his . the author presses three : upon gassendus's credit , i believe , or some other slight lookers into it ; for , in the book it self there 's nothing to be seen : the first runs thus . he proves the world to be perfect , because it consists of bodies ; that bodies are perfect , because they consist of a triple dimension ; that a triple dimensions is , therefore , perfect , because consisting of three ; and that three is perfect , because two we call both , and never say all till we come to three . look into his first book de coelo , chap. 1. you shall find these last words make no part of the demonstration , but are additional only : and that the demonstration , it self is this ; because the world consists of bodies , the perfection of the world is to be perfect in the notion of body . now , the perfection of body lies in this , that it be spread every way upon three prependiculars , as the geometricians demonstrate . and thus are both the several bodies , and the world ; but in a divers manner ; for the several bodies are terminated each to others ; whence , though they are spread according to all the lines , yet not to the whole , or utmost extent of them . but , because there is no space beyond or without the world ( as 't is demonstrated in the fourth of his physicks ) , the world is spread according to all and the whole lines , or , perfectly every way ; and by consequence , must be said perfect in the notion of body , and , so , absolutely . 6. the second instance is , that aristotle asserts , were there more worlds , the moon would fall down upon the earth . this consequence the arguer thinks sprung from such a fancy as theirs , that fear the antipodes should drop into heaven . but , he reflects not how great pains the philosopher took to establish the center of the world in the earth : which granted , this consequence would depend not from fancy but reason , as himself seems to confess . 7. the third instance , too ( drawn out of lib. 2. cap. 5. de coelo . is utterly perverted . for , aristotle teaches not , that the heav'ns are , therefore , carry'd towards the west , because the west is the nobler , ( as the argument makes it ) ; but , that the west is the nobler , because the heav'ns are carry'd towards it . now , there 's this difference betwixt the two ; that in the former method , 't is assum'd without proof , that the west is the nobler ; in the later , it follows out of those things which aristotle had concluded ; viz. that there 's nothing accidental in eternal things ; and , by consequence , that the motion towards the west is natural to the heav'ns ; and natural motion is to the more honourable : whence it clearly follows , that the west is nobler than the east . it follows , i say ; for , if the principles were true , 't were a noble demonstration . eleventh plea refutes some topicks babbled against science . 1. about the end of the chapter he expresses indignation , that the learned so employ all their pains upon logick , physick , and metaphysick ; that the sciences , usefuller to human life , viz. concerning the heav'ns , meteors , fossils , and animals , but especially politicks and oeconomicks , are much neglected . nor can i deny that these are neglected in the schools : but , what 's guilty on 't , but the scepticism that reigns there ? for , if the sciences were taught in aristotle's method , there would be room enough for all ; nor would nature be taunted with the usual calumny , that mans life is too short for the arts : but , the necessary ones once known , there would advance still a surplusage of leisure , to take abundantly , in any of these sciences , that delight which human curiosity should be drawn to . but , they are the scepticks that envy this happiness to men ; confounding all things with endless contests ; especially those common truths which aristotle has demonstrated : such as are formal divisibility , that what ever is mov'd is mov'd by another , that a continuum or bulk is divisible in infinitum , that there 's no vacuum : and such like ; without the owning whereof before hand , 't is in vain to make experiments for acquiring science : since , they will all come at length to be resolv'd into these principles ; or else there will be ever a straining after science unproffitably , without any principles at all . 2. in his eighteenth chapter , he reproves the peripatetical doctrine as insufficient to solve phaenomena's . but , this he does out of error or spleen : for , if he takes the doctrine of our modern philosophical apes to be aristotle's own , he 's strangely in an error ; but , if he denyes aristotle to have taken pains to solve problem's , he 'l be shewn guilty of injustice by all his books of natural philosophy , those especially which usually follow his eight books . which of the moderns has more happily unbowel'd nature than digby , who at every turn is mindful of aristotle , and candidly accepts his dictates ? the adversary urges that the systeme of heaven is mis-contriv'd by aristotle . open the accusation , you 'l find the sum and very knot of it to be , that aristotle had not an optick table : else supposing those phaenomenas of the sun , which enlightened aristotle's age , his discourse , in his books de coelo , merits all admiration . that the intelligences are the movers of the heav'n is christian doctrine . that there is a certain fire swimming upon our air is nothing else but cartes's ether , or a kind of rarer element enbracing the convex of our sky . if aristotle has err'd in a very few things ; why , yet , so much anger ? shall we not allow philosophy its growing time ? if , yet , he may be said to err , and not rather ingeniously , and ingeniously to propose , who professes he conjectures , not demonstrates ; as aristotle does in his books de coelo . 3. his ninteenth chapter inveighs against aristotle's doctrine as unfruitful and barren ; but , weakly and falsely . weakly , because all the inventions he speaks of belong to artificers and handy-craft-men ; not philosophers , whose office 't is to make use of experiments for science , not to make them . falsly , because aristotle's way of doctrine being about common notions , without which there 's no comprehending particulars ; nothing is truly invented without it . i , but they are generals that are found in aristotle . it must be reply'd , that he and his disciples deserve thanks for devulging them , and fixing a step to climb thence farther and higher . but , ( if my divination fails me not ) i see , were aristotle's principles pluck'd up , philosophy unable to give an account of ordinary effects . i 'm sure , the philosophy which admits vacuities is reducible to no rules for acting : and cartes's vortices , i shrewdly suspect no way serviceable to invention . concerning his tenets , which savour of impiety , we have spoken before . for his contradictions , the places are not cited : but , whoever is skill'd in aristotle knows , he uses to draw examples out of others books and vulgar sayings ; and that nothing is to be esteemed his own , which falls not into the course of his doctrine . whence , 't is no hard matter to find contrary opinions in his works : but , those things alone are to be ascribed to him , which either are asserted in their proper places , or brought by him for confirmation of his known tenets . 4. the twentieth chapter renders manifest the eminence of peripateticism above all other methods , by its very impugnation of it . for , it assumes , it cannot be known that one thing is cause of another , otherwise than because they are found together : which we deny not to be an occasion of suspecting , but no argument of causality ; for , if nothing else be clear , 't will be still-unknown , which of the too is the cause , which effect . but , the peripateticks conclude not a. to be the cause of b. till , defining both , they find , out of their very definitions , that a cannot be , but it must follow out of its intrinsecals that b is . for example , a peripaterick collects that fire is the cause of heat ; because heat is nothing else but atoms flowing from fire : and on the other side , he knows that fire cannot exist , but it must send out such particles . cartes's paradox , of light and the sun , is just as if we should expect the skyes falling to catch larks . that wonderfully ingenious man is so coelestial , that he has not so much as sand to found his structures on . peripateticks chuse rather to collect a few certainties , acknowledging a multitude of uncertainties , than , grasping at all , to hold nothing . sure i am , none more largely pretends demonstration , than des cartes : so that , nothing is more unseemly than for his adorers to profess scepticism . 5. not a jot stronger , to establish the impossibility of science , is the argument from the variety of opinions amongst those that are call'd philosopers . for first , it must be evident that they are philosophers : before their judgements deserve esteem in philosophical matters . do they profess to demonstrate ? do they model their books in euclid's method ? do they interweave definitions with self-known truths ? and admit no other for proof ? all which may be observ'd in aristotle and his antient interpreters , though not express'd in euclids form . these things if they do , either they are not rational , or all will be of the same mind ; as geometricians are . if they neglect these , 't is not a pin matter for their judgments in philosophy . our author tells a story of the power of fancy , which i doubt is imperfect : for , it seems , he would have one man be able to order anothers thoughts without ever acting by his senses or fancy : since , he relates , that one compel'd others , absent from him , to think and speak what he pleas'd . for , though i allow men to have a very large power over animals , by the help of their fancies ; for example , to tame or enrage them , by means of sounds or shewing them figures ; perhaps , too , to strike them sick or cure them , and such like : yet , that the fancy should be mov'd to those things , which move it not by any sense , 't is hard to believe . for all that , i do not altogether deny the motion made upon the sense to be every way like , and univocal to that which is in the mind ; and , when it happens , to be deriv'd rather from the vehemencie of the affection , than the pure motion of the fancies impressing it . 6. in this twenty first chapter , he divines of future science ; particularly , of some not-yet discovered manners of acting at distance : which i 'le rather await , than discuss or hope for . about the end of the chapter , he assumes , that nothing can be known , unless it be resolv'd into the first causes . whence , he should have seen clearly that the first causes , and metaphysicks , which treats of them , is most known of all to nature , or next to our first knowledges : and that naturalists strive in vain , who negotiate much about the particulars of nature ; and comprehend nothing through their ignorance of metaphysick . take for example the stir about vacuum ; which metaphysicks declare as impossible , as for no-thing to be a thing : about the spring of rarity and density ; which the metaphysician most palpably demonstrates is out of , or , extrinsecal to the things that are rare and dense , and many such like ; whose truth those that essay by experiments , but without the light of metaphysick , shall find an endless work on 't . metaphysical principles must be taken from aristotle , not des cartes , though a person of most eminent wit. for , aristotle , by contemplation , form'd into method those things which he found engrafted in nature : des cartes , in his physical principles ( as if he meant to prescribe the creator an idea ) designs in the air and in the concave of the moon , as they say , what himself thought was to be done , according to art. from which kind of fabrick there 's no benefit to be hoped for by the reader . 7. the next chapter is sick of that error , which aristotle has very often detected and confuted ; viz. that nothing is known unless it be perfectly known : for example , that we know not god is , unlesse we see him , that any man cannot make use , and be sure of that cartes's first-known thing or object of knowledge , i think , therefore i am , unlesse he comprehends the all things of that i ; so , as to know the nature of his matter and form , the number of his elements and members , and the causes and motion by which he was begotten , and in short , whatever is connected with him . which is clearly to professe , he knows not the question in hand : for , none of the dogmatizers either arrogates to himself or hopes for so perfect a knowledge . 't is a piece of the same heedlesnesse , not to know that all that see a white wall have the same apprehension of whiteness , though their several sensations vary the degree and perfection of it . whence , our author had done more prudently to have sat down in silence , and pardon'd the affecters of science their error ; than , by meerly topical and delusory reasons , to have averted minds , born to excellent things , from the first desire of nature , and gathering fruit , at least , in some degree ; according to that of the moral poet , though you of glycons mighty lims despair , do not to keep away the gout forbear . 8. for all that , our academick makes no scruple , in general , to lay all kind of mischief to those that proceed dogmatically , such art ( as the philosophers says ) it requires to find a mean. first he asserts this method is the daughter of ignorance ? who would have look'd for this brand from a sceptick ? you that profess your selves to know nothing , do you object ignorance to others ? quis tulerit gracchos de seditione querentes ? next , he calls it the inmate of untam'd affections : upon what title ? for , if there be any science , that will the peaceful temples keep well fortifi'd , built by the sages doctrine . — you that profess you know not whether there be any or no ; how rashly do you affirm it to dwell alwayes with untam'd affections ? since , if there be none , it dwells no where . the third inconvenience of dogmatizing is , that it stirs men up to controversies . the rising sun seems to me guilty of the very same crime , in disturbin the slug-a-beds , and summoning every one to their work : for , such a kind of falt it is , to inculcate truth to those that live in ignorance and error . a fourth crime is , that one who adheres to any science , lays ignorance to the charge of those that know not his demonstration . i cannot deny it ; for , 't is the nature and title of light to reproach those things , as dark , which admit not its beams . but , herein the demonstrators are modester than the scepticks , that , at least , they except some , and speak well of nature ; whom , with all her children , the scepticks condemn to the dungeon of darknesse for ever . 9. like this is the next , that the confidence of science in error bars the gates against the liberty to get possession of truth . how blindly does the sceptick dispute these things ? who freely owns that truth is no where , which men might have the liberty to get possession of . he concludes at last , the dogmatizer has a petty and enthrall'd soul. so strangely things are nick-nam'd that are unknown ! for , t is science's part to dilate the soul , and render it capable of great things : and this the pleasure of one that knows , to look down on scepticks as all in a tumult below , and lucret. see them at a loss at every turn , and breathless hunting out the way of life . which to make ones life and task is the miserablest of all things , and an utter casting off rationality ; and the whole felicity humanity affords . these things , as they are all most true , and scarce deniable , even by a sceptick , to follow out of the possibility of demonstration , that is , if there be any rational nature , yet i would not have them so asserted , as to patronize palliated scepticks , who admit , indeed , that there is such a thing as some both physical and metaphysical science , in common ; but neither tend to it by any legitimate method , nor own any thing , in particular , demonstrated : and yet , by the press of the herd , in a society , thrusting one another on , and by loads of scriblers , they most absurdly fly at and arrogate to themselves the highest degree of doctorship , and the top of sciences and name of wisdom . the father of nature grant mankind may at length be eas'd of this yoak ; which galls the necks of the sons of adam : and , that the studious of truth may understand it alike dangerous to think every thing and nothing is demonstrated . finis . a brief natural history intermixed with variety of philosophical discourses and refutations of such vulgar errours as our modern authors have hitherto omitted / by eugenius philalethes. vaughan, thomas, 1622-1666. 1669 approx. 158 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 68 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64764 wing v145 estc r1446 12075804 ocm 12075804 53586 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64764) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53586) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 587:2) a brief natural history intermixed with variety of philosophical discourses and refutations of such vulgar errours as our modern authors have hitherto omitted / by eugenius philalethes. vaughan, thomas, 1622-1666. [14], 120 p. printed for matthew smelt ..., london : 1669. attributed to vaughan by wing and halkett and laing. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-07 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-10 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brief natural history intermixed with variety of philosophical discourses ; and refutations of such vulgar errours as our modern authors have hitherto omitted . by eugenius philalethes . london printed for matthew smelt next door to the castle near moor-gate . 1669. the epistle to the reader . i presume i shall no sooner appear upon the stage i am prepared for , but i must without evasion expect to be assaulted by that furious and inconsiderate monster called censour ; whose lashes i will receive with the same slight concern , the lacedemonians did the cruelty of their correctors , sporting themselves whilst their backs were torn with the unmerciful whip . of that efficacy is resolution , that it presents pain but meer opinion , and values a scoffing lucian , or a satyrical memphus , no more then a harmless hellespont did the vain threats of a proud xerxes . seneca saith well , better aliud agere quam nihil , for idleness is the devils opportunity : the considerations of which ( with my assent to the judgment of thucidides , who sayes , to know a thing and not to express it , is all one as thongh he knew it not ) made me to expose my self to publick view . my subject is good and great , called by the name of nature ; here i present her , expressing mans ingratitude , who is fit to strip her of those robes of priviledge that god himself hath endowed her with , not : considering that what she acts , is by the vertue of his power ; and that she is one of those mirrours that represents him to us , which a philosophick passion adores as the supream efficient . but indeed , how can she expect our veneration , till we have divested our selves of that prejudice ignorance possesses us with , which must be done by a serious reflex upon her effects , as this little volumn will acquaint you , if you read it with an impartial and unbyased reason ; for i have , as all others of the same inclination must do , used philosophy as the tellescope by which we must make our observations , as you will , when you see , find my curiosity descending to little insects , and that with wonder at their production out of corruption ; from thence i view her care in beautifying this little globe we live in , with robes sutable to every season ; and when i ascend the lower region , and mark the clouds ranging themselves in such bodies as though they intended another deluge , it occasions wonder ; so likewise the coldness of the middle region with the heat of the upper , and the element of fire , must be miracles to ignorance . and if we observe the moon , with the motion attending that of the seas flux and reflux , it would make us judge , that there is some secret contract made ab origine betwixt her and the watery element . mercury and venus i have spoken of in their places : the next that presents us with cause of admiration , is the glorious sun , the luminary of the universe , called by some , and not improperly , the anima mundi , for we find her approach gives life to vegitives , sense to animals , and almost a new nature to rationals . as for mars , jupiter , and saturn , the eighth sphere , and christalline heaven , & the empyreum , i have treated on , if not like a knowing secretary of nature , yet a submiss admirer of her . and whereas i make a refutation of errours , as an addition to my title , some perhaps will say , i am like the tinker , that for stopping of one hole make two , or for my refuting of one errour , i have made two ; it may be i have in the opinion of some : but whether i have or no , who shall be judge ? for what appears an errour to one , is to another a very evident truth : sometimes a week or a day , nay an hour puts a change upon an opinion of many years standing . but let my errours be as great and as many as i pretend to correct , reason shall convince me , and command my acknowledgment ; for it 's our errours that presents us human . i have writ this to give satisfaction to others if i can ; but if not , howsoever i have secured it to my self ; and let the reader judge of it as it pleases him . i have writ that which delights me ; and if envie cause a misapplication of my intention , it matters not , the contempt of it will make me bold to say , i value it and thee after the rate as thou dost it and me . the assertions here laid down are plain and perspicuous , convincing and satisfactory to the intelligent . but i know that common prejudice which is usually taken of any thing ( though never so true ) which is contrary to any mans belief , it does beget such passion and animosity , &c. and makes such a breach as is hardly to be repaired . and since our own opinion may make it disputable what reason we have to pretend of convince another by , i shall only offer this for common satisfaction , that things demonstrable are the most evident marks of truth ; and that they are so clearly manifested in this little book , deserves nothing but sobriety and moderation , and a well weighing of the matter herein contained . reader , i am loth to leave thee , but that i would not keep thee from the book it self , which i hope will be to thy ample satisfaction , &c. vale. eugenius philalethes . a brief natural history intermixed with variety of philosophical discourses , &c. god by his presential essence gives unto all things an essence ; so that if he should withdraw himself from them , as out of nothing they were first made , so into nothing they would be again resolved . in the preservation then of the creature , we are not to consider so much the impotency and weakness thereof , as the goodness , wisdom , and power of the creator , in whom , and by whom , and for whom , they live , move , and have their being . the spirit of the lord filleth the world , saith the author of the wisdom of solomon ; and the secret working of the spirit , which thus pierceth through all things , as virgil aeneid 6 , hath excellently exprest , principio coelum ac terras camposque liquentes , lucentemque globum lunae , titaniaq , astra , spiritus intus alit , totamque infusa per artus , mens agitat molem & magno se corpore miscet . the heavens , the earth , and all the liquid main , the moons bright globe and stats titanian ; a spirit within maintains , and their whole mass a mind , which through each part infus'd doth pass , fashions and works and wholly doth transpierce all this great body of the universe . the spirit the platonists call the soul of the world ; by it , it is in some sort quickned and formalized , as the body of man is by its reasonable soul. there is no question then , but that this soul of the world , ( if we may so speak with reverence ) being in truth no other then the immortal spirit of the creator , is able for to make the body of the world immortal ; and to preserve it from dissolution ; as he doth the angels , and the spirits of men , were it not , that he hath determined to dissolve it by the same supernatural and extraordinary power , by which at the first he gave it existence . for my own part i constantly believe that it had a beginning , and shall have an ending ; and judg him not worthy of the name of a christian ; who is not of the same mind : yet so as i believe both to be matter of faith ; through faith we understand that the worlds were framed by the word of god , heb. 11. 3. and through the same faith we understand likewise , that they shall be again unframed by the same word . reason may grope at this truth in the dark ; howbeit , it can never clearly apprehend it , till it be enlightned by the bright beams of faith. though i deny not but that it is probable , though not demonstrative , and convincing arguments may be drawn from the discourse of reason to prove either the one or the other . i remember the philosophers propose a question , uirum mundus filo generall concursu dei perpet●● durare possit ? and for the most part they conclude it affirmatively , even such as professed the christian religion , and for the proof of this assertion , they bring in effect this reason . the heavens , say they , are of a nature which is not capable of it self of corruption ; the loss of the elements is recovered by compensation , of mixt bodies without life by accretion , of living bodies by succession , the fall of the one being the rise of the other : as rome triumphed in the ruines of alba , and the depression of one scale is the elevation of another ; according to that of solomon , one generation passeth away , and another generation cometh , but the earth abideth for ever , eccles. 1. 4. again , all subcoelestial bodies ( as is evident ) consist of matter and form ; now the first matter having nothing contrary unto it , cannot by the force of nature be destroyed ; and being created immediately by god , it cannot be abolished by any inferiour agent . and as for the forms of natural bodies , no sooner doth any one abandon the matter it informed , but another instantly steps into the place thereof ; no sooner hath one acted his part and is retired , but another presently comes forth upon the stage , though it may be in a different shape , and to act a different part ; so that no proportion of matter is , or at any time can be altogether void and empty ; but like vertumnes or proteus it turns it self into a thousand shapes , and is alwayes supplied and furnished with one form or other , by a power divine above nature : but to proceed , such and so great is the wisdom , the bounty , and the omnipotence which god hath expressed in the frame of the heavens , that the psalmist might justly say , the heavens declare the glory of god , psal. 19. 1. the sun , and the moon , and the stars serving as so many silver and golden characters , embroidered upon azure for the daily preaching and publishing thereof to the world. and surely if he have made the floor of this great house so beautiful , and garnished it with such wonderful variety of beasts , of trees , of herbs , of flowers , we need wonder the less at the magnificence of the roof , which is the highest part of the world , and the nearest to the mansion house of saints and angels . now as the excellency of these bodies appear in their situation , their matter , their magnitude , and their spherical and circular figure ; so specially in their great use and efficacy ; not only that they are for signes and seasons and for days and years ; but in that by their motion , their light , their warmth , and influence , they guide and govern , nay cherish and maintain , breed and beget these inferiour bodies , even of man himself , for whose sake the heavens were made . it is truly said of the prince of philosophers , sol & homo generunt hominem , the sun and man beget man. man concurring in the generation of man as an immediate , and the sun as a remote cause . and in another place he doubts not to affirm of this inferiour world in general . necessa est mundum inferiorem super in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibus continuari , ut ●●●●is inde virtus ●●rivetur . it is requisite , that these inferiour parts of the world should be co-joyned to the motions of the higher bodies , that so all their virtue and vigour might be from thence derived . there is no question but the heavens have a marvellous great stroak upon the air , the water , the earth , the plants , the mettals , the beasts , and upon man himself , at least wise in regard of his body and natural faculties . to let pass the quailing and withering of all things by their recess , and their reviving and resurrection , ( as it were ) by the reaccess of the sun. i am of opinion , that the sap of the trees so precisely follows the motion of the sun , that it never rests , but is in a continual agitation , as the sun it self ; which no sooner arrives at the tropick , but he instantly returns , and even at the very instant ( as i conceive ) and i think it may be demonstrated by experimental conclusions ) the sap which by degrees descended with the declination of the sun , begins to remove at the approach thereof , by the same steps that it descended : and as the approach of the sun is scarce sensible at his first return , but afterwards the day increases more in one week , than before in two ; in like manner also fares it with the sap , in plants , which at the first ascends up insensibly and slowly , but within a while much more swiftly and apparently . it is certain that the tulip , marigold , and sun-flower open with the rising , and shut with the setting of the sun ; so that though the sun appear not , a man may more infallibly know when it is high noon by their full spreading , then by the index of a clock or watch. the hop in its growing windeth it self about the pole , always following the course of the sun from east to west , and can by no means be drawn to the contrary , choosing rather to break then yield . it is observed , by those that sayl between the tropicks , that there is a constant set wind , blowing from the east to the west , saylers call it the breeze , which rises and falls with the sun , and is always highest at noon ; and is commonly so strong , partly by its own blowing , and partly by over-ruling the currant , that they who sayl to peru , cannot well return the same way they came forth : and generally marriners do observe , that caeteris paribus , they sayl with more speed from the east to the west , then back again from the west to the east , in the same compass of time . all which should argue a wheeling about of the air , and waters by the diurnal motion of the heavens , and especial by the motion of the sun. whereunto may be added , that high-sea springs of the year , are always nearer about the two aequinoctials and solstices ; and the cock as a trusty watchman , both at midnight and break of day , gives notice of the suns approach . these be the strange and secret effects of the sun , upon the inferiour bodies ; whence by the gentiles he was held the visible god of the world : and termed the eye thereof , which alone saw all things in the world , and by which the world saw all things in it self . omnia qui videt , & per quem videt omnia mundus . and most notably it is described by the psalmist , in them hath he set a tabernacle for the sun , which is as a bridegroom coming out of his chamber , and rejoyceth as a strong man to run a race , his going forth is from the beginning of the heaven , and his circuite to the end of it , and there is nothing hid from the heat thereof , psal. 19 4 , 5 , 6. now as the effects of the sun , the head-spring of light and warmth , are upon these inferiour bodies more active , so those of the moon ( as being ultima caelo , citima terris , nearer the earth , and holding a greater resemblance therewith ) are no less manifest . and therefore the husbandman in sowing and setting , grafting , and planting , lopping of trees , and felling of timber , and the like , upon good reason observes the waxing and waining of the moon , which learned zanchius in his operibus dei , well allows of ; commending hesiod for his rules therein quod ex lunae decrementis & incrementis totius agricolationis signa notet , quis improbet ? who can mislike it that hesiod sets down the signs , in the whole course of husbandry , from the waxing and waining of the moon : the tides and ebbs of the sea follow the course of it , so exactly , as the sea-men will tell you the age of the moon only by the sight of the tide as certainly , as if he saw it in the water . it is the observation of aristotle and pliny out of him , that oysters , mussels , cockles , lobsters , crabbs , &c. and generally all shell-fish grow fuller in the increase of the moon , but emptier in the decrease thereof . such a strong predominancy it hath upon the brain of man , that lunaticks borrow their very name from it ; as also doth the stone selenites ; whose property , as st. augustine and georgius agricola records it , is to increase and decrease in light with the moon , carrying always the resemblance thereof with it self . neither can it reasonably be imagined , that other planets , and stars , and parts of heaven , are without their forcible operations upon these lower bodies , specially considering that the very plants and herbs of the earth , which we tread upon , have their several vertues , as well single by themselves , as in composition with other ingredients . the physitian in opening of a vein , hath ever an eye to the sign then reigning . the canicular star , especially in those hotter climates , was by the ancients always held a dangerous enemy to the practise of physick , and all kind of evacuations . nay , galen himself , the oracle of that profession , adviseth practitioners in that art , in all their cures , to have a special regard to the reigning constellations and conjunctions of the planets . but the most admirable m●stery of nature , in my mind , is the turning of iron touched with the load-stone towards the north pole ; ( of which i shall have occasion to discourse more largely hereafter in another tract , ) neither were it hard to add much more to that which hath been said , to shew the dependance of these elementary bodies upon the heavenly : almighty god having ordained , that the higher should serve as intermediate agents , or secondary causes ; but so , as in the wheels of a clock ; though the failing of the superiour , cannot but cause a failing in the inferiour , yet the failing of the inferiour , may well argue somewhat for it self , though it cannot cause a failing in the superiour , we have great reason then , as i conceive , to begin with the examination of the state of coelestial bodies , in as much as upon them the condition of the subcoelestial depends . wherein five things will offer themselves to our consideration , their substances , their motion , their light , their warmth and their influence . that the heavens are endued with some kind of matter , though some philosophers in their jangling humours , have made a doubt of it , yet i think no sober and wise christian will deny it : but whether the matter of it be the same with that of these inferiour bodies , adhuc sub judice lis est , it hath been and still is a great question among divines . the ancient fathers and doctors of the primitive church for the most part following plato , hold that it agrees with the nature of the elementary bodies , yet so as it is compounded of the finest flower , and choicest delicacy of the elements : but the schoolmen on the one side , that follow aristotle , adhere to his quintessence , and by no means will be beaten from it , since , say they , if the elements and the heavens should agree in the same matter , it should consequently follow , that there should be a mutual traffique and , commerce , a reciprocal action and passion between them , which would soon draw on a change , and by degrees a ruine upon those glorious bodies . now though this point will never ( i think ) be fully and finally determined , till we come to be inhabitants of that place , whereof we dispute ; ( for hardly do we guess aright at things that are upon earth . and with labour do we find the things that a●e at hand ; but the things that are in heaven , who hath searched out ? wis● . 9. 16. yet for the present , i should state it thus , that they agree in the same original matter ; and surely moses , methinks , seems to favour this opinion , making but one matter , ( as far as i can gather from the text ) out of which all bodily substances were created . unus irat toto vultus in orbe . ovid. 1. metam . so as the heavens , though they be not compounded of the elements , yet are they made of the same matter that the elements are compounded of ; they are not subject to the qualities of heat , cold , or drought , or moisture , nor yet to weight , or lightness , which arise from those qualities , but have a form given them , which differeth from the forms of all corruptible bodies , so as it suffereth nor , nor can it suffer from any of them being so excellent and perfect in it self , as it wholly satiateth the appetite of the matter , that is informeth . the coelestial bodies then , meeting with so noble a form to actuate them , are not , nor cannot , in the course of nature , be lyable to any generation or corruption , in regard of their substance ; to any augmentation or diminution , in regard of their quantity ; no nor any obstructive alteration , in respect of their qualities . i am not ignorant that the controversies touching the form , what it should be , is no less then touching the matter ; some holding it to be a living and a quickning spirit , nay a sensitive and rational soul ; which opinion is stiffly maintained by many great and learned clerks , both jews and gentiles , and christians , supposing it unreasonable that the heavens which impart life to other bodies , should themselves be destitute of life : but this errour is notably discovered and confuted by claudius espenatus , a famous doctor of sorbone , in a treatise which he purposely composed on that point de caelorum animatione : in as much as what is denied those bodies in life , in sense , in reason , is abundantly supplied in their constant and unchangeable duration , arising from that inviolable knot & indissoluble marriage , betwixt the matter and the form , which can never suffer any divorce , but from that hand which first joyned them . and howbeit it cannot be denyed , that not only the reasonable soul of man , but the sensitive of the least gnat that flies in the air , and the vegetative of the basest plant that springs out of the earth , are ( in that they are indued with life ) more divine , and nearer approaching the fountain of life , then the formes of the heavenly bodies ; yet as the apostle speaketh of faith , hope , and charity , concludes charity to be the greatest , ( though by faith we do apprehend and apply the merits of christ ) because it is more universal in operation , and lassing in duration ; so though the formes of the creatures endued with life do in that regard , come a step nearer to the deity , then the formes of the heavenly bodies , which are without life , yet if we regard their purity , their beauty , their efficacy , their indeficiency in moving , their universallity and independency in working , there is no question , but that the heavens may in that respect be preferred , even before man himself , for whose sake they were made ; man being indeed immortal , in regard of his soul , but the heavens in regard of their bodies , as being made of an incorruptible stuff . which cannot well stand with their opinion , who held them to be compos'd of fire , or the waters , which in the first of genesis are said to be above the firmament , and in the hundred forty eight psalm , above the heavens , are above the heavens we now treat of , for the tempering and qualifying of their heat , as did st. ambrose , and st. augustine hold , and many others , venerable for their antiquity , learning , and piety . touching the former of which opinions , we shall have fitter opportunity to discourse , when we come to treat of the warmth caused by the heavens . but touching the second , it seems to have been grounded upon a mistake of the word firmament , which by the ancients was commonly appropriated to the eighth sphere , in which are feated the fixed starrs ; whereas the original hebrew ( which properly signifies extention , or expansion ) in the first of genesis , is not only applied to the spheres in which the sun and moon are planted , but to the lowest region of the air , in which the birds flie ; and so do i with pareus and pererius , take it to be understood in this controversie . this region of the air being , as st. augustine somewhere speaks , terminus intransgressibilis , a firme and irremoveable wall of seperation betwixt the waters that are bred in the bowels of the earth , and those of the clouds . and for the word heaven , which is used in the hundred fortyeighth psalm , it is likewise applied to the middle region of the air , by the prophet jere●y , jer. 10. 13. which may serve for a gloss upon the text alleaged out of the psalm , when he uttereth his voice , there is a noise of the waters in the heavens , and he causeth the vapours to ascend from the ends of the earth . now , the schoolmen finding that the placing of the waters above the starry heavens , was both unnatural and unuseful , and yet not being well acquainted with the propriety of the hebrew word , to salve the matter , tell us of a christaline or glassie heaven , above the eight sphere , which say they , is undoubtedly the waters above the firmament , mentioned by moses ; which exposition of theirs , doth cross the course of moses his historical narration , his purpose being as it seems , only to write the history of things which were visible and sensible , as appeareth in part by his omitting the creation of angels ; whereas the christaline heaven they speak of , is not only invisible and insensible ; but was not at all discovered to be , till the days of hipparchus or ptolomy . and as for the fresh lustre and brightness wherewith , as is commonly thought , the heavens shall be renewed at the last day , as a garment by the turning is changed , and by changing refreshed , it may be well by the making them more resplendent then now they are , or ever at any time were since their first creation , not by the scowring of contracted rust , but adding a new gloss and augmentation of glory . and whereas some authors have not doubted to make the spots and shadows appearing in the face of the moon to be unredoubted arguments of that contracted rust ; if those spots had not been original and native , of equal date with the moon her self , but had been contracted by the continuance of time , as wrinkles are in the most beautiful faces , they had said somewhat , but that they were above fifteen hundred years agoe , appeareth by plutarch's discourse de maculis in facie lunae ; and that they have any whit since increased , it cannot be sufficiently proved . perchance by the help of the late invented perspective-glass , they have been more clearly and distinctly discerned then in former ages , but that proves no more that they were not there before , then that the sydera medcaeo , lately discovered by the vertue of the same instruments , were not before in being , which the discoverers themselves knew well enough they could not with any colour of reason affirm . howbeit it cannot be denyed , but that new stars have at times appeared in the firmament ; as some think , that was at our saviours birth ; in as much as it appointed out the very house in which he was born , by standing over it , and was not ( for ought we find ) observed by the mathematicians of those times ; i would rather think it to be a blazing light created in the region of the air , carrying the resemblance of a star , seated in the firmament . as for that which appeared in cassiopaea in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy two , ( the very year of the great massacre in france ) i think it cannot well be gainsaid to have been a true star , it being observed by the most skillful and famous astronomers of that time , to hold the same aspect in all places in christendom , to run the same course , to keep the same proportion , distance , and situation , every-where , and in every point , with the fixed stars , for the space of two whole years . but this i take not to have been the effect of nature , but the supernatural and miraculous work of almighty god , the first author and free disposer of nature . and the like may be said of all such comets which have at any time evidently appeared , ( if any such evidence can be given ) to be above the globe of the moon . st. augustine in his de civitate dei , reports of varro's book entituled de gente populi romani ; and he out of castor , touching the planet venus , which to add the greater weight and credit to the relation , being somewhat strange and rare , i will set it down in the very words of varro , as i find them quoted by st. augustine , in coelo mirabile extitit portentum , n●m in stella veneris nobilissima , quam plautus vesperuginem , homerus . hisperon appellat , pulcherimam dicent : castor scribit tantum portentum ex●●tisse , ut mutaret color●● , magnitudinam & figuram , eursum , quod factum ita neque antea , neque postea ●i● , hoc factum ogyge rege , dicebant adrastus , cyzicenus , & dyon neapolites . mathematici nobiles , saith he , appeared a marveilous great wonder , the most noted star cal'd venus , which plautus calls vesperugo , and homer vesperus the fair , as castor hath left upon record , changed both colour , and bigness , figure and motion , which accident was never seen before , nor since that time ; the renouned mathematicians adrastus and dion averring that this fell out during the reign of king ogyges ; which wonder , neither varro nor augustine ascribe to the changeable matter of the heavens , but to the unchangeable will of the creator . and therefore the one calls it as we see mirabile portentum , and the other makes this comment upon it , that it happened , quia ille voluit qui summo regit imperio ac potestate quod condidit , because he would have it so , who governs all things that he hath made , with a soveraign independing power . so that two special reasons may be rendred for these extraordinary unusual apparitions in heaven ; the one that they may declare to the world that they have a creatour and commander , who can alter and destroy their natures , restrain or suspend their operations at his pleasure , which should keep men from worshiping them as gods , since they cannot keep themselves from alteration . the other to portend and foreshew his judgments , as did that new star in caessopaeia , a most unnatural inundation of blood in france ; and this change in venus , such a deluge in achaia , as it overflowed , and so wasted the whole country , that for the space of two hundred years after , it was not inhabited . it will next fall to our task to discover of the eclipses , of which virgil , in his georg. lib. 2. calls , defectus solis varios lunaeque labores . defects and travels of the sun and moon . as also the manner of the ancient romans while such eclipses lasted ; who as tacitus in his annals saith , lib. 7. did use to lift up burning torches towards heaven , and withal to beat pans of brass and basons , as we do in following of a swarm of bees . so b●etius , lib. 4. met. comm●v●t gentes publicus error , lassantque cr●bris p●lsibus ara . a common error through the world doth pass , and many a stroke they lay on pans of brass . and manilius speaking of the appearance of the moons eclipse by degrees , in diverse parts of the earth , in his lib. 1. seraque in extremis quatiunt●● gentibus ara . the utmost coasts do beat their brass pans last . and juvenal the satyrist wittily describing a tatling gosship in his lib. 2. sat. 6. una l●boranti poterit succurr●re lunae . she only were enough to help the labours of the moon . they thought thereby they did the moon great ease , and helped her in her labour ; as plutarch in his life of aemilius observeth : that aemilius himself a wise man , as the same author there witnesseth , did congratulate the moons delivery from an ecclipse with a solemn sacrifice , as soon as she shined out bright again ; which action of his , that prudent philosopher and sage historian , doth not only relate , but approve and commendeth it as a sign of godliness and devotion ; yea this heathenish and sottish custom of relieving the moon in this case by noise and out-cries , the christians it seems borrowed from the gentiles , as st ambrose expresses in his ser. 83. and maximus turriuensis hath a homile to the same purpose . whereas aristotle in his eighth book of his metaphysicks , makes it plainly to appear , that the moon suffereth nothing by her ecclipse ; where also he evidenceth by reason , that it is caused by the shadow of the earth , interposed betwixt the sun and the moon : as in exchange or revenge thereof ( as pliny speaketh ) the ecclipse of the sun is caused by the interposition of the moon , betwixt the earth and it . the moon so depriving the earth ; and again , the earth , the moon of the beams of the sun : which is the true cause , that in the course of nature , the moon is never ecclipsed but when she is full , the sun and she being then in opposition ; nor the sun , but when it is new moon ; those two planets being then in conjunction : i say , in the course of nature ; fo● the ecclipse at our saviours passion , was undoubtedly supernatural : quam solis obscurationem ●●● ex ●●nico syder●●● cursu accidisse satis oftenditur , quod tune er at pascha jude●●● , nam pl●nae luna solemniter , agitur , saith st. augustin lib. 3. civit . dei , cap. 15. it is evident , that that ecclipse of the sun happened not by an ordinary and orderly course of the starrs , it being then the passover of the jews , which was solemnized at the full moon ; and this was it , that gave occasion , as is commonly believed , to that memorable exclamation of dennys the areopagite , being then in egypt , aut diu● natur● patitur , aut machina m●●●di dissolvetur ; either the god of nature suffers , or the frame of the world will be dissolved . and hereupon too , as it is thought by some , was erected the altar at athens , ignot● de● , t● the unknown god , act. 17. 23. though others think , that this eclipse was confined , in the borders of judaea ; howsoever it cannot be denyed , but that it was certainly besides and above the compass of nature . neither ought it to seem strange , that the sun in the firmament of heaven should appear to suffer , when the sun of righteousness indeed suffered upon the earth . but for other ecclipses , though the causes be not commonly known , yet the ignorance of them was it which caused so much superstition in former ages , and left that impression in mens minds , as even at this day , wise men can hardly be perswaded , but that those planets suffer in their ecclipses , which in the sun is most childish and ridiculous to imagine ; since in it self , it is not so much as deprived of any light , nor in truth can be , it being the fountain of light , from which all other starrs borrow their light , but pay nothing back again to it , by way of retribution . which was well expressed by pericles , as plutarch in his life reports it , for there happening an ecclipse of the sun , at the very instant when his navy was ready to lanch forth , and himself was imbarked ; his followers began much to be appald at it , but especially the master of his own gally , which pericles perceiving ; takes his cloak , and therewith hood winks the masters eyes , and then demands of him , what danger was in that , he answering none , neither said pericles is there in this ecclipse ; there being no difference betwixt that vail and my cloak , with which the sun is covered , but only in bigness . and the truth is that the sun then suffered no more by the intervening of the moon , then from pericles cloak , or daily doth from the clouds in the air , which hinder the sight of it ; or by the interposing of the planet mercury , which hath sometimes appeared as a spot in it . but whether these ecclipses either cause or presage any change in these inferiour bodies , i shall have fitter occasion to examine hereafter ; and so i pass from the consideration of the substance , to the motion of the heavenly bodies . motion is so universal and innate a property ; and so proper an affection to all natural bodies , that the great philosopher knew not better how to define nature , then by making ●● the engineere and principle of motion ; and therefore as other objects , are only discernable by the sense , as colours , and sounds by hearing , motion is discernable by both , nay and by feeling too , which is a third sense really distinguished from them both . that there is in the heavenly bodies , no motion of generation or corruption , and of augmentation or diminution , or alteration , i have already shewed . there are also , by reason of the incredible swiftness of the first mover , and some other such reasons ; dare deny , ( as copernicus doth ) that there is in them any lation , or local motion , herein flatly opposing in my judgment both scripture , reason , and sense ; but take it as granted , without any dispute , that a local motion there is ; which is the measure of time , as time again is the measure of motion ; the line of motion , and the thred of time , being both spun out together : some doubt there is touching the mover of these heavenly bodies , what or how it should be ; some ascribing it to their matter , some to their form , and some to their figure , and many to the angels , or intelligences ; as they call them , which they suppose to be set over them . for mine own part ; i should think that all these , and every one of them , might not unjustly challenge a part in that motion : the matter as being neither light nor heavy ; the form as well agreeing with such a matter ; the figure as being spherical or circular ; the intelligence as an assistant : in the matter is a disposition ; for where light bodies naturally move upward , and heavy downward , that which is neither light nor heavy , is rather disposed to a circular motion , which is neither upward nor downward . in the figure is an inclination to that motion , as in a wheel to be carried round , from the form an inchoation or onset : and lastly , from the intelligence , a continuance or perpetuation thereof , as that great divine hooker in his ecclesiastical policy , 5. 69. expresseth , ( saith he , ) gods own eternity is the bound which leadeth angels in the course of their perpetuity , the perpetuity the hand that draweth out coelestial motion ; that as the elementary substances are governed by the heavenly , so might the heavenly by the angelical . as the corruptible by the incorruptible , so the material by the immaterial , and all finites by an infinite . it is the joynt consent of the platonicks , peripateticks , stoicks and all noted sects of philosophers , who acknowledg the divine power , with whom agree the greatest part of our christian doctors ; that the heavens are moved by angles , neither is there in truth any sufficient means beside it , to discover the being of such creatures by the discourse of reason . the most signal motions of the heavens ( beside their re●rogations treoidations , librations , and i know not what hard words , which the astronomers have devised to reconcile the diversity of their observations ; ) are the diurnal motion of the fixed starrs and planets , and all the coelestial spheres , from east to the west , in the compass of 〈◊〉 four and twenty hours , and the 〈◊〉 motion of them all , from the west to 〈◊〉 these motions , whether they perform themselves , without the help of orbes , as fishes in the water , or birds in the air ; or fastned to their spheres , as a gemme in a ring , or a nail or knot in a cart wheele , i cannot easily determine : howbeit i confess , we cannot well imagin how one and the same body should be carryed with opposite motions , but by the help of somewhat in which it is carryed . as the marriner may be carryed by the motion of his ship , from the east to the west , and yet himself may walk from the west to the east in the same ship : or a flie may be carried from the north to the south upon a cart-wheel , and yet may go from the south to the north upon the same wheele ; but howsoever it be , it is evident , that their motions are even and regular , without the least jarr or discord , variation or uncertainty , languishing or defect that may be ; which were it not so , there could be no certain demonstrations made upon the globe or material sphere : which notwithstanding , by the testimony of claudian , are most infallible , as appears by those his elegant verses upon archimedes admirable invention thereof . jupiter ●● paervo cum cerneret aethera vitr● , risit , 〈◊〉 superos talia dicta dedit : huc 〈…〉 alis progressa potentia curae ? jam 〈◊〉 fragili luditur orbe labor jura poli , ●erumque fidem ●igesque ; deorum ecce syracusus transtulit arte senex . inclusus variis famulatur spiritus astris percurrit propri●m mentitus signiser annum et simulati● novo cynthia mense redit . jamque suum volvens audax industria mundum gaudet & humana sydera mense regit . when jove within a little glass survaid the heavens , he smil'd , and to the gods thus said ; can strength of mortal witt proceed thus far ? loe in a fraile orbe my works matched are . hither the syracusians art translates heavens form , the course of things , and human fates . th' included spirit serving the star decked signes , the living work in constant motion windes . th' adulterate z●diak runs a natural year and cynthias forg'd horns monthly new light bear , viewing her own world ; now bold industry triumphes and rules with human power the skie . the gentiles saith julian ( as cyril in his third book against him , reports it ) violentes nihil eorum quae circa caelum minus vel augere n●que ullam sustinere de ●rdinatum affectionem , sed congruam illius motionem ac bene optatam ordinem ; definitas queque leges lunae , definites ortus & occasus solis , statutis semper temporibus , merito deu● & d●i solium suspicabantur . seeing no part of heaven to be diminished and decreased , to suffer no irregular affection , but the motion thereof , to be as duly and as orderly performed as could be de●ired , the waxing and waining of the moon , the rising and setting of the sun to be setled and constant at fixed and certain times ; they deservedly admired it as god , or as the throne of god. the order and regulation of which motions we shall easily perceive by taking a particular view of them . i will touch only those of the planets . the proper motion of saturn was by the ancients observed , and is now likewise found by our modern astronomers , to be accomplished within the space of thirty years , that of jupiter in twelve , that of mars in two , that of the sun in three hundred sixty and five dayes and almost six hours : neither do we find that they have quickned or any way slackned these their courses , but that in the same space of time they always run the same races they have passed . these then are the bounds and limits to which these glorious bodies are perpetually tyed , in regard of their motion ; these be the unchangeable laws , like those of the medes and p●rsian● , whereof the psalmist speaks , he hath given them a law which shall not be broken , psal. 148. 6. which seneca in his book de divina providentia , well expresses in other words , aeterna legis imperio pr●●●dunt , they move by the appointment of an eternal law , that is , a law both invariable and inviolable . that which tully hath delivered of one of them , is undoubtedly true of all : suturni stella in su● cursu multa miracula efficiens , tum ante ●dende , tum r●tardando , tum vespertin●s temporibus delitesend● , tum matutinis rursum se aperi●nd● , nihil tamen immutat sempiternis saeculerum aetatibus , quam ●adim eiisdem t●mporibus efficiat , lib. 2. de nat . deor. the planet saturn doth make strange and wonderful passages in his motion , going before , and sometimes coming after , withdrawing himself in the evening , and sometimes again shewing himself in the morning , and changeth himself nothing in the continual duration of ages ; but still at the same season worketh the same effects . and in truth , were it not so , both in the planet and in all other starrs , it is altogether impossible that they should supply that use which almighty god in their creation ordained them unto , that is , to serve for signs and seasons , for dayes and for years to the worlds end , gen. 1. 14. and much more impossible it were , that the year , the month , the day , the hour , the minute of the oppositions , the conjunctions and ecclipses of the planets , should be as exactly calculated and foretold one hundred years before they fell out , as at what hour the sun will rise to morrow morning . to which perpetual aequability and constant uniformity in the coelestial motions , the divine pl●io accords , nec errant , nec praeter antiquu● ordinem revolvuntur , neither do they run at randum , nor are they rolled beyond their ancient order . aristotle in his book de mundo , breaketh out in this passionate admiration thereof , quod nunquam poterit aequart caelesti ordin● , & volubilitati , cum sydera convertantur exal●issi●a norma de alioin aliud seculum . what can ever be compared to the order of the heavens , and to the motion of the starrs in their several revolutions , which move most exactly by a rule or square , by line and level from one generation to another . there were among the ancients not a few , nor they unlearned , who by a strong fancie conceived to themselves an excellent melody made up by the motion of the coelestial spheers ; it was broached by pythagoras , entertained by plato , and stifly maintain'd by macrobrius , and some other christians , as bede , boetius , and ans●lm bishop of canterbury : but ariste●le puts it off with a jest in his lib. 2. de caelo cap. 9. as being l●pide & musice dictum , factis autem impossibile , a pleasant and musical conceit , but in effect impossible ; in as much as those bodies in their motion make noise at all . howsoever it may well be that this conceit of theirs was grounded upon a certain truth , which is the harmonical and proportionable motion of those bodies in their just order , and s●● courses , as if they were ever dancing the rounds and the measures . in which regard the psalmist tells us , that the sun knoweth his going down , he appointeth the moon for seasons , psal. 104. 19. which words of his may not be taken in●● proper , but in a figurative sence ; the prophet therefore implying , that the sun observeth his pr●●cribed motion so precisely to a point , that in the least j●t● he never erreth from it : and therefore he is said to do the same upon knowledg and understanding , non quod animatus fit aut ratione ●ut atur , saith basil upon the place , s●d quod juxt●● terminum divinitus , prescriptum ingrediens , semper e●●dem curs●s ●●rvat , ac mensuras suas custodit . not that the sun hath any sou●● or use of understanding ; but because he keepeth his courses and measures exactly according to gods prescription . but the motion of the heavens puts me in mind of passing from it to the light thereof . as the waters were first spread over the face of the earth : so was the light dispersed through the firmament : and as the waters were gathered into one heape , so was the light knit up , and united into one body : as the gathering of the waters was called the sea , so that of the light was called the sun. as the rivers come from the sea , so is all the light of the stars derived from the sun ; and lastly , as the sea is no whit lessened , though it furnish the earth with abundance of fresh rivers : so though the sun have since the creation , both furnished , and garnished the world with light , neither is the store of it thereby deminished , nor the beauty of it any way stained . what the light is , whether of a corporeal or incorporeal nature , it is not easie to determine . philosophers dispute it , but cannot well resolve it . such is our ignorance , that even that by which we see all things , we cannot discern what it self is . but whatsoever it be , we are sure that of all visible creatures , it was the first that was made , and comes nearest the name of a spirit , in as much as it moveth in an instant from the east to the west , and piercing through all transparent bodies , and still remains in it self unmixed and undivided ; it chaseth away sad and melancholy thoughts , which the darkness both begets and maintains ; it lifts up our minds in meditation to him that is the true light , that lightneth every man that cometh into the world , himself dwelling in light in accessible , and cloathing himself with light as with a garment . and if we may behold in any one creature any spark of that eternal fire , or any farr-off dawning of gods brightness , the same in the beauty and vertue of this light may be best discerned● quid pulch●rrimus luce , saith hugo de sanctovictore , quae cum in se colorem non habeat , omnium ●am●n rerum colores ips● quodammodo colorat . what is more beautiful then light , which having no colour in it self , yet sets a lustre upon all colours ? and st. ambrose , unde vex d●i in scriptura debuit inchoare nisi a lumine ? unde mundi ornatus ●●si a luce exordium sumer● ? frustra enim esset si non videretur . from whence should the voice of god in holy scripture begin , but likewise from the same light ; for in vain it were , were it not seen , as bartas excellently expresseth . o father of the light , of wisedom fountain , out of the bulk of that confused mountain , what should , what could issue before the light , without which , beauty were no beauty hight . st. augustine in divers places of his works is of opinion , that by the first created light , we understood the angels , and herein is he followed by beda eucherius , and rupertus , and divers others ; which opinion of his , though it be questionless unsound , in as much as we are taught , that the light f●r●ng out of darkness , 2 cor. 4. 6. which of the angels can in no sort be verified , yet it shews the lightsome nature of angels ; so likewise the angelical nature of light still flourishing in youth , and is no more subject to decay then the angels are . they who maintain , that the soul of man is derived ex traduce , hold withall that the father in begetting the sons soul looses none of his own , it being tanquam lumen de lumine , as one light from another : nay , more then so , it is the very resemblance that the nicene fathers thought not unmeet to express the unexpressible generation of the second person in the trinity from the first ; who is therefore termed by the apostle the brightness of his glory , heb. 1 . 3. as then the father of the communicating of his substance to his son , looses none of his own ; so the sun by communicating of his light to the world , looses no part nor degree thereof . some things there are of that nature , as they may be both given and kept , as knowledg and vertue , and happiness , and light , which in holy scripture is figuratively taken for them all . whether the same individual light , be still resident in the body of the sun , which was planted in it at the first creation ; or whether it continue empty and spend it self , and so l●ke a river be repared with fresh supplies , for my part , i cannot certainly affirm , though i must confess , i do rather incline to the former : but this i believe , as the body of the sun is no whit lessened in extention , so neither is the light thereof in intention : men being now no more able to fix their eyes upon it , when it shines forth in its full strength , then they were at the first creation of it . now we have spoken of the light , we shall next discourse of the warmth and influence thereof , which springs from it , which now succede in their order . the light of heaven , of which we have spoken , is not more comfortable and useful , then is the warmth thereof ; with a masculine vertue it quickens all kind of seeds , it makes them vegitate , blossom and fructifie , and brings their fruit to perfection , for the use of man and beast , and the perpetuating of their own kindness ; nay , it wonderfully refresheth and chears up the spirits of men , beasts , birds , and creeping things ; and not only imparts the life of vegitation , but of sense and motion , to many thousand creatures , and like a tender parent fosters and cherisheth it being imparted . some there are that live without the light of heaven , searching into and working upon those bodies which the light cannot pierce , but none without the warmth , it being in nature the universal instrument thereof , which made the psalmist say , that there is nothing hid from the heat of the sun. few things are hid from the light , but from the heat thereof nothing . i am not ignorant that st. augustine , st. basil , st. ambrose , and many divines , held that there were waters , properly so termed , above the starry firmament ; who held withal , that the sun and starrs cause heat as being of a fiery nature ; those waters being set there , in their opinion , for the cooling of that heat , which opinion of theirs seems to be favoured by syracides in the forty third of ecclesiasticus , where he thus speaks of the sun , at noon it parcheth the country , and who can abide the burning heat thereof . a man blowing a furnace is in works of heat : but the sun bu neth the mountains three times more , breathing out fiery vapours . neither were there wanting some among the ancient philosophers , who maintained the same opinion , as plato and pliny , and generally the whole sect of stoicks , who held that the sun and the starrs were fed with watery vapours , which they drew up for their nourishment , and that when the vapours should cease and fail , the whole world should be in danger of combustion ; and many things are alledged by baelbo in cicero's second book of the nature of the gods , in favour of this opinion of the stoick . but that the sun and starrs are not in truth fiery and hot , appears by the ground already laid touching the matter of the heavens , that it is of a nature incorruptible , which cannot be if it were fiery , in as much as thereby it would become lyable to alteration and corruption by an opposite and professed enemy : besides , all fiery bodies by a natural inclination mount upwards , so that if the starrs were the cause of heat , as being hot in themselves , it would consequently follow , that their circular motion should not be natural but violent : whereunto i may adde , the noted starrs being so many in number , namely , one thousand twenty and two , besides the planets , and in magnitude so great , that every one of those , which appear fixed in the firmament , are said to be much bigger then the whole globe of the water and earth ; and the sun again so much to exceed both that glob● , and the biggest of them , as it may justly be stiled by the son of syrac , instrumentum admirabile , a wonderful instrument , ecclesiast . 43. 1. which being so , were they of fire , they would doubtless long ere this have turned the world into ashes , there being so infinite a disproportion betwixt their flame , and the little quantity of matter supposed to be prepared for their fewel . that therefore they should be fed with vapours , aristotle deservedly laughs at it , as a childish and ridiculous device , in as much as the vapours ascend no higher then the middle region of the air , and then distill again upon the water and the earth from whence they were drawn up ; and those vapours being uncertain , the flames likewise feeding upon them must needs be uncertain , and daily vary from themselves both in quantity and figure , according to the proportion of their fewel . the absurdity then of this opinion being so foule and gross , it remains that the sun and starrs infuse a warmth into these subcoelestial bodies , as not being hot in themselves , but only , as being ordained by god to bread heat in matter capable thereof , as they impart life to some creatures , and yet , themselves remain void of life , like the brain which imparts sense to every member of the body , and yet is it self utterly void of sense . but here again , some there are which attribute this effect to the motion , others to the light of these glorious bodies : and true indeed it is , that motion causes heat , by the attenuation and rarefaction of the air ; but by this reason should the moon , which is nearer the earth , warm more than the sun which is many thousand miles farther distant ? and the higher regions of the air , should be always hotter than the lower , which notwithstanding if we compare the second with the lowest , is undoubtedly false . moreover the motion of the coelestial bodies being uniform , so should the heat in reason derived from them likewise be ; and the motion ceasing , the heat should likewise ; and yet i shall never believe , that when the sun stood still at the prayer of joshua , it then ceased to warm these inferiour bodies . and we find by experience , that the sun works more powerfully upon a body , which stands still then when it moves , and the reason seems to be the same in the rest or motion of a body warming or warmed , that receiveth or imparteth heat . the motion being thus excluded from being the cause of this effect , the light must of necessity step in , and challenge it to its self ; the light then it is which is the cause undoubtedly of coelestial heat , in part by a direct beam , but more vehemently by a reflexed : for which very reason it is that the middle region of the air is always colder then the lowest , and the lowest hotter in the summer then in the winter , and at noon then in the morning and evening , the beams being then more perpendicular , and consequently in their reflection more narrowly united , by which reflexion and union , they grow sometimes to that fervency of heat , that fire springs out from them as we see in burning-glasses ; and by this artificial device it was that archimedes , as galen reports it in his third book de temperamentis , cap. 1. set on fire the emperours ships : and proclus a famous mathematician , practised the like at constantinople , as witnesseth zonarus in the life of anastatius the emperour . and very reasonable methinks it is , that light , the most divine affection of the coelestial bodies , should be the cause of warmth ; the most noble active and excellent quality of the subcoelestial . these two like hippocrates twins , simul oriuntur & moriuntur , they are born and dye together , they increase and decrease both together ; the greater the light is , the greater the heat ; and therefore the sun as much exceeds the other starrs in heat , as it doth in light. the suns continual declination , or nearer approach to the earth , is rather an idle dream than a sound position , grounded rather upon the difference amongst astronomers , arising from the difficulty of their observations , then upon any certain or infallible conclusion . ptolomy , who lived about the year of christ one hundred and forty , makes the distance of the sun to be from the earth , one thousand two hundred and ten semidiameters of the earth . albategnius , about the year eight hundred and eighty , makes it one thousand one hundred and forty six . copernicus , about the year one thousand five hundred and twenty , makes it one thousand five hundred and seventy nine . tycobrahe , about the year one thousand six hundred makes it one thousand one hundred eighty two . now i would demand whether the sun were more remote in ptolomies time , and nearer in the time of albategnius , and then again , more remote in the latter ages of copernicus and tychobrahe ? which if it were so , then one of these two must needs follow , that either these observations were not grounded upon so certain principles as they pretend , or that the declination of the sun is uncertain or variable , not constant and perpetual , as is pretended . but what would bodwin say , if he l●ved , to hear lansbergius and kepler , and other famous astronomers of the latter times , teaching that the sun is now remote above two thousand and eight hundred , nay three thousand semidiameters from the earth ; affirming , that copernicus and tycobrahe neglected to allow for refractions , which ( as the opticks will demonstrate ) do much alter the case . i will close up this point with the censure of scaliger in his exercit. 99. upon the patrons of this fancy , quae vero nonnulli prodere ausi sunt , solis corpus longè proprius nos esse , quam quantum ab antiquis scriptum sit , it a ut in ipsa deferentis corpulentia ●●cum mutasse videatur , vel ipsa scripta spongiis , vel ipsi authores scuticis sunt castigandi . in as much as some have dared to broach , that the body of the sun is nearer the earth then by the ancients was observed to be , so that it might seem to have changed place in the very bulk of the sphear ; either the authors of this opinion deserve themselves to be chastened with stripes , or surely their writings to be razed with sponges . so that ( as i conceive ) it may fitly and safely be inferred , first , that either there is no such removal at all of the sun , ( as is supposed ) or if there be , as we who are situate more northerly , feel perhaps the effects of the defects of the warmth thereof , in the unkindly ripening of our fruits , or the like ; so , likewise by the rule of proportion , must it needs follow , that they who lye in the same distance from the south pole , as we from the north , should enjoy the benefit of the nearer approach thereof ; and they who dwell in the ho●test climates interjacent , of the abating of the immoderate fervency of their heat : from hence i again infer , that supposing a mutability in the suns greatest declination , look what dammage we suffer by his further removal from us in the summer , is at least in part recompenced by his nearer approach in winter , and by his periodical revolutions fully restored . and so i pass from the consideration of the warmth , to those hidden and secret qualities of the heavens , which to astronomers and philosophers are known by the name of influences . howbeit aristotle thorow all those works of his which are come to our hands , to my remembrance , hath not once vouchsafed so much as to take notice of such qualities , which we call influences ; and though amongst the ancients averroes and avicenne , and amongst some of the latter times picus mirandula , and georgius agricola , seek to disprove them : yet both scripture , and reason , and the weighty authority of many good schollars , as well christians as ethnicks , have fully resolved me that such there are . they are by philosophers distinguished into two ranks ; the first is , that influence which is derived from the empyreal immoveable heaven , the pallas and mansion house of glorifyed saints and angels , which is gathered from the diversity of effects , as well in regard of plants , as of beasts , and other commodities under the same climate , within the same tract and latitude , equally distant from both the poles , which we cannot well originally refer to the inbred nature of the soile , since the author of nature hath so ordained , that the temper of the inferiour bodies should ordinarily depend upon the superiour ; nor yet the aspect of the moveable spheres and starrs , since every part of the same climate , successively , but equally enjoyes the same aspect : it remains then , that these effects be finally reduced to some superiour immoveable cause ; which can be none other then that empyreal heaven ; neither can it produce these effects by means of the light alone , which is uniformly dispersed through the whole , but by some secret quality which is diversified according to the divers parts thereof ; and without this , we should not only find wanting that connexion and unity of order , in the parts of the world , which make it so comly , but withal should be forced to make one of the worthiest peeces of it void of action , the chief end of every created thing . neither can this action mis-beseem the worthiness of so glorious a piece , since both the creatour is still busied in the works of providence , and the inhabitants in the works of ministration . the other kind is that which is derived from the starrs , the aspect of several constellations , the opposition and conjunction of the planets , and the like . these we have warranted by the mouth of god himself , in job 38. 31. according to our last and most exact translation ; canst thou bind the sweet influences of the pleiades , or loose the bands of orion ? canst thou bring forth mazoreth in his season ? or canst thou guide arcturus with his sons ? know'st thou the ordinances of heaven ? canst thou set the dominion thereof in the earth ? where by the ordinances of heaven , it may be thought is meant , the course and order of these hidden qualities , which without divine and supernatural revelation , can never perfectly be known to any mortal creature . besides as sr. walter raleigh hath well and truly observed , it cannot be doubted , but the starrs are instruments of far greater use , then to give an obscure light , and for men only to gaze at after sun set : it being manifest that the diversity of seasons , the winters and summers , more hot or cold , more dry or wet , are not so uncertained by the sun and moon alone , who alwayes keep one and the same course , but that the starrs have also their working therein , as also in producing of several kinds of mettals and minerals in the bowels of the earth , where neither light nor heat can pierce . for as heat pierces where light cannot , so the influence pierces where the heat cannot . moreover , if we cannot deny , but that god hath given vertues to springs and fountains , to the cold earth , to plants , to stones , and minerals , nay to the excremental parts of the basest living creatures ; why should we rob the beautiful stars of their working powers ? for seeing they are many in number , and of eminent beauty and magnitude , we may not think , in the treasury of his wisdom who is infinite , there can be wanting ; even for every star , a peculiar vertue and operation : as every herb , plant , fruit , and flower , adorning the face of the earth , hath the like . as then these were not created to beautifie the earth alone , or to cover and shaddow her dusty face ; but otherwise , for the use of man and beast , to feed them and cure them : so were not those incomparably glorious bodies set in the firmament , to none other end then to adorn it , but for instruments and organs of his divine providence , and power , so far as it hath pleased his just will for to determine ; which bartas admirably expresseth , i 'le ne'r believe , that the arch-architect . with all these fires the heavenly arches deckt only for shew , and with these glistering shields t' amaze poor shepheards watching in the fields . i 'le ne'r believe , that the least power that pranks our golden borders , or the common banks , and the lest stone that in her warming lap , our kind nurse earth covetously doth wrap , hath some peculiar vertue of its own , and that the glorious starrs of heaven have none , but shine in vaine , and have no charge precise , but to be walking in heavens galleries , and through that pallace up and down to clamber , as golden guls about a princes chamber . but how far it hath pleased god in his divine wisdom to determine of these influences , it is hard , i confess , to be determined by any human knowledg . for if in the peculiar vertues of herbs and plants , which our selves sow and set , and which grow under our feet , and we daily apply to our several uses , we are notwithstanding in effect ignorant , much more in the powers and workings of the coelestial bodies . for ( as to this purpose we said before ) hardly do we guess at the things that are on the earth , and with labour do we find the things that are before us : but the things which are in heaven who hath searched out ? wisd. 9. 16. it cannot well be denyed , but that they are not signes only , but at least wise concurrent causes of immoderate cold or heat , drought , or moisture , lightning , thunder , raging winds , inundations , earthquakes , and consequently of famine and pestilence ; yet such cross accidents may and often do fall out , in the matter upon which they work , that the prognostication of these casual events , by the most skillful astronomers , is very uncertain : and for the common alminacks , a man by observation shall easily find , that the contrary to their predictions is commonly truest . now for the things which rest in the liberty of mans will , the starrs have doubtless no power over them , except it be led by the sensitive appetite , and that again stirred up by the constitution and complexion of the body , as too often it is , specially when the humours of the body are strong to assault , and the vertues of the mind weak to resist . if they have dominion over beasts , what shall we judge of men , who differ little from beasts ? i cannot tell , but sure i am , that though the starrs incline a man to this or that course of life , they do but incline , inforce they cannot : education and reason , and most of all religion , may alter and over-master that inclination , as they may produce a clean contrary effect . it was to this purpose , a good and memorable speech of cardinal poole , who being certified by one of his acquaintance , who professed the knowledg of these secret favours of the starrs , that he should be raised and advanced to a great calling in the world ; made answer , that whatsoever was portended by the figure of his birth , for natural generation , was cancelled and altered by the grace of his second birth , or regeneration in the blood of his redeemer . again , we may not forget that almighty god created the starrs , as he did the rest of the universal , whose secret influences may be called his reserved and unwritten laws , which by his prerogative royal he may put in execution , or dispence with at his pleasure . for were the strength of the starrs such as god hath quitted unto them , all dominion over his creatures , that petition in the lords prayer , lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil , had been none other but a vain expence of words and time . nay , be he paga● or christian that so believeth , the only true god of the one , and the imaginary god of the other , would thereby be despoyled of all worship , reverence , and respect . as therefore i do not consent with them who would make those glorious creatures of god vertuless ; so i think that we derogate from his eternal and absolute power , to ascribe to them the dominion over our immortal souls , which they have over our bodily substances , and perishable natures . for the souls of men loving and fearing god , receive influence from that divine light it self , whereof the suns clarity and that of the starrs is by plato called but a shadow , lumen est umbra dei , & deus est lumen luminis , light is the shadow of gods brightness , who is the light of lights . there have been great talks touching the conjunction of saturn and jupiter , and many ominous conjectures are cast abroad upon it , which if perhaps they prove true , i should rather ascribe it to our sins , then to the stars ; they were not created to govern , but to serve man , if he serve and be governed by his creatour : so that we need not to search the cause so far off in the book of heaven , we may find it written nearer home in our own bosomes : and for the stars , i may say , as our saviour christ doth the sabboth , the stars were made for men , and not men for the stars ; and if god be on our side , and we on his , jupiter , and saturn shall never hurt us . but whatsoever the force of the states be , upon the persons of private men , or the stars of wealpublicks , i should rather advise a modest ignorance therein , then a curious inquisition hereinto , following the witty and pithy counsel of phaverirus the philosopher in gellius , lib. 4. sect. 1. where he thus speaks , aut adversa ev●●tura dicuot , aut ; prospera : fidicunt prospera , & fallunt , iniser fies frustra expecta , d● , & si adversa dicunt & m●ntiuntur , ●iser fies frustra timend● : si vera respondent , eaque sunt non prospera , j●m inde ex ●nim● miser fies antequam è fat● fias ; si faelicia promitiunt eaque eventura sunt , ●●m plane du● gorum in●●moda , & expectatio te spe suspensum fatigabit , & futurum gaudii fructum sp●s tibi defler●v●rit . either they portend or bad or good luck , if good , and they deceive , thou wilt become miserable by a vain expectation ; if bad , and they lye , thou wilt be miserable by a vain fear ; if they tell thee true , but unfortunate events , thou wilt be miserable in mind before thou art by destiny ; if they promise fortunate success , which shall indeed come to pass , these two inconveniences will follow thereupon , both expectation by hope will hold thee in suspence , and hope will d●fl●ure and devoure the fruit of thy content . his conclusion is , which is also mine for this point and this discourse touching the heavenly bodies ; nullo ig tur pacto utendum est isti●smodi ●●minibus resfuturas praesagientibus : we ought in no case to have recourse to these kind of men , which undertake the foretelling of careful events . and so i pass from the consideration of the coelestial bodies , to the subcoelestial , which by gods ordinance depend upon them , and are made subordinate to them ; touching which and the coelestial bodies both together , comparing each with the other , the divine bartas thus sweetly and truly sings ; things that consist of th' elements uniting , are ever tost with an intestine fighting , whence spring in time their life and their deceasing , their diverse change , their waxing and decreasing . so that , of all that is , or may be seen with mortal eyes , under nights horned queen , nothing retaineth the same form and face , hardly the half of half an hours space . but the heavens feel not fates impartiall rigour , years adde not to their stature nor their vigour : use weares them not , but their green ever age , is all in all still like their pupillage . sublunary bodies are such as god and nature hath planted under the moon . now the state of these inferiour being governed by the superiour : as in the wheels of a clock or watch , if the first be out of order , so are the second and third , and the rest that are moved by it ; for it is more then probable that the first partake with them in the same condition ; which dependance is very well expressed by boethius , where having spoken of the constant regularity of the heavenly bodies , de consol. lib. 4. met. 6. he thus goes on . haec concordiae temperat aquis , &c. thus englished , the concord tempers equally contrary elements , that moist things yield unto the dry , and heat with cold conse●ts ; here fire to highest place doth flie , and earth doth downward bend , and flowery spring perpetually sweet odours forth doth s●n● . hot summer harvest gives , and store of fruit autumnus yields , and shoures which down from heaven do poure , each winter drown'd the fields : what ever in the world doth breath , this temper forth hath brought , and nourished : the same by death again it brings to nought . among the subcoelestial things following natures method , i will first begin with the consideration of the elements , the most simple and universal of them all , as being the ingredients of all mixed bodies , either in the whole or in part , and into which the mixed are finally resolved again , and are again by turnes remade of them , the common matter of them all still abiding the same : of which ●barts , here 's nothing constant , nothing still doth stay , for birth and death have still successive sway : here one thing springs not till another dye , only the maker lives immortally . the almighty stable , body of this all , ( of changeful chances common arcenal , all like it self , all in it self , contain'd which by times flight hath neither lost nor gain'd ) changeless in essence , changeable in face , much more then proteus or the subtil race of roving polypes , who ( to rob the more ) transform them hourly on the waving shore : much like the french , ( or like our selves their apes ) who with strange habits do disguise their shapes . who loving novels full of affectation , receive the manners of each other nation . by consent of antiquity the elements are in number four , the fire , the air , the water , and the earth , of which the same poet thus expresses himself : four bodies primitive the world still contains ; of which , two downwards bend , the earth and watery planes . as many weight do want , and nothing forcing , higher they mount , th' air , and purer streams of fire , which though they distant be , yet all things from them take their birth , and into them their last returns do make . three of them shew themselves manifestly in milk , the butter being the aerial part thereof , the why the watery , and the cheese the earthy : but all four in the burning of green wood , the flame being fire , the smoak the air , the liquid destilling at the ends the water , and the ashes the earth . philosophy likewise by reason teaches and proves the same , from their motion upwards and downwards , from their second qualities of lightness and heaviness , and from their first qualities , either active as heat and cold , or passive as dry and moist . for as their motion proceeds from the second qualities , so do their second from their first from the heavenly bodies , next to which , as being the noblest of them all , as well in purity as activity , is seated the element of the fire ( though many of the ancients , and some later writers , as namely cardane , ( amongst the rest ) seemed to make a doubt of it , lib. 1. subtil . and manilius in his first book of astronomy . ignis ad aetb●reas volucer se sustulis auras summaque complexus stellantis culmina coeli , flammarum vallo naturae maenia fecit . the fire est soones up towards heaven did flye , and compassing the starry world , advanced a wall of flames to safeguard nature by . next the fire , is seated the air , divided into three regions , next the air the water , and next the water the earth ; so bartas , who so ( sometime ) hath seen rich ingots tride , where forc't by fire their treasure they divide : ( how fair and softly gold to gold doth pass , silver seeks silver , brass conforts with brass , and the whole lump , of parts unequal , severs it self apart , in white , red , yellow rivers ) may understand how , when the mouth divine open'd to each his proper place t' assign ) fire flew to fire , water to water slid , air clung to air , and earth with earth abid , the vail both of the tabernakle and temple , were made of blew , and purple , and scarlet , or crimson , and fine twisted linnen : by which four as josephus notech , were represented the four , elements ; lib. antiquit. 15. cap. 14. his words are these : vel●●●●ec erat babiloni●●s variegatum , ex hyaecintho , & bysso , ce●ecqu● & purpura , mirabiliter elaboratum , non indignam contemplatione materiae commistionem habent , s●d velut ●mnium imagine●● praeferens , cocco enim videbatur ignem imitari , & bysso terram , & hyacintho aerem , ac mare purpura , partim quidem coloribus , bysso autem & purpura origi●e , bysso quid●●● quia de terra , mare autem purpura gign●t . the vaile was babilonis● work , most artificially imbrodered with blew , and fine linnen , and scarlet , and purple , having in it a mixture of things not unworthy of our consideration , but carrying a kind of resemblance of the universe , for by the scarlet , seemed the fire to be represented ; by the linnen the earth , by the blew the air , and by the purple the sea ; partly by reason the colours of scarlet and blew , partly by reason of the original of linnen and purple , the one coming from the earth , the other from the sea. and st. hierom in his epistle to fab●●la , epist. 128. hath the very same conceit , borrowed , as it seems , from josephus , or from philo , who hath much to the like purpose , in his third book of the life of moses : or it may be from wis●● 18. 14. in the long robe was the whole world : as not only the vulgar latin , and arias montanus , but out of them and the greek original , our last english translation reads it . the fire is dry and hot , the air hot and moist , the water moist and cold , the earth cold and dry & thus are they linked , and thus do they embrace one another with their simbolizing qualities , the earth being linked to the water by coldness , the water to the air by moistness , the air to the fire by warmth , the fire to the earth by drought : which are all the combinations of the qualities that can possibly be ; hot and cold , as also dry and moist , in the highest degrees , being altogether incompatible in the same subject : and though the earth and the fire are most opposite in distance , to substance , and in activity , yet they agree in one quality , the two middle being therein directly contrary to the two extreams , air to earth , and water to fire . these four then , as they were from the beginning , so still they remain the radical and fundamental principles of all subcoelestial bodies ; distinguished by their several and ancient situations , properties , actions , and effects ; and howsoever after their old wont they fight and combate together , being single , yet in composition they still accord marvellous well , as boethius lib. 3. met. 9. tu numeris elementa liga● , us frig●ra f●ammis , arid● conveniunt liquidis , ne puri●r ignis ev●let , aut mersas deducant pondera terra● . to numbers thou the elements dost tie that cold with heat may symbolize , and dry with moist , lest purer fire should soare to high , and earth through too much weight too low should lie . the creator of them hath bound them , as it were , to their behaviour , and made them in every mixed body to stoop and obey one praedominant , whose sway and conduct they willingly follow . the air being praedominant in some , as in oyl , which alwayes swimmes on the top of all other liquors ; and the earth in others , which always gather as near the center as possibly they can . and as in these , they vary not a jo● from their nature and wonted properties ; so neither do they in their other conditions . it is still true of them , that ni● graevitant nec l●vitant in suis l●eis , there is no sense of their weight or lightness in their proper places , as appears by this , that a man lying in the bottom of the deepest ocean , he feels no burthen from the weight thereof ; the fire shall serve to warm us , the air to maintain our breathing , the water to cleanse and refresh us , the earth to feed and support us , and which of them is most necessary for our use is hard to determine : likewise they still hold the same proportion one towards another , as they have done : for howbeit the peripeteticks , pretending herein the authority of their mr. aristotle , tell us , that'as they rise above one another in situation , so they exceed one another propertione decupla , by a ten-fold proportion ; yet is this doubtless a foul errour , or at least-wise a gross mistake , whether we regard their entire bodies , or their parts ? if their entire bodies , it is certain , that the earth exceeds both the water and the air by many degrees : the depth of the waters not exceeding two or three miles , and for the most part not above halfe a mile , as marriners find by their line and plummer , whereas the diameter of the earth , as mathematicians demonstrate , exceeds seven thousand miles . and for the air , taking the height of it from the part of the ordinary comets , it contains by estimation about fifty two miles , as nonius , vitellio , and alb●●en shew by geometrical proofs . whence it plainly appears , that there cannot be that proportion betwixt the entire bodies of the elements which is pretended , nor at any time was since the creation . and for their parts , 't is as clear by experience , that out of a few drops of water , may be made so much air as shall exceed them a thousand times at least . there is in the elements a noble compensation of their fourfold qualities , dispencing themselves by even turnes and just measures . for as the circle of the year is distinguished by four quarters , one succeeding another , the time running about by equal distances : in like manner the four elements of the vvorld by a reciprocal vicissitude exceed one another : and which a man would think to be incredible , while they seem to dye , as philo writes , they become immortal , running the same race , and instantly traveling up and down by the same path . from the earth the way riseth upward , , it dissolving into vvater , the vvater vapours forth into the air , the air is rarified into fire , and again they descend downward the same way , the fire by quenching being turned into air , the air thickned itto vvater , and the water into earth . hitherto philo , wherein after his usual manner he platonizes , the same being in effect to be found in plato's timaeus , as also in aristotles book de mundo , if it be his , in damascen , and gregory nyssen . and most elegantly in the wittiest of poets , ovid met. 15. — resolutaque tellus in liquidas rarescit aqu●s tenuatur in auras , aeraque humor habit dempto qucque pondere rursus in superos aer tenuissimus emicat ignes . inde retro redeunt : idemqne retexitur ord● ignis enim densum spissatus in aera transit hinc in aquas tellus glomerata cogitur unda . the earth resolved is turned into streames , water to air , the purer air to flames : from whence they back return , the fiery flakes are turned to air , the air thickned takes the liquid form of water , that earth makes . the four elements herein resembling an instrument of musick with four strings , which may be tuned diverse wayes , and yet the harmony still remains sweet : and so are they compared in the book of wisdom , cap. 19. v. 17. the elements agreed amongst themselves in this change , as when one tune is changed upon an instrumont of musick , and the melody still remaineth . utque novis facilis signatur cera figuri● n●● manet ut fucrat , nec formam servat candem , sed tame● ipsa cadem est . they are the verses of ovid in the 15 met. touching which several prints stamped upon one and the same lump of wax bartas curiously dilates in one of his weeks . our next subject will be to discourse of comets and blazing starrs , he uncertainty of the predictions of them . some took the comet to have been a star ordained and created from the first b●ginning of the world , but appearing only by times and by turnes : of this mind was sen●cae ; cardan likewise in latter times harp's much , if not upon the same , yet the like string . but aristotle ( in his natur. quest. lib. 7. cap. 21. 23. ( whose weighty reasons and deep judgment i much reverence ) conceiveth the matter of the comet , to be a very hot and dry exhalation , which being lifted up , by the force and vertue of the sun , into the highest region of the air is there inflamed , partly by the elements of fire , upon which it bordereth , and partly by the motions of the heavens which hurleth it about ; so that there is in the same manner of an earth-quake , the wind , the lightning , and a comet , if it be imprisoned in the bowels of the earth , it causeth an earthquake , if it ascend to the middle region of the air , and be from thence beaten back ; wind if it enter that region ' and be there environed with a thick cloud ; lightning ; if it pass that region a comet , or some other fiery meteor , in case the matter be not sufficiently capable thereof . the common opinion hath been , that comets either as signes or causes , or both , have always prognosticated some dreadful mishaps to the world , as out-ragious winds , extraordinary drought , dea●th , pestilence , warrs , the death of princes and the like . nunquam futilibus excanduit ignibus aether . nere did the heavens with idle blazes flame . so manelius hath it . but the lord privy seal , earl of northampton , in his defensative against the poyson of supposed prophesies , hath so strongly incountered this opinion , that for my own part● must profess , he hath perswaded me , that there is no certainty of those predictions , in as much as comets do not always fore run such events , neither do these events always follow upon the appearing of comets . some instances he produceth of comets , which brought with them such abundance of all things , and abated their prises to so low an ebbe , as stories have recorded it for monuments , and miracles to posterity : and the like , saith he , could i say of others , anno dom. 1555. 1556. 1557. 1558. after all which years nothing chanced that should drive a man to seek out any cause above the common reach : and therefore i do allow of the diligence of gemma-frisius , in taking notice of as many good , as bad effects , which have succeeded after comets . moreover he tells us , that peucer , a great mathematician of germany , prognosticated upon the last comet , before the writing of his defensative , that mens bodies should be parched and burned up with heat : but how fell it out ? forsooth , saith he , we had not a more unkindly summer for many years , in respect of extraordinary cold : never less inclination to war ; no prince deceased in that time , and the plague in lombardy , as god would have it , ceased at the rising of the comet . besides all this he reports , of his own experience , as an eye witness , that when divers persons , upon greater scrupulosity then cause , went about to disswade queen elizabeth , lying then at richmond , from looking on the comet which then appeared , with a courage answerable to the greatness of her state , she caused the window to be set open , and cast out this word , jacta est alea , the dice are thrown ; thereby shewing , that her st●dfast hope and confidence , was too firmly planted in the good pleasure and providence of god , as not to be blasted or affrighted with those beams , which either had a ground in nature whereupon to rise , or at least-wise no warrant in scripture to portend the misfortune of princes . neither have i heard of any comet that appeared before her death ( as at her entrance there did ) nor that of prince henry , nor of henry the great of france ; the one being a most peerless queen , the other a most incomparable prince , and the third for prudence and valour , a matchless king : therefore as seneca truly notes natural is magis nova quam magna mirari , it is natural unto us to be inquis●ived and curious rather about things new and strange , than those which are in their own nature truly great ; yet even amongst the ancients , charlemaine professed , that he feared not the signe of the blazing-star , but the great and potent creator thereof . and vespasian , as dion reports , when the apparition of a comet was thought to portend his death , replied merrily : no , said he , this bushy star notes not me , but the parthian king : ipse enim cometus est , ego vero calvus sum ; for he wares bushy locks , but i am bald . lastly , some comets have been the messengers of joyful and happy tidings , as at the birth of our saviour , and another at the death of nero , cometes summè bonis apparuit , qui praenuntius suit mortis magn●illius ●yranni , & pestilintissimi hominis , saita tactius : there appeared a favourable and auspicious comet , as an herauld to proclaim the death of that great tyrant and most pestilent man. though as to some judgments we are sensible ( they by the effects have been predictive ) though the astronomers have not found them out . now that which hath been said of comets may also be applied to other fiery and watery meteors , as streamings , swords , flying dragons , fighting armies , gapings , two or three sunns and moons , and the like appearing in the air , many times to the great terrour and astonishment of the beholders : of all which and many more of that kind , he that desires to read more of , i refer him to vicomercatus , garzaus , pontanus , & lycostehenes de prodigiis & portentis ab orbe condito , asque ad annum 1557 and to other latter writers of monstrous and prodigious accidents . but the strangest apparition in the air that ever i heard or read of , was that which i find reported by mr. fox . in his acts and monuments , whilst the spanish match with queen mary was in the heat of treating , and neer upon the concluding , there appeared in london on the fifteenth of february 1554 , a rainbow reversed , the bow turning downwards , and the two ends standing upwards , a prodigious and supernatural sign indeed of those miserable and bloudy times which quickly followed after . as touching unseasonable weather , for excessive heat and cold , or immoderate drought and rain . thunder and lightning frost and snow , hail and winds , yea and contagious sicknesses , and pestilential and epidemical diseases , these arise from the infection of the air , by noisome mists and vapours , to which we may adde earthquakes , burning in the bowels of the earth , and the like earthquakes arise also from the distempers of the air , but in another manner . they first gave occasion to the composing of that letany , and therein to the petition against suadain death , which by publick authority is used through the christian churches at this day . by the force of earthquake contrary to the proverb , mountains have met the city of an●ioch , where the disciples were first called christians , with a great part of asia bordering upon it , was in trajans time swallowed with an earthquake , as dien writes , who reports very merveilous things thereof . by the same means at one time were twelve famous cities of asia over-turned in the reign of tiberius . and at another time as many towns of campaniae under constantine . and of late times we have not been without such wonderful examples of the dreadfulness of this accident , above the pestilence or any other miseries incident to mankind . seneca excellently discourses of them , in the sixth book of his natural question , hostem mure expellaem , saith he , and so he goes on ; to avoid prolixity i shall here give you only the english , a wall will repel an enemy , rampires raised to a great height by the difficulty of their access will keep out powerful armies , an haven shelters us from a tempest , and the covering of our houses from the violence of storms and lasting rains ; the fire doth not follow us , if we fly from it : against thunder and the threats of heaven , vaults under ground , and deep caves are remedies ; those blastings and flashes from above , do not pierce the earth , but are blunted by a little piece of it opposed against them ; in the time of pestilence a man may change dwellings , there is no mischief but may be shunned , the lightning never struck a whole nation , a pestilential air hath emptied cities , not over-turned them : but this mischief is large in spreading , unavoidably greedy of destruction , generally dangerous . for it doth not only depopulate houses and families , and towns , but layes waste and makes desolate whole regions and countries : sometimes covering them with their own ruines , and sometimes overwhelming them , and burying them in deep gulfs , leaving , nothing whereby it may appear so much as to posterity , that that which is not , sometimes was , but the earth is levelled over most famous cities , without any mark of their former existence ; so far seneca . as these quakings of the earth are very terrible , so are the burnings of the bowels thereof no less dreadful ; the one being as it were the cold , and the other the hot fits thereof . the mountain aetna in sicile hath flamed in time past so abundantly , that by reason of the thick smoak and vapours arising therefrom , the inhabitants thereabout sometimes could not see one another ( if we may give credit to sandies relation lib. 4. ) i raged so much that africa was thereof an astonished witness . but virgils admirable description of it may serve for all . — horificis tonat aetna ruinis interdumque atram perumpit ad aethera nubem , turbine fumantem piceo , & candente favilla , attollitque globos flammarum & syd●ra lambit ; interdum scopulos , avulsaque viscera montis erigit eructans ●●quefactaque saxa sub auras cum gemitu glomerat , fundoque exaestuat i●●o . aetna here thunders with a horrid noise , sometimes black clouds evaporated to the skies , fuming with pitchy curles , and sparkling fires , tosseth up , globes of flames to starrs aspires , now belching rocks , the mountains entrailes torne , and groaning hurles out liquid stones there born thorow the air in showres . but rightly did ovid in the 15● met. devine of this mountain and the burnings therein , nec quae sulphuriis ardet fornacibus aetna ignea semper erit , neque enim fuit ignea semper . aetna which flames of sulphur now doth raise , shall not still burn , nor hath it burnt always . the like may be said of vesuvius in the kingdom of naples , it flamed with the greatest horrour in the first , or as some say in the third year of the emperour titus , where besides beasts , fishes , and foul , it devoured two adjoyning cities , herculanum and pompeios , with the people in the theatre : pliny the natural historian , then admiral of the roman navy , desirous to discover the reason , was suffocated , as his nephew expressed in an epistle of his to cornelius tacitus ; the like , as to his too strict enquiry of the increase and decrease of the sea , being reported of aristotle . having thus imployed my reason as divinly as i could , in presenting my reader with an explanation of a few leaves of the great volume of nature : i shall now ( with his favour ) think it convenient before i proceed to treat of the powers of the mind in the arts , &c. to refute such other vulgar errours in their several classes ( though less considerable ) as hithe●●o i have not met withal . 1. it is a common received opinion in philosophy that the principal faculties of the soul , the understanding , the imagination and memory are distinguished by three several cells or ventricles in the brain , the imagination ( as is conceived ) being confined to the fore-part , the memory to the hinder part , and the judgment and understanding to the middle part thereof ; which opinion laurentius confutes , in his hist. anat. lib. 10. 9. 2. and fe●●elius derides , making them all to be dispersed through all the receptacles of the brain , in as much as sometimes when the whole brain is disaffected , the operation but of one of these faculties is hurt , and sometimes again , when but one ventricle is hurt the operation of all the three faculties is hindred . neither ought it to seem more strange , that the same ventricle in the brain should be capable of all these three function , then that the same bone or sinew and every part or particle thereof should have in it ( in regard of the nourishment it receives , and the excrement it drives forth ) an attractive , a retentive , an assimilative , and an expulsive vertue . 2. that in nature there is an east and a west , which as to me it seems cannot be , since that which to us is east , is west to our antipedes , and that which is east to them , is west tous . 3. that a man hath a natural speech of his own , as he is a man , ( some think hebrew ) which language he could speak by nature if he were not taught some other : but this is a dream , and hath as herodotus lib. 6. been twice confuted by a double experiment . the first was by psammeticus a king of aegypt , who desiring to understand which was mans most ancient and natural language , caused two children to be seq●estred from all focie●y of men , and to be nourished by two she goats , forbidding all speech unto them : which the children continuing for a long time dumb , at last uttered bec , bec : the king being informed , that in the phrigian language bec signified bread , imagined the children called then for bread ; and from thence collected that because they spake that language which no man had taught them , therefore the phrigian language was the natural speech of man. a weak proof and silly conceit . for the childrens beck ( as is probably collected ) was only that language which they learned of their goat-nurses , when they came to suck their tetts , who receiving from them some ease by their sucking , saluted them with bec , the best language they had , from whom the children learned it ; and so much as they heard , so much j●st they uttered , and no more : and if they had not heard it , they could never have pronounced it , as we may evidently see in men that are born deaf ; and by another experiment tryed upon other infants , ( which is our second instance ) purchas mentions it in his pilgrims , lib. 1. cap. 8. tryed by melabdim elchebar , whom they call the great mogore or magul . he likewise upon the forenamed errour , that a man hath a certain proper language by nature , caused thirty children to be brought up in dumb silence , to find out the experiment , whether all of them would speak one and the same language , having inwardly a purpose to frame his religion according to that nation , whose language should be spoken , as being that religion which is purely natural to man. but the children proved all dumb , though they were so many of them , and therefore they could not speak , because they were not taught : whereby it appeareth , that the speaking of any language is not in man by nature ; the first man had it by divine infusion , but all his posterity only by imitation . 4. in philosophy it is commonly received , that the heart is the seat and shop of the principal faculties of the soul : nay , divine scripture applying it self to the ordinary opinion therein , in many places attributes wisdom and understanding to the heart : whereas the noble pair of physitians hipocrates and galen have made it evident by experimental proofs , that those divine powers of reasoning and discourse are seated in the brain , in as much as they are never hindred by the distemper of the heart , but of the brain , nor recovered , being lost , by medicaments applyed to the heart , but to the brain . 5. that the radical moisture , and primogenial heat naturally ingrafted in us wastes always by degrees from the time of our conception , as oyl in a lamp , or wax in a taper : whereas till we come to the age of consistence , we still grow in bulk , in strength , and stature : which for my own part i cannot conceive how it should be , if from our infancy , our natural heat and moisture still decreased . 6. that one hand by nature is more useful and properly made for action then the other : whereas we find no difference betwixt the two eyes , the two ears , the two nostrills ; and if men were left to themselves , as many i think , if not more , would use the left hand , as now by education and custom do the right : and in truth i am of opinion that god and nature have given us two hands , that we should use both indifferently , that if need required , the one might supply the loss or defect of the other . such would plato have the citizens of his commonwealth to be , and such i do take those seven hundred benjamite , to have been mentioned in the 20 th . of judges ; and if either hand should in nature be preferred before the other , methinks in reason it should be that next the heart , the fountain of life and activity . secondly in history , which is ecclesiastical , civil , or natural . to begin with that of ecclesiastical . 1. it is commonly received , that simon peter encountred with simon magus , and that the magician undertaking to fly up into the air , the apostle so wrought by prayer and fasting , that he came tumbling down and brake his neck : but of this story saith st. augustine , in his epist. 86. consulano , est quidem & baec opinio plurimorum , qua nvis eam perhibeant esse faelsam plerique romani : many are of this opinion , yet most of the roman writers would have it but a tale. and in another place he calls it greciam fabulam , an invention of the grecians , who were so fruitful in these kind of febles , that pliny himself could say of them , hist. nat. lib. 8. 22. mirum est qu● procedat graeca credulitas , nullum tam impudens mendaeium est ut teste careat ; it is a wonder to see whether the credulity of the greeks carry them , there being no lye for shameful , but it findes at ●atron among●st them : ●ay , juvenel the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 took notice of their immoderate liberty this way , juven . sat. 10. et ●●●●●●a . graeci● mendax . au●● in historia . what dares not lying greece insert in histories . 2. that st. george was a holy martyr , and that he conquered the dragon ; whereas dr. reynolds de eccl. rom. idol lib. 10. cap. 50. proves him to be both a wicked man and an arrian , by the testimony of epiphanius , athanatius and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and baronius himself in plain terms affirms . apparet totam illam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commentum arrion it appears that the whole story of george 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a forgery of the arrians ; yet was he received ( as we know ) as a canonized ●●●● through christendom , and to be the pastor both of our nation , and of the most honourable order of knighthood in the world. 3. that the wise-men that came out of the east to worship our saviour , were kings , and from hence ( their bodies being translated to cullen ) they are at this day commonly called the three kings of cullen , and the day consecrated to their memory , is by the french termed le jour de trois rois , the day of the three kings . yet mantuan a monk , fears not to declare his opinion to the contrary , and gives his reason for it . nec reges ut opiner trant , ntque enim tacuissent historiae sacrae authores ; genus illud honoris est inter mortales qu● non sublimius ullum , adde qu●d herodus , ut magnificentia regum postulat , hospitib●● tantis regale dedisset hospitiu●● , secumqu● lares duxisset in amplos . had they been kings , not holy history would have concealed their so great majesty , higher on which on earth none can be named ; herods magnificance would sure have framed some entertainment fitting their estates , and harbour'd them within his royal gates . 4. that the sybills clearly foretold touching the name of the forerunner , the birth and death of christ , the coming of antichrist , the overthrow of r●●● , and the consummation of the world , which notwithstanding , ( as cansabon hath learnedly observed ) seems to be contrary to the word of god , that so profound mysteries should be revealed to the gentiles , so long before the incarnation of christ ; especially since they write more plainly and particularly of those matters then the prophets of god themselves amongst the je●s ; and the greatest cla●ks amongst the gentiles plato , aristotle , th●●p● astus , and others curious searchers into all kind of learning , never so much as once mention either their names or then writings , nor any of their mysteries . while the church of christ was yet in her infancy , many such kind of books were forged , thereby to make the doctrine of the gospel more passible among the gentiles ; and no marvel then that these of the sybills passed for current amongst them . 1. in history civil or national , it is commonly received , that there were four , and but four monarchies succeeding one the other ; the african , the persian , the grecian , and the roman ; yet john bodwin , a man of singular learning , especially in matter of history , dares : thus to begin the seventh chapter of his method . inveteratus error de qua●●● imperiis , ac magnorum virorum opinione pervulgatus , tam altc radices egit , ut vix evelli posse videatur , that inveterate errour of four empires made famous through the opinion of great men , hath taken such deep roots , as it seems it can hardly be pluckt up ; and thorow a great part of that chapter labours he the confutation of those that maintain that opinion . 2. that brute a trojan by nation , and a great grand-child to aeneas , arrived in this island , and gave it the name of great brittain from himself , here reigned , and left the government thereof divided amongst his three sons , england to l●●gri●●● , scotland to albanak , and wales to camber : yet camden our great antiquary , brit. de primis incolis , beating ( as he professeth ) his brains and bending the force of his wits to maintain that opinion , he found no warrantable ground for it . nay by forcible arguments ( produced as in the person of others disputing against himself ) he strongly proves it , ( in my judgment ) altogether unwarrantable and unsound . boccace , vives , adricam●● , junius , polidorus , vignier , genebrard , molinaeus , bodine , and other latter writers of great account , are all of opinion , that there was no such man as this supposed brute ; and amongst our own ancient chronicles , john of wat●●sted , abbot of st. alban , holdeth the whole narration of brute rather to have been poetical then historical , as you shall find in his granarto 1440. which methinks is agreeable to reason , since caesar , taci●us , gildas , ninius , bede , william , of malmesbury , and as many others as have written any thing touching our country before the year 1160. make no mention at all of him . the first that ever broached it was g●ffery of monmouth about four hundred years ago , during the reign of henry the second , who publishing the british , story in latin , pretended to have it taken out of ancient monuments written in the british tongue : but this book as soon as it peeped forth into the light , was , sharply censured both by giraldus-cambrensis , and william of ●●●●● who lived at the same time ; the forme●●●●●● in no better then eabulosam historiam , ●●●●●●●●●y , and the latter ridicula figm●●● ridiculous fictions , and it now stands branded with a black cole amongst the books prohibited by the church of rome . 3. that the saxons called the remainder of the brittains , welch , as being strangers to them : whereas that word signifies not as strangers either in the high or low dutch , as verstigan , a man skilful in those languages , hath observed ; and that the sexons gave them the name of welch , after themselves came into brittain , is altogether unlikely : for that , inhabiting so neer them as they did , to wit , but over against them on the other side of the sea , they could not want a more particular and proper name for them , then to call them strangers . it seems then to be more likely , that the romans being originally descended from the gaules , the saxons according to their manner of speech , by turning the g. into the w. and instead of galtish called them wallish , and by a breviation wal●h or welch , as the french at this day call the prince of wales , prince de galles . 4. that the pigmies are a nation of people not above two or three foot high , and that they solemnly set themselves in battail array to fight against the cranes , their greatest enemies : of these notwithstanding caesa●ion in his book de. gigantibus , cap. u●●●●● , saith , fabules● illa omnia sunt quae de illis , vel poetae , vel alii scriptures tradiderunt : all those things are fabulous , which touching them either the poets or other writers have delivered . and with him further accordeth carda● , de ror●● vari●tate cap. 4. apparet ergo pigmiorum historiam esse fabulosam , quod & strabo sentit , & nostra aeras , ●●●●●●●● firmè ●●is mirabitia innotuerint , declarae . it appeares then that the history of the pigmies is but a ficton , as both straba thought , and our age , which have now discovered all the wonders of the world , fully declares , gellius also , and redogis refer those pigmies , if any such these be , to a kind of apes . 1. in natural history , ( to pass by that vulgar errour of the ph●●●ix , so learnedly refuted by one of our late writers , ) i shall here first gain say than gross . opinion , that the wholps of bears are at first littering without all form or fashion , and nothing but a little congealed blood , or lump of flesh , which afterwards the dam ●●●apeth by licking ; yet is the truth most evidently otherwise , as by the ey witness of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and others it hath been proved . and herein , as in many other fabulous narrations of this nature , ( in which experience checks report ) may we justly put that of lucretius , — qui nobis c●rtius ipsis se●●●●us esse ●o●● qu● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what can more certain ●●●●● sence ; discerning truth from false pretence . 2. that swan●●● a little before thein death sing most sweetly , of which notwithstanding pl●● hist. 10. 23● thus speak ●● ●●●● mor●e narratur flebilis caentus , falso ut arbitror al 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perimentis . swans are said to sing sweetly before their death , but falsly , as i take it , being ●●● so to think by some experiments . and sealigi● , exercitat . 2 ● . to the like pure , pose , ●● cygnt 〈…〉 graecia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad lucian● tribounal , apud quem aliquid ●●●●●● status ●●●●● . touching the sweet singing of the swan , which with greece the mother of lies you dare to publish ; i cite you to luciant tribunal there to set abroach some new stuff . and aelian , lib. 10. 14. cantandt studiosos esse 〈…〉 in every man's mouth , but for my self i never heard them sing , and perchance no man else . by daily and manifest experience are found to be untrue . 4. that the 〈◊〉 being hunted and in danger to be taken , biteth off his stones , knowing that for them his life only is sought , and so often ●●● hence some have derived his 〈…〉 from gelding himself : and ●pon this supposition the aegyptians in their hieroglyphicks , when they will signifie a man that 〈◊〉 himself , they picture a 〈◊〉 bitinh off his own stones , though 〈…〉 it to a contrary purpose 〈…〉 by that example to give away 〈…〉 rather than our lives , and by our wealth to redeem our danger 〈…〉 this relation touching the 〈…〉 been by sence and experience , and the testimony of dioscerid●● , lib. 3. cap. 13. is manifested . first , because their stones are very small , and so placed in their bodies as are a beres , and therefore impossible for the bever himself , to touch or come by them ; and secondly , they cleave so fast unto their back , that they cannot be taken away , but the beast must of necessity lose his life ; and consequently most ridiculous is their narration , who likewise affirm , that when he is hunted , having formerly bitten off his stones , he standeth upright , and sheweth the hunters that he hath none for them , and therefore his death cannot profit them , by means whereof they are averted and seek for another . 5. that the hare is one year a male , and another a female : whereas reud●●●tius affirms , that they are not stones which are commonly taken to be so in the female , but certain little bladders filled with matter , such as are upon the belly of a bever , wherein also the vulgar is deceived , mistaking ( as i should before have taken notice ) those for stones as they do these ; now the use of these parts both in bevers and hares is this , that against rain both the one and the other six suck out a certain humour , and anoing their bodies all over therewith , which serves them for a kind of a defence against rain . 6. that a salamander lives in the fire , yet both galen and dioscorides resute this opinion . and mathi●lus in his commentaries upon dioscorides , a very famous physitian , affirms of them , that by casting of many salamanders into the fire for tryal , he found it false . the same experiment is likewise avouched by jouber●●● . 7. that a wolfe , if he see a man first suddenly strikes him dumb , whence comes the proverb , lupus est in fabula , and that of the poet , lupi marim viders prior●● . the wolves saw maeris first . yet philip gomerarius professeth , fabul●s●● esse quod vulga ●riditur 〈…〉 , subito 〈…〉 & voc●m amittere . that it is fabulous which is commonly believed , that a man being first seen of a wolfe is thereupon astonished and looseth his voice . and that himself hath found it by experience to be a vain opinion ; which scaliger likewise affirms upon the fame ground . utinam tet f●●●icastigantur mend●●●um afferter● isti , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lupis vi●i sumus si●e jactura vocis : i wish those patrons of lies were chastised with so many blows , as at sundry times i have been seen of wolfes without any loosing of my voice . 8. that men are sometimes transformed into wolves , and again from wolves into men : touching the falsehood whereof pliny himself is thus confident , nat. hist. lib. 8. cap. 22. homines in lopos ve●it rur su●ov●●resti●●ti sib● , falsum esse ●●●fidenter existimare deb●mus , aut credere omnia quae fabulosa tot secuis comperimus : that menare changed into wolves , and again restored to themselves , that is to the shape of men , we ought assuredly to believe false , or give credit to whatsoever we have found fabulous , through the course of so many ages . now that which hath given occasion to this opinion might be as i suppose either an illusion of satan in regard of the beholders , or a strong melancholy imagination in the patients , or the education of men amongst wolves from their very infancy . for that the devil can at his pleasure transsubstantiare or transform one substance into another , i hold it no sound divinity . 9. that the mandrakes represent the parts and shape of a man : yet the same mathiolus in his commentary upon dioscoride●y affirms , ●● them , radices parro m●ndragarae humanam assig●● representare , ut vulgo oreditur , ●●●●●● that the roots of the mandrake represent the shape of a man , as it is commonly believed is fabuolous , calling them cheating knaves and ●● salvers that carry them about to be sold , there with to deceive barren women . 10. that the pelican turneth her beak● against her brest , and therewith pierceth it ●●ll the blood gush out , wherewith she nourisheth her young : whereas a pelican hath a beak bread and flat , much like the slice of , apothecaries and chirurgions , wherewith they spread their plaisters , no way fit to pierce , as laurentius , gubertus , counsellor and physitian to henry the fourth of france , in his book of popular errors hath observed . 11. that vipers in their birth kill their mother of whom they are bred ; sealiger out of his own experience assures the contrary : viper as , saith he , ab impatientibus morae faetibus numerosimis , atque idcirco crump●ntibus rumpi atque interire falsum est seimus , qui in vincentu g●merini lign●●thec● videmus enatas viperillas par●●te salva : that vipers are re●● and slain by that number of their young ones , impatient of ●● lay , and striving to get forth , we know to be false , who in a wooden box belonging to vineontius camerinus have seen the young ones newly brought forth , together with the old one , safe and sound . true it is that the viper bringing sometimes twenty or more , and being but delivered of one a day , the hindermost impatient of so long delay sometimes gnaws through the tunicle or shell of the egge in which they are inclosed , and cometh forth with part of it upon them , which aristotle affirming , thereupon it seems hath grown the mistake , that they gnaw through the belly of their dam , which is undoubtedly false . the derivation then of the word vipera being quasi vi parism , is but a trick of wit , grounded upon an erroneous suspicion : it being rather ( as i conceive ) from vinum parient● , there being no other kind of se●pent that bringeth forth her young hatched out of an egge , but only the viper . for the readers ampler and fuller satisfaction in such curiosities , i referr him to doctor browns learned discourse of the errors of the vulgar . for though i might give many more instances both in philosophy and history , to shew that it is a thing neither new nor unjustifiable by the practice of wisemen , to examine and impugne received opinions , if they be found erroneous ; nevertheless for the present , let it suffice ( that amongst many others throughout this treatise ) i have also removed these few stumbling blocks out of the way . i shall next make good my promise according to the brevity of my former method , to treat of the decay of the powers of the minde in the arts and sciences , their helps and hindrances in matter of learning , ballanced ; as also that there is both in wits and arts , as in all things besides , a kind of a circular progress , as well in regard of places as tunes , that they have their rise and fall , increase and decrease , and so through the divine assistance i shall set a period to this discourse . since it is a received conclusion of the choiceest , both divines and philosophers , that the reasonable soul of man is not converted into him by his parents , but infused immediately by the creatour , and with all that the souls of all men , at their first creation and infusion , are equal and perfect alike , endued with the fame essence and abilities , it must needs be , that the inequality and disparity of actions , which they produce , arise from the diverle temper of the matter which they informe , and by which , as by an instrument they work . now the matter being tempered by the disposition of the bodies of our parents , the influences of the heavens , the quality of the elements , diet , exercise , and the like , it remains , that as there is a variety and vicissitude or these in regard of goodness , so is there likewise in the temper of the matter , whereof we consist , and the actions which by it our souls produce : yea , where both the agents and the instruments are alike , yet by the diversity of education and industry , their works are many times infinitely diversified . the principal faculties of the soul are imagination , judgment , and memory . one of the most famous for memory amongst the ancients , was seneca the father , who reports of himself proaemic , lib. 1. controver . that he could repeat a thousand names , or two hundred verses , brought to his master by his school fellows backwards or forwards . but that which muretus lib. 3. variar . lection . reports of a young man of corsica , a student in the civil law , whom himself saw , at paedua , far exceeds it : he could , saith he recite thirty thousand names in the same order as they were delivered , without any stop or staggering , as readily as if he had read them out of a book : his conclusion is huic ego nec ex antiquitate quidam , quem opponam haebeo , nisi forte cyrum , quem plinius , quintilianus , & alii latini scriptores tradiderunt tenuisse omnium militum nomixa : i find none among the ancients , whom i may set against him , unless cyrus perchance , whom pliny , quintillian , and other latin writers , report to have remembred the names of all his souldiers , which yet muretus himself doubts was mistaken of them . zenophon , of whom only or principally they could learn it , affirming only that he remembred the names of his principal captains , or chief commanders . and aeneus sylvius , in his history of the council of basil ( at which himself was present ) tells us of lodovicus pontanus of spoleta , a lawyer likewise by profession , ( who dyed of the pestilence at the council , at thirty years of age ) that he could recite not the titles only , but the intire bodies of the laws , being for vastness and fastness of memory , nemini antiquorum inferior , as he speaks , nothing inferiour to any of the ancients . famianus straeda , in his first book of academical prolusions , relates of francis suar●z , who had , saith he , so strong a memory , that he had st. augustine ( the most copious and various of the fathers ) ready by heart , alledging every where ( as occasion presented it self ) fully and faithfully , his sentences , and which is stranger , his very words ; nay , if he demanded any thing touching any passage in any of his volumes ( which of them will make a great shew towards the filling of a library ) statim quo lequo , quaque pagina disseruerit ea super re expedite docentem ac digito commonstrantem saepè videmus : i my self have often seen him instantly shewing and pointing with his finger , to the place and page in which he disputed of that matter ; this is , i confess , the testimony of one jesuit touching another , but of dr. rainolds , it is most certain , that he excelled this way , to the astonishment of all that were inwardly acquainted with him , not only for st. augustines works , but also all classick authors : so that as in this respect it might truly be said of him , which hath been applyed to some others , that he was a living library , or a third university : for it hath been very credibly reported of him , that upon occasion of some writings which passed to and fro , betwixt him and dr. gentilis , then a professour in our civil laws , he publickly professed , that he thought dr. reynolds had read , and did remember more of those laws then himself , though it were his profession , in which he admirably excelled . and for the excellency of the other faculties of the mind , together with that of the memory , it is a wonderful testimony that vines ( a man of eminent parts ) in his commentaries on the second book , and 17. cap. de civit. dei , gives budaeus ; que viro , ( saith he ) gaellia accutiore ingenio , acriore judicio , exactiore diligentia , majore cruditione nu●tum nunquam produxit , haec vera etate nos italia quidem ; then which man , france never brought forth a sharper wit , or pierceing judgment , of more exact diligence , or greater learning , nor in this age italie it self : and then going on tells us , that there was nothing written in greek or latin , which he had not turned over , read and exmined ; greek and latin were , both alike to him , yet was he in both most excellent , speaking either of them as readily , and perchance with more ease then the french , his mother tongue ; he would read out a greek book in latin , and out of the latin book into greek . those things which we see so exquisitely written by him , flowed from him ex tempore ; he writ more skilfully both in greek and latin , then ( as he affirms ) the most skilfull in those languages understand . nothing in those tongues being so abstruce and difficult , which he had not ransacked , entred upon , looked into , and brought as it were another cerberus from darkness to light. infinite are the significations of words , the figures , and proprieties of speech , which unknown to former ages , by the only help of budaeus , studious men are now acquainted with . and these so great and admirable things , he without the direction of any teacher , learned meerly by his own industry ; faelix & faecundum ingenium , quod in se uno invenit & doctorem & discipulum , & docendi viam rationemque , & ●ujus decimam partem , alii sub magnis magestris vix discunt , ipse id totum a se magistrum ed●ctus est : an happy and fruitful wit , which in himself alone found both a master and a scholler , and a method of teaching ; and the tenth part of that which others can hardly attain unto under famous teachers , all that learned he of himself , being his own reader . and yet ( saith he ) hitherto have i spoken nothing of his knowledg in the laws , which being in a manner ruined , seem by him to have been restored ; nothing of his philosophy , whereof he hath given us a tryal in his book de asse , that no man could compose them , but such a one as was assiduously versed in all the books of the philosophers ; and then having highly commended him for his piety , his sweet behaviour , and many other rare and singular vertuos added to his greatness , he farther adds , notwithstanding all this , that he was continually conversant in domestick and state affairs at home , and ambassages abroad ; for it might truly be said of him , as plixius caecilus speaks of his unde secundur , when i consider his state affairs , and the happy dispatch of so many businesses . i wonder at the multiplicity of his reading and writing ; and again , when i consider this , i wonder at that and so leave him wish that happy distick of buckan●● . galliae quod graeca est , quod graeca barbara nonest , utraque budaeo debet utrumque suc . that france is turn'd to greece , that greece is not turnd rude , both o●●e them both to thee , their dear great learned bud● . and if we look over the peryneeus , metamorus , in his treatise of universities and learned men of spain , he spares not to write of testatus bishop of abulum , si ali● quam su● seculo vivere c●ntig●sset , neque hipponi augustinum , nique stvidoni hieronymuns , nec quempiam ex illis pr●●eribus ecclesiae antiquis nunc inviacrimus : had he lived any other age save his own , we should not have needed now either to envy hippo for augustin , or stridon for hiorom , nor any other of those ancient worthies of the church : to which possevin in his appaeratus adds , that at the age of two and twenty years , he attained to the knowledge of almost all arts and sciences . for besides philosophy and divinity , the canon and civil laws , history and the mathematicks , he was skill'd in the greek and hebrew tongues : so as that it was written of him , hic super est mundi , qui scibile discutit omne . the worlds wonder for that he , knows whatsoever known may be . he was so true a student , and so constant in fitting o● it , that with didymus of alexandria , aenea ●●●uiss● intestina putar●ur , he was thought to have a body of brass , and so much he wrote and published , that a part of the epitaph ingraven on his tomb was ; pri●ae natalis luci foliae omniae aedaeptans nondum sic faeerit paegina trina satis ; the meaning is , that of his published writings , we shall allow three leaves to every day of his life from his very birth , there would be yet some to spare ; and yet withal he wrot so exactly , that ximenes his scholler , attempting to contract his commentaries upon mathew could not well bring it into l ess then a thousand leaves in folio , and that in a very small print ; and others have attempted the like in his other works with like success . but that which paesquier hath observed out of monaesteries lib. 56. 38. touching a young man , who being not above twenty years old , came to paris in the year 1445 , and shewed himself so admirably excellent in all arts , sciences , and languages , that if a man of an ordinary good wit and sound constitution should live one hundred years , and during that time ( if it were possibly ) study incessantly , without eating , drinking , sleeping , or any other recreation , he could hardly attain to that perfection : insomuch that some were of opinion , that he was antichrist begotten of the devil , or somewhat at least above human condition ; which gave occasion to these verses of castellanus , who lived at the same time , and himself saw this miracle of wit. i'ay veu par excellence vn jeune de uinge ans avoir toute science & les degrees montans soyse vantant scaevoir dire cequ ' onques faet escrit par seule fois le lire comme jeune antichrist . a young man have i seen at twenty years so skill'd , that every art he had , and all in all degrees excell'd . what ever yet was writ he vaunted to pronounce like a young antichrist , if he did read the same but once . not to insit upon supernaturals ; were there among us that industry , and the union of forces , and contribution of helps , as was in the ancients , i see no sufficient reason but the wits of this present age might produce as great effects as theirs did , nay greater , inasmuch as we have the light of their writings to guide and assist us : we have books by reason of the art and mystery of printing more familiar , and at a cheaper rate : most men being now unwilling to give three hundred pounds for three books , as plato did for those of philolaus the pithagorean . and by this means are we freed from a number of gross errours , which by the ignorance or negligence of unskilfull writers crept into the text : yet on the other side it is as true that we are forced to spend much time in the learning of languages , especially the latin , greek , and hebrew , which the ancients spent in the study of things , their learning being commonly written in their own language . besides the infinite and bitter controversies amongst christians in matters of religion since the infancie thereof even to these present times , hath doubtless not a little hindered the progress and advancement of other sciences . likewise it cannot be denyed , but that the incouragements for the study of learning were in former times greater . what liberal and bountiful allowance did alexander afford aristotle , eight hundred talents for the entertainment of fishers , faulkners and hunters to bring him in beasts , fowls , fishes of all kinds , and for the discovery of their several natures and dispositions : nay , the daily wages of roscius the stage-player , as witnesseth mucrobrius , in his saturnal lib. 3. cap● 14. was a thousand dexarii which amounteth to thirty pounds of our coyn. and aesop the tragaedian by the only exercise of the same trade , if we may credit the same author , that he left his son above one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling , whereunto may be added , that the ancients copying out their books , for the most part with their own hand , it could not but work in them a deeper impression of the matter therein contained , and being thereby forced to content themselves with fewer books , of nece●sity they held themselves more closely to them . and it is true what seneca saith , as well in reading as eating , varietas delectat , certitudo predest , variety is delightful , but certainty more useful and profitable . so that upon the matter , reckonings cast up on all sides , and one thing being set against another , as we want some helps which the ancients had , so we are freed from some hindrances wherewith they were incumbred ; as again it is most certain , that they wanted some of our helps , and were freed from some of our hindrances : if then we come short of their perfections , it is not because nature is generally defective in us , but because we are wanting to our selves , and do not strive to make use of , and improve those abilities wherewith god and nature hath endowed us . male de natura censet quicu●que un● illa● aut altero partu effatum esse arbitratur , saith vives ; he thinks unworthily and irreverently of nature who conceives her to be barren after one or two births ; no , no , that which the same authour speaks of places , is likewise undoubtedly true of times , ubiqu● bona nascuntur ingenia , exc●lantur mod● , alibi fortassis frequ●ntiorae , sed ubique nonnulla . every where and in all ages good wits spring up , were they dressed and manured as they ought , though happily more frequently in some places and ages then others . scythia it self anciently yielded one anacharsis . and no doubt had they taken the same course as he did , more of the same metal would have been found there . there is ( it seems ) both in wits and arts , as in ' all things besides , a kind of circular progress : they have their birth , their growth , their flourishing , their falling , and fading , and within a while after their resurrection , and reflourishing again . the arts flourished for a long time amongst the persians , the caldeans , the aegypitans , and therefore is moses is said to be learned in all the wisdom of the aegyptians , who well knowing their own strength , were bold to object to the grecians , that they were still children , as neither having the knowledge of antiquity , nor the antiquity of knowledge : but afterwards the grecians got the start of them , and grew so excellent in all kind of knowledge , that the rest of the world in regard of them , were reputed barbarians , which reputation of wisdom they held even till the apostles time . i am debter , saith st. paul , both to the graecians and to the barbarians , both to the wise and to the unwise . rom. 1. 14. and again , the jews require a signe , and the graecians seek after wisdom , 1 cor. 1. 22. by reason whereof they relished not the simplicity of the gospel , it seeming foolishness unto them : and n the seventeenth of the acts the philosophers of atbens , ( sometimes held the most famous university in the world ) out of the opinion of their own great learning , scorned st. paul and his doctrine , terming him a sower of words , a very babler or trifler : yet not long after this , these very graecians declined much , and themselves ( whether through their own inclination , or the reason of their bondage under the ●urk , the common enemy both of religion and learning , i cannot determine ) are now become so strangly barbarous , that their knowledge is converted into a kind of ignorance , as is their liberty into a contented slavery : yet after the loss both of their empire and learning , they still retained some spark of their former wit and industry . as juvenal hath it sat. 7. ingenium ●elox ; audacia perdita , ser●●● pr●mptus , & isaeo terrent●or , ede quid illum esse putas quemvis hominem secum attulit ad nos grammaticus , rhet●r , geometres , picter , aliptes , angur , schaenobates , medicus , magnus , ●mnia novis graeculus ●suriens in caelum jusseris , ibit . quick witted , wondrous bold , well spoken , then isaeus pluenter , who of all men brought with himself , a soothsayer , a physitian , magician , rhetorician , geometrician , grammarian , painter , ropewalker , all knows the needy greek● bid goe to heaven , he goes . but now they wholly delight in ease , in shades , in dancing , in drinking , and for the most part , no further endeavour either the enriching of their minds or purses then their bellies compel them . the lamp of learning being thus neer extinguished in greece , in latium spretis accademia ●igrat athenis . athens forsaken by philosophy she forthwith travell'd into italy . it began to shine afresh in italy neer about the time of the birth of christ , there being a general peace thorow the world , and the roman empire fully setled and established , poets , orators , philosophers , and historians , never more excellent . from whence the light spread it self over christendom , and continued bright till the inundation of the gothes , hunns , and vandals , who ransaked libraries , and defaced almost all the monuments of antiquity , insomuch as that lamp seemed again to be put out , for the space of almost a thousand years , and had longer so continued , had not mensor king of africa and spain raised up and spurred on the arabian wits to the restauration of good letters by proposing great rewards and encouragements to them . and afterwards petarch , a man of singular wit and rare natural endowments , opened such libraries as were left undemolished , beat off the dust from the moth-eaten books and drew into the light the best authors . he was seconded by b●cca●e , and j●h● of ravenna , and soon after by aretine , philephus , valla , poggius , onimbonus , vergerius , bl●ndus , and others . and those again were followed by aeneus sylvius , angelus politianus , hermola●s barbarus , marsilius ficinus , and that phoe●ix of learning j. picus earl of mirandula , who as appears in his entrance of his apogie proposed openly at r●●● nine hundred questions in all kind of faculties to be disputed , inviting all strangers thither , from any part of the known world , and offering himself to bear the charges of their travel both coming and going , and during all their abode there : so as he deservedly received that epitaph , which after his death was bestowed on him . joannes hic jacet miraudula , caetera ●●●●nt , et tagus , & ganges , forsan antipodes . here lies mirandula , tagus the rest doth know , and ganges , and perhaps the antipodes also . and rightly might that be verified of him which lucretius sometimes wrote of epicurus his master . hic genus humanum ingenis superavit , & omnes praestrinxit stellas exortus us aether●●● s●l . in wit all men he far hath overgrown , ecclipsing them like to the rising sun. this path being thus beaten out by these heroical spirits , they were backed by rodulphus agricola , reucline , melanct●on , joachimus camerarius , musculus , beatus rhenanus , almains ; the great erasmus a netherlander , lodovicus vives a spaniard ; bembus , sadoletus , eugubnius , italians , turnebus , muretus , ramus , pithaeus , budaeus , amiot , scaliger , frenchmen . sr. thomas more , and li●aker , englishmen ; and it is worth the observing , that about this time the slumbering drowzie spirit of the graecians began again to be revived and awakened in bessaerion , gemistius , trapenz●ntius , gaza , argyropolus , gal●ondilus ; and others : nay , these very northern nations which before had given the greatest wound to learning , began now by way of recompence to advance the honour of it by the fame of their studies , as olaus magnus , holsterus , tycho brabe , frixius , crumerus , polonians ; but the number of those worthies , who like so many sparkling stars have since thorow christendom succeeded , and many of them exceeded these in learning and knowledge , ● is so infinite , that the very recital of their names were enough to fill whole volumes : and if we descend to a particular examination of the several professions , arts , sciences , and manufactures , we shall sure find the praediction of the divine seneca accomplished , natural . quest. lib. 7. cap. 31. mult● v●nientis aevi populus ignota n●bis sci●t . the people of future ages ; shall come to the knowledge of many things unknown to us ; and that of tacitus , is most true , annal , lib. 3. cap. 12. nec omnia apud prures meliores● prioria , sed nostra quoque ae●● multa laudis , & artium imitanda posteris tulit : neither were all things in ancient times better than ours , but our age hath left ro posterity many things worthy of praise and imitation . i shall conclude with what ramus writes further , and perhaps warrantably enough in his preface . scholast . mathemat . majorem doctorum hominum & operum proventum seculo uno vidimus , quam tot is antea 14. majores nostri viderunt . we have seen within the space of one age , a more plentious crop of learned men and works , then ourpredecessors saw in fourteen next going before us . but our prejudice is so great , against all things po●ited without the sphere of our knowledg ; that all the advantage we can make of it , is , to condemn to the flame both works and authors . to acquaint ignorance with the glory of the heavens ; the magnitude , distance , motion and influence of the stars , is to present our selves guilty of that folly , never to be pardoned , by that multitude ; amongst which , to appear wise , is a crime , so capital , that a punishment , less , then what the good bishop suffered , for holding antipodes , cannot exp●ate , which was no less than death it self . judge then , what courage a man ought to be master of , that will expose his judgment to publick censour . cesar and alexander had not more occasion to use it , then that man hath , which shall dare to oppose an opinion , which hath generallity and antiquity for its guard , to tell them , ( that the eight sphere is sixty five millions two hundred eighty five thousand and five hundred of miles from us ; and that the least star in that sphere is greater then the globe we tread on , ) and to maintain it amongst the rabble , is as dangerous , as to be a daeniel in the den , with the lyons ; to speak of the seven planets , their natures , with the effects that attends , their times , squares , conjunctions , and oppositions to any 〈…〉 ingenious , is madness it self , the zodiack with its duodessi● division of signes , with their quaternal triplicities , and the suns progress through those signes , with the alterations that it occasions , as to heat and coldness of the weather , the length and shortness of the days and nights , the flourish and decay of all the fruits of the earth , astonishes ignorance , but to the learned , observation hath made the reason of it obvious to understand . the language of the heavens , how excellent a thing it is , all that have souls of the first magnitude can witness . augustus himself was so great a lover of this science , that he caused the sign capricorn ( it being the ascendant of his nativity ) to be stamped upon his coin , and advanced the same in his standard . tiberius did so dote upon the knowledge of the heavens , that he learnt the same of thrasillus at rodes ; and indeed , the wonders that hath been told , by those that have understood the speech of the coelestials , might justly encourage all to the same study ; for how could gauricus have admonished henry the second , king of france , from tilting in the one and fortieth year of his age , but that he read the danger of it in the starrs ; or the bishop of vienna assured don frederick , that he should be king of naples , twenty years before it happened . i could quote many more examples , of the like nature , if i thought it were to any purpose ; but my dread is , that most of the sons of men , are so prepossest with an injury against all intelligibleness , but that which tends to the fil●ing of their coffers , that a truth may expect the same welcome amongst them ; that a true saviour found amongst the false j●●● finis . the morals of confucius, a chinese philosopher who flourished above five hundred years before the coming of our lord and saviour jesus christ : being one of the most choicest pieces of learning remaining of that nation. confucius sinarum philosophus. english. selections confucius. 1691 approx. 151 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 80 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34265 wing c5806 estc r23060 12062696 ocm 12062696 53303 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34265) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53303) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 60:8) the morals of confucius, a chinese philosopher who flourished above five hundred years before the coming of our lord and saviour jesus christ : being one of the most choicest pieces of learning remaining of that nation. confucius sinarum philosophus. english. selections confucius. intorcetta, prospero, 1626-1696. confucius. lun yu. english. selections. 1691. [16], 142 p. printed for randal taylor ..., london : 1691. translated and abridged from the latin translation of: three books of confucius / prospero intorcetta, et al. cf. pref. of 2nd ed. of the morals of confucius; backer-sommervogel. "licensed, feb. 25, 1690/1. f. fraser" advertisement on p. [2]-[15]. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy, chinese. ethics -china. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-05 sara gothard text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the morals of confvcivs a chinese philosopher , who flourished above five hundred years before the coming of our lord and savio●r jesus christ. being one of the most choicest pieces of learning remaining of that nation . licensed , feb. 25. 1691. i. fraser . london : printed for randal taylor near stationers hall. mdcxci . advertisement . the work here publ●sh'd , and wherein , as in epitome , is cont●ined all the morals of confucius the chinese philosopher , is very small , if we respect the number of pages which compose it ; but it is doubtless very great , if consideration be had to the importance of the things therein contain'd . we may say that the morals of this philosopher are infinitely sublime , but 〈◊〉 the same time , pure , sensible , and drawn from the purest fountains of natural reason . certainly , a reason destitute of the lights of divine revelation , has never appear'd with so much ●●umination and power . and as there 〈◊〉 not any duty omitted by confucius , so th●re is not any besides those here m●ntioned . he greatly extends his morals , ●ut not farther than needs must ; his ●udgment ever telling him ho● far he must go , and where he must stop . in which he has a very considerable advantage , not only over a gr●at number of pagan writers , that have treated o● things of this nature , but likewise ove● several christian authors , who aboun● with so many false , or over-subtil● thoughts ; who almost every where surpass the bounds of their duty , and who give themselves up to their own fancy , or ill humour ; who almost always digress from that just mean , wh●re virtue ought to be plac'd ; who , by their false portraitures do render it impossible to our practise , and who consequently make few virtuous men. the author de la maniere de bien p●●ser dans les ouvrages d'espri● , who to a stile extreamly polite and exact , always adds an exquisite iudgment very well remarks the weakness and falsity of these words of a late writer , every one endeavours to possess the most room he can in his own imagination , and promotes and aggrandises himself in the world , only to augment the idea which every one has of himself . behold the end of all the ambitious designs of men. alexander , &c. caesar had no other prospect in all their battels than this . indeed , alexander and caesar might in their battels , not only have meditated o● their interiour image , and altho' the thought then had , might prove true in some occurrence , yet it could not be so in the extent that was given it . there is therefore nothing worse thought than what he vtters , who has compos'd the first treatise of the moral essays , and whose words we have just mention'd . what the author of these essays lays down at first , and which he who composes the excell●nt dial●gues already mention'd , would not take the pains to revive , is al●ost of this stamp ; 't is even somewhat worse , to which very little attention is requir'd . i conceive , saith he , that he who at first stil'd himself , high and mighty lord , look'd upon himself as born upon the head of his vassals , and that it is this that he means by this epithet high , so little suitable to the vileness of men. what signifi●s all this ? or rather , how dares one from a serious and grave air to ●dvance things of this nature ? wha● i● m●ant by these words , i imagine , tha● he who at the first stil'd himself , hig● and mighty lord , look'd upon himse●● as advanc'd over the head of his va●●sals . these words can have but t●● senses ; the one proper , the other figu●rative . the prop●r and natural sens● is , that this lord imagin'd that his f●●● were rested on the head of his vassal● and that he walk'd upon their heads 〈◊〉 higher ; and that to see and comman● them , he was forc'd to look down . th● figurative sense is , that this lor● thought himself advanc'd in authori●● over his vassals , and that his rank an● p●w●r were much more considerable than th●irs . it is ●vident , that unless this lord had lost his wits , he could not imagine what the first sense signifies ; and a● for the second , which is figurative , it is very true : this lord had reason to consider himself as advanc'd above his subjects , it was his right to assume titles which denoted his pow●r and authority , and he did no more than what those , whom god has ordain'd to command others , have always done . god himself , in his scriptures , calls them g●d's , which is much more than high and mighty lords . so these other words , this epithete of high is so unsuitable to the lowness of men , are no more intelligible than the f●rmer . these places , which we have obs●rv'd , are not the only ones of this nature , which are found in the moral essays . there are infinite other such like . and not to go from the first treatise , can these possibly be solid . altho' men should have made great progress therein , ( the author speaks of the knowledge of things ) they would hardly be the mor● estimable ; seeing that these barren sciences are so incapable of bringing any fruit , and solid contentment to them , that one is as happy in rejecting ●hem at first , as in carrying them by long study , to the highest pitch they can be carry'd . we are only capable of knowing one single object , and one single truth at once . the rest remains buried in our memory , as if it was not . behold therefore our knowledge reduc'd to a single object . who is he that is not convinc'd , that 't is a baseness to think himself valuable because he is well clad , well hors'd , that he hath justly directed a ball , and walks with a good grace ? what! do not the scien●es and excellent discoveries render a man more happy , content , and complaisant , when he ●nd●rstands the right vse thereof ? is it not well k●own , that there are many divines , who are of opinion , that one of the things which will comple●t the happin●s● of the saints in heaven , will be a great knowledge of an infinite number of truth● which are unknown to us upon earth ? is it because our spirit can at the same time meditate only upon one ●ingle obje●● , that it thence follows , that all the knowledge of an experienc'd m●n is limited to this single object , that he knows no other . behold th●refore our knowledge reduc'd to a single object . in fine , is it a basenes● for a knight , or co●rtier , to think he shall be the more ●steem'd , if he does what is suitable to his rank ; if among ●ther things , he is properly habited , well hors'd , and walk● with a good 〈◊〉 ? a●d wo●ld ●e not be truly worthy ●f conte●●t wo●●d he not discover a m●anness of mind , if he had unproper habilliments , if he should take no care and pains to be well hors'd , if he should ride without any art , or walk like a paisant . we can aver , that in this abridgement of confucius's morals , nothing will be found like what we have remarkt . we sh●ll here see moral essays , which are master-pieces . ev●ry thing herein is solid ; because that right reason , that inward verity , which is implanted in the soul of al● m●n , and which our philosopher incessantly consulted without prejudice , guided all his words . thus the r●les which he prescrib●s , and the d●ties to ●h●ch he exhorts , are such , that there is no person which does not immedi●tely give his approbation thereunto . there is nothing of falsity in his reasonings , nothing extream , none of those frightful subtilties , which are observ'd in the moral treatises of most modern metaphysitians * , that is to say , in discourses where simpl●city , clearness , and p●rspicuity ought to prevail thro●ghout , and make it s●lf sensible to minds ●f the low●st rank . we shall perhaps find this maxim a little relax'd , where confucius saith , that there are certain persons whom it is lawful to hate . nevertheless , if the thing be closely consider'd , we shall find the thought to be iust and reasonable . virtue , indeed , commands us to do good to all men , as confucius states it ; but it requires not that we should effectually have friendship for all sorts of persons . there are some so odious , that it is absolutely impossible to love them : for af●er all , w● only can love good ; we naturally have an aversion for what appears extreamly wicked and defective . all that charity obliges us to do on this account , is , to shew kindness to a person , when it is in our power , as if w● lov'd him , notwith●tanding the vices , malic● , and great d●fects , which are discover'd in him . seeing that opportunity o●●ers , we shall take notice , that the duty of loving our enemies , which iesus christ so much recommends in his gospel , is generally too much stretched . this duty is v●ry diffi●ult to perform in its just extent , without our render●ng it yet harder , or rather impossible to practise , and capable of casting us into despair , and of making us fall into an entire relaxation . the generality of those that explain this duty , do speak as if we were obliged to retain in our hearts a tender amity for all our enemies , how wicked and abominable so●v●r they be . yet , this is not precisely that which the son of god requires at our hands , because he demands not things absolutely impossible . his aim is to excite us to ●ehave o●r selves towards our enemies , whoever they be , as we do to them that we love. indeed , the scriptures does , in several places , by to love signifies to do good , almost in the same manner as we do to those for whom we have a great a●●ection . if this were a sit occasion , we might verifie this with ●everal passages . we shall satisfie our selves o●ly with alledging the example of god himself , which our saviour proposes ●or our imitation . for , a●ter having said , matth. 5.44.45 . love your enemies ; bless them that curse you ; do good to them that hate you ; and pray for them which despitefully use you , and persecute you ; ( for these are all as so many synonymous terms , ) he adds , that ye may be the children of your father which is in heaven : for he maketh his sun to rise upon the evil and on the good , and sendeth his rain on the just and on the un-just . now , it is certain , that god loves not the wicked and vnjust , altho' he may do them good : he has had an extream aversion for a caligula , for a nero , and other such like monsters ; altho' he has caus'd his sun to shine , and sent his rain upon them . but he has dealt with them as if he lov'd them ; and 't is after this manner also that we ought to deport our selves towards our enemies . 't is not that we are not bound sincerely to endeavour , what in us lies , to retain in our hearts some sentiments of friendship for them ; but there are certain persons so lew'd , so pros●igate , and so abominable , for whom it is impossible to have these sentiments . and 't is upon this account that the charity is yet greater , more generous , and praise w●rthy , when notwithstanding that aversion which we cannot hinder our selves from bearing to ●ertain persons , we cease not to do them good upon occasion , with the prospect of yielding obedience unto god. as for the rest , by what we have hithirto said it may be judg'd how exceedingly the publick is behold●n to the r. f. incorcetta and couplet , who have translated , out of chinese into latin , the three books of confucius , from which we have extracted this piece of morality● which is now divulg'd . we have selected the most important things , and have let slip several , which , altho' good in themselves , and particularly agreeable to the genius of the persons for whom they have been said and writ , would have seem'd , perhaps , too common and inconsiderable in our europe . and forasmuch , as in the work of the r. f. incorcetta and couplet , a discourse is made concerning the origine of the chinese nation , and of the ancient●st books which this nation enjoys , and which were extant , several ages before that of confucius , we have therefore translated what on ●h●s account is most necessary to be known . it is here requisite , for the reader 's satisfaction , to declare , that the chineses , from the beginning of their origine to the times of confucius , have not been idolaters ; that they have not had neither false gods nor images ; that they have paid adoration only to the creator of the vniverse , whom they have al●ays called xam-ti , and to whom their third emperor nam'd hoam-ti , erected a temple , which was probable the first that was built to god. the name of xam-ti , which they attribute to god , signifies soveraign master , or emperor . it is observable , that there have been a great many of the chinese emperors that have very frequently assum'd the sirname of ti , which imports master , emperor , or that of vam , which signifies king ● that there was one prince of the fourth race , who was called xi hoam ti , the great , or august emperor ; but there is not found any that has dar'd to assume the title of xam , that is to say , soveraign , and that they have always respectfully left it to the absolute iudge of th● vniverse . it is true , that in china , sacrifices have ever been offer'd to diverse tutelary angels : but in the times which preceeded confucius , 't was in respect of honouring them infinitely less than xam-ti , the souveraign lord of the world. the chineses serv'd god with extraordinary pomp and magnificence , but at the same time , with a very modest and very humble behaviour ; and said , that all this external worship was in no wise agreeable to the divinity , if the soul was not inwardly adorn'd with piety and virtue . they highly honour their fathers and mothers , and persons advanc'd in age. the women were very virtuous ; and in their habits and all their fashions great modesty was observ'd . the men and women , nobles and peasants , kings and subjects , did greatly esteem sobriety , frugality , moderation , iustice , and virtue . the religion and piety of the chineses continued almost in this state unto the time of the philosopher li lao kiun , who was contemporary with confucius , and who first declar'd there were several gods. confucius put a stop to the torrent of superstition and idolat●y , which b●gan to overflow . but in fine , when fohi's idol was brought from the indies , that is to say , sixty five years after jesus christ , this torrent so strongly overflow'd , that it made an irruption , the sad effects whereof are still seen . 't were to be wisht that there had from time to time been rais'd of these confucius's . things would not be in the posture wherein they are at china . this great m●n instructed , as well by his manners and example , as by his precepts : and his precepts are so just , so necessary , and propos'd with so much gravity , and at the same time with so much me●kness and ingenuity , that th●y must needs easily insinuate into their hearts , and produce great eff●cts therein . read only this little treatise which is sufficient to give you a very great and plenary satisfaction . the morals of confvcivs the chinese philosopher . the first part . of the antiquity and philosophy of the chineses . although in this little work our design is only to relate what is most remarkable in confucius's books , yet we are obliged to speak of some books which have appear'd in china before this philosopher . but this being not to be done without reflecting a little backward , we will discourse one word concerning the origen and antiquity of the chineses . the chinese chronologers do almost all agree , that fohi , who began to reign 2952 years before the birth of jesus christ , was the founder of this monarchy . the chineses that have interpreted these annals , make no difficulty to avow , that whatever is writ concerning china , before the reign of this emperor , is fabulous and suspicious : and one of their most renown'd historians , named taisucum , frankly confesses , that he is ignorant of what passed before the reign of xinum , the successor of fohi . there are only certain annals which the chineses call the great annals , wherein the thing is otherwise read . the author of this prodigious chronology , which contains almost an hundred and fifty volumes , reports that after the creation of the world , there were three emperors : the one of heaven , the other of the earth , and the third of men ; that the progeny of this last succeeded one another for the space of above forty nine thousand years ; after which , thirty five imperial families do successively reign for several ages without interruption . this author likewise adds , that he justifies not what he says , and at last agrees , that it is more certain to begin with fohi , and herein to follow the most famous and best reputed historians . 't is not that in fohi's life they have not inserted an infinite number of fables , which might cause us to question whether this emperor ever was ; for besides that in the great annals it is read , that fohi's mother accidentally stepping into a place where a giant had passed , she was suddenly encompass'd with a rainbow , and that 't was at this very moment , that she perceiv'd her self with child of the founder of the chinese monarchy : where it is also related that this founder had the head of a man , and body of a serpent . 't is true , that these fables being very gross , the generality of the chineses derides them . they report , that the ground of this ridiculous tradition was the colour of fohi's body , which was marked with several spots ; or rather , that it was an hieroglyphick , whereby they intended to represent this prince , as a prince of extraordinary prudence . but although we had not this consideration and prospect , the genealogy of this king is so exact , so circumstantial , and so well prosecuted in the chronological tables of the chineses , that it is not possible to imagine it only a fancy ; so that there is certainly as little reason to deny , or even to question that fohi ever was , as to maintain that saturn , iupiter , hercules and romulus are only names , under pretence that the poets and gravest historians have intermixt the history of their birth with a thousand impertinent fables . nevertheless , these very annals , which contain so many fables upon the account of fohi's birth , do say nothing of his predecessor's , and do speak very imperfectly concerning his country ; which makes us suspect that he was not born in china , and that he came thither from some other place . they only intimate , that he was born in a province called kensi , where he indeed must necessarily arrive , supposing that he came from some other part into china : for after the confusion of tongu●s , and dispersion of the people , he must come from mesopotamia , or from the territory of sennaar , to land at kensi , and afterwards arrive in the heart of the country , viz. in the province of honan , where it is writ that he kept his co●rt . although we cannot exactly know at what time fohi laid the first foundations of his empire , yet it is very probable that it was not long after the deluge : for indeed , if we vigorously follow the computations of the chineses , and chronology of the septuagint , 't was not till about 200 years after , in a time when noah was yet living ; so that we may readily believe that he is descended from this patriarch by sem , who according to the sentiment of the whole world , had asia for his inheritance . and that which more confirms us in our opinion , is , that in the chinese language , sem , which signifies to ingender and produce , imports also life and sacrifice . indeed , 't is from noah's children , that all men since the deluge are descended , and have received life , and have learn't to offer sacrifice unto god. whereunto it might be added , that fohi is by the chineses called pa●hi , which signif●es also a victim , because that he was the first of sem's posterity that introduc'd the service of god and use of sacrifices amongst them . but if we refuse to adhere to th● computations before●ention'd , let us retrench , with their leave , the first six emperors , whose history cannot in every thing be true , and let us begin to compute only from the seventh , viz. from the emperor yao . for from this emperor's reign , so many persons have , by cycles computed and writ , whatever has pass'd in this kingdom , and have done it with so much exactness , and such a general uniformity , that we can no more doubt of the truth of their calculation , than of that of the greek olympiads . for we shall also find , according to that computation , that the origin of the chinese nation was not long after the flood ; for from the time of yao , to the year of this age 1688. it is four thousand forty and eight years . this being so , it must n●c●ssarily follow that the first i●habitants of china had likewise the true knowledge of god , and of the creation of the world ; for the idea of the true god , and the remembrance of the world's creation continued a long time after the deluge , in the minds of men , and even of those that were most corrupted , as the posterity of cham for example . indeed , besides that in the annals of the chineses , a discourse is there made concerning the creation o● the world , although after a different method from moses's history , yet it was not possible that these idea's of the true god , which the creation of the world , and after that the deluge had deeply ingrav'd in their hearts , could be so suddenly effac'd in such a manner , as that they should fall into idolatry , and follow after other gods than he that had created them . but the more throughly to convince us of what we have been discoursing , it is needful only to consider the doctrine , sen●iments and manners of the ancient chineses , the books of their philosophers , and especially those of confucius . certainly we shall throughout observe the excellentest morality ●hat ever was taught , a morality which might be said to proceed from the school of jesus christ. the books which the ancient chineses have writ , are exceeding numerous , but the chief are those which are called vkim ; that is to say , the five volumes , and those intituled su xu , that is to say , the four books . the first and chiefest of these five volumes is called xu kin. it is not necessary very amply to discourse of the antiquity of this work ; 't is sufficient to say , that in perusing it we find , that the author wrote a long time before moses . at first there is seen the history of three great kings , viz. yao , xun , and vu , the last of which was the ●irst and chief of the family hia , the most considerable of all the imperial families ; and the two others have been famous lawgivers , and , as it were , the solon's of china . therein is afterwards found the most important constitutions that were made during the reign of the second family , or imperial house called xam and vu , especially by chimtam , who was the founder thereof , and who arrived at the empire 1776 years before the coming of jesus christ. in fine , a discourse is there made of the third family , wherein is chiefly related what was said or done most remarkable under the government of the five first princes , and of the twelfth . there is represented the history of vuvam , who was the chief of this third family , and the lucubrations and instructions of the illustrious cheucum , the brother of this emperor , who was a prince highly esteemed , both for his virtue and extraordinary prudence . this whole volume , not to multiply words , is only an historical relation , and collection of moral maxims , of harangues spoken by princes , of sentences uttered by the mouths of kings , and particular persons , and of precepts and councils given to princes , wherein so much prudence , policy , wisdom and religion is ●et ●orth , that they might be given to all christian princes . the second volume , which is properly a recital of the customs and ordinances of almost twelve kings , is intituled xi ki● . 't is a collection of odes , and several other little poems of this nature : for musick being greatly esteemed , and much used in china , and whatever is published in this volume having respect only to the purity of manners , and practise of virtue , those that wrote it composed it in verse , to the end that every one being enabled to sing the things therein contained , they might be in every one's mouth . virtue is there magnified and extolled to the highest degree , and there are so many things exprest after a method so grave and wise , that 't is impossible not to admire them . it is very true , that therein is contained things very ridiculous , extravagant hyperboles in ●avour of certain princes , and murmurings and repinings against god and heaven : but the most judicious interpreters are of opinion , that all this is suspicious ; that those to whom they are attributed are not the authors ; that they are not to be credited , as being since added . indeed the other ancient odes , they say , contain nothing ridiculous , extravagant , or criminal , as appears by these words of c●nfucius ; the whole doctrine of the three hundred poems is reduced to these few words , su vu si● , which import , that we ought not to think any thing that is wicked or impure . the third volume is called ye kim . in this volume , which is the ancientest , if it may be called a volume , nothing but obscurity and darkness is observed . fohi had no sooner founded his empire , than he gave instructio●s to the chineses ; but the use of characters and writing being unknown , this prince , who could not teach th●m all with his voice , and who was moreover imploy'd in the advancement of his growing monarchy , after a long and serious consideration , thought at last upon making a tabl● , composed of some little lines which it is not necessary to describe . the chineses being as yet dull and rustick , 't is probable that this prince laboured in vain ; and if it is true , that he accomplished his design , by the clear and easie explications which he himself gave for the understanding of these lines , it happen'd , at least insensibly , that this table became useless . for it is certain , that after his death nothing could make use thereof . two thousand years ●rom the foundation of the monarchy were near elaps'd , no one being able any way to decypher this mysterious table , when at last an o●depus was seen to appear : 't was a prince named venvam . this prince endeavoured to penetrate the sense of these lines by a great number of others , which he disposed after different ways ; they were new aenigma's . his son , viz. cheucum , attempted the same thing ; but had not the good fortune better to succeed . in brief , five hundred years after appeared confucius , who endeavoured to untie this gordius's knot . he explain'd , according to his understanding , the little lines of the founder , with the interpretations that had been made before him , and refers all to the nature of beings and elements ; to the manners and discipline of men. it is true , that confucius being arriv'd at a more advanced age , acknowledged his mistake , and designed to make new commentaries on this aenigmatical work : but death hindered him from ful●illing his resolution . to the fourth volume confuciu● has given the title of chun cie● ; words which signifie the spring and autumn . he composed it in his old age. he discourses like an historian of the expeditions of divers princes ; of thei● virtues and vices ; of the fatigues they underwent , with the recompences they received . confucius designed to this fourth volume the title of spring and autumn , which is an emblematical title , because that states flourish when their princes are endowed with virtue and wisdom● which is represented by the spring ; and that on the contrary they fall like the leaves , and are utterly destroyed , when their princes are dispirited , o● are wicked , which is represented by the autumn . the fifth volume entituled li ki , or memoires of ri●es and duties , is composed of two books , the matter of which is extracted by confucius out of several other books , and of various monuments of antiquity . but about three hundred years after , all the copies of this work being burnt , by the command of a cruel emperor , called xihoamti , and this loss being impossible to be repair'd any other way , than by consulting the most aged persons that might have preserv'd any idea's thereof , it is not to be question'd that the work is at present exceedingly defective , even as the interpr●ters themselves acknowledge ; there are indeed several things herein wanting , and a great many others added , which never were in confucius's copies . however , in this whole volume , such as it now is , he treats of the rites as well sacred as prophane , of all sorts of duties , such as were practis'd in the time of the three families of the princes hia , xa● , and che● , but especially of that which reign'd in confucius's time . these duties are those of parents to their children ; those of children to their parents ; the duties of husband and wife ; those of friends , those which respect hospitality , and those which are necessary to be perform'd at home , or abroad , or at feasts . he there discourses likewise of the vessels of the sacrifices , of the victims that were to be offer'd up unto heaven , o● the temples to be chosen for that end , of the respect we ought to have for the dead , and of their obsequies or funeral rites . in a word , he therein treats of the liberal arts , especially of musick , of the military art , of the way of lancing a javelin , and guiding a chariot . behold in brief what the five volumes contain . the four books , the three first o● which are confucius's books , whereof we design to speak , do comprehend the whole philosophy of the chineses , at least , whatever this philosophy has most curious and considerable . they explain and more clearly illustrate what is writ in the five volumes : and although the authority of the five volumes be infinitely greater , by reason of their antiquity , than that of the ●our volumes , yet the four volumes exceed it , for the advantage that may be receiv'd therefrom . indeed , besides that the chineses do thence derive their principal oracles , and what they believe to be eternal verities ; the l●terati , which are philosophers that follow confucius's doctrine , and which have in their own hands all the employments of the nation , cannot arrive at the degree of a philosopher , and consequently to be mandorims or magistrates , without a great knowledge of these four books . they are , in truth , under an obligation , to know one of the five volumes , which they please to choose , according to their fancy and inclination : but as for the ●our books , they are indispensably oblig'd to know them all four by heart , and throughly to understand them ; the principal reasons of which are as follow : the first is , that confucius and memcius , who writ the fourth book , have collected what is best and most exquisite in the works of the ancients . the second is , that they have added several good things to the discoveries and thoughts of their ancestors . the third , that confucius and memcius propose their doctrine after a clearer and politer method than was formerly done . in fine , 't is because that confucius and memcius have , in the four books , avoided the dull and harsh style of the ancients , and that by a smooth style , although without pride and arrogancy , they have added ornaments to the naked simplicity of the golden age. we have nothing to say concerning the fourth book , because that this work of memcius has not as yet appear'd in europe : but before we proceed to speak of confucius , it is necessary to publish the merit of this philosopher , together with the most remarkable passages of his life . confucius was born 551 years before the coming of jesus christ. he was of a most noble extraction ; for , not to mention his mother , who was of an illustrious birth , his father , who had been advanc'd to the first and chiefest offices of the empire , was descended from the last emperor of the second family . dispositions to virtue appearing sometimes in the tenderest years , confucius , at six years old discovered nothing of a child : all his ways were manly . at the age of fifteen years , he apply'd himself to the reading of the ancients , and having selected those which were most esteemed , and which himself judg'd the best , he thence extracted the most excellent instructions , with a design first to profit himself , thereby to make them the rules of his own conduct , and afterwards to propose them to others . at twenty years old he married , and had a son named peyu , who died at fifty . he was the only child he had , but his race extinguish'd not , he had a grandson called cusu , that was an honour to his ancestors . cusu apply'd himself to philosophy , he made commentaries on his grandfather's books , was advanc'd to the highest dignities , and his house is so well supported , and his posterity have always been so considerable both for their promotions and opulency , that this family is at present one of the most illustrious in china . confucius exercis'd the magistracy at divers places with very good success , and with a great reputation ; his greatest aim being the publick good , and the propagation of his doctrine , he ambiciously sought not after vain-glory in these sorts of employs . insomuch , that when he accomplish'd not his end , when he saw himself frustrated in the hopes he had of being enabled more easily to diffuse his lights , from an high place , he descended and renounc'd the office of a magistrate . this philosopher had three thousand disciples , among which , there were five hundred that manag'd the most eminent charges in several kingdoms , and seventy two whose virtue a●d knowledge was so extraordinary , that the annals have preserv'd their names , sirnames , and the names of their country to posterity . he divided his doctrine into four parts ; so that confucius's school was compos'd of four orders of disciples . those of the first order applied themselves to cultivate virtue , and thereby to impress strong dispositions in their heart and mind . those of the second order addicted themselves to the art of ratiocination and rhetorick . the third studied politicks . and the business and employment of the fourth order , was to write in a smooth and neat style , what concern'd morality . amongst these seventy two disciples , there were ten that signalized themselves , and whose names and wri●ings are in great veneration . confucius , throughout his doctrine , had no other intent than to dissipate the mists of the mind , to extirpate vice , and re-establish that integrity which he affirm'd to have been a present from heaven . and the more easily to attain this end , he exhorted all those that heard his instructions , to obey heaven , to fear and serve it , to love his neighbour as himself , to conquer and submit his passions unto reason , to do nothing , say nothing , nor think nothing contrary to it . and what was more remarkable , he recommended nothing to others , either in writing or by word of mouth , which he did not first practise himself . his disciples also had for him a veneration so extraordinary , that they sometimes made no scruple to pay him those honors , which were us'd to be render'd to those only that sat upon the throne : an example of which we will give you . 't was an ancient custom amongst the chineses , to place sick persons beds on the north-side : but because that this situation was the situation of the king's beds ; when a king visited a sick person , the bed was removed to the south-side , and 't was a crime not to do it . confucius had some disciples , that , in their sicknesses , render'd him such an homage . we must not here forget one very remarkable thing which the chineses relate . they report that confucius was us'd continually to say , that the holy man was in the west . whatever his thoughts were , it is certain that sixty and five years after christ's birth , the emperor mimti , excited by the philosopher's words , and much more , as it is said , by the image of the holy hero that appeared to him in a dream , sent two ambassadors into the west , there to find out the saint and holy law. but these ambassadors landing at a certain island not far from the red-sea , and not daring to venture farther , they advised about taking a certain idol they found there , which was the statue of a philosopher called foe kiao , that had appear'd in the indies , about five hundred years before confucius , and brought into china fohi's idol with the doctrine which he had taught . happy had been their embassy , if instead of this doctrine they had returned into their own country with the saving doctrine of jesus christ , which st. thomas then preach'd in the indi●s ; but this divine light had not as yet reach'd thither . from this unhappy time , the generality of the chineses have follow'd after idols ; and superstition and idolatry , daily , making new progress , they by little and little forsook the doctrine of their master , have neglected the excellent instructions of the ancients , and in fine , being grown contemners of all sorts of religion , they are faln headlong into atheism . they could not indeed do otherwise , in following ●he execrable doctrine of that impostor fohi , who taught , that the principle and end of all things was nothing . to return to con●ucius , whose doctrine was so repugnant to that of fohi and his followers ; this illustrious philosopher , who was so necessary and helpful to his country , died in the 73 year of his age ; a little before the sickness which snatch'd him from the c●ineses , he with great bitterness of spirit , lamented the disorders of his time ; and exprest his thoughts and grief , by a verse which may be thus transl●ted , o great mountain ! he meant his doctrine , o great mountain , what art thou become ! this important machine is subverted ! alas ! there are no more wis●men , no more saints ! this reflection so grievously af●licted him , that he presently languish'd ; and seven days before his death , turning towards his disciples , after having testified his regret and trouble to see that kings , whose good conduct was so necessary , and of such great importance , would not observe his maxims and instructio●s , he dolourously subjoyns , seeing that things go thus , nothing more remains than to die . he had no soon●r utter'd these words , but he fell into a lethargy , which ended with his death . confucius was buried in his own country , in the kingdom of lu , whither he was retir'd with his dearest disciples . for his sepulchre they chose a place near the city of k●oseu , on the bank of the river su , in that very academy where he us'd to teach , and which is at present seen environ'd with walls , like a considerable city . it is not possible to express the af●liction which the death of this philosopher caus'd to his disciples . they bitterly bewail'd him ; they put on mourning weeds , and were under such great anguish , that they neglected the care of their nourishment and their life . never was a good father more regretted by dutiful and well-bred children , than confucius was by his disciples . they were all in mourning and tears a whole year , some three years : and there was one who being more truly sensible , than the rest , of the loss they had underwent , stirred not , for six years , from the place where his master had been buried . in all the cities , there are seen magnificent colleges which were built in honour of confucius , with these and other such like inscriptions , written in characters of gold. to the great master . to the illustrious king of the learned . to the saint . or , which is the same thing amongst the chineses . to him that was endow'd with an extraordinary wisdom . and although it be two thousand years since this philosopher's decease , they have so great a veneration fo● his memory , that the magistrates never pass by these colleges , without stopping their stately palankins wherein they are carried for distinction sake . they alight , and after some few moments prostration , do march a little way on foot . there are even emperors and kings who disdain not sometimes to visit these edifices where the titles of this philosopher are engrav'd , and to perform it after a glorious manner . behold , the exceedingly remarkable words of the emperor yumlo , who was the third emperor of the preceding family called mim . he pronounced them on● day when he was dispos'd to go to one of these colleges already mention'd . i adore the mast●r of kings and emperors . emperors and kings are lords and masters of their people ; but confucius has propos'd the true m●thods of governing these very people , and of instructing the ages to come . it is therefore convenient that i go to the great college , and there offer some presents to this great master who is no more , to the end that i may shew how much i honour the learned , and how greatly i esteem their doctrine . these extraordinary marks of veneration do intimate that the virtue and merit of this philosopher have been extraordinary . and certainly this excellent man was also endow'd with admirable qualifications . he had an aspect both grave and modest ; he was faithful , ●ust , chearful , civil , courteous , affable : and a certain serenity , which appear'd in his countenance , gain'd him the hearts and respect of all those that beheld him . he spake little , and meditated much . he eagerly pursued his s●udy , without tiring his spirit . he contemn'd riches and honours when they were obstacles to his designs . his whole delight was in teaching and making his doctrine savoury to many . he was severer to himself than others . he had a continual circumspection over himself , and was a rigid censurer of his own conduct . he blam'd himself for not being assiduous enough in instructing ; for not shewing vigilance enough in correcting his own faults , and for not exercising himself , as he ought , in the practice of virtue . in fine , he had one virtue rarely found in great men , viz. humility : for he not only spake with an extreme modesty of himself , and what concern'd him , but he with a singular sincerity declar'd to the whole world , that he ceased not to learn , and that the doctrine he taught was not his own , but the doctrine of the ancients but his books are his true pourtraicture , which in this place we proceed to expose to view . the second part. a collection out of confucius's works . the first book . the first book of confucius was published by one of his most famous disciples named cemçu ; and this learned disciple writ very excellent commentaries thereon . this book is , as it were , the gate through which it is necessary to pass to arrive at the sublimest wisdom , and most perfect virtue . the philosopher here treats of three considerable things . 1. of what we ought to do to cultivate our mind , and regulate our manners . 2. of the method by which it is necessary to instruct and guide others . and , 3. of the care that every one ought to have to tend to the sovereign good , to adhere thereunto , and as i may so say , to repose himself therein . because the author chiefly design'd to address his instructions to the princes and magistrates that might be called to the regality , this book is intituled , ta-hio , or , the great science . the great secret , says confuci●s , to acquire true knowledge , the knowledge , consequently , worthy of princes , and the most illustrious personages , is to cultivate and polish the reason , which is a present that we have received from heaven . our concupiscence has disordered it , and intermixt several impurities therewith . ta●e away therefore , and remove from it these impurities , to the end that it may reassume its former luster , and enjoy its utmost perfection● this here is the sovereign good. this is not sufficient . 't is moreover requisite , that a prince by his exhortations , and by his own example , make of his people , as it were , a new people . in fine , after being , by great pains , arrived at this sovereign perfection , at this chief good , you must not relax ; 't is here that perseverance is absolutely necessary . whereas men generally pursue not the methods that lead to the possession of the sovereign good , and to a constant and eternal possession , confucius has thought it highly important to give some instructions th●rein . he says , that after we know the end to which we must attain , it is necessary to determine , and incessantly to make towards this end , by walking in the ways which lead thereunto ; by daily confirming in his mind the resolution fixt on for the attaining it , and by establishing it so well , that nothing may in the least shake it . when you shall have thus fixt your mind in this great design , give up your self , adds he , to meditation : reason upon all things within your self : endeavour to have some clear idea's thereof : consider distinctly what presenteth it self to you : pass , without prejudice , solid judgments thereon● examine every thing , and weigh every thing with care . after examinations and reasonings of this nature , you may easily arrive at the end where you must fix , at the end where you ought resolutely to stand , viz● at a perfect conformity of all your actions with what reason suggests . as to the means which a prince ought to use , to purifi● and polish his reason , to the end that it being thus disposed , he may govern his states , and redress and beautifie the reason of his people , the philosopher proposes after what manner the ancient kings governed themselves . that they might at last govern their empire wisely , they endeavoured , saith he , prudently to sway a particular kingdom , and to excite its members to improve their reason , and to act like creatures endow'd with understanding . to produce this reformation in this particular kingdom , they laboured to regulat● their family , to the end that it might serve as a model to all the subjects of this kingdom . to reform their family , they took an extraordinary care to polish their own person , and so well to compose their words and actions , that they might neither say , nor do any thing that might ever so little offend complaicence , and which was not edifying , to the end that they themselve● might be a pattern and example continually exposed to the eyes of their domesticks , and all their courtiers . to obtain this exterior perfection● they strove to rectify their mind● by governing and subduing their passions● because that the passions do , for the most part , remove the mind from its natural rectitude , do abase and incline it to all sorts of vice. to rectify their mind , to rule and subdue their passions , they so acted that their will was always bent to good , and never turn'd towards evil. in fine , thus to dispose their will , they studied to illuminate their understanding , and so well to enlighten it , that , if it was possible , they might ignore nothing : for to will , desire , love and hate , it is necessary to know ; this is the philosophy of right reason . this is what confucius propos'd to the princes , to instruct them how to rectify and polish first their own reason , and a●terwards the reason and person of all their subjects . but to make the greater impression , after having gradually descended from the wise conduct of the whole empire , to the perfect●on of the understanding , he reascends , by the same degrees , from the illuminated understanding to the happy state of the whole empire . if , saith he , the understanding of a prince is well enlighten'd , his will will incline only to good : his will inclining only to good , his soul will be entirely rectified , there will not be any passion that can make him destroy his rectitude : the soul being thus rectified , he will be composed in his exterior , nothing will be observ'd in his person that can offend complaisance . his person being thus perfected , his family forming it self according to this model , will be reform'd and amended . his family being arriv'd at this perfection , 't will serve as an example to all the subjects of the particular kingdom , and the members of the particular kingdom , to all those that compose the body of the empire . thus th● whole empire will be well govern'd ; order and justice will reign there ; we shall there enjoy a profound peace , 't will be an happy and flourishing empire . confucius afterwards certifies , that these admonitions do not less regard the subjects than the princes ; and a●te● having address'd himself to kings , he tells them , that they ought particularly to apply themselves rightly to govern their family , to take care thereof , and reform it : for , he adds , it is impossible that he that knows not how to govern and reform his own family , can rightly govern and reform a people . behold what is most important in confucius's doctrine contained in the first book , and which is the text , as i may say , whereon his commentator cemçu has taken pains . this famous disciple , to explain and enlarge his masters instructions , alledges authorities and examples which he draws from three very ancient books , highly esteemed by the chineses . the first book he mentions , which is of a later date than the rest , is intituled camcao , and makes up a part of the chronicles of the empire of cheu . this book was composed by a prince called vuvam , the son of king venvam . vuvam does therein highly extol his father ; but his principal design , in magnifying the virtues , and admirable qualities of this prince , is to form according to this model one of his brethren● whom he would perfect in virtue : and it is observable , that he ordinarily tells him that their father had the art of being virtuous . venv●m , said he to him , had the art of polishing his reason and his person . the second book from whence cemçu cites his authorities and examples , is called tar-kia . this book , which is a great deal ancienter than the first , was writ by a famous emperor of xam , named y-yin ; 't is therein read , that this y-yin , seeing tar-kia the grandson of the emperor chim-tam degenerate from the virtue of his illustrious ancestors , and carry himself after a manner wholly different from theirs ; he commanded him to live three years in a garden , where was his grandfathers tomb ; that this made so great an impression upon his spirit , that he chang'd his course : and that the same y-yin who had done him so kind an office , having afterwards advanc'd him to the empire , tar-kia govern'd it a long time in great prosperity . king tam , said y-yin to tar-kia , king tam always had his mind disposed to cultivate that precious reason which h●● been given us from heaven . in fine , the third book , which is much ancienter than the two former , is called ti-tien ; and upon the occasion of king ya● it is there read , that this prince could cultivate this sublime virtue , this great and sublime gift which he had receiv'd from heaven , viz. natural reason . it is evident , that confucius's disciple , by these authorities , design'd to shew , or rather supposes that the whole world believes that we have all received from heaven , those lights which most men suffer to extinguish by their negligence , a reason which most men voluntarily slight and suffer to corrupt : and seeing that there were princes which have perfected these lights , which have bettered and improved their reason , we ought to imitate them , and that we as well as they by their endeavours , may attain to such a perfection . we must not here forget a remarkable thing which cemçu relates , touching a bason wherein king tam us'd to bathe and wash himself . he says , that these excellent words were there engrav'd ; wash thy self , renew thy self co●●●nually , renew thy self every day ; r●new thy self from day to day : and that it was to intimate to the king , that if ● prince which governs others has contracted vices and impurities , he ought to labour to cleanse himself therefrom , and to reduce his heart into its first state of purity . as for the rest , it has been an ancient custom amongst the chineses to grave or paint on their domestick vessels some moral sentences , and strong exhortations to virtue : so that when they bath'd themselves , or took their repasts there , they had these sentences and exhortations continually before their eyes . this ancient custom is still preserv'd . there is only this di●ference , says he , that publishes confucius's works , that whereas heretofore the characters were grav'd or painted on the inside of the vessel , in the middle of the interiour face , at present the chineses do most frequently grave or paint them on the outside , satisfy●ng themselves in this age with the outward appearance of virtue . after cemçu has spoken of the two ●irst parts of his masters doctrine , the one of which respects what a prince should do for his own perfection , and the other what he is obliged to do for the perfection and prosperity of others , he proceeds to the third and last part , wherein he discourses of the last end that every one ought to propose as th● sovereign good , and whereat he ought to fix . we must remember that by the last end and sovereign good , confucius understands , as we have already observed , an entire conformity of our action● with right reason . after this , he alledges the example of that venvam , already spoken of : and certainly this prince's conduct was so wise and regular , that we cannot without admiration understand , how by the sole lights of nature , he could have such idea's as he had , and could arrive at so sublime a virtue as that whereunto he attain'd . it will not be unpleasing to see something of it here . venvam , saith the commentator , acknowl●dged that the love which princes bear to their subjects , cannot but greatly contribute rightly to govern and make them happy : and upon this consideration , he made this love his principal business , which he incessantly endeavour'd to perfect . behold the method he took ! because that the principal virtue of a subject is to honour and respect his king , venvam being as yet a subject , fixed himself to render this honour and respect ; and took so great a pleasure in these sorts of obligations , that he always fulfill'd them with great fidelity . as the first and most important virtue of children to their parents , is obedience , venvam , in the relation of a son , adher'd to this obedience ; and incessantly acquitted himself of this duty with an extraordinary piety . the principal virtue of a father , adds confucius's disciple , is a tender love for his children : thus venvam , like a father , stuck close to this love , whereof he conti●nally gave very signal proofs , not by a weak and criminal indulgence , but by the continual cares he took to reform and instruct them . in fine , fidelity is a virtue absolutely necessary to thos● that live in a society : thus venv●m , in speaking and acting with the subjects of his kingdom , kept close to this duty , and so strongly adher'd to it , that he never promis'd any thing which he effected not with an unspeakable promtitude and exactness . this prince , says cemçu , was born of very virtuous parents , who had taken great care of his education , especially his mother taicin , who had been a pattern of virtue ; but he himself had so well improv'd this education , ●hat he render'd himself an accomplish'd prince , and acquitted himself with so much reputation , and such a general esteem , even amongst foreign nations , that forty four kingdoms voluntarily submitted to his empire . nevertheless , adds he , this great honour wherewith he was environ'd , was never capable of eclipsing him : he was endow'd with an inexpressible and unparallel'd modesty and humility : he very severely accus'd himself of not being virtuous enough ; for one day when he was sick , the earth being shook with prodigious earthquakes , he sought the cause of this calamity , and of the wrath of heaven , only in his own sins , although he was of a consummate virtue . that which most appear'd in venvam's actions , was an extraordinary charity ; a proof whereof we will here allege . in the annals of china it is recorded , that this prince having found in the fields the bones of a man , to whom the honours of burying were refus'd , he immediately commanded them to be interr'd ; and some of th● by-standers saying , that the master of the deceased was unknown , and that for this reason he might not concern himself , it being founded perhaps on some custom of the country . what , replies the king , he that holds the reins of the empire , is not he the master of it ? he that reigns , is not he the master of the kingdom ? i am therefore the lord and master of the dead , wherefore then should i refuse him these last offices of piety ? but this is not all ; he had no sooner utter'd these words , but unstripping himself of his royal vestment , he commanded it to be us'd instead of a winding-sheet , to wrap up these bones , and bury them according to the manners and custom of the country ; which his courtiers observing with admiration , they thus cry'd out , if the piety of our prince is so great towards dry bones , how great will it not be towards men that enjoy life . they made some other reflections of this nature . venvam's charity had properly for its object , all sorts of persons , but particularly ancient persons , widows , orphans and the poor , whom he protected and nourish'd as if they had been his own children . it is believ'd , that these charitable actions were the principal cause of the re-establishment of a pious custom of the first emperors , and of a law which is still observed throughout china . this law enacts , that in every city , even in the least , an hundred poor aged persons shall be maintained at the publick charge . but venvam not satisfied with having given , in his life-time , instructions and examples of virtue ; when he felt himself near death , not sufficiently relying on the force of his preceding instructions and examples , and knowing that the last words of dying persons do make a great impression , he likewise gave his son vuvam these three admonitions . 1. when you see any virtuous action done , be not slack to practise it . 2. when the opportunity of doing a reasonable thing shall offer , make use of it without hesitating . 3. cease not thy endeavours to extirpate and suppress vice. these three admonitions which i give you , my son , adds he , do comprehend whatever may produce an exact probity , and excellent conduct . behold doubtless an example which shews , that in this kings life-time , the chineses had very rational sentiments , and that virtue , as i may say , was their passion : for in a word , the people generally conform themselves to the sentiments and manners of their kings . regis ad exemplum , totus componitu● orbis . there is nothing that gives a greater idea of the virtue of the ancient chineses , than what they have writ and practis'd , in respect of their law suits . they teach , that actions ought not to be commenc'd against one ; that frauds , severities , and enmities , which are the general attendants and consequences of law suits , were unbecoming men ; that the whole world ought to live in unity and concord , and that to this end it behoved every one to use their utmost endeavours , either to prevent ●aw suits from arising , or to stifle them in their birth , by reconciling the parties , or inspiring them with the love of peace ; that is to say , by engaging them to renew and improve their reasons : these are cemçu's own words . but that which is most remarkable on this subject , is , the extraordinary precautions which the judges took before any cause was brought before their tribunals . they , with the utmost vigilance and attention , examin'd the outside of the plaintiff , or him that began the suit ; to the end , that by this means they might know whether this man was thereunto excited by good motives ; whether he believ'd his cause good , or whether he acted sincerely : and for this purpose there were five rules . by the first rule , they examin'd the placing of his words , and manner of speaking ; and this was called cutim , that is to say , the obs●rvation of the words . by the second , they consider'd the air of his countenance , and the motion of his lips , and this was called setim , that is to say , the observation of the face . by the third , they observ'd his manner of breathing , when he propos'd his cause ; this rule was called kitim , that is to say , the observation of the respiration . by the fourth , they remark'd whether his reply was quick ; whether he gave not intricate , ill-grounded , uncertain answers , or whether he spake of any other thing than that in question ; or whether his words were not ambiguous ; and this was called vlht●m , that is to say , the observation of the answers . lastly , by the fifth , the judges were carefully to weigh the considerations and respect , to see whether there was no trouble , digression , or confusion ; if there appeared not any sign of a lye and fraud ; and this last rule was called motim , that is to say , the observation of the eyes . 't was by these exteriour marks that this ancient ar●opagite discovered the most hidden thoughts of the heart , render'd an exact justice , diverted a great many persons from law-suits and frauds , and inspir'd in them the love of equity and concord . but a● present these rules are ignor'd in china , or at least wholly neglected . to retur● to con●ucius's doctrine illustrated with the commentaries of cemçu . this disciple set a high value upon a maxim which he had frequently heard his master repeat , and which himself also very strongly inculcated . ' ●was this ; always behave thy self with the same precaution and discretion as you would do , if you were observ'd by t●n eyes , and pointed at by so many hands . to render virtue yet more commendable , and more easily to inspire the sentiments thereof , the same disciple demonstrates , that , whatever is honest and advantagious , being amiable , we are obliged to love virtue , because it includes both these qualities ; that moreover virtue is an ornament which embellishes , as i may say , the whole person of him that possesses it , his interiour and exteriour ; that to the mind it communicates inexpressible beauties and perfections ; that as to the body , it there produces very sensible delights ; that it affords a certain physiognomy , certain transports , certain ways which infinitely please ; and as it is the property of virtue to becalm the heart , and keep peace there , so this inward tranquillity and secret joy do produce a certain serenity in the countenance , a certain joy , and air of goodness , kindness and reason , which attracts the heart and esteem of the whole world. after which he concludes , that the principal business of a man is to rectifie his mind , and so well to rule his heart , that his passions might always be calm ; and if it happen that they be excited , he ought to be mov'd no farther than is necessary ; in a word , that he may regulate them according to right reason . for , as for instance , adds he , if we suffer our selves to be transported with excessive anger , that is to say , if we fall into a rage without any cause , or more than we ought when we have reason , we may thence conclude , that our mind has not the rectitude it ought to have . if we contemn and mortally hate a person , by reason of certain defects that we observe in him , and render not justice to his good and excellent qualities , if endow'd therewith ; if we permit our selves to be troubled by a too great ●ear ; if we abandon our selves to an immoderate joy , or to an excessive sorrow , it cannot be said that our mind is in the state wherein it ought to be , that it has its rectitude and uprightness . cemçu carries this moral a great way further , and gives it a per●ection which , in my opinion , could never be expected from those that have not been honoured with divine revelation . he says , that it is not only necessary to observe moderation in general , as oft as our passions are stirred , but that also in respect of those which are the most lawful , innocent and laudable , we ought not blindly to yield up our selves thereunto , and always to follow their motions ; it is necessary to consult reason . as for example , parents are oblig'd to love one another . nevertheless , as their amity may be too weak , so it may be also too strong ; and as to the on● and the other respect , there is doubtless an irregularity . it is just ●or a child to love his father ; but if a father has any considerable defect , if he has committed any great fault , 't is the duty of a son to acquaint him with it , and tell him what may be for his good , always keeping a due respect , from which he ought not to depart . likewise , if a son is fallen into any sin , 't is the duty of a father to reprove him , and give him his advice thereon . but if their love is blind ; if their love is a mere passion ; if it is flesh and blood which make them to act , this affection is an irregular affection . why ? because it dig●esseth from the rule of right reason . we should injure the reader if we should omit speaking of the emperor yao , whose elogy is recorded in the work that affords the matter of ours . never man has more exactly practis'd all these duties , which have been propos'd by confucius's disciple than he . it may be said , if his portraiture is not flatter'd , that he had a disposition made for virtue . he had a tender , but magnanimous and well-disposed heart . he lov'd those that he was oblig'd to love , but 't was without the least weakness . he , in a word , regulated his love , and all his passions , according to right reason . this prince arriv'd at the empire 2357 years before jesus christ , he reign'd an hundred years : but he rul'd with so much prudence , wisdom , and so many demonstrations of clemency and kindness to his subjects , that they we e the happiest people of the earth . yao had all the excellent qualities desireable in a prince : his riches made him not proud ; his extraction , which was so noble and illustrious , puff'd him not up with arrogancy . he was virtucus , sincere , and kind without affec●ation . his palace , table , apparel and furniture discover'd the greatest moderation that ever was seen . he delighted in musick , but it was a grave , modest , and pious musick : he detested nothing so much as songs wherein modesty and civility were blemish● . 't was not a capricious humour that made him dislike these sorts of songs , 't was the desire he had of rendering himself in all things pleasing unto heaven . 't was not avarice that produc'd in him that moderation which he observ'd in his table , apparel , furniture , and every thing else ; it was only the love he bare to those that were in want , for he only designed to relieve them . 't was also his great piety , and that ardent charity wherewith he burn'd , which made him frequently to utter these admirable words . the famine of my people is my own famine . my p●oples sin is my own sin. in the seventy second year of his reign ●e elected xun as a collegue , who govern'd the empire twenty eight years with him : but what is most remarkable , and which deserves the praise and applause of all ages , is , that although he had a son , he declar'd , that he appointed xun , in whom he had seen a great deal of virtue , an exact probity , and judicious conduct , for his successor . and it being told him , that his son complain'd of his excluding him from the succeession to the empire , he made this answer , which alone may be the subject of an excellent panegyrick , and render his memory immortal . i had rather my only son shou'd be wicked , and all my people good , than if my son alone was good , and all my people wicked . confucius's chief aim , as we have declar'd , being to propose his doctrine to kings , and perswade them to it , because he thought , that if he could inspire them with the sentiments of virtue , their subjects would become virtuous after their example ; cemçu explaining this doctrine expatiates largely on the duty of kings . he principally applies himself to three things . 1. to shew that it is very important that kings behave themselves well in their court and family , because that their ways and actions are certainly imitated . 2. to perswade them of the necessity there is in general of acquiring the habit of virtue , and of per●orming the duties thereof in all places and upon all accounts . 3. to engage them not to impoverish the people , but to do all ●or their good and ease . as to the first article , he makes use of several cogitations , which the book of odes affords him . but behold , in two words , the most considerable part of his discourse . if , saith he , a king as a father , testifies love to his children ; if as a son , he is obedient to his father ; if in quality of the eldest son , he is cour●eous to his youn●er brethren , and lives peaceably with them . if , as the youngest , he has a respect and esteem for the eldest ; if he kindly uses those that are in his service ; if he is charitable , especially to widows and orphans : if , i say , a king exactly acquits himself of all this , his people will imitate him , and every one will be seen to practise virtue throughout his kingdom . parents will tenderly love their children , and give them a good education . children will honour their parents , and render them due obedience , the elder will shew kindness to their younger brother , and the younger will have a respect and esteem for their elder , or for other persons for whom good manners requires that they should have respect ; as , for example , for persons advanc'd in age. in fine , those that have estates , will maintain some widows , orphans , and some sick persons : ●or there is nothing that makes a greater impression on the minds of people , than the examples of their kings . as to the second article , where cemçu exhorts in general to the practise of virtue , he alledges for a principle this maxim , to which christ himself seems to refer all his morality , do to another what you would they should do unto you ; and do not unto another what you would not should be done unto you . amongst those in the midst of whom you live , says confucius's disciple , there are some above you , others inferiour to you , and others that are your equals : there are some that preceded you , others that are to be your successors ; you have them on your right hand , and on your left. consider , that all these men have the same passions with you , and that what you desire they should do , or not do , unto you , they desire that you should do , or not do , unto them . what you therefore hate in your superiours , what you blame in them , be sure not to practise towards your inferiours : and what you hate and blame in your inferiours , practise not to your superiours . what displeases you in your predecessors , eschew , to give an example to those that shall come after . and as in case that you should happen to give them such an example , you would desire they should not follow it ; so you should not follow the bad examples of those that have preceded you . in fine , what you blame in those which are on your right hand , practise not to those which are on your left ; and what you reprehend in those on your left hand , be sure not to practise it to those that are on your right . behold , concludes cemçu , after what manner we ought to measure and regulate all our actions ! and if a prince thus exercises himself , it will happen that all his subjects will be of one heart and one mind , and that he will rather be called their father , than their lord and master . this will be the means to draw down the blessings and favours of heaven , not to fear any thing , and to lead a quiet and peaceable life : for in fine , virtue is the basis and foundation of an empire , and the source from whence flows whatever may render it flourishing . 't was upon this consideration that an ambassador of the kingdom of cu returned this excellent answer to a nobleman of the kingdom of cin , who asked him , whether in his masters kingdom there were great riches and precious stones ; nothing i● est●emed precious in the kingdom of cu●ut virtue . a king of ci returned almost the same answer . this prince treating of an alliance with the king of guei , and the king of guei demanding of him , if in his kingdom there were precious stones ; he answered , that there were none . how● reply'd this king all in amaze , is it possible that tho' my kingdom be lesser than yours , yet there is found a carbuncle whose brightness is so great , that it can enlighten sp●ce enough for twelve palanquins ; and that in your kingdom , which is vaster than mine , there are none of these preci●us stones ! i have four ministers , rejoins the king of ci , who with great prudence govern the provinces i have committed to them ; behold my precious stones , th●y can enlighten a thousand stadia . these are not the men alone in china that have esteemed virtue ; there were women that have consider'd it as a jewel of infinite value , and preferable to all treasures . an illustrious queen named kiam , who reign'd two hundred years before confucius , reclaim'd her husband from sensuality and debauchery , by an action which deserves to be immortaliz'd . she seeing that this prince continually resorted to the pastimes of debauchery , and abandon'd himself to all sorts of pleasures , she one day pluckt her pendants from her ears , and laid aside all her jewels , and in his condition went to the king , and spake to him these words with a sensible emotion . sir , is it possible that luxury● and debauchery are so very pleasing to you . you contemn virtue ; but i esteem it infinitely more than the m●st precious stones . she afterwards enlarged upon this subject , and the action and discourse of this princess toucht him so strongly , that he renounc'd his extravagancies , and gave himself up entirely to virtue , and the care of his kingdom , which he govern'd thirteen years with great applause . in fine , as to the last article , cemçu represents to kings , that they ought not to oppress their people , either by impositions , or otherwise ; that to avoid being forc'd thereto , it is necessary to choose wise , faithful , and virtuous ministers , and consequently not to admit into the management of affairs , those that are unworthy , and who by their cruelties , ambition and avarice , can only bring a vast prej●dice to the state. he shews them , that the● ought to lessen , as much as is possible the number of their ministers , and of all those that live at the publick expence ; to endeavour to excite all to work , and so to order it , that those who manage and disburse the treasure , may do it with all the moderation imaginable . princes , adds he , ought never to seek private interest ; they ought only to look after the interests of their people : to be lov'd and faithfully serv'd , they ought to convince their subjects , by their conduct , that they design only to make them happ● ; which they will never do , if they heartily follow their particular interests , if they oppress and impoverish them . a collection out of confucius's works . the second book . this second book of confucius was published by his grand-son cusu . it treats of divers things , but especially of that excellent mediocrity , which must be constantly observ'd in all things , between the too much , and too little . thus this book is entituled , chumyum , that is to say , the perpetual mean , a mean constantly observ'd . confucius . teaches at first , that all men ought to love this mediocrity , which they ought to search after with an extream care. he says , that the perfect man always k●eps a just mean , what●v●r ●e undertakes ; but that the wicked always swerves therefrom , that he does too much , or not enough . when the right reason sent from heaven , adds ●e , has once shew'd a wiseman the mean he ought to keep , he afterwards conforms all his actions thereunto● at all times , as well in adver●●ty as prosperity ; he ●ontinually watches over himself , over his thoughts , over the most secret mo●io●● of hi● h●art , alw●y●●o square h●mself a●●ordi●g to t●is just mean , w●i●h h● will never lose sight of● but ●he wi●ked b●ing not restrain'd , n●ither by fear , modesty , nor th● love o● virtu● , their extrav●gant passion● do always carry them into extreams . this philosopher cannot sufficien●ly admir● this happy mediocrity , he look● on it as the sublimest thing in th● w●●ld , as a thing ●ost worthy of the lov● and employment of the highest minds , as the sole path of virtue . h●●●mplains , that there always hav● been so f●w persons that have kept it ; he ●●lig●ntly enquires after the cause ●her●of . he says , that as for the wis● men of the age , they slight and con●emn it , because they imagine it below th●ir great designs , below their ambitious projects ; and that as for dull persons they very hardly attain it , ●●th●r by reason they understand it not , or b●cause the difficulty in at●aining it astonish●s and discourages them : and all this , adds confucius , happens for want of examination ; ●or if we diligently examin'd what is good in it self , we should find that all ●xtreams are prejudicial , and that the mean alone is always good and gainful . he herein particularly alledges th● example of xun the emperor ; h● cries out , how great was the prudence of the emperor x●n ? he was not satisfied in the administration o● stat●-af●airs , with his single examination , with his own particular judgment and prudence ; he likewise consulted the meanest of his subjects . he ask'd advice upon the least things ; and he made it a duty and delight to weigh the answers that were given him , how common so ever they appear●d . when any thing was propos'd to him , which , after a strict examination , he was convinc'd was repugnant to right reason , he acquiesced not , but with an open heart represented what was amiss in the counsel that was given him . by this means he made his subjects to place a confidence in him , and accustom themselves ●reely to give him advertisements , ●rom time to time . as for the good and judicious counsels , he follow'd , magnified , and extold them ; and thereby every one was encourag'd , joy●ully to declare his opinion . but if , amongst the counsels that were given him , he found that some plainly contradicted others , he attentively consider'd them , and after having examin'd them , he always took ● mean , especially when it concern'd ●he publick interest● , confucius here deplores the false prudence of the men of his time. it had , indeed , very much degenerated from the prudence of the ancient kings . there is not , saith he , any person at present , who declares not , i have prudence , i know what is necessary to be done , and what is not . but because that now , profit and particular advantage are the only objects delighted in , it happens that we think not on the evils which may thence ensue , on the perils to which this gain and profit expose us ; and that the precipice is not perceived by us . there are some that perfectly understand the nature and value of mediocrity , who ch●s● it for their rule , and square their actions thereby , but who afterwards suffering themselves to be overcome by sloath , have not the power to persist . to what end , in these sorts of persons , does the knowledge and resolutions they have formed tend to ? alas ! it was not thus with my disciple h●ri ; he had an exquisite discerning faculty ; he remarkt all the di●ferences that occurred in things ; he always chose a mean , and never forsook it . as for the rest , adds confucius , 't is not a very easie thing to acquire , that medium which i so much commend . alas ! there is nothing so difficult ; 't is an affair which requires great pains and industry . you will find men capable of governing happily the kingdoms of the earth . you will see some that will have magnanimity enough to refuse the most considerable dignities and advantages : there will be some also that will have courage enough to walk on naked swords : but you will find few , that are capable of keeping a just mean ; that to arrive hereat , art , labour , courage and virtue are requir'd . 't was upon the account of this mo●al , that one of his disciples , who was of a warlike and ambitious temper , ask'd him , wherein valour consisted , and what it was necessary to do to obtain the name of valiant ? have you ●e●rd , says confucius , of the valour of those in the south , or those that dwell in the north , or rather of the valour of my disciples , who apply themselves to the study of wisdom ? to act mildly in the education of children and disciples , to be indulgent to them ; patiently to bear their disobediences and defects , is that wherein the valour of the southern people consists . by this valour they conquer their violent temper , and submit their passions , which are generally violent , to right reason . to lie down couragiously in a camp , to repose quietly , in the midst of a terrible army ; to see a thousand deaths before his eyes , without daunting ; not to be disquieted , but make a pleasure of this sort of life : behold what i call the valour of the northern men ! but as generally ther● is a great deal of rashness in all this , and that oftentimes men regulate not themselves according to that mean which every one ought to seek after , 't is not this sort of valour which i require of my disciples . behold what his character ought to be ! a perfect man ( for in short , the perfect men only can have a true valour ) ought always to be busied , in conquering himself . he must suit himself to the manners and tempers of others ; but he ought always to be master of his own heart , and actions ; he must not suffer himself to be corrupted by the conversation , or examples of loose and effeminate persons ; he must never obey , till he has first examined what is commanded him ; he must never imitate others , without judgment . in the midst of so many mad and blind persons , which go at random , he must walk aright , and not incline to any party : this is the true valour . moreover , if this very person is called to the magistracy , in a kingdom where vertue is considered , and he changes not his morals , how great soever the honours be , to which he is advanced ; if he there preserves all the good habits , which he had when only a private man ; if he permit not himself to be lead away with pride and vanity , this man is truly valiant : ah! how great is this valour ? but if on the contrary , he is in a kingdom , where virtue and laws are con●emn'd , and that in the confusion and disorder which there prevail , he himself is depressed with poverty , afflicted , reduc'd even to the loss of life ; but yet , in the midst of so many miseries , he remains constant , preserves all the innocency of his manners , and never changes his opinion : ah! how great and illustrious is this valour ? instead therefore of the valour of the southern or nor●hern countries , i require , and expect from you , my dear disciples , a valour of the nature above-mentioned . behold something which confucius speaks , which is not less remarkable . there are some men , saith he , which surpass the bounds of mediocrity , by affecting to have extraordinary virtues : they covet always to have something marvellous in their actions , to the end that posterity may praise and extol them . certainly , as for my self , i shall never be enamoured with the●e glittering actions , where vanity and self-love have ever a greater sha●e than virtue . i would only know and practise what it is necessary to know and practise every where . there are four rules , according to which the perfect man ought to square himself . 1. he himself ought to practise in respect of his father , what he requires from his son. 2. in the service of his prince he is oblig'd to shew the ●ame fidelity which he demands of those that are under him . 3 he must act in respect of his eldest brother , after the same manner that he wou●d that his younger brother should act towards him . 4. and lastly , he ought to behave himself towards his friends , as he desires that his friends should carry themselves to him . the perfect man continually acquits himself of these duties , how common soever they may appear . if he happen to perceive that he has done amiss in any thing , he is not at rest till he has repair'd his fault : if he finds that he has omitted any ●onsiderable duty , there is not any violence which he does not to himself perfectly to accomplish it . he is moderate and reserved in his discourses ; he speaks with circumspection : if ●o him occurs a great affluence of words , he ●resumes not to expose it , he restr●ins himself . in a word , he is ●o rigorous a censurer of himself , that he is not a● rest when his words correspond not to his actions● and his actions to his words . now the way , cries he , by which a man arrives at this per●ection , is a solid and constant virtue . to this his masters doctrine , cus● here adds a moral worthy of their meditation , who have a desire to perfect themselves . the perfect man , says this worthy disciple of so great a philosopher , the perfect man governs himself according to his present state , and cove●s not●ing beyond it . if he find himself in the midst of riches , he acts like a rich man , but addicts not himself to unlawful pleasures ; he avoid● lu●ury , detests pride , offends no body . if he is in a poor and contemptible state , he acts as a poor and mean man ought to act ; but he does nothing unworthy of a grave and worthy man● if he be remo●e from his own country , he behaves himself as a stranger ought to do ; but he is always like himself . if he is in affliction and adversity , he does not insolently affront his destiny , but has courage and resolution ; nothing can shake his constancy . if he is advanc'd● to the dignities of state , he keeps his rank , but never treats his inferiours with severity ; and if he sees himself below others , ●e is humble , he never departs from the respect he owes to his superiours ; but he never purchases their favour with flattery . he uses his utmost endeavours to perfect himself , and exacts nothing of others with severity : 't is upon this account that he expresses no discontent or anger to any person . if he li●ts up his eyes towards heaven , 't is not to complain , for that it has not sent him prosperity , or to murmur , for that it afflicts him : if he looks down towards the ground , 't is not to reproach men , and attribute the cause of his miseries and necessities unto them ; 't is to testifie his humility , that is to say , that he is always contended with his condition , that he desires nothing beyond , and that with submission , and an even spirit , he expects whatever heaven shall ordain concerning him . thus he rejoyceth in a certain tranquillity , which may well be compar'd to the top of those mountains , which are higher than the region where the thunder and tempests are form'd . in the sequel of this book , he discourses of the profound respect which the ancient chineses , and especially the kings and emperors , had for their parents , and of the exact obedience which they paid them . if a king , said they , honours and obeys his father and mother , certainly he will endeavour to excite his subjects to follow his example ; for brie●ly , a man that loves virtue , desires that all others should likewise esteem it , especially if it is his interest that they should be virtuous : now 't is of great importance to a king , that his subjects do love virtue and practice it . indeed , how can he hope to be obey'd by his subjects , if himself refuses to obey those that gave him life . after all , if a prince desires to bring his subjects to be obedient to their parents , he must shew kindness towards them , and treat them with that tenderness which fathers have for their children ; for we willingly imitate those whom we love , and of whom we think we are belov'd . but if this prince , by his conduct , excites his subjects to give obedience to their parents , and afterwards obey him , as their common father , most certainly they will obey heaven , from whence crowns and empires do come : heaven , which is the soveraign father of all . and what will be the effect of this obedience ? it will happen that heaven will diffuse its blessings on those that shall thus well acquit themselves . it will abundantly recompence so admirable a virtue , it will make peace and concord every where to reign ; so that the king and his subjects will seem as one single family , where the subjects obeying their king , as their father , and the king loving his subjects as his children , they will all lead , as in a single , but rich , magnificent , regular , and convenient house , the happiest and most peaceable life imaginable . to return to confucius , as he knew that the examples of kings made a great impression on mens minds , so he proposes that of the emperor xun , in respect of the obedience which children owe to their parents . oh , how great has the obedience of this emperor been ! crys confucius . thus , continues he , if he has obtain'd from heaven the imperial crown , 't is the recompence of this virtue . 't is this virtue that procured him so many revenues , those immense riches , and vast kingdoms , which are only limited by the ocean . 't is this virtue that has render'd his name so famous throughout the world. in fine , i doubt not but that long and peaceable life , which he enjoy'd , ought to be consider'd as a recompence of this virtue . to hear this philosopher speak , would it not be said , that he had read the decalogue , and understood the promise which god has there made to those that honour their father and mother . but if , by what confucius declares , it seems , that the decalogue was not unknown to him , it will rather seem that he knew the maxims of the gospel , when we shall see what he teaches concerning charity , which he says it is necessary to have for all men. that love , saith he , which it is requisite for all men to have , is not a stranger to man , 't is man himself ; or , if you will , 't is a natural property of man , which dictates unto him , that he ought generally to love all men. nevertheless , above all men to love his father and mother , is his main and principal duty , from the practice of which he afterwards proceeds , as by degrees , to the practise of that universal love , whose object is all mankind . 't is from this universal love that distributive justice comes , that justice , which makes us to render to every one his due , and more especially to cherish and honour wise and upright men , and to advance them to the dignities and offices of state. that difference , which is between the love we have for our parents , and that we have for others , between the love we bear to virtuous and learned men , and that we bear to those which have not so much virtue or ability ; that difference , i say , is as it were a harmony , a symmetry of duties , which the reason of heaven has protected , and in which nothing must be changed . for the conduct of life confucius proposes five rules , which he calls universal . the first regards the justice that ought to be practis'd between a king and his subjects . the second respects the love that ought to be between a father and his children . the third recommends conjugal fidelity to husbands and wives . the fourth concerns the subordination that ought to appear between elder and younger brothers . the fifth obliges friends to live in concord , in great unity , and mutual kindness . behold , adds he , the five general rules , which every one ought to observe ; behold , as it were the five publick roads , by which men ought to pass . but after all we cannot observe these rules , if these three virtues are wanting , prudence , which makes us discern good from evil , vniversal love , which makes us love all men , and that resolution which makes us constantly to persevere in the adhesion to good , and aversion to evil. but for fear least some fearful persons not well verst in morality should imagine , that it is impossible for them to acquire these three virtues , he affirms , that there is no person incapable of acquiring them ; that the impotence of the man is volu●tary . how dull soever a man is , should he , says he , be without any experience , yet if he desires to learn , and grows not weary in the study of virtue , he is not very far from prudence . if a man , although full of self-love , endeavours to perform good actions , behold him already very near that universal love , which engages him to do good to all . in fine , if a man feels a secret shame , when he hears impure and unchast discourses ; if he cannot forbear blushing thereat , he is not far from that resolution of spirit , which makes him constantly to seek after good , and to have an aversion for evil. after that , the chinese philosopher has treated of these five universal rules , he proposes nine particular ones for kings , because that he considers their conduct , as a publick source of happiness or misery . they are these . 1. a king ought incessantly to labour to adorn his person with all sorts of virtues . 2. he ought to honour and cherish the wise and virtuous . 3. he ought to respect and love those that gave him birth . 4. he ought to honour and esteem those ministers that distinguish themselves by their ability , and those which exercise the principal offices of the magistracy . 5. he ought to accommodate himself , as much as it is possible , to the sentiments and mind of other ministers , and as for those that have less considerable employs , he ought to consider them as his members . 6. he ought to love his people , even the meanest as his own children , and to share in the various subjects of joy or sorrow , which they may have . 7. he ought to use his utmost to bring into his kingdom several able artificers in all sorts of arts , for the advantage and conveniency of his subjects . 8. he ought kindly and courteously to receive strangers and travellers , and fully to protect them . 9. lastly , he ought tenderly to love the princes , and great men of his empire , and so heartily to study their interests , that they may love him , and be ever faithful to him . rightly to understand the morals of confucius , it is here necessary to speak one word concerning the distinction which he makes between the saint and wise. to the one and the other he attributes certain things in common : but to the saint he gives some qualities and advantages , which he says , that the wise has not . he says , that reason and innocence have been equally communicated to the wise , and to the saint , and likewise to all other men ; but that the saint has never in the least declin'd from right reason , and has constantly preserv'd his integrity ; whereas the wise has not always preserv'd it , having not always followed the light of reason , because of several obstacles he has met with in the practice of virtue , and especially , by reason of his passions , whereunto he is a slave . so that it is necessary , that he does his utmost , that he use great pains and endeavours , to put his heart in a good posture , and to govern himself according ●o the lights of right reason , and the rules of virtue . cusu reasoning hereon , the better to illustrate his masters doctrine , compares those that have lost their first integrity , and desires to regain it , to those wither'd and almost dead trees , that notwithstanding have in the trunk and roots , a certain juice , a certain principle of life , which makes them cast forth shoots . if , saith he , we take care of these trees , if we cultivate them , water them , and prune off the dead branches , it will happen that this tree will re-assume its former state. after the same manner , although one has lost his first integrity and innocence , he need only ●xcite the good that remains , use pains and industry , and he will infallibly arrive at the highest virtue . this last state , saith cusu , this state of the wise is called giantao , that is to say , the road and the reason of man , or rather , the way which leads to the origine of the first perfection . and the state of the saint is called tientao , that is to say , the reason of heaven , or the first rule which heaven has equally distributed to all men , and which the saints have always observ'd , without turning either on the right hand , or on the left. as rules do in brief contain the principal duties , and that we may easily retain them , confucius gives five to those that desire to chuse the good and adhere thereto . 1. it is necessary , after an exact and extensive manner , to know the causes , properties , and differences of all things . 2. because that amongst the things which are known , there may be some which are not perfectly known , it is necessary carefully to examine them , to weigh them minutely and in every circumstance , and thereon to consult wise , intelligent and experienc'd men. 3. although it seems that we clearly apprehend certain things , yet because it is easie to transgress , through precipitancy , in the too much , or too little , it is necessary to meditate afterwards in particular , on the things we believe we know , and to weigh every thing by the weight of reason , with all the attentiveness of spirit , and with the utmost exactness , whereof we are capable . 4. it is necessary to endeavour , not to apprehend things , after a confused manner , it is requisite to have some clear ideas thereof , so that we may truly discern the good from the bad , th● true from the false . 5. lastly , after that we shall have observ'd all these things , we must reduce to action , sincerely and constantly perform and execute , to the utmost of our power , the good resolutions which we have taken . we cannot better conclude this book , than with these excellent words of cu●u : take heed , saith he , how you act , when you are alone . although you should be retired into the most solitary , and most private place of thine house , you ought to do nothing , whereof you would be asham'd if you were in company or in publick . have you a desire , continues he , that i should shew you after what manner he that has acquir'd some perfection governs himself . why , he keeps a continual watch upon himself ; he undertakes nothing , begins nothing , pronounces no word , whereon he has not meditated . before he raises any motion in his heart , he carefully observes himself , he reflects on every thing , he examines every thing , he is in a continual vigilance . before he speaks he is satisfied , that what he is about to utter is true and rational , and he thinks that he cannot reap a more pleasant fruit from his vigilance and examination , than to accustom himself circumspectly and wisely to govern himself in the things which are neither seen nor known by any . a collection out of confucius's works . the third book . confucius's third book is quite of another character than the two former , as to the method and expressions ; but in the ground it contains the same morality . 't is a contexture of several sentences pronounc'd at divers times , and at several places , by confucius and his disciples . therefore it is intituled lun yu , that is to say , discourses of several p●rsons that reason and philosophize together . in the first place there is represented a disciple of this famous philosopher , who declares , that he spent not a day wherein he render'd not an account to himself of these three things . 1. whether he had not undertaken some affair for another , and whether he manag'd and follow'd it with the same eagerness and fidelity as if it had been his own concern . 2. if when he has been with his friends , he has discours'd them sincerely , if he has not satisfied himself with shewing them some slight appearance of kindness and esteem . 3. whether he has meditated on his masters doctrine ; and whether after having meditated on it , he has us'd his utmost endeavours to reduce it to practise . afterwards appears confucius , giving lessons to his disciples . he tells them , that the wise ought to be so occupied with his virtue , that when he is in his house , he ought not to seek his conveniency and delight ; that when he undertakes any affair , he ought to be diligent and exact , prudent and considerate in his words , and that though he have all these qualities , yet he ought to be the person on whom he ought least to confide ; he whom he ought least to please : that in a word , the wise-man always distrus●ing himself , ought always to consult those , whose virtue and wisdom are known unto him , and to regul●te his conduct and actions according to their counsels and examples . what think you of a poor man , says one of his disciples to him , who being able to extenuate and diminish his poverty through flattery , refuses to accept this offer , and couragiously maintains , that none but cowards and low-spirited men do flatter ? what think you of a rich man , who notwithstanding his riches , is not proud ? i say , replies confucius , that they are both praise-worthy , but that they are not to be considered , as if they were arrived at the highest degree of virtue . he that is poor , ought to be chearful , and content in the midst of his indigence : behold wherein the virtue of the poor man consists ; and he that is rich , ought to do good to all : he that is of a poor and abject spirit , does good only to certain persons ; certain passions , certain particular friendships cause him to act , his friendship is interested : he disperses his wealth only with a prospect of reaping more than he sows ; he seeks only his own interest : but the love o● the perfect man is an universal love , a love whose object is all mankind . a souldier of the kingdom of ci , said they unto him , lost his buckler , and having a long time sought after it in vain , he at last comforts himself , upon the loss he had sustained , with this reflection ; a souldier has lost his buckler , but a souldier of our camp has found it , he will use it . it had been much better spoken , replies confucius , if he had said , a man has lost his buckler , but a man will find it ; thereby intimating , that we ought to have an affection for all the men of the world. confucius had a tender spirit , as may be judg'd by what we have said , but ●t was great and sublime . the ancient chineses taught , that there were two gods which presided in their houses , the one called noao , and the other cao . the first was respected as the tutelar god of the whole family , and the last was only the god of the fire-hearth . nevertheless , although the last of these genius's was very much inferiour to the first ; yet to him were render'd greater honours than to him that had all the domestick affairs under his protection : and there was a proverb which imply'd , that it was better to seek the protection of cao , than of noao . as this preference had something very singular , and seem'd , in some measure , even to encounter those which were promoted to grandeurs in princes courts . confucius being in the kingdom of guez , and meeting one day with a praefect , which had great authority in this kingdom , this minister puff'd up with the greatness of his fortune , supposing that the philosopher design'd to procure some favour from the king , demanded of him by way of merriment , the meaning o● this proverb , so frequent in every ones mouth , it is better to seek the protection of cao , than of noao . confucius , who presently perceiv'd , that the praefect gave him to understand , by this question , that he ought to address himself to him , if he would obtain his request from the king his master , and who at the same instant , made this reflection , that to gain the good will of a princes favourite , it is necessary to offer incense even to his d●fects , and to forc● ones self to compliances , unworthy of a philosopher , plainly told him , that he was wholly differing from the maxims of the age ; that he would not address himself to him , with any address he wanted , to shew him that he ought to do it ; and at the same time to advertise him , that though he should answer his question , according to his desire , he could reap no benefit thereby , he told him , that he that had sinn'd against heaven , should address himself only to heaven . for he adds , to whom can he address himself to obtain the pardon of his crime , seeing that there is not any deity above heaven . confucius recommends nothing so much to his disciples as clemency and courtesie ; always grounded upon this maxim , that we ought to love all men. and to make them better to apprehend the truth of what he said , he made an instance of two illustrious princes , that were distinguish'd for this very thing in the kingdom of cucho . these princes , saith he , were so mild and courteous , that they easily forgot the most hainous injuries , and horrible crimes , when the offenders shew'd any sign of repentance . they beheld these criminals , though worthy of the severest punishments , as if they had been innocent ; they not only forgot their faults , but by their carriage , made even those that had committed them , in some measure to forget them , and loose one part of the disgrace , which remains after great lapses , and which can only discourage in the way of virtue . one of this philosophers great designs being to form princes to virtue , and to teach the art of reigning happily , he made no difficulty to addressing himself directly to them , and of giving them counsel . a prince , said he , one day to a king of lu , called timcum , a prince ought to be moderate , he ought not to contemn any of his subjects , he ought to recompence those that deserve it . there are some subjects that he ought to treat with mildness , and others with severity ; there are some on whose fidelity he ought to rely , but there are some also whom he cannot sufficiently distrust . confucius would have princes desire nothing that other men wish for , although they are sometimes good things , which it seems they might desire without offence ; he would have them to trample , as i may say , upon whatever may make the felicity of mortals upon ear●h ; and especially to look upon riches , children , and life it self , as transient advantages , and which consequently cannot make the felicity of a prince . the emperor yao , says this philosopher , govern'd himself by these maxims , and under the conduct of so good a guide , he arriv'd at a perfection , whereunto few mortals can attain ; for it may be said , that he saw nothing above him but heaven , to which he was intirely conformable . this incomparable prince , adds he , from time to time visited the provinces of his empire ; and as he was the delight of his people , being met one day by a troop of his subjects ; these subjects , after having call'd him their emperor and father , and a●ter having testified their exceeding joy at the sight of so great a prince , cry'd out with a loud voice , to joyn their wishes with their acclamations , let heaven heap riches upon thee ! let it grant thee a numerous family ! and let it not snatch thee from thy people , till thou art satisfied with days ! no , replys the emperor , send up other petitions to heaven . great riches produce great cares , and great inquietudes ; a numerous progeny produces great fears ! and a long life is generally a series of misfortunes . there are found few emperors like to yao , crys confucius after this . that which generally occasions trouble to kings , that , which in some measure , redoubles the weight of the burden annext to their crown , is either the few subjects over which they reign , or the little wealth which they possess . for in brief , all kings are not great , all kings have not vast dominions , and excessive rich●s . but confucius is of opinion , that a king is too ingenious to torment himself , when these reflections are capable of causing the least trouble in him . he says , that a king has subjects enough , when his subjects are contented ; and that his kingdom is rich enough , when peace and concord flourish there . peace and concord , saith this philosopher , are the mothers of plenty . in fine , confucius , in speaking of the duties of princes , teaches , that it is so necessary for a prince to be virtuous , that when he is otherwise , a subject is oblig'd by the laws of heaven , voluntarily to banish himself , and to seek another country . he sometimes complains of the disorders of princes ; but the great subject of his complaints , is , the extravagancies of private men. he bewails the morals of his age ; he says , that he sees almost no body that distinguishes himself , either by piety , or some extraordinary quality ; that every one is corrupted , that every one is deprav'd , and that it is amongst the magistrates and courtiers , chiefly , that virtue is neglected . it is true , that confucius seems to extend things beyond reason . indeed , 't was not much for this philosopher , when in a princes court he found but ten or twelve persons of an extraordinary wisdom , to cry out , o tempora , o mores . under vuvam's reigns , there were ten men of a consummate virtue and sufficiency , on whom this emperor might repose all the affairs of the empire : yet confucius exclaims against so small a number , saying , that great endowments , virtue , and the qualities of the spirit , are things very rare in his age. he had made the same complaints in respect of the emperor zun , the first of the family of cheu , although this prince had then five praefects , of whose merit some judgment may be made by the history of one of these ministers , whose name was yu . this wise minister had render'd his memory immortal amongst the chineses , not only because it was he that invented the secret of stopping or diverting the waters that overflow'd the whole kingdom , and which made it almost uninhabitable , but because that being an emperor , he always liv'd like a philosopher . he was of an illustrious family ; for he could name some emperors of his ancestors : but if by the decadency of his house , he was fall'n from the pretensions he might have to the empire , his wisdom and virtue acquir'd him what fortune had refus'd to the nobility of his extraction . the emperor zun so thoroughly understood his desert , that he associated him to the empire : and seventeen years after , he declar'd him his lawful successor , even to the exclusion of his own son. yu refus'd this honour , but as he vainly deny'd it , and that his generosity might not suffer , in the pressing sollicitations that were made him on all hands , he withdrew from the court , and went to seek a retreat in a cell : but not being able so well to conceal himself , as not to remain undiscover'd in the rocks of his solitude , he was forceably advanc'd to the throne of his ancestors . never throne was more easie of access than this princes , never prince was more affable . it is reported , that he one day left his dinner ten times , to peruse the petitions that were presented him , or to hear the complaints of the distressed : and that he ordinarily quitted his bath , when audience was demanded of him . he reigned ten years with so much success , with so much tranquility , and in such great abundance of all things , that of this age it may be truly said , that it was a golden age. yu was an 100 years old when he died ; and he died as he had liv'd : for prefering the interest of the empire before that of his family , he would not let his son succeed him , he gave the crown to one of his subjects , whose virtue was known unto him . a prince , doubtless , is happy , when he can some time discharge himself of the cares which throw and press him on such a minister ; and zun only could be so , seeing that he at one time had five , all worthy of being seated on the throne , but this number was not great enough for confucius , 't is what made him to grieve . confucius says , that a prince ought never to accept the crown to the prejudice of his father , how unworthy soever his father might be thereof ; that it is one of the greatest crimes whereof a prince can be guilty ; and this occasion'd him to relate two little histories , which suit admirably to his subject . limcum , says this philosopher , was a king of guei , who was twic● married . as chastity is not always the portion of princesses , the queen had unlawful familiarities with one of the nobles of his court ; and this not being so privately manag'd , but one of limcum's sons by his ●irst wife came to the knowledge of it , this young prince , jealous of his fathers honour , so highly resented it , that he design'd to kill the queen , which he concealed not . the cunning and guilty princess , who saw her self detected , and who had a great influence over her ancient spouse , alledg'd such plausible reasons , to make him believe her innocency , that this poor prince , shutting his eyes against the truth , banish'd his son : but as children are not culpable for their fathers crimes , he kept che with him : he was the son of this disgraced prince . limcum died soon after . the people recalled the prince whom the queens debaucheries had banisht ; and he went to receive the crown , but his vicious son oppos'd him , alledging that his father was a parricide : he rais'd armies against him , and was proclaim'd king by the people . the sons of a king of cucho , continues he , follow'd not this way : behold a memorable example . this king , whose history we shall relate in two words , had three sons : and as fathers have sometimes more tenderness for their youngest children , than for the rest , he had so much for the last which heaven had given him , that some days before his death , he appointed him for his successor , to th● exclusion of his other brothers . this procedure was so much the more extraordinary , as it was contrary to the laws of the land. the people thought after the king's death , that they might endeavour , without any crime , to advance the eldest of the royal family on the throne . this was executed as the people had projected it ; and this action was generally approved . there wa● none but the new king , who remembering his fathers dying words , refused to consent . this generous prince took the crow● that was presented him , put it on his younger brothers head , and nobly declar'd that he renounc'd it , and thought himself unworthy of it , seeing that he had been excluded by his fathers will , and tha● his father could not retract what h● had done . the brother , touch'd with such an heroick action , conjur'd him the same moment , not to oppose the inclination of all the people , who desir'd him to reign over them . he alledged that it was he alone , that was the lawful successor to the crown , which he contemned ; that their father could not violate the laws of the state ; that this prince was overtaken with a too great fondness , and that in a word , it in some measure belonged to the people to redress the laws of their kings , when they were not just . but nothing could perswade him to act contrary to his fathers will. between these two princes , there was a laudable contestation ; neither would accept the crown : and they seeing , that this contest would continue a long time , withdrew from the court ; and vanquish'd and victorious together , they went to end their days in the repose of a solitude , and left the kingdom to their brother . these princes , adds he , sought after virtue ; but they sought i● not in vain , for they found it . he frequently relates short histories of this nature , wherein an heroick gen●rosity is every where seen to discover it self . the women amongst the people , and even great princesses , are therein observ'd rather to ch●s● death , and ●hat with their own hands , than to be exposed to the violences of their ravishers . the magistrates are there seen to quit the greatest employs , to avoid the disorders of th● court ; philosophers to censure kings upon their throne , and princes who mak● no difficulty to die , to appease the anger of heaven , and procure peac● to their people . after this confucius shews how th● d●ad ought to be buried ; and as this was perform'd in his time with a grea● deal of magnificence , so in funeral pomps he blames whatever seems like ostentation , and reproves it after a severe manner . indeed , one of his disciples being dead , and this disciple being buried with the usual magnificence , he cryed out when he knew it , when my disciple was alive , he respected me as his father , and i look'd upon him as my son : but can i now behold him as my son , since he has been buried like other men ? he prohibits the bewailing the dead with excess ; and if , constrain'd by his own grief , he shed tears for this very disciple , he conf●ssed he ●orgot himself ; that in truth , great griefs have no bounds , but that the wiseman ought not to be overcome with grief ; that it is a weakness , 't is a crime in him . he gives great praises to some of his disciples , who , in the midst of the greatest poverty , were content with their condition ; and accounted as great riches the natural virtues they had received from heaven . he declaims against pride , self-love , indiscretion , and against the ridiculous vanity of those that affect to be masters every where , against those self-conceited men , who momentarily cite their own actions , and against great talkers , and drawing afterwards the portraiture of the wiseman , in opposition to what he has discours'd , he says , that humility , modesty , gravity , and neighbourly affection , are virtues which he cannot one moment neglect , without departing from his character . he says , that a good man never afflicts himself , and fears nothing ; that he contemns injuries , credits not reproaches , and refuses even to ●ear reports . he maintains , that punishments ar● too common ; that if the magistrates were good men , the wicked would conform their life to theirs , and that if princes would only advance to dignities , persons distinguish'd by their honesty , and exemplary life , every one would apply himself unto virtue , because that gra●deur being that which all men naturally desire , every one willing to possess it , would endeavour to render himself worthy thereof . he would have us avoid idleness ; to be serious , and not precipitate in our answers ; and that setting our selves above every thing , we should never be troubled , either that we are contemn'd , or not known in the world. he compares hypocrites to those lewd villains , who the better to conceal their designs from the eyes of men , do appear wise and modest in the day tim● , and who by the favour of the night , do rob houses , and commit the most infamous robberies . he says , that those that make their belly their god , never do any thing worthy of a man ; that they are rather brutes than rational creatures● and r●turning to the conduct of the great ones , he very well remarks , that their crimes are always greater than the crimes of other men. zam , the last emperor of the family of cheu , says , confucius on this occasion , had a very irregular conduct . but how irregular soever his conduct was , the disorder● of this emperor were only the disorders of his age. nevertheless , when any debauch'd , crimi●al , and infamous action is mention'd , they say it is , the crime of zam . the reason whereof is this , zam was wicked and an emperor . confucius relates an infinite number of other things of this nature , which concern the conduct of all sorts of men ; but most of the things that he says , or which his disciples do say , are sentences and maxims , as we have already declar'd , the most considerable of which are these that follow . maxims . i. endeavour to imitate the wise , and never discourage thy self , how laborious soever it may be : if thou canst arrive at thine end , the pleasure you will enjoy will recompence all thy pains . ii. when thou labourest for others , do it with the same zeal as if it were for thy self . iii. virtue which is not supported with gravity , gains no repute amongst men. iv. always remember thou art a man , that human nature is frail , and that thou mayst easily fall , and thou shalt never fall . but , if happening to forget what thou art , thou chancest to fall , be not discourag'd ; remember that thou mayst rise again ; that 't is in thy power to break the bands which joyn thee to thine offence , and to subdue the obstacles which hinder thee from walking in the paths of virtue . v. take heed that thy promises be just , for having once promis'd , it is not lawful to retract ; we ought always to keep our promise . iv. when thou dost homage to any one , see that thy submissions be proportioned to the homage thou owest him : there is stupidity and pride in doing too little ; but in over acting it there is abjection and hypocrisie . vii . eat not for the pleasure thou mayst find therein . eat to increase thy strength ; eat to preserve the life which thou hast receiv'd from heaven . viii . labour to purifie thy thoughts : if thy thoughts are not ill , neither will thy actions be so . ix . the wise-man has an infinity of pleasures ; for virtue has its delights in the midst of the severities that attend it . x. he that in his studies wholly applies himself to labour and exercise , and neglects meditation , loses his time : and he that only applies himself to meditation , and neglects labour and exercise , does only wander and lose himself . the first can never know any thing exactly , his lights will be always intermixt with doubts and obscurities ; and the last will only pursue shadows ; his knowledge will never be certain , it will never be solid . labour , but slight not meditation : meditate , but slight not labour . xi . a prince ought to punish vice , for fear lest he seem to maintain ●t : but yet he ought to keep his people in their duty , rather by the effects of clemency , than by menaces and punishments . xii . never slacken fidelity to thy prince ; conceal nothing from him which it is his interest to know ; and think nothink difficult , when it tends to obey him . xiii . when we cannot apply any remedy to an evil , 't is in vain to seek it . if by thy advices and remonstrances , thou couldst undo , what is already done , thy silence would be criminal ; but there is nothing colder than advice , by which it is impossible to profit . xiv . poverty and human miseries are evils in themselves , but the wicked only resent them . 't is a burden under which they groan , and which makes them at last to sink ; they even distaste the best fortune . 't is the wise-man only who is always pleas'd : virtue renders his spirit quiet : nothing troubles him , nothing disquiets him , because he practises not virtue for a reward . the practise of virtue is the sole recompence he expects . xv. it is only the good man , who can make a right choice ; who can , either love or hate with reason , or as need requires . xvi . he that applies himself to virtue , and strongly addicts himself thereto , never commits any thing unbecoming a man , nor contrary to right reason . xvii . riches and honours are good ; the desire of possessing them is natural to all men : but if these good things agree not with virtue , the wise man ought to co●temn , and generously to renounce them . on the contrary , poverty and ignominy are evils ; man naturally avoids them : if these evils attack the wise man , it is lawful for him to rid himself from them , but it is not lawful to do it by a crime . xviii . i never as yet saw a man that was happy in his virtue , or afflicted with his defects and weaknesses ; but i am not surpriz'd , because i would have h●m that delights in virtue , to find so many charms therein , that for it h● should contemn the pleasures of the world : and on the contrary , that h● who hates vice , should find it so hideous , that he should use all ways to keep himself from falling therein . xix . it is not credible that he who uses his utmost endeavours to acquire virtue , should not obtain it at last , although he should labour but one single day . i never yet saw the man that wanted strength for this purpose . xx. he that in the morning hath heard the voice of virtue , may die at night . this man will not repent of living , and death will not be any pain unto him . xxi . he that seeks pride in his habits , and loves not frugality , is not disposed for the study of wisdom ; thou oughtest not even to hold correspondence with him . xxii . afflict not thy self ●or that thou art not promoted to grandure and publick dignities ; rather grieve for that thou art not , perhaps , adorn'd with those virtues that might render thee worthy of being advanc'd . xxiii . the good man employs himself only with his virtue , the wicked only with his riches . the ●irst continually thinks upon the good and interest of the state ; but the last has other cares , he only thinks on what concerns himself . xxiv . do unto another as thou wouldst be dealt with thy self : thou only needest this law alone ; 't is the foundation and principle of all the rest . xxv . the wise man has no sooner cast his eyes upon a good man , but he endeavours to imitate his virtues : but the same wise man has no sooner fixt his sight upon a man given up to his vices , but mistrusting himself , interrogates himself in a trembling manner , if he be not like that man. xxvi . a child is oblig'd to serve and obey his father . parents have their failures : a child is oblig'd to acquaint them therewith , but he ought to do it with moderation and prudence : and if whatever precautions he takes , he always meets with opposition , he ought to rest a while , but never desist . counsels given to parents do frequently draw punishments and severities upon the child ; but on this account he ought to suffer , not to murmur . xxvii . the wise man never hastens , neither in his studies , nor in his words ; he is sometimes as it were mute ; but when it concerns him to act , and practise virtue , he , as i may say , precipitates all . xxviii . the truly wise man speaks little , he is little eloquent . i see not , that eloquence can be of very great use to him . xxix . a long experience is requir'd to know the heart of man. i imagin'd , when i was young , that all men were sincere ; that they always practis'd what they said ; in a word , that their mouth always agreed with their heart : but now that i behold things with another eye , i am convinc'd that i was mistaken . at present i hear what men say , but i never rely thereon , i will examine whether their words are agreeable to their actions . xxx . in the kingdom of ci there was formerly a praefect that slew his king. another praefect of the same kingdom , beholding with horrour the crime of this parricide , quitted his dignity , for sook his wealth , and retir'd into another kingdom . this wise minister was not so happy as to find at first what he sought after ; in this new kingdom he only found wicked ministers , little devoted to their masters interest . this , saith he , shall not be the place of mine abode , i will elsewhere seek a retreat . but always meeting with men like to that perfidious minister , who by his crime had forc'd him to abandon his country , dignity , and all his estate , he wen● through the whole earth . if thou demandest my thoughts concerning such a man , i cannot refuse telling you , that he deserves great praises , and that he had a very remarkable virtue . this is the judgment that every rational man ought to make thereof . but as we are not the searchers of hearts , and as it is properly in the heart , that true virtue resides , i know not whether his virtue was a true virtue ; we ought not always to judge of men by their outward actions . xxxi . i know a man , who passes for sincere in the peoples mind , who was asked for something that he had not . thou imaginest , perhaps , that he ingeniously confest , that it was not in his power to grant what was ask'd of him . he ought to do it , if his sincerity had answer'd the report it had amongst the people : but behold how he took it . he went directly to a neighbours house ; he borrow'd of him what was requested of himself , and afterwards gave it him . i cannot convince my self that this man can be sincere . xxxii . refuse not what is given thee by thy prince , what riches soever thou possest . give thy supersluities to the poor . xxxiii . the defects of parents ought not to be imputed to their children . because that a father shall , by his crimes , render himself unworthy of being promoted to honour , the son ought not to be excluded , if he renders not himself unworthy . because that a son shall be of an obscure birth , his birth ought not to be his crime , he ought to be called to great employments , as well as the sons of the nobles , if he has the qualifications necessary . our fathers heretofore sacrific'd victims only of a certain colour , and pitch'd upon these colours according to the will of those that sat upon the throne . under the reign of one of our emperors , the red colour was in vogue . think you , that the deities , to which our fathers sacrific'd under this emperors reign , would reject a red bull , because it came from a cow of another colour . xxxiv . prefer poverty and banishment to the most eminent offices of state , when it is a wicked man that offers them , and would constrain thee to accept them . xxxv . the way that leads to virtue is long , but it is thy duty to finish this long race . alledge not for thy excuse , that thou hast not strength enough ; that difficulties discourage thee , and that thou shalt be at last for●'d to stop in the midst of the course . thou knowest nothing , begin to run : 't is a sign thou hast not as yet begun , thou shouldst not use this language . xxxvi . 't is not enough to know virtue , it is necessary to love it ; but it is not sufficient to love it , it is necessary to possess it . xxxvii . he that persecutes a good man , makes war against heaven : heaven created virtue , and protects it ; he that p●rsecutes it , pers●cutes heaven . xxxviii . a magistrate ought to honour his father and mother ; he ought never to faulter in this just duty ; his example ought to instruct the people . he ough● not to contemn old persons , nor persons of merit : the people may imitate him . xxxix . a child ought to be under a continual apprehension of doing something that may displease his father ; this fear ought always to possess him . in a word , he ought to act , in whatever he undertakes , with so much precaution , that he may never offend him , or afflict him . xl. greatness of spirit , power and perseverance , ought to be the portion of the wise. the burden wherewith he is loaded is weighty , his course i● long . xli . the wise man never acts without counsel . he sometimes consults , in the most important affairs , even the least intelligent persons , men that have the least spirit , and the least experience . when counsels are good , we ought not to consider from whence they come . xlii . eschew vanity and pride . although thou hadst all the prudence and ability of the ancients , if thou hast not humility , thou hast nothing , thou art even th● man of the world that deserves to be contemn●d . xliii . learn what thou know'st already , as if thou hadst never learn'd it : things are never so well known but that we may forget them . xliv . do nothing that is unhandsom , although thou shouldst have art enough to make thine action approved : thou mayst easily deceive the eyes of men , but thou canst never deceive heaven , its eyes are too penetrative and clear . xlv . never contract friendship with a man that is not better than thy self . xlvi . the wise man blushes at his faults , but is not ashamed to amend them . xlvii . he that lives without envy and covetousness may aspire at every thing . xlviii . wouldst thou learn to die well ? learn first to live well . xlix . a minister of state never ought to serve his prince in his extravagancies and injustice . he ought rather to renounce his o●●●ce , than to tarnish it by base and criminal actions . l. innocence ceases to be a virtue , most of the great ones are fallen therefrom . but if thou demandest what must be done to recover this virtue . i answer , that it is necessary to conquer thy self . if all mortals could , in one day , gain over themselves this happy victory , the whole universe would , from this very day , re-assume a new form ; we should all be perfect , we should all be innocent . 't is true , the victory is difficult , but it is not impossible ; for in short , to conquer thy self , is only to do what is agreeable to reason . turn away thine eyes , stop thine ears , put a bridle upon thy tongue , and rather remain in an eternal ●naction , than to imploy thine eyes in beholding sights where reason is stifled ; than to give attention thereunto , or to discourse thereon . behold how thou mayst overcome ! the victory depends on thy self alone . li. desire not the d●ath of thine enemy , thou wouldst desire it in vain ; his life is in the hands of heaven . lii . it is easie to obey the wise , he commands nothing impossible ; but it is hard to divert him therefrom : that which often times rejoyces others , makes him to sigh , and forces torrents of tears from his eyes . liii . acknowledge thy benefits by the return of other benefits , but never revenge i●juries . liv. in what part of the world soever thou art forc't to spend thy life , correspond with the wisest , associat● with the best men. lv. to sin and not to repent , is properly to sin. lvi . 't is good to fast som● times , to give thy mind to meditation , and to the study of virtue . the wise man is taken up with other cares , than with the continual cares of his nourishment . the best cultivated earth frustrates the hopes of the labourer , when the seasons are irregular : all the rules of husbandry could not secure him from death , in the time of a hard famine ; but virtue is never fruitless . lvii . the wise man must learn to know the heart of man , to the end ●hat taking every one according to his own inclination , he may not labour in vain , when he shall discourse to him of virtue . all men ought not to be instru●ted after the same way . there are divers paths that lead to virtue , the wise man ought not to ignore them . lviii . combat night and day against thy vi●es ; a●d if by thy cares and vigilance , thou gainst the victory over thy self , couragiously attack the vices of others , but attack them not before this be done : there is nothing more ridiculous than to complain of others defec●● , when we have the very same . lix . the good man sins sometimes , weakness is natural to him : but he ought to watch so diligently over himself , that he never fall twice into the same crime . lx. we have three friends that are useful to us , a sincere friend , a faithful friend , a friend that hears every thing , that examines what is told him , and that speaks little : but we have three also whose friendship is pernicious , a hypocrite , a flatt●rer , and a great talker . lxi . he that applies himself to virtue , has three enemies to conflict , which he must subdue , incontinence when he is as yet in the vigour of his age , and the blood boils in his veins ; contests and disputes when he is arriv'd at a mature age , and covetousness when he is old . lxii . there are three things that the wise man ought to reverence , the laws of heaven , great men , and the words of good men. lxiii . we may have an aversion for an enemy , without desiring revenge . the motions of nature are not always criminal . lxiv . distrust a flatterer , a man affected in his discourses , and who every where boasts of his eloquence . this is not the character of true virtue . lxv . silence is absolutely necessary to the wise man. great discourses , elaborate discourses , pieces of eloquence , ought to be a language unknown to him , his actions ought to be his language . as for me , i would never speak more . heaven speaks , but what language does , it use , to preach to men , that there is a sovereign principle from whence all things depend ; a soveraign principle which makes them to act and move . it s motion is its language , it reduces the seasons to their time , it agitates nature , it makes it produce : this silence is eloquent . lxvi . the wise man ought to hate several sorts of men. he ought to hate those that divulge the defects of others , and take delight in discoursing therein . he ought to hate those that being adorn'd only with very mean qualities , and who being moreover of a low birth , do rev●●e and temerariously murmur against t●ose that are promoted to dignities of state. he ought to hate a valiant man , when his valour is not accompanied with civility , nor prudence . he ought to ha●● those sorts of men that are puff'● 〈◊〉 with self-love ; who being always conceited of their own merit , and idolaters of their own opinions , do assault all , deride all , and never consult reason . he ought to hate those who having very small illuminations , do presume to censure what others do . he ought to hate proud men. in a word , he ought to hate those who make it a custom to spie out others defects to publish them . lxvii . it is very difficult to associate with the populace . these sort of men grow familiar and insolent when we have too much correspondence with them : and because they imagine they are slighted , when never so little neglected , we draw their aversion upon us . lxviii . he that is arriv'd at the fortieth year of his age , and who has , hitherto , been a slave to some criminal habit , is not in a conditio● to subdue it . i hold his malady incurable , he will persevere in his crime un●il death . lxix . afflict not thy self at the death of a brother . death and life are in the power of heaven , to which the wise man is bound to submit . moreover , all the men of the earth are thy brethren ; why then shouldst thou weep for ●ne , at a time when so many others remain alive ? lxx . the natural light is only a perpetual conformity of our soul with the laws of heaven . men can never lose this light. it is true , that the heart of man being inconstant and wavering , it is sometimes covered over with so many clouds , that it seems wholly extinguish'd . the wise man experiences it himself ; ●or he may fall into small errors , and commit light offences : yet the wise man cannot be virtuous , whilst he is in this state , it would be a contradiction to say it . lxxi . it is very difficult , when poor , not to hate poverty : but it is possible to be rich without being proud. lxxii . the men of the first ages applied themselves to learning and knowledge , only for themselves , that is to say , to become virtuous : this was all the praise they expected from their labours and lucubrations . but men at present do only seek praise , they study only out of vanity , and to pass for learned in the esteem of men. lxxiii . the wise man seeks the cause of his defects in himself : but the fool avoiding himself , seeks it in all others besides himself . lxxiv . the wise man ought to have a severe gravity , but it ought not to be fierce and untractable . he ought to love society , but to avoid great assemblies . lxxv . the love of hatred of people , ought not to be the rule of thy love or hatred ; examine whether they have reason . lxxvi . contract friendship with a man whose heart is upright and sincere ; with a man that loves to learn , and who can teach thee something , in his turn . other men are unworthy of thy friendship . lxxvii . he that has faults , and strives not to amend them , ought at least to do his endeavour to conceal them . the wise man's defects are like the eclipses of the sun , they come to every ones knowledge . the wise man ought upon this account to endeavour to cover himself with a cloud . i say the same thing of princes . lxxviii . readily abandon thy country when virtue is there depress'd , and vice encourag'd . but if thou designest not to renounce the maxims of the age , in thy retreat and exile , remain in thy miserable country ; for what reaso● shouldst thou leave it ? lxxix . when thy countries safety is concern'd , stand not to consult , but expos● thy s●lf . lxxx . heaven shortens not the life of man , 't is man that does it by his own crimes . thou mayst avoid the calamities that come from heaven , but thou canst never escape those which thou drawest upon thy self by thy crimes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a34265-e100 * voyez le traitte de morale de l'autheur de la reche●che de la verité . academia scientiarum, or, the academy of sciences being a short and easie introduction to the knowledge of the liberal arts and sciences, with the names of those famous authors that have written on every particular science : in english and latine / by d. abercromby ... abercromby, david, d. 1701 or 2. 1687 approx. 176 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 110 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26553 wing a77 estc r6380 11966133 ocm 11966133 51707 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26553) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51707) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 46:4) academia scientiarum, or, the academy of sciences being a short and easie introduction to the knowledge of the liberal arts and sciences, with the names of those famous authors that have written on every particular science : in english and latine / by d. abercromby ... abercromby, david, d. 1701 or 2. [24], 179, [12] p. printed by h.c. for j. taylor, l. meredith, t. bennet, r. wilde ..., london : 1687. english and latin on opposite pages. first ed. cf. wing. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng knowledge, theory of. philosophy -early works to 1800. science -early works to 1800. intellectual life. 2005-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion licens'd , feb. 23. 1687. r. midgley . academia scientiarum : or the academy of sciences . being a short and easie introduction to the knowledge of the liberal arts and sciences . with the names of those famous authors that have written on every particular science . in english and latine . by d. abercromby , m. d. london , printed by h. c. for j. taylor , l. meredith , t. bennet , r. wilde , booksellers in st. paul's church-yard , amen-corner , and ludgate-hill , 1687. to alex. campbell , of calder the younger , eldest son to sir hugh campbell , knight baronet , and baron of calder . sir , being of a temper quite contrary to the flatering genius of this age , i shall not follow the example of most writers of dedicatory epistles , and try your patience with long encomiums either of yourself , or of your family , since the histories , and publick records of the kingdom of scotland , have given the publick so clear , and so full an account of its antiquity ; as likewise of the vertue , generosity , great atchievements , and unshaken loyalty of your illustrious ancestors yet i hope i shall not offend your modesty , if i say , 't is the general opinion of all your acquaintances , both at home and abroad , that as you follow in your greener years so closely their footsteps through the temple of vertue , to that of honour and glory , so you may perhaps , impove ( if possible ) to a higher pitch , those very great and heroick qualities they first excell'd in . may not i then b● allowed to say , without the least suspicio● of flattery , that you are not only th● la●ful successor of the most ancient , mo● noble , and loyal family of the thai● of calder , and of their estate and for ▪ tune , but also , that you are already possess'd of these good and great endowments both of body and mind , which made them capable of the great employments they were intrusted with , and enabled them on all occasions to render the kings of scotland and great britain such signal services , as can never be forgotten . but not intending a panegyrick , which i know would be uneasie to you , who hates the least appearance of flattery , i shall not insist on this subject ; i must only tell you , that this small treatise , since 't is the academy of sciences , could not but claim a peculiar right to your patronage , since you have given so singular and convincing proofs of your being thoroughly acquainted with the subject it treats of ; for having seen by a lucky chance , before i had any acquaintance with yourself , your very learned and accurate book , i found it to contain in short , almost all kind of useful learning , the systems both of the new and old philosophy , the choicest flowers of rhetorick ; as likewise evident marks of a not ordinary piety and loyalty , especially when you conclude the whole with your father's , as well as your own dutiful asserting and declaring for his sacred majesty , who now reigns , ( then duke , ) his undoubted right of succession , in expressions full of affection and zeal to his person and service , and that at a time when loyalty and duty of subjects to the royal family , were not only seasonable , but seem'd to be necessary ; and you being hardly past the sixteenth year of your age , i could not but be surprised , instead of promising buds , to find so early fruits both of vertue and loyalty . while this directed me whither i should send this small present , it rais'd my thoughts in revising of it with a paulo majora canamus , to reform it so as to make it suitable to your character , and give it the better pretence to your acceptance . only i hope , that as travellers find some pleasure when settled at home , to review in a small map , those vast and pleasant countries they have visited abroad , so it may perhaps , prove some diversion in your spare hours , to consider now and then those very many arts and sciences , which both at home and abroad you have practised , and so successfull studied in larger volumes . though i treat nothing a fond , as the french speak , or thoroughly and to the bottom , yet besides some not despicable hints of the material principles of most arts and sciences , i do point every where at the famed authors , and greatest masters of every art and science , that they may supply you with what my design'd brevity , and the scope of this treatise , would not allow me to enlarge upon ; and so this not unpleasant method , whatever you think of the performance , may perhaps reconcile you to my design , of adding , though but little , to your greater improvements , while at the same time i shew to the world with what zeal i am , sir , your truly affectionate friend , and humble servant , d. abercromby . nobilissimo , clarissimoque domino . d. alex. campbell , a calder juniori , d. hugonis campbell , equitis baronetti , & baronis calderae , filio natu maximo . nobilissime domine , cum proclivem adeo in adulationem hujus saeculi genium omnino oderim praeter orum fere omnium morem qui mecaeati suo opusculum quodpiam inscri●nt , neque in tuas ipsius , neque in familiae tuae laudes multis excurram , cum praesertim historia ipsa publicaque regni scotiae instrumenta , non antiquissima solum ejusdem stemmata , sed & virtutem , fortitudinem , ingentia sacta , inconcussamque semper in reges nostros illustrium majorum tuorum fidem nec semel , nec paucis divulgarint . nihil tamen , spero , proferam quod prae modestia aegrius ferre debeas , si dixero cum omnibus sive britannis , sive exteris quibus non de facie tantum notus es , eorum te vestigia quamvis adhuc tantum aerate florentem per templum virtutis ad templum honoris & gloriae , tam presso pede insequi , ut quibus illi aliquando dotibus claruere , has rerum a te gerendarum splendore illustriores forte aliquando fore , nec immerito , nec solus conjiciam . quidni igitur hoc loco absque ulla adulationis suspicione liceat mihi profiteri te non modo conspicuum antiquissimae , nobilissimae , fidissimaeque regibus nostris familiae , ac thannorum calderae , opumque , quibus potiuuntur , legitimum haeredem , sed videri etiam donatum a natura iis sive corporis sive animi ornamentis , quae ipsis ad sublimia quaeque regni munera additum aperuerunt , quibus ii recte administrandis insignia regibus tum scotiae , tum magniae britanniae obsequia nulla proinde oblivione delenda pro re nata praestitere . sed cum nullam hic panegyrim mihi proposuerim , utpote quae tibi vel levissimam adulationis speciem refugienti ingrata foret , huic argumento pluribus non immorabor ; hic tantum dicam tractulum hunc , cum academia scientiarum sit , vel eo nomine tuo deberi patrocinio quod illius argumentum intime te , penitusque nosse indiciis haud obscuris non ita pridem demonstraveris , cum enim propitio mihi casu in librum a te sane perquam docte eleganterque conscriptum prius quam mihi notus fores , incidissem statim eo paucis , compendioque animadverti contineri non veteris modo novaeque philosophiae systemata , sed & omnem fere utilorem & alicujus momenti doctrinam , flosculosque etiam eloquentiae selectiores , nec non conspicua pietatis in deum , fideique in regem ubique indicia , ibi praesertim ubi sub finem operis , tuo ipsius patrisque tui nomine , regis nunc regantis ( tum ducis eboracensis ) certissimum avitum ad diadema jus , spirantibus ubique tuum in ipsum amorem verbis pro officio declaras , eoque tempore quo debitae regiae familiae fidei , obedientiaeque declaratio non opportuna tantum , sed & necessaria omnino videbatur ; cumque annum jam sextum supra decimum vix implevisses non potui non mirari maturos adeo tuo in hortulo solidae virtutis fructus , e quo teneriores tantum adhuc flosculi habita aetatis ratione expectari poterant . dam haec me impellerent ut tuo tractatulum hunc nomini inscriberem novam mihi provinciam imposuerunt ut eum scilicet ad limam denuo revocarem , quo jam tuo dignior aspectu quantumvis tibi semper impar , faciliorem ad te aditum inveniret . illud tantum sperare mihi liceat , ut qui longinquas regiones peragrarunt , domum reduces non absque voluptate aliqua exigua eas in mappa revisunt , ita futurum tibi negotiis magis seriis libero non injucundum contemplari varias illas scientias artesque quas tanto successu grandioribuse voluminibus conquisitas , domi ●orisque foeliciter exercuisti . caeterum licet nihil hic penitius attingam , praeter non contemnenda artium plerarumque , ac scientiarum principia , celebriores ubique authores indico , ut ea tibi pluribus subministrent , quae paucis tantum proposita mihi brevitas ipseque tractatuli hujusce scopus a me exigebant ; hac itaque non injucunda scribendi methodo , quicquid de opere ipso censeas , forte fiet ut & concilium meum probes , & propositam mihi metam ; eo enim hoc opusculo collimavi , ut quidpiam quamvis modicum praeclaris animi tui ornamentis adderem , dum interim palam profiteor quam non ficte haberi velim tibi , tuoque ubi res feret , obsequio addictissimus . david abercromby . the preface . because of the shortness of humane life , and the little leisure of most men to read large volumes , an accurate and easie method for attaining to a general , and yet in some measure , sufficient knowledge of most arts and sciences , has been long wish'd for , but never , for ought i know , undertaken , or at least , so compendiously , and so usefully performed , by any perhaps , either at home or abroad . for , 1. i have set down in these papers , a part of what i judg'd most material in every science ; as likewise fittest for every common capacity , that so this treatise may prove of a more general use . 2. i have called it the academy of sciences , because here , as in an academy , you may learn most of the noblest arts and sciences , especially if you peruse often what is offered to you in these few sheets : but if you desire to know more , though perhaps most gentlemen will think this enough , i have supplied you with good authors , who will give you a further , instruction , if you are at leisuure to consult them . 3. the virtuosi are concern'd in this treatise , because it contains an abridgment of what they have already learn'd , together with the names of the famed authors that have treated of the subject ; which is no inconsiderable advantage , the learned as well others , being sometimes at a loss when they write books , what authors treat of this or that subject ; wherein by having this treatise at hand , they may be soon satisfied . i have written it both in english and latine , to gratifie such as understand but one of the said tongues . 4. for methods sake , in the order of the sciences set down here , i have followed the alphabet as far as conveniently i could , beginning with those whose first letter of their names is a , and then with those whose first letter is b , &c. which engag'd me to keep the greek and latine names , as the most known , and the fittest for this purpose . i need not now tell you , that this treatise is of singular use to all sorts of persons , of what condition soever , and not to scholars only , but likewise to masters , who have here in a few lines , what they may teach such as are committed to their trust ; yea , the very ladies themselves , by the perusal of this treatise , and a little help , may be furnish'd with such a variety of knowledge , as may supply their not being bred in universities . praefatio . cum per humanae vitae brevitatem , otiumque ingentia evolvere volumina plerisque hominum non liceat , accuratam , facilemque methodum qua generalem quis , & tamen quae aliquatenus sufficiat , artium praecipuarum scientiarumque notitiam assequeretur , diu multumque plurimi exoptarunt , quam tamen indigenarum nemo , quod sciam , aut etiam alienigenarum scribendam adhuc suscepit , aut eo saltem , quo hic tradita est , compendio , fructuque forte hactenus conscripsit : primo enim quicquid praecipui quavis in scientia momenti , & quicquid communem ad captum magis appositum judicavi , idcirco adduxi in medium ut eo pluribus tractatulus hic usui foret . 2. academiam scientiarum inscripsi ; hic enim velut in academia artes plerasque , scientiasque nobiliores discere poteris si praesertim saepius relegas quae breve hoc scriptum tibi proponit : at si penitius omnia , pluraque scire volueris , quamquam nobilium plerique sat multa haec forte existimaturi sint , probatos tibi suggessi authores , qui te plura docebunt si quidem per otium eos consulere tibi liceat . 3. jam eos quoque qui ingenuis artibus ingenium excoluere opusculum hoc spectat , utpote eorum compendium quae jam didicere , complexum , celebriorumque propofito super argumento nomina authorum : quod non exiguae quid utilitatis est cum etiam docti aliquando , perinde atque alii nesciant , dum libros scribunt , quis de hac , illave re egerit ; quod seposito hujuscemodi ad usum hoc libello cito discent . caeterum tum anglico eum , tum latino idiomate eo consilio scripsi , ut ●is inservirem qui alteram linguarum ●llarum non intelligerent . 4. methodi gratia in serie scientiarum hic exhibita , alphabeti ordinem , quantum commode potui secutus sum , initio ab iis ducto quarum homina littera a , tum ab iis quarum homina littera b inchoat , &c. unde factum est ut voces graecas & latinas , utpote maxime notas , huncque in scopum magis idoneas retinuerim . frustra jam hic subjungerem tractatulum hunc summe utilem fore omni hominum generi , aetati , conditioni , neque discipulis tantum , sed & magistris quae hic perpaucis habent quae suae commissos curae docere queant : quin etiam ipsae faeminae hujus tractatuli lectione exiguaque docentis opera eam cognitionis varietatem compare sibi poterunt , quae educationis , qua carent , academicae , supplementum quoddam videri possit . some books printed for , and sold by john taylor , at the ship in st. paul's church-yard . a free enquiry into the vulgarly receiv'd notion of nature , made in an essay , address'd to a friend . in english and latine , for the benefit of forreiners . by r. b. fellow of the royal society . the declimations of quintilian , being and exercitation or praxis upon his twelve books , concerning the institution of an orator . translated ( from the oxford theater edition ) into english , by a learned and ingenious hand , with the approbation of several eminent schoolmasters in the city of london . the happy ascetick , or the best exercise ; with a letter to a person of quality , concerning the lives of the primitive christians . by anthony horneck , d. d. preacher at the savoy . the academy of sciences . academia scientiarum . section i. algebra . algebra , or the analytical doctrine , is the art of finding an unknown magnitude , taking it as if it were known , and finding the equality between it and the given magnitudes : it implieth then a dissolving of what is suppos'd to be compounded , which is meant by the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or resolution : this name may upon this account be given to the common operations of arithmetick ; as for instance , to what we call substraction , division , extraction of roots , &c. for substraction is nothing else but a dissolution or resolution of what is suppos'd to be compounded , or made up by addition ; and division a resolution of what is suppos'd to be made up by multiplication ; as likewise extraction of the square root , is a resolution of what is supposed to be made up by squaring : but such resolutions being easie , are not called algebra , for the resolution of things , whereof the composition is more intricate , is more properly understood by this harsh word . the arabs call it algibr walmokabala , from the first of these two words we call it algebra , which taken together , imply the art of restitution and resolution . lucas de burgo , the most ancient european algebrist , calls it the rule of restauration and opposition . and indeed , this is its chief work ; a quantity unknown , which they commonly call root , is supposed by additions , substractions , multiplications , divisions , and other like operations , to be so chang'd , as to be made equal to a known quantity compared with it , or set over against it ; which comparing is commonly called equation , and by resolving such an equation , the root so changed , transformed or luxated , is in a manner put into joynt again , and its true value made known , for the word giabara , from which the word algebra is derived , does signifie , to restore or set a broken bone or joynt . theo says , that algebra was invented by plato ; however the chief writers of algebra are those whose names i have set down here , to gratifie such as would learn this noble art. lucas pacciolus , or lucas of burgo , a minorita fryer , wrote an italian treatise of algebra , in venice , 1494. a little after the invention of the art of printing ; there he mentions pisanus , and several others that had written on the same subject before him , but their works are not extant . harriot , oughtred , descartes , huddenius , gelleus , billius , and lately the fam'd dr. wallis has written a large volume on this subject . sectio prima . algebra . algebra sive doctrina analytica est ars inveniendi magnitudinem incognitam eam accipiendo quasi cognita foret , inveniendoque aequalitatem eam inter , datasque magnitudines . sonat itaque resolutionem ejus quod compositum supponitur , hicque graecae vocis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sensus est : hoc proinde nomen tribui poterit communibus arithmeticae operationibus , puta substractioni , divisioni , extractioni radicum quadratarum , &c. substractio enim nihil aliud est quam resolutio ejus quod ex additione supponitur emersisse , compositi , divisio quid ? nisi resolutio ejus quod ex multiplicatione supponitur emersisse , compositi , extractioque radicis quadratae nil aliud est quam resolutio ejus quod ex quadratione supponitur emersisse , compositi : sed hujuscemodi resolutiones utpote faciliores algebrae nomine intelligendae non veniunt , difficilium enim compositionum resolutio barbara hac voce , & magis proprie intelligitur . arabibus dicitur algiabr walmokabala , a priore voce nos algebram dici mus , geminae eae voces simul sumptae artem restitutionis , ac resolutionis sonant . lucas burgensis antiquissimus inter europaeos algebrista algebram restaurationis & oppositionis regulam vocat . et reipsa praecipuum hoc ejus opus est , quantitas adhuc incognita quam vulgo radicem dicunt , quibusdam additionibus , subductionibus , multiplicationibus , divisionibus , aliisque ●d genus operationibus ita supponitur mutata , ut tandem aequalis fiat quantitati notae eidem comparatae , aut e regione ejusdem collocatae , quae comparatio aequatio dici solet : hujus autem aequationis resolutione radix hunc in modum mutata , aut quasi luxata , priori rursus , ut ita dicam , situi restituitur , verusque ejus valor innotescit , vox enim giabara unde algiabr desumitur , fracti ossis restaurationem sonat . inventam asserit a platone algebram theo ; ut ut sit praecipui algebrae scriptores hi sunt quorum nomina hic appono in eorum gratiam qui nobilem hanc artem discere voluerint . lucas pacciolus , aut burgensis , italicum de algebra tractatum scripsit venetiis anno nonagesimo quarto supra millesimum quadringentesimum ●aulo post inventam typographiam ; ●bi commemorat pisanum , aliosque ●on paucos qui de eodem argumento ●rius scripserant , at eorum opera jam ●on extant . harriotus , oughtredus , cartesius , huddenius , gelleus , billius , ●c nuperrime celeberrimus vallisius ●oc super argumento amplum volu●en edidit . sect. ii. arithmetick . arithmetick is the art of numbering ; 't is either practical or speculative ; the speculative arithmetick contains some general truths relating to numbers : as for instance , unity is the beginning of every number ; a number is a multitude compounded of unites . an even part of a number is that which by multiplication produceth that number . as 2 is an even part of 10 , because 2 multiplied by 5 , give 10. an uneven part of a number is that which by multiplication produceth not that number . thus 3 is an uneven part of 10 , because however multiplied , it shall never produce this number 10. the proportion of numbers is either according to their excess , defect , or equality , for that thing has some proportion to another that is either less , greater , or equal . a perfect number is that which is equal to all its even parts : the first perfect number is 6 , for all its even parts are 1 , 2 , 3 , which together give 6. the next perfect number is 28 , for all its even parts are 1 , 2 , 4 , 7 , 14 , which by addition give 28. these ensuing notions likewise may be referr'd to the speculative part of arithmetick , to multiply one number by another , as 4 by 2 , is to take the multiplicand 4 as many times as the unity may be taken in the multiplicator 2 , and so 4 being multiplied by 2 , the product must be 8. to divide one number by another ; as for instance , 8 by 2 , is to find out how many times 2 are contained in 8. a plain number is the product of two numbers multiplied the one by the other ; 12 then is a plain number , because it is the product of 6 multiplied by 2. a solid number is the product of three numbers multiplied , such is 24 , because 't is the product of those three numbers multiplied 2 , 3 , 4 , for multiplying 2 by 3 i have 6 , and 6 by 4 i have 24. a square number is the product of two equal numbers muitiplied by one another , or of the same number multiplied by itself . 4 is a square number , as being the product of 2 multiplied by 2 , and 2 is called the square root . a cube is the product of three equal numbers , or of the same number thrice taken ; for if you multiply 2 by 2 , you have 4 ; and if you multiply 4 by ● again , you have 8 , and 8 is called th● cube root . that part of arithmetick that relate● to the practice , contains , first addition , which is the gathering of man● numbers into one sum ; as if i add ● to 6 , the whole is 8. secondly substraction , as if i take 4 from 6 , ther● remains 2 ▪ thirdly , multiplication as if i enquire how many are four time● six , and i find 24. fourthly , division , as if i enquire how many times ● are contained in 24 , and i find the● to be contain'd four times in 24. fifthly , the fractions . sixthly , th● decimal fractions , invented to supply broken numbers , very troublesome to practitioners . seventhly , the extraction of roots , cubic and square ▪ eighthly , the four rules of proportion , of society , alligation , falshood , the doctrine of progressions . we may reckon the ensuing authors among the best arithmeticians . simon stevinius invented the decimal fractions ; neper supplies troublesome and intricate divisions by his rabdologick plates , and his logarithms ; and tacquet has given us both the theory , and the practice of arithmetick ; euclid in the 7 , 8 , 9 , and 10 of his elements of geometry ; jordanus , nemorantius , francis maurolycus , barlaamon , &c. sectio secunda . arithmetica . arithmetica est ars numerandi ; est autem practica aut speculativa ; haec manifeste vera quaedam , & generalia de numeris pronunciata complectitur : cujuscemodi ea sunt quae sequuntur . omnis numeri principium est unitas ; numerus est multitudo ex unitatibus composita . pars aliquota numeriea est quae numerum metitur . ita numerus hic 2 est pars ●iquota numeri hujus 10 , quinquies ●im 2 sunt 10. pars aliquanta numeri est ea quae ●umerum non metitur . ita numerus ●ic 3 est pars aliquanta numeri hujus ●o ; ter enim sumptus dat 9 , & qua●er dat 12. proportio numerorum est nume●orum consideratio juxta excessum , defectum aut aequalitatem : illud ●nim ad aliud proportionem habet , quod aut minus , aut majus , aut aequale est . perfectus numerus dicitur qui omnibus suis partibus paribus aequalis est . primus perfectus est 6 , illius enim omnes partes pares seu aliquotae sunt 1 , 2 , 3 , quae simul additae dant 6. secundus est 28 ; nam illius omnes partes aliquotae seu pares sunt 1 , 2 , 4 , 7 , 14 , quae simul additae 28 producunt . subsequentes pariter notiones ad arithmeticam speculativam referri poterunt . unum numerum per alium ●ultiplicare seu in alium ducere ut 4 ●n 2 est toties sumere multiplicandum ● quoties sumi potest in multiplicatore ● unitas : quare si 4 ducas in 2 , summa ●utura est 8. unum numerum divi●ere per alium ut 8 per 2 nihil aliud est quam invenire quoties 2 conti●eantur in 8. numerus planus a duo●us numeris in se invicem ductis producitur , 12 igitur est numerus planus quia producitur a numero 6 in 2 ducto . solidus numerus a tribus numeris multiplicatis oritur : ejusmodi est 24 , ex tribus enim hisce numeris multiplicatis emergit 2 , 3 , 4 ; si enim 2 duco in 3 habeo 6 , & si duxero 6 in 4 , ha●eo 24. numerus quadratus producitur a duobus aequalibus numeris inse invicem ductis , cujusmodi est 4 : oritur enim a numero 2 in 2 ducto , qui radix quadrata dicitur . cubus oritur ex multiplicatione trium numerorum aequalium , aut ejusdem numeri ter assumpti ita 8 cubus primus ex multiplicatione numeri 2 ter assumpti , producitur , si enim 2 ducas in 2 habes 4 , & si 4 rursus ducas in 2 habes 8 , & 2 radix cubica dicitur . pars illa arithmeticae quae spectat praxim complectitur primo additionem quae est plurium numerorum in unam summam collectio , ut si addam 2 huic numero 6 summa integra futura est 8. secundo , substractionem ut si 4. subduco e numero 6 , supersunt 2. tertio , multiplicationem , ut si inquiram quot constituant quater 6 , comperiam 24. quarto , divisionem ut si inquiram quoties 6 contineantur in 24 comperioque in 24 quater contineri . quinto , fractiones . sexto , fractiones decimales ad supplementum fractionum practicis permolestarum excogitatas . septimo , extractionem radicum cubicarum , ac quadratarum . octavo , regulas proportionum , societatis : alligationis , falsi , & doctrinam progressionum . annumerare possumus sequentes authores primis arithmeticis . simo●em stevinium fractionum decemalium ●nventorem ; neperum scotum qui divisionis molestiam laminis suis rabdologicis , & logarithmis omnem sustu●it ; tacquetum qui arithmeticae , & theoriam , & praxim tradidit ; eucli●em 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , elementorum , jor●anum , nemorantium , franciscum maurolicum , & barlaamontium , &c. sect. iii. judiciary astrology . judiciary astrology is that science , by the help of which men pretend to judge of things to come , and more especially of mens good and bad fortunes . the judiciary astrologers do ascribe considerable vertues to the different conjunctions amd aspects of the stars . they distinguish five kinds of mutual aspects among the planets : the first is called a sextile , when one planet is distant from another the sixth part of the circuit of the heavens , that is to say , 60 degrees . the second is called a quartile , when the distance is but the fourth part of the circle or 90 degrees . the third is called a trine , when the distance is but the third part of the circle , or 120 degrees . the fourth is called an opposition , when the two planets are in the two opposite points of the circle , and distant from one another 180 degrees . the fifth is called a conjunction , when the two planets are in the same sign of the zodiack . astrologers divide the heavens into twelve equal parts , which they call houses ; they say that every planet has eight dignities , viz. house , exaltation , triplicity , term , chariot or throne , person , joy , face . they say the stars were not only made to give light : hence 't is they take the station , direction and retrogradation ( as they speak ) of a planet to be a certain reeling , or spinning of fates and fortunes : they distinguish all the constellations into so many triangles or trigones : the first is the fiery trigone , comprehending aries , leo , sagittarius ; the second is the earthly , comprehending those ensuing constellations , taurus , virgo , capricornus ; the third is the aerial , comprehending gemini , libra , aquarius ; the fourth trigone is the watery , comprehending cancer , scorpius , pisces . if you desire to know more particularly the principles of this science , you may consult these following authors . vannius , butler , cardan , gadbury , albottazen , haly , julius firmicus , johannes jovianus pontanus , pezelius , &c. secttio tertia . astrologia judiciaria . astrologia judiciaria ea est scientia cujus ope de rebus futuris homines pronunciant , ac praesertim de faelici aut infaelici cujusque fato . astrologi judiciarii insignes ascribunt virtutes diversis conjunctionibus , aspectibusque planetarum . quinos distinguunt aspectus planetarum . primus dicitur sextilis cum distat planeta unus ab alio sexta parte circuli , hoc est 60 gradibus . secundus vocatur quadratus cum distant invicem quarta parte ejusdem circuli , hoc est 90 gradibus . tertius dicitur trigonus quando tertia tantum parte , seu 120 gradibus . quar●us oppositionis cum uterque planeta sibi oppositi sunt , disjunctique 180 gradibus . quintus est conjunctionis cum duo planetae sunt in eodem signo zodiaci . universum coeli ambitum secant astrologi in duodenas partes aequales , quas vocant domos seu domicilia . octonas planetarum dignitates numerant , quae sunt domus , exaltatio , trigonus , terminus , carpentum , persona , gaudium , facies . stellas dicunt non creatas tantum ad orbem illuminandum : unde aiunt stationem , directionem & retrocessum planetae esse nescio quam fatorum revolutionem , ac quasi netionem : constellationes omnes distinguunt tot in triangula seu trigona : primum trigonum igneum dicitur , complectiturque arietem , leonem , sagittarium ; secundum terrestre appellatur , continetque taurum , virginem , capricornum ; tertium aerium est complexum geminos , libram , aquarium ; quartum appellatione aqueum , continet cancrum , scorpium , pisces . si propius hujus scientiae principia intueri volueris , consulere poteris hos sequentes authores , vannium , butlerium , cardanum , gadburium , justinum , philippum melanctonum , origanum , ptolomaeum , albohazen , haly , julium firmicum , johannem jovianum pontanum , pezelium , &c. sect ▪ iv. astronomy . astronomy gives us an account of the motions of coelestial bodies , of of their distance , order , bulk , &c. the babylonians will have belus to have been the inventor of it , the aegyptians mercury , the moors atlas and hercules , the grecians jupiter , orpheus and atreus , the scythes prometheus . we may divide it into two parts , the one spherical , and the other we may call systematical the spherical is that part of astronomy which treateth of the sphere , whether artificial or natural ; the artificial sphere is made up of ten circles , whereof six are great ones , because they divide the whole sphere into two equal parts , such we reckon the horizon , the meridian , the equator , the two colures , and the zodiack . the little circles are those that divide the sphere into two unequal parts , as the two tropicks , and the two polar circles : every circle is divided into sixty parts , which they call first minutes ; and each minute likewise into sixty parts , which we call second minutes . the natural sphere , or the coelestial globe , besides the foregoing circles , offers to our view divers constellations : the antients reckon'd eight and forty , comprehending in this number all the stars to be seen in greece , and all the known parts of the world ; 12 of those constellations are contain'd in the zodiack , 21 are to be seen toward the north , and 15 towards the south ; but of late there are twelve other constellations discovered towards the south . the systematical astronomy , which others call the theorical , is that part which by the help of some engines and orbs , offers to our view those coelestial motions which are not so obvious to every common understanding . this part of . astronomy comprehends several hypotheses , as that of anaxagoras and democritus , who allowed a free motion to the stars , but of no first mover , or primum mobile : neither did they admit any second motion towards ihe east , but a simple motion only towards the west ; so in their opinion , those stars only could be said to move toward the east , that moved more slowly towards the west . there is another hypothesis that considers the stars as tied to solid spheres ; and who hold this hypothesis , hold likewise the earth to rest in the centre of the world. copernicus allows motion to the earth ; he fixeth the sun in the centre of the world , though it turns round about its own axis within seven and twenty days , as 't is manifest by the motion of its spots . 1. in this system , the orb of the sixed stars is immoveable . 2. mercury turns round the sun in almost three months . 3. venus in four months and a half , and the earth itself in twelve months , and round the earth the moon tarneth every month . 4. mars's revolution round the sun is ended in almost two years , as jupiter's in twelve years , and saturn's in thirty . tycobrahe orders his system thus : first the firmament , or the sphere of the fixed stars , the earth being the centre of the world ; then the orbs of saturn , jupiter and mars ; venus and mercury turn round the sun , and the moon round the earth . the old system was ordered thus : the earth was the centre of the world , above it were plac'd the planets and heavens in this order ; the moon , mercury , venus , the sun , mars , jupiter , saturn , the two chrystalline heavens , and the primum mobile . authors . ptolomy , aratus , eudoxus , calippe , tycobrahe , gassendy , de billy , courcier , de sacrobosco , fracastorius , galilaeus . sectio quarta . astronomia . astronomia describit corporum coelestium motum , distantiam , ordinem , magnitudinem , &c. illius inventorem babylonii volunt esse belum , aegyptii mercurium , mauri atlantem & herculem , graeci jovem , orpheum & atreum , scythae prometheum . eam dividere possumus geminas in partes , alteram sphaericam , alteram appellare possumus systematicam . sphaerica est ea pars astronomiae quae agit de sphaera , sive arte facta , sive naturali : sphaera arte facta constat 10 circulis quorum 6 sunt majores quia dividunt sphaeram in duas partes aequales ; cujusmodi numeramus horizontem & meridianum aequatorem , colurosque duos aequinoctii , & solstitii , & zodiacum . minores circuli sunt ii qui sphaeram in duas partes inaequales dividunt : cujusmodi sunt duo tropici , totidemque polares : quivis circulus dividitur in gradus 360 , & quivis gradus in 60 particulas , quas prima minuta vocant ; & minutum primum in sexaginta partes quas secunda minuta dicimus . sphaera naturalis , seu globus coelestis praeter commemoratos circulos aspicientibus exhibet varias constellationes : antiqui octo supra quadraginta constellationes numerabant : quo numero comprehendebant omnes stellas in graecia conspicuas , atque in omnibus cognitis tum mundi partibus : 12 constellationes continebat zodiacus , 21 apparent ad boream , 15 ad austrum , versus hanc partem duodecim nuper aliae detectae sunt . astronomia systematica quam alii theoricam vocant est ea astronomiae pars quae aspectui nostro exhibet ope quarundam machinarum orbiumque eos coelestes motus qui omnibus non aeque obvii sunt . haec astronomiae pars varias complectitur hypotheses cujusmodi est hypothesis anaxagorae ac democriti , qui motum astris liberum assignabant sed nullum admittebant primum mobile ; neque ulla proinde solidis sphaeris alligabant sydera : nec ullum secundum in ortum concedebant motum , sed simplicem tantum in occasum : ita juxta eorum sententiam ea tantum sydera moveri dicuntur in ortum , quae lentius moventur in occasum : alia quaedam est hypothesis quae sydera , ut solidis alligata sphaeris intuetur ; quique hanc hypothesim tenent terram in centro mundi quietam volunt . copernicus motum terrae attribuit ; solem constituit in centro mundi immotum , licet proprium circa axem moveatur spatio viginti septem dierum ut patet e motu ejusdem macularum in hoc systemate . 1. orbis fixarum immotus est . 2. mercurius spatio fere trium mensium circa solem vertitur . 3. venus intra quatuor menses , & semissem , terraque ipsa duodecim mensibus , circaque terram quolibet mense gyrat luna . 4. martis periodus circa solem absolvitur duobus fere annis , ut jovis duodecim , saturnique spatio triginta annorum . suum tycobrahe systema ita constituit . firmamentum , seu coelum fixarum primo loco statuit : mundi centrum terra est ; fixarum coelo succedit coelum saturni , tum jovis , & martis , venus & mercurius circa solem gyrant luna circa terram movetur . antiquum systema ita se habebat : terra mundi centrum occupabat ; supra illam erant aqua , aer , & ignis , succedebant planetae coelique hoc ordine , luna , mercurius , venus , sol , mars , jupiter , saturnus , firmamentum , duo coeli chrystallini primum mobile . authores . ptolomaeus , aratus , eudoxus , calippus , tycobrahe , gassendus , billius , courcierius , de sacrobosco , fracastorius , galilaeus . sect. v. military architecture . architectonica militaris , or military architecture , is the art of fortifying . this art teacheth us how to encline towards the angles of a poligone , that is , a figure of many angles , certaines lines upon which the fortress is to be built in such a manner , that the enemy by whatever side he makes his approach , may be beat back by the lesser number . every point of the circumference of the fortress must be defended by some other part of the same . according to the holland method of fortifying , the angle of the bastion , or the flanqued , and defended angle exceeds always by 15 degrees the half of the angle of the polygone ; upon this account 't is that the angle of the bastion is never streight , or of 90 degrees , unless in a place defended by 12 bastions ; but in places defended by more than 12 , it is always streight . according to tht french method , if the polygone be a triangle , the angle of the bastion contains 45 degrees ; if it be a pentagone , or of five angles , it contains 78 degrees ; if the polygone have more than five sides , the angle of the bastion is streight , or is open 90 deg . authors . errard of barleduc , samuel marolois , adam fritach , stevin in italian , de lorini , del cavallero francisco tensimi , del cavallero alessandro barone , de groote , herigone . sectio quinta . architectonica militaris . architectonica militaris est ars muniendi , ars autem muniendi docet qui inclinare debeamus ad angulos polygoni hoc est figurae variis terminatae angulis lineas quasdam super quibus propugnaculum aedificandum est , ita ut hostis quacumque parte invadat , minoribus viribus repelli possit . omne punctum in procinctu munimenti debet defendi ab alia parte . juxta methodum muniendi hollandicam angulus propugnaculi , aut defensus excedit semper quindecim gradibus semissem polygoni , quamobrem angulus propugnaculi nunquam est rectus nisi locus duodecim propugnaculis defenditur , quoties autem locus pluribus , quam duodecim propugnaculis munitur , rectus semper est . juxta gallicam muniendi methodum si munitum polygonum triangulum fuerit , angulus polygoni est graduum 46 , si pentagonum fuerit , angulus propugnaculi est gradibus 78 ; si polygonum constet pluribus quam quinque lateribus , angulus propugnaculi est rectus , aut 90 graduum . authores . errardus barneto-duceus , samuel marolois , adamus fritachius , stevinius italice , de lorini , franciscus tensimi , herigonius , &c. sect. vi. the military art. the military art of the greeks and the romans was on several accounts different from that of this age. of old an ordinary grecian army did contain 28672 , among whom we reckon not those that were upon the elephants , who were sometimes in greater numbers , sometimes in lesser . this army was divided into horse and foot : the foot was divided again into oplites and psiles , the oplites were those that wore a heavy armour , the psiles were slightly arm'd . the number of the oplites was always double of the number of the psiles , and the psiles double of the number of the cavalry . all the oplites of the phalange were put in one battalion , whereof the front contained 256 men , and the wing 16. of all the psiles of the phalange , the grecians made two battalions , each having 128 men on a breast , and 8 in the slanks ; all the cavalry of the phalange was divided into 16 squar'd turmes or troops , whereof each did contain 64 men . in a grecian army made up of four phalanges , there were four battalions of oplites , 8 of psiles , and 64 troops of horse . in a roman legion there were four different sorts of men , not only as to age , riches , warlick science , but likewise on the account of their arms , and way of fighting ; for of the younger and poorer sort ( as polybius assures us ) they made their velites ; those that were somewhat above them upon the account of their age and riches , were halbardeers , or hasteries ; such as were richer , and in the full vigour of their age , were princes ; and the oldest and most experimented , were the triaries . the number of the soldiers of every one of those different sorts , was different in different times , according as the legion was less or more numerous . when the legion did amount to 4200 , as it did in polybius his time , there were 600 triaries in the legion , and 1200 of every one of the three other sorts , to wit , of princes , hastaries , and velites . when the legion was more numerous , those three different sorts were likewise encreased , the triaries only excepted , who were always the same number . in the militia of this age , there is no such repartition observed , the armies being not always divided into parts made up of the samo numbers ; for some regiments have 10 companies , others 15 , others 20 , &c. likewise the compapanies have not always the same number , some being a hundred men strong , others one hundred and twenty , others one hundred and fifty , &c. in this age an army is drawn up in battel , or three lines , and the french divide sometimes every line into several little bodies ; the turks give sometimes to their army the figure of a cer●sont . the camp , especially if the enemy be near , ought to be in some place where there is a great abundance of water , and provisions : and if the army is to make a long stay , 't is to be observed if the air be good . ye are not to encamp near a hill , which being taken by the enemy , might incommode your camp. authors . polybius , stevin , herigone . sectio secta . ars bellica . ars bellica , seu militaris tum graecorum , tum romanorum varie discrepabat ab hodierna recentiorum . communis graecorum exercitus numerabat 28672 , quibus non annumeramus qui elephantis insidebant qui non eundem semper numerum conflabant , sed interdum majorem , minorem interdum . hic exercitus dividebatur in equites , peditesque , pedites rursus in oplitas & psilos , oplitae erant gravis armaturae milites , psili levis armaturae . numerus oplitarum duplus erat numeri psilorum , & psili equitum numerum geminabant . omnes oplitae unius phalangis uno colligebantur in agmine cujus frons constabat 256 , & ala 16. ex omnibus psilis phalangis constituebant graeci duo agmina , a fronte stabant viginti octo supra centum , a latere octo . omnes equites phalangis distribuebantur in turmas quadratas sedecim , quarum quaelibet quatuor supra sexaginta milites continebat . in exercitu graeco ex quadruplici phalange conflato quatuor erant agmina oplitarum , octo psilorum , & sexaginta quatuor turmae equitum . romana legio quatuor complectebatur hominum genera diversa non aetate tantum , divitiis , scientiaque bellica , sed & armis , modoque pugnandi : ex junioribus enim , pauperioribusque , ut testatur polybius seligebantur velites , ex proximis hastarii , ex aetate florentibus principes , senioresque , & magis experti seligebantur in triarios . numerus militum ex quibus diversi illi ordines constabant diversis temporibus diversus erat ; prout legio magis , minusque numerosa erat . cum legio constabat ducentis supra quatuor millia , ut temporibus polybii constabat ; sexcenti erant triarii in legione , ducenti supra mille in quovis ordinum reliquorum , scilicet principum , hastariorum , & velitum : at numerosiore jam legione tres varii ordines numerosiores omnes reddebantur , exceptis tantum modo triariis quorum numerus idem semper erat . in militia hujus saeculi nulla hujusmodi distributio observatur , cum exercitus non dividatur in partes eodem semper numero constantes : quaedam enim legiones constant 10 cohortibus quaedam 15 , quaedam 20 , paucioribus aut pluribus ; cohortes pariter non semper eodem constant numero : quaedam enim constant 100 militibus , aliae 120 , aliae 150 &c. hoc saeculo exercitus pugnaturus in tres ordines distribuitur ; galli unumquemque ordinem in varia agmina quandoque distribuunt , turcae exercitum interdum ordinant in formam lunae crescentis . castra , maxime si in propinquo fuerit hostis debent figi in loco tuto ubi magna adsit aquarum copia , commeatusque , & si diuturnior esse debeat exercitus mora , videndum an aura illic salubris sit . cavendum autem imprimis ne castra prope montem statuantur , qui ab hoste occupatus exercitui noxius esse posset . authores . polybius , stevinius , heregonius . sect. vii . cosmography . cosmography is a description of the world , and its chief parts .. the world is the highest heaven , and whatever it contains , it is divided into the sublunary region , and the coelestial : the sublunary region is obnoxious to divers changes , and is contained in the concave surface of the orb of the moon : it contains the four elements , the earth , the water , the air , the fire . the semi-diametre of the earth contains about 3436 italian miles . the ordinary depth of the sea is 500 geometrical paces . the surface of the earth is almost equal to the surface of the sea , and somewhat higher , because we see that rivers from their first rise to the sea go always downwards . the divines think that the earth was entirely round , and surrounded with waters on all sides , but after god had commanded the waters to retreat , so many hills were made as there are concavities to receive the seas . the coelestial region is that part of the world which is extended from the concave surface of the heaven of the moon , to the convex surface of the highest heaven ; which space comprehends the heavens of all the stars . astronomers distinguish three sorts of spheres ; the first is streight , when the equator maketh streight angles with the horizon ; the second is oblique , when the intersection of the horizon and equator makes oblique angles ; the third is the parallel sphere , when the equator and the horizon are joyned together . astronomers conceive ten points , and ten chief circles in the concave superficies of the first mobile : the points are the two poles of the world , the two poles of the zodiack , the two equinoctial , and two solsticial points , zenith and nadir . the circles are the horizon , meridian , equator , zodiack , the colures of the equinox , and the colures of the solstice . the cancer and capricorne , the arctick and antarctick circles ; by zenith and nadir we understand two points , the first directly answering to our heads , and the second to our feet . astronomers fancy divers motions in the heavens : the primum mobile turns round with it all the other orbs in 24 hours . they allow to the other heavens under the first mobile a motion of libration from the north to the south , and from the south to the north. the eclipse of the moon is a real privation of its light , by the interposition of the earth between it and the sun. the eclipse of the sun is not a real privation of light , because the sun eclips'd , is only hid from our eyes by the interposition of the moon . all the eclipses of the moon are universal , or seen by all such as see the moon ; all the eclipses of the sun are particular ones , or not seen by every one that sees the sun. there are five zones , one torrid , two temperate , and two cold ones . the torrid zone is comprehended between the two tropicks ; its breadth is 47 degrees , if we reckon according to the common calcul 23 ½ on each side of the equator ; the two temperate zones are contain'd between the tropicks and the polar circles , whereof one is south , and the other north ; the breadth of both is 43 degrees . the cold zones are contain'd within the polar circles , distant from the poles of the world 23 degrees ½ . authors . peter aerte his world , in five vol. herigone , garcy , adrianus metius . sectio septima . cosmographia . cosmographia est descriptio mundi , praecipuarumque ejusdem partium . mundus est caelum altissimum , & quicquid eo comprehenditur , dividitur in regionem sublunarem , & coelestem , regio sublunaris variis est obnoxia mutationibus , contineturque concava caeli lunaris superficie , quatuor complectitur elementa , terram , aquam , aerem , ignem . semi-diameter terrae quadringenta fere & triginta sex supra tria millia , milliaria ilalica complectitur . communis marium altitudo est passuum geometricorum quingentorum . superficies terrae est fere aequalis superficiei maris , atque aliquanto altior , quia animadvertimus flumina ab ipsa origine ad mare descendere , seu deorsum tendere . putant theologi terram initio rotundam fuisse , atque aquis undique circumcinctam : sed postquam deus aquas recedere jussisset , tot erupere montes , quot sunt concavitates aquis marinis recipiendis idoneae . regio coelestis est ea pars mundi quae porrigitur a superficie concava coeli lunaris ad superficiem convexam altissimi coeli , quod spatium coelos omnium stellarum comprehendit . astronomi triplicem sphaeram distinguunt prima est sphaera recta quando aequator rectos cum horizonte angulos constituit ; secunda est obliqua cum intersectio aequatoris , & horizontis constituit obliquos , tertia est parallela cum aequator , & horizon sibi congruunt , aut conjunguntur . astronomi in concava primi mobilis superficie concipiunt 10 puncta , totidemque primarios circulos : puncta sunt duo mundi poli , duo poli zodiaci , duo puncta aequinoctialia , duo puncta solsticialia , zenith & nadir . circuli sunt horizon , meridianus , aequator , zodiacus , colurus aequinoctiorum , colurus solstitiorum , tropicus cancri , & capricorni , duoque polares : his vocibus zenith & nadir intelligimus duo puncta ex diametro opposita , alterum , scilicet zenith vertici nostro imminens , alterum nempe nadir , pedibus oppositum . astronomi varios concipiunt in coelis motus . primum mobile reliquos secum coelos 24 horarum spatio circumducit : reliquis sub primo mobili coelis addunt motum librationis a septentrione in austrum & ab austro in septentrionem . eclipsis lunae est vera luminis privatio interjectu terrae lunam inter & solem : eclipsis solis non est realis privatio luminis . sol enim deficiens tegitur tantum ab oculis nostris interpositu lunae . omnes eclipses lunae sunt universales aut conspicuae omnibus corpus lunare eo tempore intuentibus ; omnes eclipses solis sunt particulares , aut non conspicuae omnibus qui solem ipsum intueri possunt . quinque sunt zonae , una torrida , duae temperatae , duaeque frigidae , torrida zona comprehenditur duobus tropicis : ipsius latitudo est vulgari calculo 47 graduum ; nempe 23 ½ cis , ●ltraque aequatorem ; duae temperatae comprehenduntur tropicis , & polari●us circulis quorum alter meridiona●is alter borealis est , utriusque latitudo est graduum 43 ; frigidae zonae comprehenduntur polaribus circulis dissi●is a mundi polis grad . 23 ½ . authores . petrus de aerte , seu mundus ipsius ● voluminibus , herigonius , garcaeus , adrianus metius . sect. viii . catoptrick . catoptrick is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a looking-glass , because it treats of the rays , as being reflected by polish'd bodies . this science demonstrates these following propositions . 1. if a ray falling upon a glass , make equal angles , 't is reflected into itself . 2. rays reflected from plain and convex glasses , do neither come together , nor are equi-distant . 3. heights and depths seem to be overturned in convex glasses . 4. in convex glasses , what is on the left hand , appears to be on the right ; and what is on the right hand , appears to be on the left . 5. if the eye were in the centre of ● concave-glass , it would see nothing but itself . authors . euclid and peter herigone have written on this subject . sectio octava . catoptrica . catoptrica derivatur a graeca voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod speculum sonat , quia agit de radio ut reflexo a laevigatis corporibus , sequentes propositiones demonstrat . 1. si radius in qualecumque speculum cadens aequales facit angulos ipse in seipsum reflectitur . 2. radii a planis , convexisque speculis reflexi neque mutuo concurrent , neque erunt paralleli . 3. altitudines & profunditates in convexis speculis inversae apparent . 4. in speculis convexis sinistra videntur dextra , & dextra sinistra . 5. si oculus ponatur in centro speculi concavi seipsum tantum cernet . authores . euclides , & petrus herigonius hoc super argumento scripserunt . sect. ix . chymistry . chymistry is the art of analysing , or resolving bodies by the operation of the fire into their compounding principles . the chymists do generally affirm mercury , salt , and sulphur to be the compounding principles of all compounded things ; which doctrine is learnedly and solidly confuted by the english philosopher , i mean the famous robert boyle in his sceptical chymist . yet it cannot be denied but that it is useful and necessary likewise to mankind , upon the account of those many excellent medicines it prepares to the great advantage of physicians , and ease of their patients , whereof these ensuing are some of the most considerable . 1. aurum fulminans , or thundering gold ; a very good sudorifick ; it may be taken in the measles from 2 grains to 6 in any convenient electuary ; it stops vomiting , and is a hindrance to the activity of mercury , or quick-silver . 2. vitriolus lunae taken inwardly , is prevalent against the dropsie , and the head-ach , of what sort soever ; you may take it from 2 grains to 6 in any specifick water ; it is likewise a moderate purger . 3. sal jovis , is a great drier . 4. magisterium bismuth , softeneth the skin , and is good against scabs and itch , if you mix a drachm of it with 4 ounces of water , because it is a great destroyer of salts and acids , two general causes of most distempers . 5. sal saturni taken inwardly , prevaileth against the squinancy , the overflowing of the flowers , piles , dysentery ; you may take it from 2 grains to 4 in plantain-water . 6. oleum saturni cleanseth and drieth up ulcers . 7. spiritus ardens saturni resisteth powerfully putrefaction ; it is beneficial to such as are troubled with too much melancholy . you may take it from 8 to 16 drops , in any convenient liquor , a fortnight together . 8. crocus aperitivus martis has a a peculiar vertue against all distempers occasioned by obstructions ▪ you may take it from 2 grains to 2 scruples in lozenges or pills . 9. crocus martis astringens is of a peculiar vertue against the glitting of the yard , the overflowing of the monthly flowers and piles ; you may take it from 15 grains to a drachm in lozenges or pills . 10. mars diaphoreticus cures effectually the most melancholy distempers , as likewise quartan-agues ; you may take it from 10 to 20 grains in pills , or any convenient liquor . 11. sublimatum corrosivum eats up superfluous flesh , and drieth up ulcers . 12. sublimatum dulce , or aquila alba , is very good against all venereal distempers ; 't is a great deobstruent , and killer of worms ; it may be taken in pills from 6 grains to 30 : 't is a mild purger . 13. praecipitatum rubrum drieth up wounds , and consumeth superfluous or proud flesh . 14. turbith minerale , or the yellow praecipitate , is a strong purger , and worketh both upwards and downwards ; 't is good against venereal distempers ; you may take it in pills from 2 gr . to 6. 15. crudum antimonium is a sudorifick , but if you boyl it in any acid liquor , it will provoke you to vomit . 16. regulus antimonii purgeth upwards and downwards , if mixed with any cathartick or purger . 17. vitrum antimonii is the strongest vomitory that is made of antimony . 18. antimonium diaphoreticum resisteth powerfully poison , and is likewise good against contagious distempers , and against the measlles . 19. flores antimonii provoke to vomit ; and rubri flores antimonii as yet more ; you may take them both from 2 gr . to 14 , taking every quarter of an hour a spoonful of broth wherein you have boyl'd a competent quantity of the cream of tartar. 20. sulphur antimonii is prevalent against the distempers of the breast ; you may take 6 grains of it in any appropriated liquor . authors . paracelsus , beguinus , helmontius , and the deservedly renowned robert boyle , &c. sectio nona . chymica . chymica est ars reducendi corpora vi ignis in ea ex quibus constant principia . fatentur chymicorum plerique , asseruntque mercurium , sal , sulphur , esse tria ut loquuntur , prima , seu constituentia omnium rerum compositarum principia : quam doctrinam erudite more suo , ingenioseque ac solidis argumentis confutat philosophus britannicus celeberrimus merito boylius in chymico suo sceptico . nemo tamen inficias ierit chymiam & utilem esse generi humano , & necessariam ob tot generosa quae parat medicamenta non mediocri medicorum emolumento , magnoque commissorum ipsis aegrorum levamine : quae hic subjunguntur , quaedam sunt ●e praecipuis . 1. aurum fulminans sudores provocat ; adhiberi potest adversus morbillos , minima dosis sit gr . 2 maxima gr . 6 sistit vomitum , obstatque activitati mercurii . 2. vitriolus lunae interius sumptus praevalet contra hydropem , & quemcumque capitis dolorem : dosis minima gr . 2 maxima 6 in quacumque aqua specifica ; leniter quoque purgat . 3. sal jovis valde desiccat . 4. magisterium bismuth , emollit carnem , valetque contra scabiem & pruriginem si illius drachmam quatuor unciis aquae commisceas , quia salia , & acida , geminas plerumque morborum causas destruit . 5. sal saturni , si sumatur interius praevalet contra anginam , immoderatum menstruorum fluxum , haemorrhoides , dysenteriam ; dosis minima gr . 2 , summa 4 , in aqua plantaginis . 6. oleum saturni purgat , exsiccatque ulcera . 7. spiritus ardens saturni potenter resistit putrefactioni ; nimia melancholia dejectis prodest : dosis 6 , 8 aut 16 guttae in quovis conveniente liquore per quatuordecim dies . 8. crocus aperitivus martis peculiari virtute pollet adversus morbos ab obstructionibus ortos : dosis minima gr . 2 summa scrupuli duo in trapeziis , aut pilulis . 9. crocus martis astringens peculiariter valet contra stillicidium penis , nimium menstruorum fluxum , & hoemorrhoides ; dosis ima gr . 15 , summa , drachma in trapeziis , aut pilulis . 10. mars diaphoreticus reipsa curat plerosque morbos a melancholia ortos , atque febres etiam quartanas ; dosis 10 aut 20 gr . in pilulis , aut conveniente quopiam liquore . 11. sublimatum corrosivum exedit superfluam carnem , exsiccatque ulcera . 12. sublimatum dulce , aut aquila alba pollet adversus omnem veneream intemperiem : insigniter deobstruit , vermiumque excidium est ; si in pilulis sumitur ; minima dosis gr . 6 summa gr . 30 ; leniter purgat . 13. praecipitatum rubrum exsiccat vulnera , consumitque superfluam carnem . turbith menerale , aut praecipitatum flavum valide purgat superne & inferne , valet adversus morbos venereos ; dosis ima in pilulis gr . 2. summa gr . 6. 15. crudum antimonium est sudorificum , sed si illud in acido quopiam liquore concoquas , vomitum provocabit . regulus antimonii cathartico cuipiam immixtus superne , inferneque purgat . 17. nihil ex antimonio fit , quod po●entius vitro antimonii vomitum ex●itet . 18. antimonium diaphoreticum re●istit potenter veneno , valetque contra morbos contagiosos , & morbillos . 19. flores antimonii vomitum pro●ocant fortiusque , adhuc , rubri flores antimonii ; amborum dosis ima gr . 2 ●umma 15 , sume interim quovis qua●rante horae cochleare jusculi in quo ●remoris tartari sufficiens mensura ●octa fuerit . 20. sulphur antimonii pollet adversus omnes pectoris morbos ; dosis ●r . 6 in quovis idoneo liquore . authores . paracelsus , helmontius , beguinus , meritoque celeberrimus ubique boy●ius . sect. x. dioptrick . dioptrick is that part of astrology that searcheth out by instruments the distance of the sun , moon , and other planets . if you take it more generally , its chief end is to shew the apparent changes of our sight , and of visible objects look'd into through prospective glasses . it treats of the broken or refracted rays of light , and this is its chief principle : when a ray passeth through a thin middle into a thicker , it breaks in the superficies of the thicker towards the perpendicular line ; and when it passeth through a thick middle , or medium , to a thinner it deviates from the perpendicular line , which this obvious experiment demonstrates . lay an image , or any other visible object , in the bottom of a vessel , and then go back till it vanish out of your sight ; now if you fill this vessel with water , it shall presently be visible again , because the ray coming from your eye , breaks downwards in the superficies of the water , as the same going streight up to the superficies of the water deviates from the perpendicular , because of the thinner air towards the eye , which renders the object visible again . this science treats likewise of convex and concave glasses , as they may work some change in the sight , and may help it . it gives ▪ an account of those whom aristotle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who see remote things distinctly , and nearer objects confusedly ; and why those whom we call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , see both the remote and nearer objects confusedly . it teacheth likewise amongst other things , 1. that those whom we call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 see distinctly some things that are represented by convex glasses in a streight situation . 2. that they see not distinctly through a convex glass any of those objects that are overturn'd . 3. it sheweth the influence of glasses applied one to another upon our sight . authors . kepler , maurolycus , euclide , &c. have written of this curious science . sectio decima . dioptrica . dioptrica ea astrologiae pars est quae instrumentis quibusdam distantiam solis & lunae , aliorumque planetarum indagat . eam in genere si spectes , praecipuus ejusdem scopus est indicare apparentes visus mutationes , objectorumque per vitra optica ut microscopia , megaloscopia inspectorum , agit de radio fracto ; hocque primarium hujus scientiae principium est : cum radius lucis progreditur a tenuiore medio ad dentius , frangitur versus perpendicularem in superficie spissioris ; cumque progreditur a medio spissiore ad tenuius , deviat a perpendiculari . quod obvio hoc experimento manifestum fit : imaginem aut quodvis aliud conspicuum objectum infundo vasis cujuspiam colloca : tum recede donec objectum non amplius appareat : jam si vas hoc aqua impleas , oculis se mox imago oggeret : quia radius lucis ab oculo ad fundum vasis porrectus frangitur deorsum in superficie aquae versus perpendicularem , ut idem ad superficiem ascendens ob tenuiorem aerem deviat a perpendiculari versus oculum , unde fit ut objectum rursus conspiciendum se praebeat . insuper haec scientia agit de convexis concavisque vitris , quatenus visum aut variare , aut juvare possunt . redditque pariter rationem cur ii quos aristoteles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat , remota distincte videant , propinqua confuse ; & cur ii quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicimus tum remota , tum propinqua objecta confuse videant . inter alia pariter docet , 1. eos quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicimus , quaedam videre distincte quae a vitris convexis recto in situ exhibentur . 2. minime eos videre distincte per vitra convexa ullùm eorum objectorum quae eversa sunt . 3. ostendit vitrorum sibi invicem junctorum in visum nostrum operationem . authores . keplerus , maurolycus , euclides , &c. de curiosa hac scientia scripsere . sect. xi . moral philosophy . ethica is that art which directs us how to act always conformably to right reason : it s chief principle is this , do as you would be done by . it teacheth us that god is our last end , because he only is bonum sufficiens , the sufficient good , nothing else being able to content us . it teacheth likewise that we can never love any thing but under the shew and appearance of good , whereof it offereth three sorts , honour profit and pleasure . god alone is our objective beatitude or happiness , ( as they speak in the schools , ) our formal beatitude is that operation of the mind by which we possess god , which is the intuitive vision or contemplation of god. this art sheweth that the internal principles of humane actions are either natural , as powers ; or acquired , as habits : that the understanding moves the will to act , and the will our understanding ; that a habit being generated by the repetition of acts , giveth the soul not the real power of acting , but only enables it to act more easily . authors . aristotle , seneca , plato , cicero , &c. sectio undecima . ethica seu moralis philosophia . haec ea est ars quae nos ad agendum in omnibus conformiter rectae rationi dirigit : primarium ipsius principium hoc est , quod tibi vis fieri , & alteri feceris . docet deum esse ultimum nostrum finem quia ille solus est bonum sufficiens , cum nihil aliud beatos nos efficere queat : docet pariter nihil nos amare posse nisi sub specie boni , cujus triplex genus proponit jucundum , utile honestum . beatitudo nostra objectiva , ut loquuntur scholae , solus deus est , formalis nostra beatitudo est ea mentis operatio qua deum possidemus , intuitiva scilicet dei visio . hic habitus docet principia interna actionum humanarum , aut esse nobis congenita , cujusmodi sunt potentiae ; aut acquisita , cujusmodi sunt habitus ; docet intellectum movere voluntatem ad agendum , & vice versa ; habitum actuum repititione productum , animae tribuere non ipsam quidem agendi facultatem , seu potentiam , sed majorem quamdam facilitatem . authores . aristoteles , seneca , plato , cicero , &c. sect. xii . geography . geography is the description of the earth , and its chief parts .. because geographers talk much of the longitude and latitude of a place , 't is of some use to know what is meant by these two words . the longitude then of a place , or its distance from the east , is an arch of the equator intercepted between the semicircle of the first meridian , and the meridian of the place , according to the order of the signs . the latitude of a place , or its distance from the equinoctial line , is the arch of the meridian , intercepted between the equator and the place proposed , being always equal to the elevation of the pole , which is the arch of the meridian intercepted between the conspicuous pole and the horizon , because the latitude of a place , as likwise the height of the pole , together with the arch of the meridian intercepted between the pole & the zenith , are equal to the fourth part of the meridian or the quadrant . the whole world is now divided into four parts , europe , asia , africa , and america : europe is bounded towards the north by the hyperborean sea , towards the west by the atlantick sea , and the herculean by the streights of gibraltar and by the ocean ; towards the east by the egean sea , the hellespont , propontis , bosphorus thracius , the streights of caffa , the meotide lake , the river tanais , &c. till you come to a little town called ●uria , from whence 't is bounded by a white line till you come to the white sea. the chief parts of europe are germany , spain , france , great britain , switzerland , the low countries , ireland , denmarck , norway , swedeland , poland , italy , croatia , sclavonia , dalmatia , albania , grecia , thracia , bulgaria , servia , bosnia , russia , hungaria , transylvania . asia is bounded towards the north by the scythian sea , towards the east by the sea called eoum , towards the south by the indian sea or the red sea , towards the west by the arabick sreights and the interne sea. africa is joyn'd to asia by an isthme , or a narrow piece of ground dividing two seas : 't is bounded by several seas , towards the east by the red sea , towards the south by the ethiopian sea , towards the west by the atlantick sea , towards the north by the interne sea. the chief parts of africa we reckon to be those following , barbary biledulgeride , sarra , the countrey of the negroes , egypt , ethiopia both superior and inferior , the kingdom of the abyssins . america was wholly unknown to the antients till about the year 1492 , it was discovered by christopher columbus , a genoese , in the name of ferdinand king of castile . 't is called america from americus vespucius , a florentine , who the first after columbus , in the year 1497 , under the auspices of the king of portugal , discover'd that part of it that lyes beyond the equinoctial line . america is divided into two parts , the one norrhern , and the other southern , or the peruane america ; they are both divided by an isthme . the northern america is called the mexican , from its chief city mexico . we know only those countreys that lye near the shore , as canada , the land of labrador , the adjacent islands , new france or norimbegra , virginia or apalchen , florida , new spain , new grenade , california , quivira , ananian , jucatan , guatimala , hondura , nicaragna . in the southern america you have castile , the golden peru , chili , chica , the countrey of the pantagons , brasilia , caribana , guiiana , biquiri or the countrey of the amazons , paguan , picoram , moxos , uram , charchas . authors . ptolomy , the great atlas , the english atlas , ortelius , strabo , solinus , pomponius mela , philipp cluvier , &c. sectio duodecima . geographia . geographia est descriptio terrae praecipuarumque ejus partium . quia geographi multum loquuntur de longitudine ac latitudine loci , utile fuerit scire quid reipsa sint . longitudo itaque loci , aut ipsius distantia ab ortu , est arcus aequatoris inter semicirculum primi meridiani , & meridianum loci secundum ordinem signorum interceptus . latitudo loci aut ejusdem distantia a linea aequinoctiali est arcus meridiani interceptus aequatorem inter , & locum propositum , estque semper aequalis elevationi poli , quae est arcus meridiani horizontem inter , & conspicuum polum interceptus , quod tam latitudo loci , quam elevatio poli cum arcu meridiani inter polum & zenith intercepto , aequent quadrantem meridiani . totus terrarum orbis nunc dividitur in quatuor partes , europam , asiam , africam , americam : europa terminos habet a septentrione mare hyperboreum , aut septentrionale , ab occidente mare atlanticum , fretum herculeum , & oceanum , ob ortu mare aegaeum , hellespontum , propontidem bosphorum thracium , bosphorum cimmerium , lacum maeotim , tanais fluenta usque ad oppidum tuia , inde lineam rectam ad sinum usque granduicum , seu mare album . praecipuae europae partes sunt , germania , hispania , gallia , magna britannia , helvetia , belgium , dania , suedia , polonia , italia , croatia , sclavonia , dalmatia , albania , graecia , thracia , bulgaria , servia , bosnia , russia , hungaria , transylvania . asia terminatur versus septentrionem mari scythico , versus ortum mari eoo , versus meridiem mari indico , aut rubro , versus occidentem sinu arabico & mari interno . africa isthmo jungitur asiae , terminos habet varias circum maria , ab ortu mare rubrum , a meridie aethiopicum , ab occasu atlanticum , a septentrione internum . praecipuas africae partes sequentes numeramus , barbariam , biledulgeridem , sarram , regionem nigritarum , aegyptum aethiopiam utramque superiorem & inferiorem , regnum abyssinorum . america antiquis prorsus incognita fuit , donec sub annum quadringentesimum nonagesimum secundum supra millesinum detecta fuit a christophoro columbo genuensi nomine ferdinandi regis castiliae . america dicitur ab americo vespucio florentino qui primus post columbum anno 1497. sub auspiciis regis lusitaniae eam partem continentis detexit quae ultra lineam aequinoctialem jacet . america dividitur duas in partes alteram septentrionalem , meridionalem alteram aut peruanam ; utraque isthmo dividitur , septentrionalis america vocatur mexicana a praecipua ejusdem civitate mexico ▪ regiones tantum littoribus adjacentes novimus , nempe canadam , terram laboratoris , atque insulas adjacentes , novam franciam sive norimbregram , virginiam sive apalchen , floridam , novam hispaniam , novam granatam , californiam , quiviram , ananian , jucatan , guatimalam , honduram , nicaragnem . in meridionali america sunt castilio aurea , peruvia , chili , regio pentagonum , brasilia , caribana , guiiana , biquiri , paguam , picoram , moxos , uram , charchas . authores . ptolomaeus , magnus atlas , ortelius , strabo , solinus , pomponius mela , philippus cluverius . sect. xiii . geometry . this science teacheth us how to measure the earth , and to set limits to every mans lands ; 't is entirely contain'd in the fifteen books of euclid's elements : the first thirteen are acknowledg'd by all to be undoubtedly of this author ; the two last are ascrib'd by some to hipsicles of alexandria . euclid's elements may be divided into four parts ; the first part , contain'd in the first six books , treats of plains ; the second , consisting of the three other following books searcheth into the properties of numbers ; the third part of euclid's elements , consisting of the tenth book only , treats of commensurable and incommensurable lines ; and lastly , the fourth part comprehending the remaining books , treats of solids , or bodies . the first part of euclid's elements is again threefold ; the first four books treat of plains absolutely considered , of their equality and inequality ; the fifth treats of the proportion of magnitudes in general ; the sixth sheweth the proportion of plain figures . geometry may be divided into these three subordinate parts , altimetry , planimetry , and stereometry ; altimetry is the art of measuring streight lines , planimetry is the art of measuring surfaces , stereometry is the art of measuring solids or bodies . a line is measured by a line of a known magnitude , and a superficies or surface by a square of a known magnitude , and solids are measured by a cube of a known bulk . authors . euclid , hero mechanicus ▪ fournierius , malapertius , maginus , clavius , nicolaus tartalea in italian , adrianus metius , samuel marolois , simon stevin , and daniel sant bech . sectio decima tertia . geometria . haec scientia docet nos qui terram metiamur , atque unius cujusque praediis limites praescribamus : integra continetur quindecim libris elementorum euclidis : priores tredecim sine ulla controversia euclidi ascribuntur ab omnibus , posteriores vero duo , a quibusdam hypsicli alexandrino tribuuntur . elementa euclidis dividi possunt in quatuor partes ; quorum prima pars sex prioribus libris contenta , agit de planis ; secunda , quae ex tribus sequentibus conflatur , affectiones numerorum examinat ; tertia pars elementorum euclidis , quae solo libro decimo constat , de lineis commensurabilibus , ac incommensurabilibus agit ; quarta denique pars , quam residui libri constituunt de solidis , aut corporibus disserit . prima pars elementorum euclidis rursus triplex est ; priores enim qua●uor libri agunt de planis absolute spectatis , de eorum aequalitate , aut inaequalitate ; quintus disserit de proportionibus magnitudinum in genere ; sextus planarum figurarum proportiones exponit . geometria dividi potest in has tres partes subordinatas , in altimetriam , planimetriam , & stereometriam ; altimetria est ars dimetiendi lineas rectas , planimetria est ars dimetiendi superficies , stereometria est ars dimetiendi solida , sive corpora . lineas metiuntur lineae notae magnitudinis , superficiem metitur quadratum mensurae notae , solidaque metitur cubus notae molis . authores . euclides , hero mechanicus , fournierius , malapertius , maginus , clavius , nicolaus tartalea italice , adrianus metius , samuel marolois , simon stevinius , daniel sant bechius . sect. xiv . the art of dialling . gnomonica is the art of dialling , or of making sun-dials . of sun-dials there are two sorts , some are pendulums , and others are fix'd ones . the pendulums are those that being hung up , or held up , shew the hours by the height of the sun , as the astrolabe , the cylinder , the quadrants , the astronomical rings , and others of the same kind . the fixed-dials require a certain situation , to shew the hours by the motion of the sun from east to west , and upon this account they are more exact than the pendulums . the centre of the dial , is that point of the plane of the dial in which the axis of the world is cut by the plane . the perpendicular style is a streight line drawn from the centre of the earth to the plane of the dial : the centre then of the world , or of the earth in a dial , is the top of the style , which is perpendicular to the plain of the dial. the pole of the plane of the dial , is the pole of a great circle equi-distant from the plane of the dial. in all astronomical dials , that part of the style which by its shadow sheweth the hour , must be in the axis or axle-tree of the world. the italians reckon 24 hours , beginning from the setting of the sun ; the babylonians reckon as many from the rising of the sun , to the going down of the same ; but in the old dials , the hours of the day , and of the night , are reckon'd separately , viz. 12 from the rising of the sun , till the going down of the same ; and as many from the setting of the sun , till the rising of the same . authors . maurolycus , ptolomaeus , kircherus , &c. sectio decima quarta . gnomonica . gnomonica est ars construendi horologia solaria . horologia solaria dividuntur in pendula , & fixa : pendula sunt ea quae appensa , aut manu suspensa , horas indicant ope altitudinis solaris : cujusmodi sunt astrolabium , cylindrus , quadrans , annuli astronomici , aliaque ejusdem generis . horologia stabilia , seu fixa , requirunt situm quemdam ut ostendant horas ope motus solis ab ortu in occasum , ideoque accuratiora sunt pendulis . centrum horologii est punctum plani horologii , in quo axis mundi secatura plano . stylus perpendicularis est recta a centro terrae ad planum horologii ducta , unde centrum mundi , sive terrae in horologio est vertex styli plano horologii normalis . polus plani horologii , est polus magni circuli paralleli plano horologii . in omni horologio astronomico ea pars styli quae umbra horam ostendit , debet esse in axe mundi . itali numerant horas 24 initio ducto ab occasu solis ; babylonii numerant totidem initio ducto ab ortu solis ; sed in antiquis horologiis horae diei , noctisque separatim enumerantur , duodecim scilicet enumerantur ab ortu solis ad occasum , totidemque ab occasu ad ortum . authores . maurolycus , ptolomaeus , kircherus , &c. sect. xv. grammar . grammar is the art of writing and speaking well ; it treats of words and the construction of words . this art considereth two things in words , the letters , and the syllables ; as likewise two sorts of letters for some sound alone , and are called vowels , as a , e , i , o , u , ; others sound not alone , but together with some other letter , and they are called upon this account consonants , as these following , b , c , d g k , p , q , t , which letters are called mutes , as f , l , m , n , r , s , x , z are called half vowels . a syllable that has a full sound is made up either of a vowel and a consonant , or of vowels and consonants . in words , grammar considereth their accent or tone , whether acute , or grave , or mean ; their derivation and etymology , their composition and simplicity ; their numbers ; if the word be a noun , plural , singular ; their cases , nominative , genitive , dative , accusative , vocative , ablative : if the word be a verb , it considereth the tenses , as present , imperfect , perfect , future or to come . it teacheth the art of construing words one with another , as the adjective with the substantive , in order to make a congruous speech ; either continued or interrupted : it distinguisheth the sentences by three notes , which we commonly call comma , semicolon , colon , or as the latins speak , punctum . the first is a short pause of respiration , which we express thus ( , ) the second is a longer pause , which we express thus ( ; ) the third is a full pause , and finisheth the sense , which we mark thus ( . ) chief authors . alvares and despauter . sectio decima quinta . grammatica . grammatica est ars recte loquendi , scribendique ; agit de vocibus , vocumque constructione . duo contemplatur in vocibus literas & syllabas , ut pariter duo genera literarum quaedam enim solitarie sonant , & vocales dicuntur , ut a e , i , o , u , ; quaedam solitarie non sonant , sed simul cum alia quapiam litera , & propterea consonantes dicuntur , cujusmodi sunt hae literae oppositae b , c , d , g , p , q , t , quae literae dicuntur mutae , ut f , l , m , n , r , s , x , z dicuntur semivocales . syllaba quae integrum habet sonum , constat vel unica vocali , vel vocali addita consonante , vel vocalibus simul & consonantibus . in vocibus grammatica considerat accentum , seu tonum , sive acutum , sive gravem , sive medium , earum derivationem , originem , atque etymologiam , compositionem , simplicitatem , numeros , si quaestio de nomine sit , singularem , pluralem ; casus , nominativum , genitivum , dativum , accusativum , vocativum , ablativum ; si quaestio de verbo sit , considerat tempora , ut praesens , imper●ectum , praeteritum , futurum . docet qui voces simul construere debeamus , ut adjectivum cum substantivo , ut fiat oratio congrua , continua , aut interrupta ; distinguit sententias tribus hisce notis , quas designamus appellationibus hisce comma , semicolon , colon , aut ut latini loquuntur , punctum . prima nota indicat brevem a respirando cessationem , quam exprimimus hunc in modum ( , ) secunda est diuturnior cessatio quam exprimimus hunc in modum ( ; ) postrema est plena cessatio , sensumque absolvit , quam ita notamus ( . ) authores primae notae . alvares , despauterius , &c. section xvi . hydrography . hydrography is a description of the waters , especially the seas . the sea is the general collection of waters , 't is divided into the ocean and mediterranean sea : the ocean is that sea which surrounds the whole earth , 't is divided into the great ocean , gulfs and streights . the ocean hath four different names , from the four opposite points of the world , from the east , 't is called the eastern sea ; from the south , the southern ; from the north , the northern ; 't is divided into three vast seas , indian , or red sea ; the atlantick sea , so called from atlas , a hill in mauritania ; and the pacifick sea. the indian sea reacheth from the islands of sumatra and java to the promontory of good hope , its chief gulfs are the ganget●ck gulf , or the gulf of bengala , whose longitude is 120 deg . latitude 16 deg . the persick gulf , or elcatif sea , whose longitude is 76 deg . latitude 26 ; the arabick gulph , or the red sea , commonly called mar di meca , whose longitude is 70 deg . latitude 20 ; the barbarick gulf , whose longitude is 70 deg . latitude 4. these are the chief islands of the ocean , lerne , or madagascar , or the island of st. laurence , longit . 75 deg . lat 20. discuriada , or zocotara , longit . 48 deg . lat . 11. the maldives , longit . 105. lat . 5. nanigeris , commonly called zeilan , longit . 113. lat . 6. taprobana , sumatra , longit . 130. lat 0. java the great , longit . 140. lat . 10. we reckon among the chief islands of the atlantick sea , albion , or great britain , longit . 22. lat . 52. ireland , longit . 13. lat . 54. hesperides , or the islands of the cap vert , longit . 353. lat . 17. cuba , longit . 295. lat . 22. jamaica , 298. lat . 18. the pacifick , or southern sea , lies between asia , america , and the magellanick gulf ; its chief islands are japan , longit . 170. lat . 36. the molucs , longit . 157. lat . 1. salomon's islands , longit . 195. lat . 10. authors . herigone , ortelius , pomponius mela , joachim , vadiam , fournier . sectio decima sexta . hydrographia . hydrographia est descriptio aquarum , maxime marium . mare est generalis aquarum collectio , dividitur in oceanum , & mare mediterraneum : oceanus est mare quod universam terram ambit , dividitur in vastum , sinuosum , & fretum . oceanus quatuor sortitur appellationes a quatuor cardinalibus mundi partibus , ab oriente eous dicitur , ab occidente occiduus , a meridie australis , a septentrione septentrionalis ; dividitur in tria vasta maria indicum , sive rubrum , atlanticum a● atlante mauritaniae monte sic dictum , & in pacificum . oceanus indicus porrigitur ab insulis sumatra , & java usque ad caput bonae spei : ejus praecipui sinus sunt gangeticus , sive bengalensis , cujus longitudo 120 graduum , latitudo 16 graduum . sinus persicus , cujus longit . 76 graduum , latitudo 20 graduum . sinus arabicus , aut mare rubrum , vulgo mar di meca , cujus longit . 70. lat . 20. sinus barbaricus , sive mare asperum , cujus longit . 70. lat . 4. primariae oceani insulae sunt lerne , aut madagascar , seu insula sancti laurentii , cujus long . 75. lat . 20. discuriada aut zocotara , cujus long . 48. lat . 11. maldiviae , longit . 105. lat . 5. nanigeris , vulgo zeilan , cujus longit . 113. lat . 6. taprobana , sumatra , longit . 130. lat . 0. java major , longit . 140. lat . 10. praecipuae insulae maris atlantici sunt albion , sive magna britannia , ●ujus longit . 22. lat 52. hibernia , ●ujus longit . 13. lat . 54. hesperides , ●ut insulae promontorii viridis , longit . ●arum insularum 353. lat . 17. cuba , ●ujus longit . 295. lat . 22. jamaica , ●ujus longit . 298. lat . 18. mare pacificum , sive meridionale ●cet inter asiam , americamque , & ●retum magellanicum ; praecipuae ejus ●nsulae sunt japonia , cujus longit . 170. ●t . 36. molucae , longit . 157. lat . 1. ●nsulae salomonis longit . 195. lat . 10. authores . herigonius , ortelius , pomponius me● , joachimus , vadiamus , fournierius . sect. xvii . logick . logick is the art of disputing wel● the three operations of the min● make up its whole object , which are apprehension , judgement or affirmation and illation . it teacheth , that the truth of any of those three operations consist● in their confirmity to their objects : s● this compounded apprehension , go● almighty , is true , because i apprehen● god to be , what he really is , that i● almighty ; you may easily apply this t● the other two operations . it s two chief principles are these dictum de omni , and dictum de nullo : the first signifieth , that whatever 〈◊〉 generally affirmed of any thing , m●… likewise be affirm'd of whatever is contain'd under that thing , as if i s●… every animal is a living creature , th●… it follows , that a bird is a living cre●tur● ▪ the second signifieth , that what ever is generally denied of any thing is denied likewise of whatever is contain'd under that thing ; as if i say no animal is a stone , then i may , an cught likewise to say , no bird is stone , no man is a stone , &c. logick teacheth the art of making syllogism , which consisteth of three propositions , whereof the first two being granted , the conclusion must necessarily b● granted , because it was already implicitely admitted by him , who admitted of the premises : as 't is evident in this syllogism , every man is a living creature , peter is a man , ergo , peter is a living creature . logick is natural to all mankind , because 't is nothing else but the use of our reasoning faculty . artificial logick is made up of some rules and precepts that help our reasoning faculty . authors . aristotle , arriaga , ruvius , guilminot , &c. sectio decima septima . logica . logica est ars recte disserendi : ipsius objectum sunt tres mentis ●perationes ; apprehensio , judicium ●ut affirmatio , & illatio . docet ●eritatem illarum operationum in ea●um cum ipsis objectis conformitate esse positam ; ut composita haec apprehensio , deus omnipotens , est vera , ●uia apprehendo deum , ut reipsa est omnipotentem : quod reliquis operationibus applicari facile potest . duo praecipua logicae principia sunt ista , dictum de omni , & dictum ●e nullo : prius significat quicquid generaliter affirmatur de re quapiam , affirmari idem posse de omnibus sub eadem contentis , ut si dicam , omne animal est vivens , licebit dicere omnis volucris est vivens . posterius ●nnuit , quicquid generaliter negatur de quapiam re , negari posse idem de omnibus eadem comprehensis ; ut si dicam , nullum animal est lapis ; licebit etiam dicere , nulla volucris est lapis ; nullus homo est lapis , &c. logica docet artem conficiendi syllogismi , qui constat tribus propositionibus : quarum duae primae si semel admittantur , tertia necessario admitti debet , quia jam tacite admissa est ab eo qui duas primas admisit , ut patet in hoc syllogismo , omnis homo est animal , petrus est homo , ergo , petrus est animal . logica congenita est humano generi , cum nihil aliud sit quam facultatis nostrae rationalis exercitium . artificialis logica sunt praecepta quaedam hanc facultatem juvantia . authores . aristoteles , arriaga , ruvius , guilminotius , &c. sect. xviii . metaphysick . this science considers beings , as abstracted from all matter ; and is so called , because it treats of things somewhat besides , above , or beyond nature . it considereth two things in a being , 1. it s essence , which seems to have a real being , though it does not exist , as a rose in the midst of winter . 2. it s existence , which is actually in being , or by which a thing is actually in being , as the existence of a rose is that by which it now is . it considereth three properties of every being , its unity , goodness , and truth ; unity is that by which a thing is one , and not many . truth or verity , is the conformity of any thing to its real or consistent principles , as true gold consists in its conformity to the principles of this metal . the metaphysical goodness of things , is that essential perfection which is agreeable to them . this science treats likewise of powers , acts , principles , and causes , and proves , in opposition to aristotle , and other ancient philosophers , that the world was not eternal . authors . aristotle , vasques , suares , valentia , &c. sectio decima octava . metaphysica . haec scientia considerat entia , ut abstracta ab omni materia , nomenque hoc trahit inde quod agat de rebus aliquatenus praeter , vel supra , aut ultra naturam . duo in ente contemplatur , 1. essentiam , quae videtur esse verum ens licet non existat , ut rosa media hyeme . 2. existentiam quae actu in rerum natura est , aut vi cujus aliquid actu existit , ut existentia rosae est id vi cujus rosa nunc existit . contemplatur tres in quovis ente proprietates , unitatem , bonitatem , veritatem : unitas est id vi cujus quidpiam est unum , & non multa . veritas est conformitas unius cujusque rei cum principiis veris , & constituentibus , ut veritas auri , aut aurum verum est ejusdem conformitas cum constituentibus hujusce metalli principiis . metaphysica bonitas rerum est essentialis illa perfectio quae rebus congruit . haec scientia agit pariter de potentiis , actibus , principiis , causis , contraque aristotelem , aliosque antiquos philosophos , probat mundum non fuisse aeternum . authores . aristoteles , vasques , suares , valentia , &c. sect. xix . musick . musick is a science which teacheth us what belongs to the theory and practice of harmony . melody is that which has a certain order compounded of sounds and intervals . this science treats of these seven ensuing things , of sounds , of intervals , of genders , of constitutions or systems , of tunes , of changes , of the making of melody . the sound is a gentle falling of the voice upon the note . the interval is comprehended under two sounds , the one sharper than the other . authors . guido aretine , in the year 1028 , invented these six syllables , ut , re , mi , fal , sol , la , of which mi , fa , or fa , mi , imply a half tune , and the others following one another signifie a greater or lesser tune ; euclid , ptolomy , aristoxenus , faber stapulensis , boetius , john kepler , salinas , zarlins , and vincentius galilaeus in italian . sectio decima nona . musica . musica est scientia quae theoriam praximque harmoniae docet . concentus est id quod certum habet ordinem ex sonis & intervallis compositum . haec scientia de septem hisce sequentibus agit , de sonis , de intervallis , de generibus , de constitutionibus , de tonis , de mutatione , de melopaeia . sonus est concinnus vocis casus ad unam extensionem : intervallum est id quod continetur duobus sonis acumine , & gravitate differentibus . authores . guido aretinus , anno salutis 1028 , invenit has sex syllabas , ut , re , mi , fa , sol , la , quarum mi , fa , vel fa , mi , dimidium tonum significant , ac sequentes sese invicem aliae tonum absque discrimine majorem aut minorem ; euclides , ptolomaeus , aristoxenus , faber stapulensis , boetius , joannes keplerus , salinas , zarlinus , vincentius galilaeus italice . sect. xx. the mechanicks . this science considereth the quantity of moving forces , and of duration of the time in which the motion is performed . the gravity of a body , is a certain capacity of falling downwards ; the center of gravity , is that place or point from which if we conceive the body to be suspended , whatever situation you may give it , it shall retain the same . the center of magnitude , and of gravity , are not always the same , as 't is evident in a bowl half lead , half wood. the pendula diameter of gravity , or the handle , is a streight line drawn through the center of gravity perpendicularly to the horizon . no weight can rest , unless the pendula diameter of gravity , or handle , pass through the place upon which it leans , or from which the weight is suspended . in all planes , the center of the figure , is likewise the center of gravity . this art teacheth in general , how to find out the ponderousness of every thing , and how to move things with little strength . we must not forget in this place a sort of mecbanism , the knowledge whereof is of great concern for the good of mankind ; i mean that of trusses , and instruments fit for restoring by degrees , any part of the body to its natural place and situation . the burst peritonaeum sometimes gives way to the intestines , at other times to the caul . and not seldom , to both , to get out of their natural place , into the groins , or the scrotum , there causing a rupture , called enterocele , or hernia intestinalis ; if the bowels come out , an epiplocele , or hernia omentalis ; if the omentum or caul be out . the peritonaeum is made up of two strong , but soft membranes , which do so contain whatsoever is included in the belly , that , when sound , nothing can fall out . in women , the os pubis is its utmost limit . in men , its outermost membrane reacheth further , and constitutes the first proper coat of the testicles . in the groin , it comprehends the seminal vessels , as in a sheath , called processus , which being stretched or inlarged , or coming to burst , is the immediate cause of the lately mentioned ruptures . we must not nevertheless imagine , that the peritonaeum cannot be distended , and burst in other places , and therein to cause a rupture . the causes which make the peritonaeum to burst or dilate , are falling , leaping , beating , bearing of heavy burthens , strong vomitings or coughing , obstipation of the belly , winds pent in , and vehement motions of the body . but i can do no greater service to the publick , than to inform the world of two of the best artists i know of in this kind , both living together in black fryers , in london , i mean the famed robert smith , a scotch gentleman , and his son-in-law , thomas jewel , who give daily succesful proofs of their skill in this kind of mechanism , their trusses of what kind soever being so light , so easie , and so fitted to all the motions of the body , that they are not at all troublesome . they likewise cure effectually any deformity in humane bodies , occasioned by the preternatural bending outwards , inwards , or downwards , of any part thereof , and by such ingenuously contrived engines , as force nature gently into its first place and situation . authors . aristotle , henry monenthole , joseph blancan , guid ubald , stevin , hero , robert vulturius , cedren , john baptista porta , joseph boillot , ranelli , barbette , brown , &c. sectio vigesima . mechanica . mechanica est scientia quae quantitates virium moventium , & temporum in quibus fit motus considerat . gravitas corporis est quaedam potentia ad descensum . centrum gravitatis est punctum ex quo vel sola cogitatione suspensum corpus , quemcumque situm dederis retinet . centrum gravitatis , & centrum magnitudinis non sunt semper idem , ut patet in sphaera plumbo ▪ lignea . pendula gravitatis diameter , aut ansa est linea recta ducta per centrum gravitatis acta horizonti perpendicularis . nullum pondus quiescere potest nisi pendula gravitatis diameter , aut ansa transeat per locum cui innititur , aut e quo suspenditur corpus . in omni plano figurae centrum , centrum quoque gravitatis est . haec ars docet in genere modum reperiendae ponderationis , rerumque exiguis viribus movendarum methodum . non est praetermittendum hoc loco aliud genus mechanismi cujus notitia non parum humano generi profuerit ; de mechanismo loquor , fasciarum , instrumentorumque , aut machinarum quibus paulatim quaevis corporis pars ad debitum a natura situm reducatur . rupto peritonaeo interdum intestina , omentum interdum , saepe & intestina , & omentum loco naturali excidunt in inguina , aut scrotum , ibique hernia producitur , dicta enterocele , aut intestinalis , si prolabantur intestina , vel epiplocele , aut hernia omentalis si omentum excidat . peritonaeum gemina valida quidem sed molli constat membrana , quae ita concludit quicquid imo ventre comprehenditur , ut cum sanum corpus est nihil procidere possit . peritonaeum in mulieribus osse pubis terminatur : in viris tunica exterior ulterius procedit , ac testiculorum involucrum primum proprium constituit . in inguine vasa seminalia comprehendit , instar vaginae , processus dictae : processus hic laxatus , dilatatus aut ruptus est immediata herniarum mox commemoratarum causa : non est tamen existimandum peritonaeum non posse distendi , rumpique etiam aliis in locis ibique herniam producere . causae peritonaei rupti , aut dilatati hae fere sunt , lapsus , saltatio , percussio , gravium onerum gestatio , vomitus violentior , aut tussis , constipatio ventris , flatus reclusi , vehementiorque omnis corporis motus . sed nihil forte utilius rei publicae praestitero , quam si hic nominatim indica vero duos peritissimos quos quidem norim hujusmodi mechanismi artifices simul conviventes londini in ea regione urbis quae black fryers , dicitur ; sunt autem ii celebris robertus smith scotus , ejusque gener thomas jewel , qui quotidiana magnoque successu suae hoc in genere mechanismi peritiae experimenta exhibent : ipsorum enim fasciae cujuscumque generis , sive contra hernias intestinales , sive omentales , sive umbilicales , sive ventosas , aut contra aquosas , adeo leves sunt , gestatuque faciles , omnique corporis motui ita obsecundant , ut nihil omnino molestiae gestantibus secum afferant . reipsa quoque praenominati tollunt quamcumque humanorum corporum deformitatem a praeternaturali partis cujuspiam extrorsum , introrsum , aut deorsum distentione ortam , instrumentisque ac machinis ingenii ejusmodi quibus natura suaviter ad pristinum situm reducatur . authores . aristoteles , henricus monentholus , josephus blancanus , guidus ubaldus ' stevinus , hero , robertus vulturius , cedrenus , joannes baptista porta , josephus boillotus , augustus ranelli , paulus barbettus , johannes brownius , &c. sect. xxi . medica : or the art of conserving and curing humane bodies . hermes trismegistus , a fam'd physician in egypt , invented this necessary art : 't is either empirical , that is , grounded upon meer experience ; or dogmatical , that is , grounded both upon reason and experience : hippocrates and galenus were the chief masters of the dogmatical part . this art is either speculative or practical ; the former considereth , 1. the nature , and the outward causes of distempers , as the six things that are called not natural , because they are not the constituent parts of our bodies , such we reckon the air , meat , drink , sleep , watching , motion and rest , what we throw off , and what we retain , excreta & retenta ; our passions , plethora , or fulness , cacochymy , or an ill habit of our bloud . 2. it searcheth into the internal causes of our distempers , as wind , worms , acids . the practical part of this noble and useful art relates to the method of curing , which is either performed by alteration or evacuation . whether this evacuation be wrought by bleeding , vomiting , stool , urine , sweat , or insenble transpiration ; and upon this account , its true object is the whole materia medica , or whatever may be subservient to the physician 's intention in either of the three kingdoms , i mean , animal , vegitative , and mineral . the whole materia medica may be reduc'd to the ensuing heads . 1. the attenuating remedies , as elicampe roots , wormwood leaves , camomile flowers , the hot seeds , juniper , and lawrel berries , old tallow , and grease , especially that of a wolf , and of a bear , most oyls , as of bitter almonds , walnuts , &c. the plaisters of betony , diachylon , oxycroceum , &c. 2. the softening , as marsh mallow roots , briony roots , &c. 3. such as dissolve clots , as the roots of round birthwort . 4. the deterging , as the roots of gentian , and birthwort . 5 the epicerasticks , that by a moderate moisture take off the sharpness of the humour , as mallow , and marsh-mallow roots . 6. alexipharmaca , that resist venome , as angelica root . 7. the thickening , as the roots of bugloss and plantain . 8. the cathartick , which either purge the bile , as cassia , manna , tamarinds , &c. or the phlegm , as carthamy , wild saffron , agarick , turbith , jalep , or the melancholy , as sena oake-fern , or the watery humours , as dwarf elder , elder-seed , bark , juice , mechoaca . 9. the vomitory , whether milder ones , as sarabacca leaves bruised in dill water , or stronger ones , as the spirit of tobacco , the infusion of tobacco , crocus metallorum , &c. 10. diureticks , as radish roots , parseley roots , &c. 11. the sudorificks , as harts horn , diascordium , angelica roots , &c. 12. the repelling remedies , as the sloe-tree roots , tormentil roots , &c. 13. the emplasticks that stop the passages of the body , as lilly roots , wild comphry roots , &c. 14. the absorbing remedies , which by a great faculty of drying , consume the moisture , as all cenders , vineger , brine , &c. 15. the blistering , which raise blisters , as the cantharides , mustard , garlick , water-cresses . 16. the suppurating , that generate matter , as marsh-mallow roots , white lilly roots . 17. the vulnerary , as tormentil roots , the roots of both comphreys . 18. the sarcoticks , that remove whatever may hinder the breeding of flesh , as the roots of birthwort , tragacanth , dragons bloud , sarcocolla , &c. 19. the epuloticks , that generate a callus , or scarr , as dragons bloud , myrtle leaves . 20. the anodines , as marsh-mallows , and lilly roots . 21. the narcoticks , which take away all feeling , as oyl of palm , laurel , turpentine , opium , &c. 22. the hypnoticks , that cause sleep , as requies nicolai , diascordium , laudanum opiatum , &c. 23. such as stop bleeding , as corals , the bolus , seal'd earth . 24. the cephalicks , as the roots of birthwort , betony leaves , galanga . 25. the errhina , that purge the brains and the breast , by bringing down the superfluous pituite lying about the meninges , as the juice of betony , the powder of white and black hellebore . 26. the ophthalmicks for the eyes , as eye-bright , and celadine water , and also their juices . 27. otica , that ease the pains of the ears , as laurel leaves , leeks , radishes . 28. the cardiacks , as the roots of zodoaria , great leopards bane , thistle , and balm water . 29. the bechick , that render the humours contained in the lungs and the breast , fit to be thrown up , as the syrup of ground ▪ ivy. 30. the aromaticks , as roots of cyperus . 31. splenica , such as cure the spleen , as the powder of style , valerian roots . 32 , the nephritcks , that help the reins , as marsh-mallow roots , sal prunella , &c. 33. the lithontripticks , that break the stone , as elecampane roots , galanga , &c. 34. the hystericks , that cure hysterical fits , as purslain seed , the seed of agnus castus , the trochisques of myrrh , &c. 35. the arthriticks , that prevail against the gout , as elecampane roots , night-shade , plaintain , marsh-mallow leaves . authors . hippocrates , galen , trallian , actuarius , cornelius celsus , avicenna , sennertus , riverius , macasius , regius , willis , barbette , harvey the inventor of the circulation of the bloud . sectio vigesima prima . medica : sive ars conservandi & restaurandi humani corporis . hermes trismegistus celebris apud aegyptios medicus necessariae hujusce artis inventor dicitur : est autem aut empirica , hoc est quae mera experientia , aut dogmatica , quae ratione & experientia nititur : medicinae dogmaticae praecipui magistri extitere hippocrates & galenus . est aut speculativa aut practica ; prior considerat , 1. naturam , causasque externas morborum , ut sex res dictas non naturales quia non sunt partes corporis humani constituentes , cujusmodi censemus aerem , cibum , potum , somnum , vigilias , motum , & quietem , excreta , & retenta , animi pathemata , plethoram , sive plenitudinem , cacochymiam , sive pravum sanguinis habitum . 2. scrutatur internas morborum causas , puta flatus , vermes , acidum . practica pars nobilis hujus , utilisque artis methodum medendi spectat , quae posita est in evacuatione , & alteratione , quocumque demum modo evacuatio contingat , sive venae sectione , sive vomitu , dejectione , sudore , urina , aut insensibili transpiratione ; quocirca verum ipsius objectum est tota materia medica , aut quicquid in regno animali , vegetabili , & minerali , medici scopo inservire poterit . porro totam materiam medicam ad sequentia capita reducere fere possumus . 1. attenuantia , ut radices aenulae campanae , folia absinthii , flores camomillae , semina calida , baccae juniperi , lauri , axungiae vetustiores maxime vulpina , & ursina , olea pleraque , ut amygdalarum amararum , nucum , &c. emplastra de betonica , diachylon , oxycroceum , &c. 2. emollientia , ut radices altheae , bryoniae . 3. grumos dissolventia , ut radices aristolochiae rotundae . 4. detergentia , ut radices gentianae , aristolochiae . 5. epicerastica quae moderata humidate acrimoniam humorum obtundunt , ut radices malvae , & altheae . 6. alexipharmaca quae resistunt veneno , ut radix angelicae . 7. condensantia , ut radices buglossae , & plantaginis . 8. cathartica que vel purgant bilem , ut cassia , manna , tamarindi , &c. vel phlegma , ut carthamus , crocus sylvestris , turbith , jalap , vel melancholiam , ut sena , polypodium quercinum , vel humores aquosos , ut sambuci , & ebuli semen , cortex , succus , mechoaca . 9. vomitoria , sive mitiora , ut asari folia , aut validiora , ut spiritus nicotianae , infusio nicotianae , crocus metallorum . , &c. 10. diuretica . ut radices raphani , apii . 11. sudorifica , ut cornu cervi , diascordium , radices angelicae . 12. repellentia , ut radices pruni sylvestris , tormentillae , &c. 13. emplastica quae corporis meatus obstruunt , ut radices symphiti , & liliorum . 14. absorbentia , quae valida exsiccandi vi absumunt humorem , ut omnes cineres , acetum , muria . 15. vesicatoria , quae vesicas excitant , ut cantharides , sinapi , allium , nasturtium . 16. suppurantia , a quibus pus generatur , ut radices althaeae , liliorum alborum , &c. 17. vulneraria , ut radices tormentillae , consolidae utriusque . 18. sarcotica , quae removent quicquid carnis generationem prohibet , ut radices aristolochiae , tragacantha , sanguis draconis , sarcocolla . 19. epulotica , quae callum generant , aut cicatricem , ut sanguis draconis , folia myrthi . 20. anodina , ut radices althaeae , radices liliorum . 21. narcotica , quae omnem sensum tollunt , ut oleum palmae , lauri , terebinthinae , &c. 22. hypnotica , quae somnos conciliant , ut requies nicolai , diascordium , laudanum opiatum , &c. 23. sanguinem sistentia , ut coralliae , bolus , terra sigillata , &c. 24. cephalica , ut radices aristolochiae , galangae , folia betonicae . 25. errhina , quae cerebum purgant & thoracem , educta superflua circa meninges pituita , ut succus betonicae pulvis albi & nigri hellebori . 26. ophthalmica , ut aquae & succi euphrasiae , & chelidoniae . 27. otica , quae levant aurium dolorem , ut folia lauri , radices porri , raphani . 28. cardiaca , ut radices zedoariae , doronici , aquae cardui benedicti , & melissae . 29. bechica , quae humores in thorace , & pulmone conclusos ad faciliorem tussiendo ejectionem disponunt , ut sirupus & succus hederae terrestris . 30. aromatica , ut sirupi absinthii , & betonicae . 31. splenica , ut pulvis ex chalybe , radices valerianae . 32. nephritica , ut radices althaeae , sal prunellae . 33. lithontriptica , quae calculum frangunt , ut radices aenulae campanae , galangae . 34. hysterica , ut semen agni casti , portulacae , trochisci de myrrha . 35. arthritica , quae valent adversus podagram , & chiragram , ut radices aenulae campanae , folia solani , plantaginis , althaeae . authores . hippocrates , galenus , trallianus , actuarius , cornelius celsus , avicenna , sennertus , riverius , macasius , regius , willisius , barbetius , harveius circulationis sanguinis inventor , &c. sect. xxii . the art of sailing . ars nautica , or histiodromica , is that art which teacheth how to direct a ship through the seas , to the propos'd harbour . this art requireth the knowledge of the mariners compass , and the lead , of the sea-coasts , capes , rocks , promontories , harbours , of the distances of one place from another , of the ebbing and flowing of the sea , of the latitude and longitude of every place . it requireth likewise the knowledge of several instruments fit to take the latitude of a place , as of the cross-staff , of the quadrant , of the nocturnal , of the plane scale , of gunter's scale , &c. the mariners compass is a round plane , whose circumference is divided into 32 equal parts , by streight lines , called rhombs , passing through the center . the height of the pole , of so great benefit to sailers , is found out thus : observe first the height of the sun at noon-day , with an astrolabe , or some other instrument of that kind ; then take the declination of the sun , from the height , if the sun declines from the equator towards the northern pole ; or add the declination of the sun , to the observed height , if the sun declines towards the southern pole ; the remaining number , or the sum made up by addition , gives you the height of the equator , whose complement to 90 degrees ( as they speak ) is always the height of the pole. thus if the height of the equator above our horizon be 60 deg . the height of the pole is 30 deg . because 30 added to 60 , make up 90 ; and if the pole be elevated but 10 deg . the height of the equator is 80 , because this number is the complement of that . if their could be an hour glass , or ● clock , so contriv'd , as to fall but very little short of the measure of time ▪ with the help of this clock , to the great advantage of sailers , the differences of the longitudes might be found after this manner : when the ship sets off , let the clock shew the hour in the place from whence you sail'd , without discontinuing : if then we would know the longitude of the place in which we now are , let us , by observation of the sun , find the hour in that place we chance to be in ; which if it be the same pointed at by the clock , or shewn by the glass , 't is certain we are in the same meridian we were in at our first setting out ; but if we find by observation , more hours than the clock pointeth at , we have made a progress towards the east ; if we find fewer hours , we are gone towards the west ; and the differences of the longitudes may easily be known , if the differences of the hours be converted into degrees , and minutes of degrees . authors . seller , everard , wright , &c. sectio vigesima secunda . ars nautica . ars nautica , sive histiodromica ea est quae docet qui dirigi debeat navis per maria ad propositum portum . haec ars requirit notitiam pyxidis nauticae , & bolidis , orae maritimae , promontoriorum , rupium , portuum distantiarum inter loca , aestuum maritimorum , latitudinis & longitudinis cujusque loci , instrumentorum pariter variorum ad investigandam syderum altitudinem , ut baculi decussati , quadrantis , nocturnalis , scalarum planarum , scalarum gunteri , &c. pyxis nautica est planum rotundum , cujus circumferentia in 32 partes aequales dividitur rectis lineis per centrum transeuntibus quae rhombi dicuntur . altitudo poli navigantibus adeo utilis sic invenitur : observa primo meridianam solis altitudinem ope astrolabii , aut alterius cujuspiam instrumenti , tum substrahe declinationem solis ex altitudine jam inventa solis , ope instrumenti , si declinatio solis versus polum conspicuum sit , aut adde declinationem solis observatae altitudini si sol declinaverit versus polum meridionalem , residuum aut summa futura est altitudo aequatoris , cujus complementum est semper altitudo poli : itaque si altitudo aequatoris supra horizontem nostrum sit graduum sexaginta , altitudi poli futura est graduum triginta : quia si addas 30 ipsis 60 , summa futura est 90 ; & si polus 10 tantum supra horizontem gradibus extet , aequator supra eundem extabit 80 , quia hic numerus est complementum illius . si posset construi clepsydra , aut horologium quod ab accurata mensura temporis parum aberraret : illius ope inveniri possent hoc modo longitudinum differentiae : aptetur horologium ita ut dum solvit navis ostendat horas loci unde discedimus , deinde inter navigandum nunquam cesset : cumque libuerit scire longitudinem loci in quo sumus , ex observatione coelesti inquiratur illius loci hora , quae si omnino convenerit cum hora quam horologium indicat , certum erit nos esse sub eo unde discessimus meridiano , si vero plures horas observatione invenimus , quam horologium indicet , progressi sumus versus ortum , si pauciores defleximus versus occidentem , dignosceturque differentia longitudinum , si reducantur differentiae horarum in gradus , & minuta graduum . authores . sellerius , everardus , wrightius , &c. sect. xxiii . opticks . the opticks , or optica , gives us an account of various appearances of objects . this science treats of the streight ray , as the catoptrick of the reflected , and the dioptrick of the refracted or broken ray. these following definitions belong to the opticks . the proper objects of sense , are those that can be known but by one sense ; and the common objects , such as may be known by more than one sense . light and colour , are the proper objects of our sight ; the light , upon its own account ; and the colour , by the help of light. these following things , are the common objects of our senses , bulk , figure , place , situation , distance , continuity , discontinuity , motion , and rest. the visuel rays , are the streight lines , by which the frame of the visible object is in a manner carried to the eye . we may reckon among the chief principles of this science , these following . the visible object radiates from all its least parts , to all the least parts of the medium , to which one may draw a streight line . that is seen , and that only , from which to the eye the visuel ray may be eztended . the more bodies there appear between the eye and the object , the more remote the objects appear to be . the convergent rays , are those that departing from the object , come together : such are , the rays of diverse parts of the object , which cut one another in the chrystalline humor . the divergent rays , departing from the object towards the eye , recede from one another : the rays of every point of the object , are divergent , till they come to the chrystalline humour , beyond which they come together again towards the retina . we may reckon these following propositoins amongst the most considerable of the opticks . no visible object is seen at first altogether , and perfectly . magnitudes being in the same streight line , the remoter seem to be the lesser . parallel intervals seem to be nearer one another , the farther they are from the eye . rectangle magnitudes being seen at a distance , seem to be round . equal magnitudes being under the eye , those that are farthest from the eye , seem to be highest . authors . you may reckon amongst the best masters of the opticks , euclid , aquilonius , scheiner , vitellio , alhazane , herigone , &c. sectio vigesima tertia . optica . optica variae objectorum apparentiae causas demonstrat . agit de radio recto , ut catoptrica de reflexo , & dioptrica de refracto . ad opticam spectant sequentes definitiones . propria objecta sunt ea quae ab uno tantum sensu percipi possunt . communia sunt ea quae a pluribus sensibus percipiuntur . lumen & color sunt propria visus nostri objecta , lumen quidem ratione sui , color ope lucis . communia visus objecta sunt ea quae sequuntur , quantitas , figura , locus , situs , distantia , continuitas , discontinuitas , motus , & quies . radii visorii rectae lineae sunt , quibus forma aspectabilis objecti ad visum porrigitur . inter praecipua hujus scientiae principia sequentia numerare licet . visibile radiat e quolibet sui puncto ad quodlibet punctum medii ad quod recta duci potest . id omne & solum videtur a quo ad oculum radius opticus extendi potest . quo plura corpora oculum inter , & objectum apparent , eo remotius existimatur objectum . convergentes radii sunt ii qui recedendo ab objecto simul coeunt . ejusmodi sunt radii variorum punctorum objecti qui se mutuo in humore chrystallino secant . divergentes radii progrediendo ab objecto versus oculum recedunt a se invicem donec ad humorem chrystallinum pervenerint ultra quem versus retinam coeunt . annumerare possumus praecipuis opticae ; propositiones sequentes . nullum visibile objectum simul totum , & perfecte videtur . magnitudinum in eadem recta quae remotiores videntur , minores apparent . parallela intervalla eo magis ad se invicem accedere videntur quo sunt remotoria ab oculo . rectangulae magnitudines procul visae apparent rotundae . aequalium magnitudinum sub oculo quae remotiores , videntur altiores . authores . inter praecipuos opticae doctores censere possumus euclidem , aquilonium , alhazenum , scheinerum , vitellionem herigonium , &c. sect. xxiv . perspective . perspective representeth every object seen in some diaphane , or transparent medium , through which the visual rays are terminated or bounded on the object ; and generally what ▪ is seen through something , as through the air , water , clouds , glass , and the like , may be said to be seen in perspective . the chief contents of this science , may be referred to these following heads . the ray is a streight line drawn from the eye to the glass perpendicularly . that point is called primary , on which falls a perpendicular line drawn from the eye to the glass . the projection of a line , is not a crooked line . the object being a point , there is but one visual ray drawn from the object to the center of the eye , and this ray is called the axis , or centrical , as being the most vivid , and the strongest of all . if the object be a streight line , the visual rays make a triangle . if the object be a surface , plane or spherical , the visual rays represent a pyramide . ichonography is the pourtraiture of the platform or plane upon which we would raise any thing . orthography is the pourtraiture of the fore part of the object . scenography representeth the object wholly elevated and perfect , with all its dimensions and umbrages on all sides . the horizontal line in perspective , is taken from the height of our eye : this is the chief piece of the picture , and which ought to be the rule of the dimensions and height of the figure . the point of perspective , or sight , is made by the centrical ray above the horizon . authors . amongst the chief writers of perspective , you have roger bacon , john baptist porta , stevin , marole , john cousin , daniel barbaro , vignola , serlio , du cereau , salomon de caus , guidus ubaldus , niceronius , &c. sectio vigesima quarta . perspectiva . perspectiva quodlibet objectum exhibet conspectum permedium quodpiam diaphanum , per quod radii visorii transeuntes terminantur ad objectum , & generaliter loquendo quicquid per aliud quidpiam videtur , ut per aerem , per aquam , per nubes , per vitrum , & quaecumque alia sunt ejusmodi , dici possunt videri in perspectiva . quae praecipui momenti haec scientia continet ad sequentia capita reduci queunt . radius primarius est recta ab oculo in vitrum ad angulos rectos ducta . primarium punctum dicitur id in quod cadit perpendicularis ab oculo in vitrum ducta . projectio lineae non est linea curva . cum objectum est punctum unicus tantum est radius visorius ab objecto ad centrum oculi ductus , hicque radius dicitur axis , aut radius centricus , estque omnium vivacissimus , ac fortissimus . si objectum recta sit linea , radii visiorii conflant triangulum . si objectum sit superficies plana , aut sphaerica , radii visiorii conficiunt pyramidem . ichonographia est delineatio plani super quod erigere quidpiam volumus . orthographia est delineatio anterio●is objecti partis . scenographia exhibet objectum omnino elevatum , perfectumque una cum omnibus ejusdem dimensionibus , um●risque undique . linea horizontalis in perspectiva ●ucitur ab altitudine oculi : haec prae●pui in pictura momenti est , regu●que esse debet dimensionum , altitu●numque figurae . punctum perspectivae , aut visus fit ●entrico supra horizontem radio . authores . inter praecipuos perspectivae scriptores hi censentur rogerius bacco , johannes baptista porta , stevinius , marolus , johannes cousinus , daniel barbaro , vignola , serlio , du cereau , salomon de caus , guidus ubaldus , niceronius , &c. sect. xxv . poetry . poetry is the art of making verse and poems : in order to this , 〈…〉 teacheth the quantity of syllables , whether they be short or long , doubtful 〈…〉 common , i mean , either short or long 〈…〉 pleasure . it teacheth what feet every verse compounded of , that feet are made syllables of different quantities , as spondee consists of two long syllables ; for instance , doctos , and pyrrichius ; of two short , as rota ; a dactyle consists of one long , and two short , as pectora . a poem implieth a fiction : upon this account , verses that contain no fiction , are not strictly considered ▪ a poem ; and he that gives a meer matter of fact , without any ingenious fiction adapted to the subject , is rather styl'd a versificator , than a poet. verses are either denominated from their inventors , as sapphick verses , from the greek poetress sappho , the first inventress ; as pindarick , from pindarus , or from the feet whereof they consist ; as iambick , from the iambick● of which they are compos'd , or from th● matter they express ; as heroick , from the praises of great men ; as elegiack from sad narratives , or from the number of feet , as hexameter , and pent● meter , the first having six , and the othe● five . the scansion of a verse , is the measuring of a verse by its feet . the cesure is the making of a short syllable long at the end of a foot . authors . aristotle , horace , alvares , despauter , waller , cowley , dryden , & . sectio vigesima quinta . poetica . poetica est ars pangendorum carminum quem in scopum docet quantitatem syllabarum an scilicet sint longae , breves , dubiae , aut communes , hoc est pro arbitrio , breves aut longae . docet ex quibus pedibus quilibet versus constet , pedesque constare ex syllabis variae quantitatis , spondaeum puta , duabus longis , ut doctos , pyrrichium ; ex duabus brevibus , ut rota ; dactylum ex una longa & duabus brevibus , ut pectora . poema fictionem necessario requirit : quare versus nullam fictionem complexi stricte loquendo poema dici nequeunt : qui rem absque ingenioso ullo commento , ut reipsa contigit , carmine describit , versificator potius quam poeta dicendus est . versus denominantur aut ab inventoribus , ut sapphici versus a puella graeca quae sappho dicebatur , prima inventrice , ut pindarici a pindaro ; aut a pedibus ex quibus constant , ut iambici ab iambis , ex quibus fiunt ; aut a materia quam exprimunt , ut heroici a laudibus heroum , elegiaci a maestis narrationibus ; aut a numero pedum , ut hexameter , & pentameter a numero pedum sex , & quinque . scansio versus est ejusdem ope pedum dimensio . caesuta est productio syllabae brevis sub finem pedis . authores . aristoteles , horatius , alvares , despauterius , &c. sect. xxvi . philosophy . philosophy , if we take it generally , is the love of wisdom ; if more particularly , the knowledge of natural bodies , or of the natural causes of things : the aristotelian philosophy acknowledgeth three principles of every thing , matter , form , and privation ; for we can conceive nothing to be generated without these three ; for if i conceive the generation of fire in wood , i must of necessity apprehend the wood as the matter , as likewise the privation of the fire in the wood , and also the form of fire taking place of that of wood. this philosophy resolveth all difficulties relating to bodies , by matter , privation , and form , occult qualities , and such like pretences to humane ignorance : so every mixt , according to aristotles principle , is compounded of matter and form : this matter , the peripateticks call the subject of all forms ; and this form , the act of matter ; and both together , the two compounding principles of all compounded things aristotles followers teach , that nature is such an enemy to a vacuum , that to shun it , she forceth heavy things upwards , and light things downwards . the new philosophy holds but two simple principles of all things , matter , and motion ; that , as the material cause ; this , as the efficient . the formal cause of things , which school-men call a substantial or accidental form , being nothing else , according to the modern philosophers , but a certain texture of the compounding particles ; and by the variety of textures every where obvious , or by the various modifications of matter , they give us a rational account of all the differences we observe among corporeal beings . authors of the school philosophy . aristotle , and all his commentators , as averroes , alexander aphrodisaeus , &c. authors of the new philosophy . descartes , verulam , the honourable robert boyle , who in not a few things , has out-done them both , and is deservedly styl'd abroad , the english philosopher ; he being indeed , the honour of his nation , as well as of his family . sectio vigesima sexta . philosophia . philosophia si latius sumatur , amorem sapientiae sonat , si propius & specialius , est corporum naturalium , aut naturalium causarum cognitio . philosophia aristotelica agnoscit tria rerum dum generantur principia , materiam , formam , & privationem . nihil enim generari concipimus nisi haec tria concipiamus : si enim concipio generationem ignis in ligno , necessario concipio lignum , ut materiam , & privationem pariter ipsius in ligno , formamque ignis formae ligni succedentem . haec philosophia omnes fere difficultates ad corpora spectantes ope materiae , privationis , & formae resolvit , atque occultarum qualitatum beneficio , aliisque humanae ignorantiae velamentis ; unumquodque igitur mixtum juxta aristotelica principia componitur ex materia , & forma : hanc materiam vocant peripatetici subjectum omnium formarum , & hanc formam actum materiae , componentiaque duo principia si simul sumantur , omnium rerum compositarum . aristotelis sectatores docent naturam vacuo adeo esse inimicam , ut illius vitandi gratia gravia sursum cogat , & levia deorsum . nova philosophia duo admittit simplicia omnium rerum principia materiam , & motum , illam ceu causam materialem hanc ut efficientem . formalis enim rerum causa , quam scholastici formam substantialem vocant , aut accidentalem , nihil aliud est juxta philosophos recentiores , quam textura quaedam partium componentium . hacque contextus varietate ubique obvia , aut variis materiae modificationibus , rationalem , facilem , obviamque nobis reddunt rationem omnium quae observamus , corporea inter entia discriminum . authores philosophiae scholasticae . aristoteles ejusque commentatores , ut averroes , alexander aphrodisaeus , &c. authores novae philosophiae . gassendus , cartesius , verulamius , illustrissimus robertus boylius , qui in multis his omnibus palmam praeripuit , meritoque philosophus britannicus cognominatur ; est que reipsa nationis suae , & nobilissimae familiae ornamentum & decus . sect. xxvii . rhetorick . rhetorick is the art of speaking well ; the duty of a rhetorician , is to speak pertinently to the subject , in order to perswade , and his chief scope must be to perswade by his discourse . rhetorick consists of four parts , invention , disposition , elocution , and pronounciation : invention is the contriving of an argument fit to perswade , and those arguments are always taken from some of these ensuing heads . 1. from the definition , when we declare what the thing is . 2. from the division , when we distribute a thing into all its parts . 3. from the etymology , when we shew its origine and signification . 4. from the species , when we frame an argument from that particular kind of thing the subject we treat of , belongs to . 5. from the genus , when we bring some proof from that general thing the subject we treat of , is contain'd under . 6. from the similitude . 7. from the dissimilitude . 8. from contraries . 9. from opposites , that can never concur together . 10. from comparison . 11. from the four causes , efficient , material , formal , and final . 12. from the antecedents and consequents of a thing . disposition is the orderly placing of the things invented : this orderly placing consists of five things ; exordium , by which the speaker prepares the minds of his auditors , to what he is to say . proposition , when the orator declares what he intends to make out . narration , when he relates the matter of fact , with all its circumstances . confirmation , when he proves his proposition . peroration , when the orator endeavours to move the affections of the hearers , by a fit elocution . elocution , made up of tropes , as they speak in the schools , by which words change their signification ; and of figures , which are an elegant , and not vulgar manner of speaking , is the ornament of speech . pronunciation relates to the voice , and the gesture ; by the first , we please the ear ; by the second , the sight . these forementioned things ( necessary to the compleating of an orator ) being seldom found together in any eminency , gave occasion to cicero to say , that we scarce find a good orator in a whole age. authors . aristole , cicero , suarez . sectio vigesima septima . rhetorica . rhetorica est ars bene dicendi ; officium rhetoris est loqui apposite ad scopum hoc est ad persuadendum ; praecipuus enim ipsius scopus est persuadere dictione . rhetorica quatuor constat partibus , inventione , dispositione , elocutione , pronunciatione : inventio est excogitatio argumenti ad persuadendum idonei ; haec autem argumenta ducuntur semper ab aliquo sequentium capitum . 1. a definitione , cum declaramus quid res sint . 2. a divisione , cum rem distribuimus in omnes partes . 3 , ab etymologia , cum indicamus ejusdem originem & significationem . 4. a specie , cum argumentum quodpiam ducimus a particulari illa rerum specie , ad quam res , de qua agimus spectat . 5. a genere , cum probationem de sumimus a generali illa re , sub qua id quod sub litem cadit , continetur . 6. a similitudine . 7. a dissimilitudine . 8. a contrario . 9. ab oppositis , quae nunquam concurrere queunt . 10. a comparatione . 11. a quatuor causis , efficiente , materiali , formali , & finali . 12. ab antecedentibus & consequentibus . dispositio est ordinata rerum inventarum collocatio : haec ordinata collocatio his quinque constat , exordio , quo parat orator auditorum animos ad ea quae dicturus est . propositione , cum orator quid probaturus sit exponit . narratione , cum materiam facti omnibus vestitam appendicibus enarrat . confirmatione , cum propositionem suam probat . peroratione , qua conatur orator auditorum animos apta elocutione movere . elocutio , composita ex tropis , quibus voces ad alienam significationem traducuntur , & figuris quae sunt elegantes , & non vulgares loquendi formulae , est totius orationis ornamentum . pronunciatio spectat vocem , & gestum , ista recreamus aurem , hac oculum : praememorata haec quae in perfecto oratore requirimus cum vix uspiam simul summo in gradu concurrant , impulerunt ciceronem ut dicere● vix singulis aetatibus singulos tolerabiles oratores extisse . authores . aristoteles , cicero , suares . sect. xxviii . the doctrine of the sphere . sphaerica is a science which treats of the sphere , whether artificial or natural . the sphere is a solid figure comprehended under one surface , to which all the streight lines drawn from one of those points that are within the figure , are equal one to another . the center of the sphere , is the forementioned point . the axis of the sphere , is a streight line drawn through the center , and terminated on each side in the surface of the sphere ; about which the sphere turneth round . the poles of the sphere , are the two extreme points of the axis . this science demonstrates these following propositions . 1. the sphere toucheth but in one point the plane by which it is not cut . 2. in the sphere , great circles cut one another into equal parts ; and if they divide one another into equal parts , they are great circles . 3. in the sphere , the pole of a great circle is distant from the circumference of the same circle , a full quadrant , or a fourth part of the great circle . 4. in the sphere , parallel circles are about the same poles ; and circles that are about the same poles , are parallel . 5. in the sphere , there are no more than two circles , both equal-distant and equal . this science teacheth how to find the center , and the pole of any sphere , and sheweth likewise all the properties of the circles of the sphere . authors . theodosius , maurolycus , sacrobosco , clavius , mestlinus , blancanus . sectio vigesima octava . sphaerica . sphaerica est scientia quae agit de sphaera , sive arte facta , sive naturali . sphaerica est figura solida comprehensa una superficie , ad quam ab uno eorum punctorum quae intra figuram sunt , omnes rectae lineae ductae sunt aequales inter se. centrum sphaerae est punctum praememoratum . axis sphaerae est recta per centrum ducta & utrimque terminata in superficie sphaerae circa quam volvitur sphaera . poli sphaerae , sunt duo extrema puncta axis . haec scientia sequentes propositiones demonstrat . 1. sphaera planum a quo non secatur , non tangit in pluribus punctis uno . 2. in sphaera , maximi circuli sese mutuo bifariam secant , & qui sese mutuo bifariam secant , sunt maximi . 3. in sphaera , polus maximi circuli abest a circumferentia ejusdem circuli quadrante maximi circuli . 4. in sphaera , paralleli circuli circa eosdem polos sunt , & qui circa eosdem polos in sphaera sunt , sunt paralleli . 5. in sphaera non sunt plures circuli aequales , & paralleli quam duo . haec scientia praeterea docet qui centrum , polumque cujuscumque sphaerae invenire possimus , indicatque pariter proprietates circulorum sphaerae . authores . theodosius , maurolycus , sacrobosco , clavius , mestlinus , blancanus . sect. xxix . divinity . theology , or divity , is wholly directed to the glory of god , and salvation of mankind . the speculative part of it , proposeth to us things that we are to believe , as whatever concerns gods attributes and perfections , the immortality of our souls , and whatever is contain'd in the apostolick creed . the practical part , proposeth to us things that we are to do , viz. whatever is contain'd in the decalogue . the immediate object of divinity , as it relates to christians , we reckon whatever concerns christ , directly , or indirectly ; as in general , the old and new testament . and in particular , the prophecies relating to his coming , his miracles , his doctrine , and the conversion of the world by his apostles : if then , a man knew no other divinity , but that which gives an account of gods attributes , he is not upon this account a christian divine , but a philosopher , or deist . christian divinity , besides the aforesaid things , teacheth all kind of vertues , as charity , humility , patience , chastity , adoration , prayer to , and praise of god , faith , obedience , repentance , &c. it will have us moreover to pardon and love our very enemies ; which no other religion commands : it offers to us the fundamental points of christian religion , christs godhead , passion , death , resurrection , &c. and ( as i was saying ) whatever is contained in the creed . authors . the master of sentences , thomas aquinas , scotus , hammond , lightfoot , and several other doctors of the church of england . sectio vigesima nona . theologia . thologia ad dei gloriam , salutemque animarum tota dirigitur . speculativa pars proponit nobis credenda , ut quae spectant ad attributa divina , immortalitatem animae , quaeque in symbolo apostolorum continentur . pars practica facienda nobis proponit , quaecumque scilicet decalogus nobis exhibet . theologia prout spectat christianos , immediatum habet objectum quicquid refertur ad christum directe , aut indirecte ut in genere tum antiquum , tum novum testamentum ; & magis speciatim prophetias ad ipsius adventum spectantes , miracula , doctrinam , hominumque ab apostolis conversionem : quocirca si nullum quis aliam noverit theologiam quam quae divinorum attributorum reddit rationem non hoc nomine christianus theologus , sed philosophus potius , aut deista merus dici debet . theologia christiana praeter superius commemorata docet omnia virtutum genera , humilitatem , patientiam , castitatem , adorationem , orationem , laudem dei , fidem , obedientiam , paenitentiam , &c. vult insuper nos non tantum remittere injuriam , sed & diligere inimicos : quod nulla nisi christiana religio injungit . proponit nobis religionis christianae fundamenta , christi deitatem , passionem , mortem , resurrectionem , &c. atque ut superius dicebam quicquid in symbolo continetur . authores . majister sententiarum , thomas aquinas , johannes duns scotus a patria , hamm●ndius , lightfootius , aliique quam plurimi ecclesiae anglicanae doctores . sect. xxx . spherical trigonometry . spherical trigonometry teacheth us to measure spherical triangles , that is triangles in the surface of the sphere , made by the arches of great circles . those sides of a spherical triangle are of the same kind that both exceed , or both fall short of 90 degrees ; but they are of a different sort , if the one exceed , and the other fall short of 90 degrees . this science demonstrates these following propositions . 1. in all spherical triangles , any side whatsoever , is less than a semi-circle . 2. in all spherical triangles , any two sides , howsoever they be consider'd , are greater than the third . 3. of a spherical triangle equilateral , if each side be a quadrant , or of 90 deg . all the angles are streight ; and if each side be less than the quadrant , all the angles are obtuse . 4. in all spherical triangles , when the angles are all acute , all the arches are less than the quadrant . 5. in all spherical triangles , the three angles are greater than two streight angles , and lesser than six . authors . kepler , afraganius , julius higinus , garcaeus , robert hues , adrianus metius . sectio trigesima . trigonometria sphaerica . trigonometria sphaerica docet nos modum dimetiendi triangula sphaerica , hoc est triangula ex tribus arcubus maximorum circulorum , in superficie sphaerae composita . latera ea trianguli sphaerici ejusdem sunt affectionis quae simul excedunt , aut deficiunt a quadrante , aut nonaginta gradibus , sed non sunt ejusdem generis si unum latus excedat , & alterum sit infra nonaginta gradus . haec scientia sequentes hasce propositiones demonstrat . 1. in omni triangulo sphaerico quodvis latus quomodocumque sumptum est minus semi-circulo . 2. in omni triangulo sphaerico duo latera reliquo sunt majora quomodocumque sumpta . 3. omne triangulum sphaericum aequilaterum , si singula latera sunt quadrantes , habet singulos angulos rectos , si vero quadrante minora , ob , tusos . 4. in omni triangulo sphaerico cujus omnes anguli sunt acuti arcus singuli quadrante minores sunt 5. omnis trianguli sphaerici tres anguli duobus quidem rectis sunt majores , sex vero rectis minores . authores . keplerus , afraganius , julius higinus , garcaeus , robertus hues , adrianus metius . sect. xxxi . the rectiline trigonometry . the rectiline trigonometry teacheth us how to measure triangles made of streight lines . a streight line , is the shortest way between two extremes . between two extremes , there can be but one streight line . two streight lines can not cut one another , but in one point . an angle is measured by degrees , so a streight angle is an angle of 90 degrees , an acute angle is an angle of fewer than 90 , as an obtuse angle contains more than 90 degrees . a line falling even down upon another line , without inclining either to the one side , or to the other , is called a perpendicular line , and makes two streight angles . parallel lines , are those that are equidistant one from another . this science demonstrates this proposition , of great use in mathematicks , that the three angles of all rectiline triangles , are equal to two streight ones . all the angles of a triangle , may be acute , but there can be but one streight , or obtuse . if one of the three angles of a triangle be streight , the two others are equal to a streight angle . who knows the degrees of two angles , knows the degrees of the third , because all three make up 180 degrees . all the angles of a triangle being equal , all the sides are likewise equal . authors . euclid , clavius , arnauld ; malapertius , fournier , &c. sectio trigesima prima . trigonometria rectilinea . trigonometria rectilinea docet qui triangula ex rectis lineis composita metiri oporteat . linea recta est brevissima duo inter extrema via . duo inter extrema unica tantum duci potest recta . duae rectae nequeunt se invicem nisi in puncto secare . angulum metiuntur gradus , angulus rectus est angulus 90 graduum , acutus angulus graduum pauciorum , angulus obtusus plures nonaginta gradibus gradus continet . linea in aliam utrimque incidens ex aequo perpendicularis dicitur , duosque utrimque rectos angulos constituit . lineae parallelae , sunt lineae aequo a se invicem intervallo dissitae . haec scientia non exiguae mathematicis in disciplinis utilitatis hanc propositionem demonstrat , omnis trianguli rectilinei tres anguli duobus rectis sunt aequales . omnes anguli trianguli rectilinei possunt esse acuti , sed unus tantum rectus esse potest , aut obtusus . si unus trium angulorum trianguli sit rectus , duo reliqui recto aequales sunt . qui novit duorum angulorum gradus tertii anguli gradus novit , simul enim tres anguli conficiunt numerum 180. quoties omnes anguli trianguli sunt aequales , omnia latera quoque aequalia sunt . authores . euclides , cicero , clavius , arnauld , malapertius , fournierius , &c. an appendix , pointing at some of the chief authors of this , and the foregoing ages . by authors , here are meant , those that are really such , and the first inventors of any useful piece of knowledge . reader , thou mayest rest satisfied with this very short and imperfect account of some of the chief new inventions , either of this , or of the past ages , since i design , at more leisure , to write a larger treatise of this subject , as likewise to set down the particular times every thing was printed in , that so the unjust dealing both of domestick and foreign transcribers , who have so often stolen the greatest , or ( at least ) the best part of their writings from the honourable robert boyle , hook , descartes , gassendi , and others , may to their confusion , be discovered ; and to the great encouragement of all ingenious men , who shall the more willingly venture abroad their notions , and new contrivances , in what kind soever , if they ▪ are once secured from usurping authors . i shall begin with the deservedly famous robert boyle , though i may dispatch in one word , what relates to this noble author , if i say , as truly i may , that whatever he has publish'd , is in every respect new , both as to the subject it self , the arguments he proposeth , and the particular method : but because the curious reader will not be satisfied with this general account , i come to particulars , but shall speak but of a very few things , as designing , at greater conveniency , a more accurate history of this great author's new contrivances , whether notions , engines , or experiments . as likewise whatever the natives of this island have invented towards the promoting of useful learning . the famous air-pump was invented by the honourable robert boyle : he giveth a full account of it , in his discourse of physico mechanical experiments ; by the help whereof , he proves the elastick power and spring of the air , and several other wonderful phaenomena's relating to the nature , spring , expansion , pressure , weight of the air , &c. he contrived the experiment concerning the different parts and redintegration of salt-peter ; whence he concludes , that motion , figure , and disposition of parts , may suffice to produce all secondary affections of bodies , and so banisheth the substantial forms and qualities of the schools . but because i design a larger account in another treatise of this noble author's new inventions , i shall only tell you here , that his physiological and experimental essays , his sceptical chymist , his usefulness of experimental philosophy , his history of cold , his experimental history of colours , his hydrostatical paradoxes , his origine of forms and qualities , his free enquiry into the receiv'd notion of nature , his reconciliableness of specifick remedies to the new philosophy , his history of humane bloud , his discourse of final causes , not yet published ; as likewise all his other treatises contain as many new notions and exepriments almost as lines . i shall not forget in this place , what that very learned and ingenious gentleman , sir robert gordon , of gordistoun , has lately invented ; i mean , his famous water-pump , a piece of mechanism , far beyond the contrivances of all foregoing ages , in this kind , as i shall easily make out by the following account of this useful engine . this new pump draweth twice as much water as any other ; it is wrought with half the force , and costs half the price , and takes up but half the room . the experiment , performed at deptford the twenty second of march , in presence of my lord dartmouth , and the commissioners of the navy ; appointed to give account of it to the king , was as follows . in a sixth-rate frigat , this new pump did fill the gaged cistern of two tuns , in one minute and forty five seconds ; and the shippump did the same in six minutes and some more , each pump being wrought by four men . in a fourth-rate frigat , this pump being wrought by twelve men , did fill the cistern in thirty one seconds ; and the ship-pump , being wrought by six men , fill'd it in four minutes and some more . the chief authors of new discoveries in anatomy , we reckon to be these following : fabricius ab aqua pendente discover'd the valve of the veins , as the valve at the entrance of the great gut colon was found out by bauhinus ; the milky veins of the mesentery , by asellius ; the receptacle of the chyle , hy pequet ; the ductus virsungianus , by george virsung , of padua ; the lymphatick vessels , by dr. joliffe , bartholin , and olaus rudbeck ; the internal ductus salivaris in the maxillary glandule , by dr. wharton , and dr. glisson ; the glandules under the tongue , nose and palate ; the vessels in the nameless glandules of the eye ; the tear glandule , by nicolas steno ; a new artery , called arteria bronchialis , by frederick rusch ; the circulation of the bloud , by dr. harvey , though some , upon no very good grounds , ascribe it to paulus venetus , and others to prosper alpinus , and andreas caesalpinus . the act of making salt water fresh , was lately invented in england , whereof the deservedly famous r. boyle gave a very rational account , in a letter written upon this subject . arithmetick was either invented , or much promoted by pythagoras , by euclid , not the euclid that was contemporary to plato , and hearer of socrates , but the famed mathematician of that name , who was after aristotle , and at ninety years distance from the former ; by diaphantus , psellus , apuleius , cardan , gemma frisius , clavius , &c. neper invented the logarithms , by the help whereof we perform all the operations of arithmetick by addition and substraction . he invented likewise an easie , certain and compendious way of accounting by sticks , called rabdology , as also computation by neper's bones . the telescope was invented by james metius , of amsterdam , though commonly ascribed to galile , who indeed , improved it . torricellius found the barometer , whereby we weigh the air itself . printing , according to polidore vergile , was found by john cuttemberg , of ments , in germany , though others give the honour to one fust , of the same city ; and some , to lawrence , a burgher of harlem . the chineses knew this art before the europeans . flavius goia , of amalphis , in the kingdom of naples , is thought to be the inventor of the mariners-compass , three hundred years since . finis . appendix , quosdam e praecipuis hujus , superiorumque saeculorum authoribus indicans . hic nomine authorum intelliguntur ii , qui reipsa ejusmodi sunt , hoc est primi utilis cujuscumque scientiae , seu cognitionis inventores . aequi bonique consulet lector brevem hanc imperfectamque descriptionem eorum , quae sive hoc , sive praeterita saecula invenerunt ; cum enim per otium licebit , statui ampliorem hoc super argumento conscribere tractatum , ipsumque denotare tempus quo quidlibet e prelo in lucem prodiit , eo consilio ut transcriptores tum domestici , tum extranei qui toties ties illustrissimo boylio , hookio , cartesio , aliisque maximam aut praecipuam saltem lucubrationum suarum partem surripuere meritas ipso detecti furti pudore luant paenas : quo fiet ut ingeniosi quique quaecumque de novo excogitant , facilius in lucem emissuri sint si tutos se ab authoribus aliena usurpantibus noverint . initium ducam a roberto boylio jure merito jam ubique celeberrimo , quamvis quae hic nobilem hunc authorem spectant verbo absolvere queam , si dixero ut vere possum , quicquid ab ipso in lucem editum est esse omnino novum , sive argumentum ipsum spectes , sive rationes ab ipso propositas , sive denique peculiarem ipsius methodum : sed quia his in genere dictis lectoris curiositati factum satis non fuerit , propius quaedam attingam paucissima tantum commemoraturus , ut qui per otium accuratiorem scribere decreverim historiam tum eorum quae magnus hic author primus adinvenit puta notionem machinarum , experiment orum , &c. tum eorum quae indigenae hujus insulae ad utilium scientiarum propagationem excogitarunt . celeberrima antlia aeria ab illustrissimo roberto boylio excogitata fuit : plenam ejusdem descriptionem tradit ibi ubi de experimentis physico-mechanicis ; illius ope elasticam aeris virtutem , atque elaterem probat , variaque alia , quae merito miremur , phaenomena ad naturam , elaterem , expansionem , pressionem , gravitatemque aeris spectantia . primus ille author experimenti est de diversis partibus , & redintegratione salispetrae , unde concludit motu , figura , partiumque dispositione secundarias omnium corporum affectiones produci posse , proscribitque proinde substantiales scholarum formas , & qualitates . sed quia fusius alibi scribere statui de iis quae nobilis hic author primus invenit , hic tantum suggeram , physiologicis ipsius tent aminibus , atque experimentalibus , chymico sceptico , utilitate experimentalis philosophiae , historia frigoris , experimentali historia colorum , hydrostaticis paradoxis , origine formarum & qualitatum , libera in receptam naturae notionem disquisitione , concordia remediorum specificorum & novae philosophiae , historia humani sanguinis , dissertatione de causis finalibus , nondum edita ; variisque aliis ejusdem operibus , tot novas contineri notiones , experimentaque fere quot versus . non praetermittam hoc loco quod doctissimus , ingeniosissim usque rob. gordonius , a gordistoun eques , nuper● adinvenit ; notissimam scilicet jam ubique hauriendis aquis antliam , mechanismi quoddam genus , quod superiorum aetatum hoc in genere arte facta longe exsuperet , ut sequente utilis hujusce machinae descriptione facile demonstrabo . nova haec antlia duplo plus quavis alia aquarum trahit ; & dimidiis tantum viribus dimidioque solum constat pretio , & dimidium tantum modo implet locum . experimentum hoc deptfordii vigesimo secundo martii coram comite darmouthensi commissariisque classis regiae , ad rem ut reipsa erat regi referendam constitutis ita se habebat . imposita nova haec antlia navi bellicae sexti ordinis mensuratam duorum doliorum cisternam minuto uno , secundis quinque supra quadraginta implevit : notaque navis antlia idem sex minutis & aliqua parte septimi praestitit , utramque autem quatuor tantum operarii agebant . navi bellicae quarti ordinis imposita coopera●tibus interim duodecim operario cist●ruam secundis triginta , & uno implevit , navisque antlia ope sex nautarum cand●●● quatuor minutis , & aliqua parte quinti implevit . praecipuos rerum anatomicarum detectores sequentes numeramus , vid. fabricium ab aqua pendente , qui detexit valvulas venarum , ut valvula , sub introitum magni intestini quod colon dicunt inventa fuit a bauhino ; venae lacteae mesenterii ab asellio , receptaculum chyli a pequeto , ductus virsungianus a georgio virsung paduensi ; lymphatica vasa a doctore joliffeo , bartholino , & olao rudbeckio , internus ductus salivaris in glandula maxillari a doctore whartono , & doctore glissonio , glandulae sub lingua , naso , palato , vasa sub innominata glandula oculi , glandula lacrymalis a nicolao stenone ; nova arteria bronchialis dicta a frederico ruschio , circulatio sanguinis ab harvaeo ; quamvis alii quidam non sat probabiliter eam ascribant paulo veneto , ut nonnulli prospero alpino , & etiam andreae caesalpino . ars aquae salsae dulcorandae inventa nuper in anglia est , de qua celeberrimus merito boylius conformia omnino rationi in epistola quadam hoc super argumento scripsit . arithmeticam aut invenerunt , aut multum promoverunt sequentes authores , pythagoras , euclides , non is qui coaevus fuit pl●toni , auditorque socratis , sed celeberrimus mathematicus hujus nominis qui post aristotelem floruit , annis post priorem nonaginta ; diaephantus , psellius , apuleius , cardan●s , gemma frisius , clavius , &c. neperus invenit logarithmos quorum ope omnia arithmeticae praescripta exequimur sola additione , & substractione . invenit pariter facilem , certam , brevemque numerandi methodum ope baculorum , quam rabdologiam dicunt , aut computationem per ossa neperi . telescopium inventum fuit a jacobo metio , amstelodamensi licet vulgo galilaeo tribuatur , qui quidem perfectius illud multo reddidit . torricellius invenit barometrum quo instrumento aerem ipsum metimur . ars typographica teste polydoro vergilio inventa fuit a johanne cuttembergio , moguntiano , licet quidam hunc honorem tribuant cuidam fustio ex eadem civitate , & nonnulli laurentio civi harlemensi . sinenses hanc artem prius aeuropaeis noverant . flavius goia , ab amalphi , in regno neapolitano creditur jam trecentis abhinc annis pyxidem nauticam invenisse . finis . scepsis scientifica, or, confest ignorance, the way to science in an essay of the vanity of dogmatizing, and confident opinion : with a reply to the exceptions of the learned thomas albius / by joseph glanvill ... glanvill, joseph, 1636-1680. 1665 approx. 196 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70185 wing g828_pt2 estc r13862 11839211 ocm 11839211 49777 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70185) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49777) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 70:14, 31:5) scepsis scientifica, or, confest ignorance, the way to science in an essay of the vanity of dogmatizing, and confident opinion : with a reply to the exceptions of the learned thomas albius / by joseph glanvill ... glanvill, joseph, 1636-1680. 2 v. printed by e. cotes, for henry eversden ..., london : 1665. vol. 2 has special t.p.: scire/i tuum nihil est, or, the authors defence of the vanity of dogmatizing, against the exceptions of the learned tho. albius in his late sciri ... london : printed by e.c. for h. eversden, 1665. first ed. published under title: the way of dogmatizing. copy at reel 31:5 (g827) is volume 1; copy at reel 70:14 (g828) is volume 2. "a letter to a friend concerning aristotle": v. 2, p. 77-92. reproduction of original in library of congress (v. 1) and british library (v. 2) created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng white, thomas, 1593-1676. philosophy -early works to 1800. knowledge, theory of -early works to 1800. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-02 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion scire / i tuum nihil est : or , the authors defence of the vanity of dogmatizing ; against the exceptions of the learned tho. albius in his late sciri . no doubt but ye are the men , and wisdom shall dye with you ! job . london , printed by e. c. for henry eversden at the grey-hound in st. pauls-church-yard , 1665. the authors apology for his style . it may perhaps seem to some incongruous , that my reply is not written in the language of the objections ; and i should have thought so too , had the objections spoke the language of my discourse . but since my assailant takes the liberty to recede from my style , i know no reason obligeth me to humour his . and 't is less improper for a book to differ in fashion from another that opposeth it ; than from that of which 't is a part and vindication . and this answer were sufficient for the seeming impropriety : but yet i have reasons more considerable to excuse it . i must confess then , that by that time sciri was extant , i was grown so indifferent to those matters , that i had much ado to perswade my self to a review of what i had written ; and could have ben content to have left it without any other vindication , then what it could it self obtain from the good nature and ingenuity , of impartial perusers . and in this coldness of humor had without doubt deserved it , but that my bookseller importun'd me for another edition : which request of his having consented to , i saw my self under a necessity of decorum to return something on an occasion , in which silence perhaps might have been ill-manners to an ingenious and learned adversary . but though the constraint of these circumstances overcame my aversness to writing any more on a subject , with which i thought i had done for ever ; yet could it not prevail against the humour i had of troubling my self no more then needs in a business , to which i was driven , rather then inclined or perswaded . so that after i had resolv'd an answer ; it had been more difficult to have drawn my self to put it into any other drss , then what is most easie and familiar . which yet was not the effect only of the indisposition and laziness of my humour ; but a dictate of my discretion . for the truth is , i foresaw the occasion would not engage me in any thing , that i could think worthy of the universal language ; except i should have written a discourse , and not an answer . besides which , had i used another style i must have been more diffuse in reiterating what i had said in the opposed essay ; otherwise those that understood not english , had been uncapable of my justification ; and my self , and those that do , nauseated by the repetition . these then were the chief reasons of my continuing the language i began with ; which i confess i was the more easily perswaded by , because there are late great examples of like practice , whose fashions 't is no discredit to imitate . and to all i might add , that i love not that my discourse should wear linsy-woolsy . sciri , a. sive sceptices & scepticorum à jure disputationis exclusio . remarques on the title . g. i should never have thought my self concern'd in a book , that wears such a title ; but that i found my name in the first page made an ungrateful adjunct : and the opposing a discourse i had publish't , profest the occasion , and mark it aim'd at . how unjust 't is to suggest that i am a sceptick , is i think clear enough from what i have said already , and shall make more fully appear in the process . and how little kindness i have for the disputing way of procedure , i have publiquely declared . how proper then that part of the title is in this application , any one may pass an easie judgement . but to what purpose old cato stands there , with that instructive oracle in his mouth , which i remember ever since i cap't verses , contra verbosos : i was posed to conjecture . especially since the insignificant prattle , and endless garrulity of the philosophy of the schools , which this gentleman seems to vindicate , is none of the least offences to those whom , whither they will or no , he will have be scepticks . in consideration of this , and some such other misapplyed appellations , i thought that this learned man had an other notion of sceptick then was usual ; and casting mine eye over his late purgation , presented to the cardinals of the inquisition , i found that his scepticks were some of the modern voluminous ●●sputing peripateticks , whom in that part of my discourse where i deal with the aristotelian philosophy , i bestow a particular reflection on . these it seems by the solicitation of their complaints against his writings had obtain'd a general condemnation of them from the pope and consistory of cardinals ; whom therefore in his appeal to the said cardinals he accuseth of ignorance , corruption of the aristotelian doctrines , and tendency to heresie and atheism . and that these are the scepticks of our philosopher , appears also from several passages both of the praeface and body of the discourse i am rejoyning to . but then upon what account the celebrated gassendus and the author of the vanity of dogmatizing should be comprised under a common name with these , with whom they have so little confederacy either in doctrin or design ; i cannot yet find the least ground for conjecture . a. junioribus academicis . etsi non dubitem validioribus & magis opportunis auxiliis obviam itum esse exitiali illi pyrrhonicae contagio , quod nova audere non ita pridem occaepit ; tamen , quia nil publici cauterii adactum ad ulous glanvillanum jam biennio integro aestuofum audiveram , visum est filentibus potioribus ad meam infirmitatem devolutum esse onus , iniquitatem indisciplinatae illius calumniae universo philosophantium choro impositae , si non avertere , certe aperire , & plumis disertioribus lacerandam exponere . — page 1. upon the supposal then that i am a sceptick , the learned g. gentleman invades my harmless and peaceable essay as a deadly pyrrhonical contagion , and an enemy to science . but with what ingenuity i am charg'd , with what i have so frequently disclaim'd , i appeal to the professions of the discourse it self to evidence : which whether they are arguments of a sceptical aim and temper , let the dogmatist judge between us . and though my apology for philosophy may perhaps be defective in point of judgement and argument , for the clearing of what i undertook to vindicate ; yet both the design and menage of it , one would think , should have secured me from suspicion of endeavouring to discourage philosophical enquiries , by introducing a despair of science . for on the contrary , one of my chief designs was , to remove that sloath and laziness which in these later ages hath cramp't endeavour , and made men content to sit down with their slender acquists , as certainties and demonstrations which are scarce probabilities . i desire it may be taken notice of once for all then , that i have nought to do with that shuffling sect , that love to doubt eternally , and to question all things . my profession is freedom of enquiry , and i own no more scepticism then what is concluded in the motto which the royal society have now adopted for theirs , nullius in verba . so that there was no need of so solemn a warning to the universities against my innocent discourse ; whose greatest fault is , that 'tas been so unhappy as to be mistaken . for the ulcus glanvillanum ( as my learned assailant is pleased to call it ) contains none of the supposed venome . nor will it inspire any but supine and passive tempers with any other spirit then that of more diligent research , and careful pursuits of nature . i am not therefore concern'd in the question our author propounds to his junior academicks to this purpose : whether they would be severely wise for the conduct of their manners and religion , or enticingly rhetorical , pleading for ignorance and uncertainty , and whistling their dependants into apparent precipices ? since one of the greatest quarrels i have against confident opinion , is , that it renders the dogmatist conceited , not wise . and is so far from being serviceable to good manners , that it mischievously corrupts them , sowring mens spirits with envy , ill nature , and moroseness ; and mingling their religion with schism , bitrer zeal , and sedition : and these are worse precipices then a modest and reserv'd belief can betray men into . to what follows within this period , i 'le say no more , then that there 's a medium between being blind and infallible . and vanitas dogmatizandi , is not well explained by vera pollicendi . a. viro non irascor , qui magno ingenio & eloquentiae cum annis maturandae flumine non vadando , — pag. 3. g. in this clause the learned gentleman acknowledgeth my confession of certainty in faith , and hopes of science from experiment ; neither of which can consist with a criminal and dangerous scepticism : which yet he seems not willing to have me free from , adding , that i point at one , as the ground of my expectation , whom this learned man will have believed a favourer of the pyrrhonian nihil sciri : the person aim'd at in this reflection , i conceive , is des-cartes ; though i confess , i remember not that sentence mention'd in his writings ; for after the proposal of what might be expected from experiment and the progress of enquiry , i adde , that those that are acquainted with the fecundity of the cartesian principles will dispair of nothing . and if that great man , possibly one of the greatest that ever was , must be believed a sceptick , who would not ambitiously affect the title ? and to give the pyrrhonians one of the noblest and happiest wits that hath shone upon the world , is to yield a greater advantage to their cause , then would be done by a thousand profest assertions of it so that had i been guilty of such a concession , i might thence more reasonably have been judged a favourer of the scepticks , then by any thing i have writ against the dogmatists . for i am apt to think , that mankind is like to reap more advantage from the ignorance of des cartes , then perhaps from the greatest part of the science was before him , and i cannot forbear pronouncing him the phosphoros of that clear and useful light , that begins to spring in plentifully upon an awakened world . so that though the following expostulations are proper and seasonable in reference to our authors peripatetical scepticks , yet are they most improper and injurious , if they have any aspect on des-cartes , or those that endeavour to promote that free and useful way of philosophizing which he hath insisted in . but i add no more on this occasion , because 't is possible i have mistaken the person intended by my assailant . however , if the reflection be not directed to him , 't is to the excellent gassendus , who is presently after introduced , under the title of the great interpreter of epicurus ; who hath as little reason to be suspected of criminal scepticism , as the other . it is well known that these great men were inquirers , and it becomes not such to be swearers , nor is it therefore reasonable to conclude them scepticks . a. aliud offendiculum est complurium modernorum effraenis impudentia , qui aristotelem — pag. 7. g. i am glad to find my learned assailant justifying all my censures of the modern aristotelians ; only he accuseth them of one fault which i seldom find among them , viz. modesty in proposing their opinions ; which our authour inveighs against as a criminal diffidence . but for my part i think the greatest number of that spirit can plead not guilty to the accusation . and for those of them that are less assured in their sentiments , i should not reckon it among their crimes , to be wary and sparing of assent in notions so lubricous and uncertain , as are those they deal in . though i confess , to keep such voluminous ado about acknowledg'd uncertainties , is a very reprehensible vanity . and doubtless the unprofitable toyes of these later peripateticks , have offended many against that philosophy . but whether most of them are not the genuine derivations of the hypothesis they claim to , may without difficulty be determin'd by any that will consider the natural flatulency of that aery scheam of notions . and i think they have no great reason to pretend to ingenuity or judgement , that accuse aristotle for the faults of his sectators . but from this last period of sence , i desire chiefly it may be noted , that our learned author pleads not for the modern aristotelianism , which yet obtains in most of the schools of christendom : all the advantage i shall make of which at present is to question , whether the reseuing men from an over fond value of such small wares , and the preventing the expence of time and pains upon such solemn trifles , as our philosopher deservedly calls them , be like to be a prejudice to their persuits of more useful knowledge , and the furtherance of science ? vos modo novi palmites surgentes in vinum quod a. laetificet corda hominum , memores quod — pag. 9. though i confess i have not so great a value for the g. aristotelian learning , as some others ; yet i am none of those , that would disswade junior academicks from the study of that philosophy . especially , i think aristotles logick and rhetorick are to be acknowledg'd ; though , i am not of the opinion of averroes that he was the inventer of either . and doubtless that reverence and observance is due to the statutes of those universities that recommend this author ; yea and the antiquity of that philosophy ( though it be far from being the antientest ) will commend it to the students of universal learning . besides , i would have nothing avoided or condemn'd till it be understood : and were i more an enemy to that philosophy then my assailant can suppose i am , yet should i not disswade the learning it ; since primus sapientiae gradus , est falsa intelligere . only , i think , 't would be very injurious to knowledge , if aristotle should ingross men , and should his placits be all receiv'd as the dictates of universal reason . there are other hypotheseis more antient , and possiby more useful , that deserve to be enquired into . and 't is an enlargement and enobling the minds of men to acquaint them with the various scheams in which things have been represented . my design was not then to discourage any from inquiring into the aristotelian doctrines , especially as they are in their original : but to prevent mens sitting down for ever on his composures , and making his placits the infallible measures of truth and nature . let aristotle be studied then , but not adored . let him have the first of our time , but not all ; the advantage of prepossession is great , which yet free philosophers i presume will grant him ; only let pythagoras , democritus , plato , and the more antient chaldaean wisdom , have their turns to be inquired into , and let the great and illustrious moderns have theirs . 't is an unaccountable vanity , to spend all our time in raking into the scraps and imperfct remains of former ages , and to neglect the knowledge and clearer notices of our own , which ( my lord bacon makes the third , but reckoning in the aegyptian ) is the fourth , and perhaps greatest enquiry of learning . for many have gone to and fro , and science is increased . methinks 't is pity that so many improveable wits as frequent the universities , should be hindred from enquiry ; and tyed up to the writings of a single authour , from the knowledge of the sentiments of the philosophick world , and studying the more instructive volumn of the universe . doubtless , since the dayes of aristotle , the face of things is alter'd , and new phaenomena are disclosed , which his hypotheseis will no more suit , then the coats of children will a body that is at full and advanced stature . besides , the greatest spirits of our dayes , proceed in another way of enquiry , which , if there were nothing in 't but the fashion of the learning of the age , it were however fit to be known by those that lay any claim to ingenuity , and have leisure for such researches . and it seems to me an unpardonable kind of sloath , ( especially in youth that useth to be busie and inquisitive ) to be contentedly ignorant of those great theories that make such noise in the age they live in ; and to spend all their time in that which will signifie little without the walls of a colledge . for the wiser world is of a differing opinion from our philosopher in the assertion of this paragraph , viz. that no progress can be made in sciences without the aristotelian grounds ; and i think will hardly be brought to believe , that those that have quitted those foundations must be alwayes to seek for principles , and necessarily come short of science . for to think that the principles of any man should be the only and infallible measures of things , seems a fond overvaluing credulity that hath nothing to warrant it . and he that phancies that all succeeding mankind cannot light upon principles as happy and likely , as those of aristotle , but must eternally despair of science , if they proceed in any other way , then he hath prescribed them ; hath no pretence for so bold a judgment of possibilities . actio prima . scepsin infaelici naturae aborsu antiquitùs natam , a. & ipsiusmet pudore è linguis disertorum ubi diu habitaverat elatam , & fidei christianae constantiâ tumulatam , à vermium & insectorum epulis raptam , magicâ quadam operâ vivis restituere conatus est petrus gassendus , acerrimae vir sagacitatis , nitidae eloquentiae , copiosae facundiae , suavissimorum morum , & diligentiae admirandae . idem ( quod his omnibus majus est ) catholicae fidei tenacissimus , & nusquam pravorum áogmatum suspectus , cùm tamen haec sceptica infinitorum errorum & omnium haereseôn mater sit , & illa ipsa seductrix philosophia , & inanis fallacia , quam cavendam apostoli monitu docuêre sancti . hanc vir ille , caetera magnus , in exercitatione suâ paradoxâ adversus aristotelaeòs , non ut priùs tectam & scortorum more in tenebris vagantem , sed effronti vultu & fucatâ formâ turbis & foro ostentare ausus est . 2. illius exemplo , apud nos linguâ vernaculâ eandem exornatam produxit vanitatis dogmatizandi author ; ipse quoque & ingenio pollens & eloquio . neque enim à vulgaribus mentibus timenda sunt grandia infortunia . haec mei laboris est occasio ; propositum verò , si lumen caelitùs affluat & vires calamo ministret , hanc cadaveream scientiae aemulam in sua sepulcreta compellere , & inominatis dentibus rodendam tradere . agedum igitur , quaesiti nodum evolvamus . g. the scepticism which the constancy of christianity lay'd in it's grave , i dare say the illustrious gassendus would never have redeemed from thence . the scepticism which consists in freedome of inquiry , that noble pen recommended , and adorned ; but did not restore : for campanella and the great verulam were before him ; yet , avicenna and others of his spirit among the antient peripateticks , were free philosophers . but what that scepticism should be , that is consistent with so sharpe a wit , so neat and copious an eloquence , such sweet manners , and admirable diligence , such firmness and fledfastness in the faith , and so unsuspected an orthodoxie , as are ascribed , and deservedly , to that great person : and yet be the source of infinite errorus and heresies , that seducing philosophy and vain deceit , against which we have the caveat of an apostle ; is beyond the reach of my conjecture . and i am the more confounded when i am told , that this mother of heresie , this vain deceit , is nothing but an endeavour to lessen the imposing authority of a vain-glorious heathen , whom some excellent persons , both fathers and philosophers , have accused , as one impious in manners , and worse in doctrine and belief . a suppressor of the more antient and more valuable wisdom : and one , that from a proud and insolent tassus contemned , and continually quarrel'd with his betters : yea , and who grew so far into this humour and contradiction that he would frequently unsay and contradict his own assertions . one , whose credit grew up in the night of barbarism and ignorance ; and whose principles are repugnant , many of them , to the nature of things , and the fundamentals of faith : i say , that an attempt to redeem the free ▪ born spirits of men , from an unworthy vassallage to so stigmatiz'd an authority , should be to this learned man so criminal and dangerous a business , is , i confess , to me , occasion of some surprise and wonder and if this be the faulty scepticism gassendus , and the author of the vanity of dogmatizing , are accused of ; let those that have a mind to pass their censure , make the worst they can of the imputation . that gassendus was no sceptick in the old and common notion , is apparent from the voluminous pains he hath taken in the building up a body of philosophy upon the principles of democritus and epicurus ; and if he was not so fond of the principles he undertook to illustrate , as to boast their certainty ; proposing them not in a confident and assertive form , but as probabilities and hypotheseis : i see no reason why his modesty should be made his crime , and be so severely animadverted on . nor doth the author of the impugned essay yet see any cause to be ashamed of having followed his example in an affair so innocent ; to say no more on 't . and he cannot yet decern how that discourse could yield an occasion to this learned man of opposing scepticism , which he may lay in the dust without concernment to the vanity of dogmatizing , or it's author : who is no otherwise interested in the paragraphs that follow for the asserting science , and opposition of the scepticks , but only to wish our author his desired success in the undertaking . i am not therefore concerned to take notice of any thing further , till the second section of the fourth action . for though possibly in the intermediate discourse , some things are said , which are not so cogent , and othersome which might appear obnoxious to one that would be quarrelsome ; yet because i wish well to the design , and attend not an assault , but defence , i shall pass all that without any other remarque ; but ; that if this learned gentleman had thought gassendus and my self scepticks in good earnest , his proof which must suppose the certainty of some principles , had been precarious ; or , if not , needless . a. actio quarta . sect. 2. ipsae jam loquantur querelae , illae nempe quibus quatuor a tertio capitula , cumulavit — pag. 51. g. it seems the learned gentleman had a desire to make an occasion to solve the motion of the sea , and magnetick attractions ; since in my discourse i gave him none , having only mention'd them as things i would not insist on , and confest them better accounted for then less acknowledg'd mysteries . whether the reason of these darke phaenomena be well assigned by this philosopher ; i 'le not put my self upon the occasion of inquiring . that they are the certain and infallible causes , i suppose this learned man's modesty will not permit him to affirm ; and if they are but confest probabilities , here 's no opposition to the scepticism of the author ; which allowes ingenious and hopeful conjecture in resolving the appearances of nature : though he fears , few accounts will amount to certainties and demonstrations . so that though for mine own part i acquiesce in the cartesian solution of these magnalia , as an hypothesis that may content one , that is not restlesly and unreasonably inquisitive : yet even in that , when i would look deep , i descern objections which perhaps will very difficulty be satisfied : and which speak those ingenious offers to be but attempts , no absolute performances . and if this acute philosopher think the impulse of the external winds a sufficient cause of the flux and reflux ; i shall not go about to disturbe him in his satisfactions . that will ease one man's mind , that will leave an others restless . only i cannot well apprehend how so constant and regular an effect as the motion of the sea , should depend upon so uncertain and proverbially inconstant a cause as the winds are . or , if there were no difficulty in that , yet the learned author may please to consider , that this is but the next cause of the phaenomenon , the cause of which , perhaps , is more hardly assigneable then the other . and the nature and original of the winds , is , it may be , as abstruse a theory as any in philosophy . for in assigning causes , in the second or third , commonly we are lost and non-plust , which is no inconsiderable evidence of humane ignorance and deficiency . actio quinta . sect. i. a. tertio itaque eloquentissimae dissertationis capite objicit ignorantiam illius rei quae notissima — pag. 57. my learned assailant is now descended to the difficulties g. i propounded , and judge not yet satisfactorily accounted for ; concerning which i affirm not , that they are doubts that cannot possibly be unriddled ; for this were to discourage , and not to awaken inquiry : but that they have not yet been sufficiently explain'd , or explicable by any yet extant hypothesis ; a sad argument of intellectual deficience , that after so much talk and indeavour after science , the whole world should yet be to seek in matters they have the greatest advantages of being acquainted with . i am not therefore an enemy to any essayes can be made towards the explication of the difficulties proposed ; but should heartily embrace any hopeful offers for the clearing of those mysterious theories . so that if this learned man propose any thing that may be probable ; though it come not near the title of certainty or science : i have so great a kindness for ingenuity , and such a desire for the quieting my anxious and inquiring mind , that i shall give it an entertainment not like the usual ones of angry disputants , who cannot endure any thing that proceeds from an antagonist ; but such a one as may evidence , that truth is welcome to me , though it comes in a way of opposition to the petty interest of mine opinions . to the business then , if to suppose the soul a distinct substance from the body and extrinsically advenient , be a great error in philosophy , almost all the world hath hitherto been mistaken : so that if this gentlemans opinion be true , he hath confirm'd the scepticism i endeavor to promote . but if we enquire into the philosophy of the soul , as high as any accounts are given of it , we shall find it's distinction from the body to have been the current belief of all the wiser ages . for , ( 1. ) the highest times of whose doctrines we have any history , believed it's praeexistence , and therefore certainly asserted it's diversity and substantial distinction from the body it informs . of which briefly . we have praeexistence among the chaldean oracles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and afterwards more clearly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and psellus in his exposition of the chaldean theology , tells us , that according to their doctrine souls descended hither ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and again zoroaster , speaking of souls , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . besides which ( 2. ) trismegistus is express in the assertion of the same doctrine ; of which a testimony or two perhaps will not be impertinent . in his minerva mundi , he brings in god threatning those he had placed in an happy condition of life and enjoyment , with bonds and imprisonment in case of disobedience . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and they transgressing , he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and in another place , assignes this for the cause of their incarceration ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( 3. ) it was also the opinion of the ancient jews , that souls were first created together , and resided in a place they call golph , a coelestial region . ad therefore 't is said in the mishna , non aderit filius david priusquam exhaustae fuerint universae animae quae sunt in golph . so that they believed all generations on earth to be supplyed from that promptuary and element of soules in heaven ; whence they supposed them to descend by the north-pole , and to ascend by the south . hence the saying of the cabbalists , magnus aquilo scaturigo animarum . and probably that other omne malum nobis ex aquilone . from which tradition 't is likely also homer had this notion , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( 4. ) what was the opinion of pythagoras , plato , and the greatest of the greek philosophers in this particular , is notoriously known to all men that know any thing of these matters . and i need no testimonies in so clear a business . it appears then from the allegations i have produced , that the most valuable wisdom of the antient world asserted a doctrine which necessarily inferres and supposeth their opinion of the souls being a distinct substance from the body . which also ( 2 ) must be supposed by all that believe it 's natural immortality . for separability is the greatest argument of real distinction ; especially that , which the schools call mutual . now the souls immortality is a truth that hath had an unanimous reception from the better and wiser world . the aegyptians , chaldaeans , assyrians , indians , jews , greeks , and universally all that ever had a name for wisdom among the antients , believed it . and what hath been the apprehension of latter ages , i need inform no body that is capable of judging in such inquiries . a councel of the church of rome it self hath determin'd it , and recommended it's proof and demonstration to all christian philosophers . but what need of more ? 't is the belief of sir k. digby , and our authors own . and how real separability can consist with identity and indistinction , i know no possibility of apprehending . for that a thing can be separated from it self , can never be believed by any , but those that make a religion of absurdities . ( 3. ) the sacred and mosaical philosophy supposeth the like real distinction ; of which the expression of god's breathing into adams nostrils the breath of life , is sufficient evidence . yea , and all the arguments that are alledg'd to prove it's immediate creation , do strongly conclude it an other substance from the body . yea ( 4 ) aristotle himself affirmes it ; for saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . elsewhere , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and yet more clearly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and once more , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . other testimonies i could bring to like purpose , but these are sufficient to evince that if aristotle be consistent with himself , he believed the real distinction i contend for ; and his peripateticks i 'me sure unanimously affirm it . to all which if i can add sir k. digby's opinion , i shall bid fair for our authors assent to my conclusion , that 't was aristotle's , and the truth . ( 5 ) then , that noble and celebrated friend of our authors , affirmes in his immortality [ that the soul is a substance , and a substance besides the body . ] yea , almost all that discourse of his leans upon that supposal . yea ( 6 ) our philosopher himself in his peripatetical institutions , affirms as much as ever i supposed . for he saith that [ 't is most evident that the mind is something of an other kind from quantity and matter , that 't is noble and wholy opposite to the nature of quantity , that 't is a substantial principle of man , and no mode or determination of divisibility , and that there is nothing common to body and spirit . ] besides which , in the fifth book of the same institutions , he discourses of the souls separation from the body , and asserts it to be evident , that it perisheth not with it ; because it hath actions that belong not to a body , but hath of it self the vertue of a being . and that it's power of existence is not taken away when the body fails , the soul being apart from and besides it . and that matter is not necessary to the souls existence . many other expressions there are in that discourse to like purpose , which seem to speak the souls real distinction from the body in as great variety of phrase as diversity and distinction can be spoken . so that how such passages consist with the doctrine of it's identity with the body , i confess i am not metaphysical enough to comprehend . and i believe very few else can perceive the consistency besides this philosopher ; whose metaphysicks of whole and part , have yet been entertain'd by none that i know of ; and therefore though this should be acknowledged a good account , yet 't is an argument of the weakness of humane understanding that it hath not yet comprehended it . i think by this time 't is clear then , that the supposition of my procedure , the souls distinction from the body , is not peccant ; except all the world , both antient and modern , hath been mistaken , and our author also : which if it be granted , 't is an instance of what i plead for . if not , my supposition is good , and the emergent doubt unanswer'd . and if our learned author yet thinks it plain , that either man is no being , or that the soul and body are not two , i must acknowledge such palams to be the dogmatizing i suppose . and i am willing to put it upon the issue , whether it be so to any body else but this philosopher . but ( 2 ) besides all this , it seems to me very clear from the nature of the things themselves abstracting from authority ; that the soul is a substance distinct from the body . for i think , ( 1 ) 't is strongly concluded by the common arguments that prove it immaterial ; for perception , perception of spirituals , universals and other abstracts from sense , as mathematical lines , points , superficies , congenit notions , logical , metaphysical , and moral ▪ self-reflection , freedom , indifferency and universality of action : these , i say , are properties not at all competible to body or matter , though of never so pure a mixture . nor is it conceiveable how any of these should arise from modificaiions of quantity being of a diverse kind from all the phaenomena of motion but ( 2 ) if the soul be not a distinct substance from the body , 't is then a certain disposition and modification of it ; which this gentteman in the 10 lesson of his institutions seems to intimate , saying , [ that since the soul is a certain affection — which is introduced and expell'd by corporeal action — ] he thence inferrs some thing that is not to our purpose to relate . and if so ▪ since all diversities in matter arise from motion and position of parts , every different preception will require a different order and position of the parts of the matter perceiving , which must be obtained by motion . i demand then , when we pass from one conception to another , is the motion , the cause of this diversity , meerly casual ; or directed by some act of knowledge ? the former , i suppose , no man in his wits will affirm ; since then all our conceptions will be non-sense and confusion ; chance being the cause of nothing that is orderly and regular . if therefore there be a knowledge in us that directs the motions that form every distinct conception : i demand concerning that knowledge , whether it be in like manner directed by some other , or is it the effect of meer casual motions ? if the former , we must run up in infinitum in our inquiry : and the latter admits the alledged absurdities . there is no way then of defending the assertion of the souls being matter , or any modification of it : but by affirming with master hobbs a certain connexion between all our thoughts , and a necessary fate in all things : which who ever affirmes , will find difficulties enough in his assertion to bring him to mine , that there 's a vanity in dogmatizing , and confidence is unreasonable . but of this i have had occasion to discourse more in an other treatise , and i shall not repeat what i have there written , or what others have said on the subject . especially since perhaps this learned gentleman will not think himself concern'd in the proof of this conclusion , he having in his writings asserted it . but whether he have not unsaid it again in this , i appeal to any equal decerner . and that the soul should be a substance of another kind from matter , that hath nothing common with it ; a substance separable from all body , to which matter is not necessary , and actually in the other state divided from it : ( all which and more to like purpose our author hath in some of his books affirmed ; ) and yet not be a distinct substance , but really the same with the body to which it is united ; which he asserts in this ; i say ▪ how these so opposite affirmations can be reconciled , i have either not wit , or not charity enough to help me to imagine . i know this authors doctrine is , that there are no parts before separation and division , and therefore no real distinction . but whether things in their natures so divers as body and spirit , which almost in nothing , even according to this philosophy , communicate ; are not essentially divided , though not locally distant , i am willing to leave to the readers judgment . and i would fain know whereupon the separability of the soul and body is founded , if not upon the real distinction of their natures : so that though this notion may be less obnoxious when it relates only to substances of the same kind , and quality ; yet when it concerns those that are so essentially distinct , as body and spirit , it seems most strangely lyable . yea though it should be supposed a truth , yet it must be acknowledged unconceiveable ; which sufficeth to satisfie my conclusion . a. neque me terret distinctio ( quae pueris philosophiam garrientibus in sacco parata est ) entis perfecti & imperfecti — pag. 58. the distinction of the schools of a being perfect and g. imperfect , is not i think so childish and impertinent as our author would have believed . for though ens imperfectum in the metaphysical sence , be non-sence and a contradiction ; yet in genere physico , as they speak , 't is no absurdity : since a being may want some circumstances of natural compleatness and perfection ; and yet be metaphysically compleat and perfect : so that to affirm the soul an imperfect being nakedly in it self , is to say no more , then that 't was made with a natural aptitude , and congruity to a body by union with which 't is perfected and compleated , being then furnish't with the requisites of its nature ; which in like manner may be said of a body in humane form , viz. that 't is defective and incompleat till it be furnished with the principle of humane actions , for which it was designed . so that there 's no absurdity in affirming , that a thing may be one in a physiological and natural sense ; and two in a metaphysical ; and so out philosopher's inference is no sequel . a. 2. quando itaque petit , unde anima veniat ? reponendum est , an dubitet unde homo veniat ? — pag. 59. g. the foundation of our learned authors answers to the proposed difficulties being overthrown ; and it being made secure enough , that the soul is a distinct substance from the body ; 't is a pertinent and material enquiry to ask , whence the soul is ? and if our philosopher will call this the man according to the maxim , let the question be proposed in his own phrase , and there 's no danger of an absurdity . a. neque majorum quamtumvis reverendorum me quatit authoritas ; non dico illorum qui — pag. 59. g. it seems the learned gentleman would fain reconcile the authority of the church asserting the souls creation to his main conclusion , that 't is no distinct substance from the body ; and to his inference thereupon , that 't is improper and impertinent , to inquire whence it came . but whether what is said be a clear salve or a shuffle , let it be determin'd by any equal judgment . for either by homo quatenus intellectivus , our author means something that is the same with the body ; or really distinct and diverse . if the former , he hath not satisfied the authority of the church , which affirms , the soul as a distinct substance , to be the immediate subject of creation ; founded upon that clear distinction in the inspired writings [ the body to the dust , and the soul to god that gave it . ] but if he mean the latter , he hath not provided for his own assertion and hypothesis . besides ( 2. ) if man as intellective be created , then either he means the whole man , or only that by which he 's intellective ; the former is against all sense and experience . and the latter overthrows all our author's answers , with the proposition upon which they are erected . for if there be some thing in man which is the subject of divine power and action ; and some other thing that is the subject of natural production and generation ; it seems to me apparent that these must be two things really distinguish't . for the same thing cannot be created and naturally produced . for creation supposeth the production of the whole ex nihilo , both sui & subjecti ( as the schools phrase it ) without the co-operation of any thing with the divine superlative power : whereas all generation , according to truth and the same hypothesis , at least supposeth one of them , and is perform'd by natural agents . and i think the case is plain enough when 't is brought to this , whether the same thing can be produced of something and nothing , with created assistance , and without it ? since the actions then are so infinitely diverse , i think i shall not be reprehensibly dogmatical , in affirming the terms distinct . what the gentleman says more , seems to be involv'd , and looks like a designed evasion . and if [ one action produceth a man , a creature equivalent to a beast and angel ] i demand , whether this one action be divine or natural , from god or the generant ? if the former , every man is as immediately created as the first . and the latter quite excludes crea ion , and supposeth god no otherwise to act in giving being to our souls , then in each common production . 't is necessary therefore that the terms produced be distinct , when the actions whereby they are produced are so vastly diverse ; and that the soul have an origination different from the formation of the body , of which 't is more pertinent to inquire , then easie to return an answer . 3. ex hâc veritate derivamur ad sequentes duos a. nodos patentissimè solvendos . — pag. 60. in this and the following paragraphs our author supposeth g. his doctrin of the identity of the soul and body for an answer ; and i think after what hath been said , i have as good reason to suppose mine of the diversity for a reply . but how the definition of a part enervates my enquiry , i cannot imagine , since if [ parts are , out of which by composition are made one ] and the body and soul be supposed parts of the man ( which may well enough be allowed upon the account of what hath been said ) i see not but why we may inquire , how these parts , whose natures are so different , can be compounded and united . a. currit idem error in sequenti difficultate , quae luget nesciri quomodo anima moveat corpus , — pag. 61. g. whether my supposal be an error , we have seen already ; if it be not , our philosophers answer is so . and whither the implyed assertion that the soul moves not the body be not one , i appeal to any man , that understands he hath any claim to such a being . for though many of our actions , and possibly more then are suspected , may be allowed to be meer mechanick motions ; yet the experience of all the world attests , that our wills determine and excite not a few of our corporeal motions . what else means the distinction of the schools of actions imperate and elicit ? and how is it that we can speak and move at pleasure , and in spight of all corporeal impulse , desist from external action ! and if man be a meer mechanicks engine , farewel free-will , virtue , vice , laws , religion , rewards and punishments . a clock were as capable of these , according to our philosopher's hypothesis , as an humane automaton . a. vere enim unum membrum animatum movet aliud , sed non aliqua substantia quae sit pura anima — pag. 61. ▪ t is true , one animate member moves another , but the g. motion must somewhere begin . and though those which are purely corporeal in us are excited by material agents ; yet others we find , which derive from an higher principle , viz. a free and unconstrained will. and it seem strange to me that men should be so much in love with their private speculations , as for their sakes to confront their own , and all the worlds experience . what follows , no body that i know , affirms , viz. [ that a substance which is a pure soul moves a member wherein there is none ] . but to what concerns other animals , the learned author knows , that the platonists assign them souls independent on their bodies ; and the peripateticks , substantial forms distinct from matter , which are the source and principle of their actions . so that according to either of these hypotheseis , the question may as pertinently be proposed concerning their kind , as our own , and will be as difficultly answered . indeed the excellent monsieur des-cartes , and his followers that affirm , all bruit actions to be mechanical , are not concern'd in the inquiry . and if this be the belief of our philosopher , i 'le not indeavour to disturb his hypothesis . only this i 'le add to our purpose , that though we suppose the actions of beasts to be fatal and material , yet there 's no reason to infer the same of ours , since we feel it otherwise . and 't is no very reasonable method of arguing , to conclude from an opinion of things we can but conjecture , to the denyal of things we certainly feel , and know . so that though , as our author insinuates , there may perhaps be no kind of corporeal actions in our selves , which are not in bruits ; yet 't is not therefore necessary to inferr , that they proceed from a like principle in both : much less that we should conclude , that none of our own actions are begun by a principle distinct from the body and immaterial ; because we believe that theirs are not so . on the other side methinks the argument will be stronger to inferr , that because we feel a substance distinct from matter to be the cause of some of our motions ; that therefore there may likely be an incorporeal substance that is the principle and spring of some of theirs : and 't is better to conclude from certainty to conjecture , then from conjecture against certainty . a. 4. ultimae , quas in hoc capitulo plangit , tenebrae collocatae sunt in ignorantiâ illius motus , — pag. 62. g. the difficulties about the direction of the spirits concern not only man , but all other animals , supposing them to do any thing by a principle of knowledge and animadversion . or , though we judge all their actions m chanical , yet the account will be more difficultly rendred that way , then by supposing them to act by an animadversive principle . for how such an infinite variety of motions should be regularly menaged , and conducted in such a wilderness of passages and distinct avennues by meer blind impellents and material conveyances , i have not the least shadow of conjecture . and though des-cartes hath made the best attempts in this kind of any hath yet appear'd in the theory , yet there are mechanical difficulties in the way of his solutions , which perhaps will never be well satisfied . but our philosopher confesseth here the defect of his anatomy ; and though he thinks himself secure of the general cause , yet the particular direction he acknowledges wonderful , and not yet sufficiently discover'd . verùm author casum proprium homini constituere videtur , a. ostentans voluntatem & fortassis — pag. 63. to prove that the will is not alwayes moved by some g. precedent passion , and consequently that the soul is the immediate principle of some of our actions , i make this double offer : ( 1. ) 't is clear from experience , that , though many of our volitions are motions from the passion , yet some of our determinations are from the understanding and immaterial faculties . and sometimes we set our wills to determine in things that are purely indifferent , to make tryal of our liberty ; when we find not the least provocation or incitement to the action from any emotion of the body . and indeed to suppose every action of the will to depend upon a previous appetite or passion , is to destroy our liberty , and to inferr a stoical fatality with all the dangerous consequences of that doctrine ▪ ( 2. ) our author's proof that there is no dispassionate volition , is an insinuation , that there is no knowledge without an impulse from the phantasms ; a conclusion which may be easily disproved , by those highly abstract speculations which the mind of man sometimes entertains it self with , when it puts off all the cloathing of the imagination , and raiseth it self to a temper for those noble enquiries about god and immaterials : and if there be no intellect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as aristotle speaks , for ought i know , we lose one of our chiefest arguments for our immortality : besides which , i suppose our learned author will not think it for his credit , to be told , that he is in the very rode of the hobbian hypothesis ; which will clearly enough appear , if we consider these his assertions ; [ that the soul is no distinct substance from the body , that it contributes nothing towards its motion ; that our wills are moved by precedent or present passion , which doubtless is excited by something that is not in our power ; that all our intellections are from phantasms , and consequently , nothing else but elevated sense , and that all both natural and free actions are performed by motions deriv'd from the heart ] i say , who ever considers , how these symbolize , yea , and are one with the main principles of that irreligious philosophy , must without an excess of charity , suppose our philosopher to have shaken hands with the leviathan . briefly then , 't is confest , that the mechanical way of conveyance and direction of the spirits in animal performances is yet undiscover'd , and that the channels and particular passages of mechanical motions ( which all ours are supposed to be ) is yet occult and manifest . and though this gentleman affirms , the heart to be the fountain of animate operations , yet 't is but an unapproved presumption ; and the greatest master of mechanicks that ever was , the illustrious des-cartes has deriv'd all these motions from the brain , in which he 's follow'd by the greatest part of profoundest speculators ; so that it seems we are not certain of the first spring of the motions we enquire of ; much less can we certainly determin the minutes and particularities of direction : and if any of our actions are deriv'd from our souls , which our author seems unwilling to hear of , though i think i have made it sufficiently evident , the difficulties i urg'd upon that supposal have not had the least offer towards solution . a. 5. caput quartum sensationis & memoriae inexplicabiles esse naturas objicit . — pag. 64. i am no further concern'd in the beginning of this section , g. then to mind this learned gentleman how different his apprehension of des-cartes his hypothesis of the manner of sense , is , from that of his ingenuous and applauded friend sir k. digby ; who calls not his opinion a fanstatical conjecture , but thus prefaces to the recital of his hypothesis . [ monsieur des-cartes , ( who by his great and heroick attempts , and by shewing mankind how to steer and husband theit reason to the best advantage , hath left us no excuse of being ignorant of any thing that is worth the knowing ) explicating the nature of sense — and then goes on to declare his opinion of this matter , which he concludes with this character ; of a colour very diverse from our author 's [ this then is the sum of monsieur des-cartes's opinion , which he hath very finely exprest with all the advantages that opposite examples , significant words and clear method , can give unto a witty discourse ; which yet , is but a part of the commendations he deserveth , for what he hath done on this particular : he is over and above all this , the first i ever met with who hath published any conceptions of this nature , whereby to make the operations of sense intelligible , certainly , this praise will ever belong unto him that he hath given the first hint of speaking groundedly , and to the purpose upon this subject ; and whosoever shall carry it any further ( as what important mystery was ever born and perfected at one ? ) must acknowledge to have deriv'd his light from him . ] this is the censure that excellent person gives of des-cartes , and his opinion , which his dear friend our author , hath with so much severity reflected on . and the learned knight professeth himself of des-cartes's mind in all the other circumstances of this hypothesis , except the subject of this motion . so that i wonder that our philosopher should so far forget himself , as to put such a slurre upon the judgment of his admired friend , by speaking so contemptuously of a notion that learned man had so much , and so deservedly , applauded . what follows is already answer'd . a. sed nè nihil novi dicat , calumniatur sensu solo non posse agnosci quantitates rerum , distantias , — pag. 65. g. our author in this period , wonders at my assertion , and i wonder as much at his wonder ; which is not occasioned by any affirmation of mine , but by a mistake of his own : for my doubt ( as plain as i could express it ) is , how , since there is nothing in the brain , the seat of sense , to represent external objects but motion , ( for which i have the suffrage of his noble friend , whose method he professeth to follow ) how , i say , we should by that know figures , distances , magnitudes , and colours , things of another kind from motion ; which therefore cannot represent them , but by some knowledge in the soul , which we are not aware of ; and how the scant and narrow images in the brain should notifie the vastest objects , in their large dimensions , without some secret inference and geometry in the soul , is unconceiveable : but what this knowledge is , we know not . this is the sense of the difficulty propos'd , which , how it is explicated by the optical demonstrations the gentleman talks of , the opticks of my understanding cannot discover . for the rest i dare venture it without an answer . 6. proximus in memoriam labor expenditur . illius a. explanationem ut impossibilem declaret , — pag. 66. 7. imprimis , decîdi à moventibus sensum quasdam exuvias & corporis delibamenta , quoad tactum , — pag 68. i take not upon me to determin of possibilities ; and therefore g. from the present ignorance of the nature of memory i infer not , that it will never be explained hereafter : only i affirm , that no hypothesis extant hath yet made it manifest ; which is sufficient for my conclusion of the present narrowness of our knowledge , though not of my assailants of the impossibility of enlarging it . but our philosopher thinketh the nature of memory sufficiently explained already , and the account he gives is that of sir k. digby , which was one of the four that i examin'd in the discourse impugn'd . this is the hypothesis which our author hath adopted , and undertook the defence of ; with what success , we shall discover when we have examin'd the answer he makes to my impugnations . which after a large recital of the hypothesis he descends to in the ninth section . 9. attamen , perturbat novum naturae miratorem a. multitudo objectorum cavis cerebri — pag. 72. the difficulty i urg'd against the digbaean account of g. the memory , was , that 't is inconceiveable how those active particles , which are the images and representations of things remembred , should keep their distinct and orderly situations without confusion or dissipation in a substance wherein there is continual motion ? to which the learned gentleman returns ; that 't is as conceivable as how the rays of light should come in a direct line to the eye ; or how the atomical effluvia that continually flow from all bodies , especially the magnetical and sympathetick , should find their way to the place they tend to . to this i rejoyn briefly , ( 1 ) what the gentleman himself suggests , were answer sufficient , that the multiplying of difficulty doth not solve it : for supposing the direction of the corpuscles of light , and those mention'd effluvia , to be of a difficult apprehension , as the continuance and regularity of those images in the brain : yet this only argues another defect in our knowledge , and so is a new evidence of the truth of my general conclusion . but ( 2 ) the proposed instances are far more accountable then this before us . for , as to what concerns the light , supposing with des cartes ( as is most probable ) that the action of light consists in nothing but the conamen of the aethereal matter , receding from the centre of its motion : the direct tendency of it to the eye , is no difficulty worth considering , but as clear as the light it self the subject of the enquiry ; or , if the rays be atomical streams , and effluxes of the sun , there is no more difficulty in this hypothesis neither , then in the direct spouting of water out of a pipe ; yea no more , then in the beating of the waves against the sides of a ship , when it swims in the ocean . for there 's an whole sea of atomes which derive from the fountain illuminant , whose course can no more be diverted , by those little bodies that swim up and down in the air ; then that of the ocean can by those sands , pebles , fishes , and rocks , that are mingled with the waters . and as for the other instances of corporeal emissions , it would require to be prov'd that they perform all those feats that are ascrib'd to them : whereas perhaps it is more likely , that those strange operations are not mechanical but magical , being effected by the continuity of the great spirit of nature , which runs through all things : or however , to suppose this act of the memory to be as clear as magnetisme and sympathies , will be no great advantage to the belief of its certain intelligibility . at ego ipsum sic nodum scindo . in majoribus ubi facilior a. est experiendi facultas , palàm est multa — pag. 73. that what our author has answer'd in this period , g. should resolve the difficulty , is to me as great a wonder , as the mystery we are discoursing of . and if the knot be cut , 't is certainly by some occult and sympathetick instrument , for the gross of his answer comes not near it . the difficulty was ; how the images of such an infinite of objects , as we remember , should be kept distinct without confusion , be brought forth when we have occasion , and remanded back again into their own cells when they have done the errant they were sent for . to which our author saith no more , but to this purpose ( if i understand him ) that if the object stays not on the sense , it makes not impression enough to be remembred , but if it be repeated there , it leaves plenty enough of those images behind it to confirm and strengthen the knowledge of the object : in which radicated knowledge , if the memory consist , there would be no need of reserving those atomes in the brain , or calling them forth upon occasion , as the hypothesis supposeth ; or , if there be , the difficulty is untouched . besides all which , i might adde , that if these material images are a sufficient account of the memory , how will our remembrance of distances , magnitudes , relations , words , metaphysical notions , and those of immaterials , which leave no such idola , in the brain , be accounted for ? let this gentleman tell me how — et erit mihi magnus — a. 10. palàm est me in hâc responsione digbaeanam methodum caeteris praetulisse . ipsius enim — pag. 74. g. if i am mistaken in the opinion of aristotle in this matter , ( 1. ) i err with the great body of his commentators and followers ; yea , and all the schools in christendom , who unanimously concurr in the assignment of the doctrine of intentional species to their master aristotle ; so that if all the peripateticks hitherto have been so grossly out in imposing an opinion he never taught upon their ador'd philosopher , for ought i know , there is no such thing as the aristotelean philosophy in the universities of europe : for the taking in , or denying these intentional species will make material and mighty alterations in the whole frame of the hypothesis ; and i see not how the denial of them is consistent with the aristotelean doctrine of qualities and forms . but ( 2. ) if aristotle taught the digbaean philosophy , as our author sayes , he taught the atomical , which is notoriously known to have been the way of democritus and epicurus , which aristotle frequently and professedly opposeth . that democritus taught the atomical hypothesis , we have the affirmative of aristotle to justifie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( speaking of leucippus and democritus ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and neerer to our purpose , that these solved the way of sensation , by material images , we have from plutarch ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this hypothesis aristotle endeavours to confute ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sayes he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . aristotle then thought the doctrine of sensation by corporeal images absurd in democritus and epicurus ; and therefore certainly would not himself affirm it ; as he must do on the supposal of his having taught the same hypothesis with sir k. digby about the memory , which is exactly the same with that of these sages : for that learned knight affirms , sensation to be perform'd [ by driving of solid material bodies , exceeding little ones , that come from the objects themselves , ( they are his own words ) against that part of the brain where knowledge resideth , which same bodies rebounding thence into certain cells of the brain , perform the offices of the memory ] as he has largely discourst upon the subject . sir k. digby then proceeds in the corpuscularian method which aristotle opposeth , and particularly in the business of sensation ; and consequently cannot be of his belief in his hypothesis of the memory , which the learned knight gives account of by the same material idola , which aristotle laught at . and doubtless the memory is excited to action by the like instruments as are the external senses , consonantly to that of plato in his phaedo , speaking of the senses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and aristotle himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think 't is clear then that aristotle's doctrine of the memory is not the same with sir k. digby's . and if i have been out in intitling the opinion of intentional species to aristotle , my mistake is the more venial , because the whole army of his most devoted sectators are deceived with me . but our author is more reprehensible in his mistake , if it be one ; because he 's alone in his opinion . and an error hath by so much the more of guilt , as it hath of singularity and self-assurance . but whether this were aristotle's doctrine or not , i think 't is not very material , since i make this none of the charges against him . if it be not his , 't is the general opinion of his schools ; and i have proved it an insufficient account of the faculty we are discoursing of . actio sexta . a. 1. capite quinto formationis corporum naturalium , viventium praesertim , obscuritatem intentat : — pag. 76. g. two methods it seems our philosopher proposeth , for the giving an account of the formation of animals ; neither of which seems to me a sufficient solution of the doubt attempted . for first , he that supposeth all the vastly differing parts of a worm or insect to be actually contain'd , though in myriate and indivisible proportions , in a drop of dew out of which they are sometimes generated , believes gratis , without any ground of his supposal ; and therefore will be very bold to assert this the certain account of the phaenomenon . ( 2. ) if the seed contain , though invisibly , all the parts of the animal ; then either in the same site , and position , that they are found in in the compleated body ; or they lie there in a confused huddle and mixture ; the former , is contrary to all experience , which assures us , that the immediate matter of all generations is a certain fluid , and , as far as can be discern'd , an homogeneous substance . now fluidity consisting in the motion of the parts of the fluid body , as is testified by experience and the best philosophy , the seminal parts can be of no setled form or consistence . and if the second be supposed , which doubtless is the truth , the difficulty under debate will be unanswer'd , ( viz. ) how such an infinite of distinct parts should be brought into their regular and orderly positions without the guidance and conduct of some knowing agent ; to fly to a first cause is unphilosophical ; and he that pretends a second , let him shew it . and fortuitously it cannot be : for chance is the cause of no constant and regular effect ; and to suppose an undirected motion to shuffle these fluid parts into the wonderful and exact form of an animal , or any other regular body ; is as likely , as that the divided letters of an alphabet should be accidentally jumbled into an elegant and polite discourse ; which when once i see effected , i 'le believe , that there wants nothing to the formation of the world and all bodies therein , but matter and motion . some intelligent principle then must be suppos'd to guide these elementary parts into their orderly situations . but what that is , who is 't will determine ? ( 2. ) the second account also is too general , and flies very wide of my particular enquiry . for my quaery is concerning the principle of the conduct of the parts of the various matter in those rare and methodical composures ; and our philosopher's answer concerns only the gross and material parts of the composition . and therefore little can be collected from the chymical processes he speaks of , for our purpose ; and the elementary solutions mention'd , signifie nothing towards the accounting for the unerring exactness we find in animal formations . for all these being suppos'd , the matter is in the same circumstances of difficulty as before ; and this gentleman's solution seems to me to signifie no more , then if a man should answer to one that that desires an account of the art and method of the motions of a watch , or any other ingenious automaton ; that they are perform'd by steel , iron , brass , or silver , wherein the matter indeed of the work is declar'd , but not the artifice . and in the case before us , i inquire of the principle of direction of those intricate and methodical motions , and am answer'd with an account of the gross and material ingredients . nor is what follows of any whit more avail to the solution pretended ; for let the matter resolve into parts dry , subtle , and liquid ▪ let the dryer dispose themselves into divers figures , and constitute what vessels our philosopher is pleas'd to fancy ; yet how from hence forward the infinite variety of the parts of an animal will result , will require something more to help us to conjecture . a. 2. haec qui mente comprehenderit , non plorabit plasticam vanum nomen esse & vocem sine re . — pag. 78. g. though by a close and recondite search into the seminalities of plants , and vegetables , the future processes may be judg'd , as our philosopher assures us ; yet this only argues , that the grown parts were all contain'd pack't up in their seeds and berries ; so that in the growth and progress nature did only display and unfold , what before was in the minute proportions more closely laid together ; supposing which , the main doubt still remains unsatisfied , viz. how these smaller seminal parts were so order'd , and framed ? and this brachygraphy of nature cannot be thought less difficult then it 's text. and , secondly , what relates to animals we have seen already ; for 't is not likely , that the formed parts were ever actually contain'd in the seed , out of which they were produced . neque quemquam terreant artificum dicta , admirantium a. ea quorum causas non intelligunt , — pag. 79. i might well wonder at the specifical uniformity of things , if g. unguided matter were the only principle of their formation , against which hypothesis this doubt was raised ; and the variation from the kind which happens in some regions , would not be so observable , as an identity in any . 3. eodem capitulo duas alias quaestiones movet quas a. absolutè inexplicabiles putat ; mihi contra — pag. 80. if the doubts i propose of the union of the parts , and composition g. of quantity , contain scarce any difficulty at all ; our philosopher is more lucky in his enquiries , then others that have dealt in those theories ; most men confessing the perplexity of the mention'd phaenomena , especially of the latter . and the vast diversity of philosophers about it , testifies , that the speculation of them is not of so facile an explication . and 't is strange that the ancients should keep such ado about an easie probleme , and the moderns despair of a solution , so pretendedly obvious . i will not differ with the learned gentleman about the order of the questions , and grant , that they both suppose actual parts in quantity ; which because our author denies , & makes this the foundation of his answer to these , and some of my former propos'd difficulties , i must be fain to prove it ; which i attempt ( 1. ) by giving some evidence of my affirmative , and ( 2. ) by shewing the weakness and insufficiency of the grounds of the contrary assertion . for the first then , that there are actual parts in quantity , i evince it by these considerations . ( 1. ) the formal nature of quantity is extension in the notion of aristotle's schools ; and divisibility in the philosophy of sir kenelm digby , and our authour ; both which suppose parts , and parts actual : for to be extended , in the school phrase , is to have partes extrapartes ; and if the extension be actual , the parts must be so : for it is not conceiveable how a thing can be extended , but by parts which are really distinct one from another , though not separate : which seems to me so evident , that nothing can be spoken plainer ; and i appeal in this matter to the common sense of all men . nor can a thing be divided , except we suppose the parts praeexistent in the divisible : for divisibility is founded upon real distinction , and 't is impossible to divide what is one without diversity . ( 2. ) except there are parts in quantity before division , there are none at all : for after they are divided they are no parts , but have a compleatness and integrality of their own , especially if the subject were homogeneous . ( 3. ) except there are parts actually in quantity , contradictions may be verified de eodem , with all the other circumstances , which the metaphysicks teach impossible . for the same body may be black and white , cold and hot , seen and not seen , and partake of all other most contrary qualities . which contradictions , and inconsistences cannot be accommodated in the same subject , without supposal of the contended-for diversity . nor will the answer , which sir k. digby has provided for such objections help the hypothesis , viz. [ that it is not one part of the thing that shews it self , and another that doth not , one that is hot , and another cold , &c. but it is the same thing , shewing it self according to one possibility of division , and not another . ] for first , these distinct possibilities are founded upon distinct actualities , which are the parts i would have acknowledged . and such a capacity of receiving things so different , cannot be in the same subject , without the supposal of parts actually distinct and divers . ( 2. ) the subjects of these contrary qualities are things actual : whereas possibilities are but metaphysical notions . and these subjects are distinct , or contradictions will be reconcil'd de eodem ; from which the inference seems necessary , that quantity hath parts , and parts actual , and distinct possibilities will not salve the business . and ( 3. ) why must the common speech of all mankinde be alter'd , and what all the world cals parts , be call'd possibilities of division ? which yet if our philosopher will needs name so , they being acknowledg'd distinct , and prov'd actual , or at least founded immediately upon things that are so ; my question will as well proceed this way as in the common one , viz. how the things that answer to these distinct possibilities are united , and of what compounded ? there is another answer which i find in our authors peripatetical institutions , the sum of which is , [ that the contradictions have only a notional repugnance in the subject as 't is in our understandings : and since the parts have a distinct being in our understanding , from thence 't is that they are capable to sustain contradictions ] which answer , if i understand , i have reason to wonder at : for certainly the subject sustains the contradictories as it is in re . and , i never heard of a notion black or white , but in a metaphor ; 't is the real substance is the subject of these contrarieties ; which were impossible , if it had not divers realities answering to the qualities so denominating . and therefore 't is not the understanding that makes the divers subjects of these accidents , as our author suggests : but there being such is the ground that we so apprehend them . i hope i need say no more then to establish the supposal of the difficulty under consideration , that there are parts actually in quantity : only i am obliged by my proposed method to add further , ( 2. ) that the grounds of the excellent sir k. digby , and our author , on which they built their asserted paradox , seem to me very insufficient to sustain so great a weight as leans upon them . the reasons are ( 1. ) quantity is divisibility . ( 2. ) divisibility is capacity of division . ( 3 ) what is only capable of division , is not actually divided . ( 4. ) quantity is not actually divided , and therefore hath no parts actually , to which in short , ( 1. ) that quantity is divisibility , is presumed ; but extension is before it , in nature , and our conception , and is the received notion , though perhaps impenetrability is the truest . however ( 2. ) even this supposeth parts , and those actual : for division is but solution of union . and union supposeth parts to be united . ( 3. ) what is only capable of division in a physiological and mechanical lense ; may , yea and ought , to be divided in a metaphysical . that is , they ought to be divers in their being , before they can be separate and distinct in their material bulk and quantity . for separability must presuppose diversity . ( 4. ) though quantity be not actually divided in one sense , 't is in another : every part having a distinct place and being of its own , though it doth not yet enjoy it separately and apart from others . but ( 2. ) it is pleaded against actual parts in quantity , that if we admit them , we cannot stop till we come down to indivisibles ; of which to suppose quantity composed , is said to be absurd and impossible . in return to which , i grant the inference , and have acknowledged the hypothesis of indivisibles to be full of seeming inconsistencies ; as is the other also : and therefore reckon both among the unconceiveables ; of which there can be no greater argument then their having driven so great and sagacious wits upon such an assertion , ( to which out of reverence to these celebrated persons , i shall not affix an epithete ) against the evidence of our senses , and the apprehension of all the world : that there are no parts in quantity . but ( 2. ) 't is no good method of reasoning , to deny what is plain and obvious , because we cannot conceive what is abstruse and difficult . and i think the assertor cannot answer it to his severer faculties , who affirms , there are no parts actually in quantity , against all his senses and the universal suffrage of mankinde ; because he cannot untie the difficulties that emerge from the supposal , that bodies are compounded of indivisibles ; a nice and in tricate theory . yea how will our author answer for the assertion to his master aristotle ? who saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . argumenta asserentium partes actu vel sensum a. citant , de quo nihil certius est quàm — pag. 81. i believe the assertors of actual parts may well appeal g. to the senses , notwithstanding what our author , and the learned knight have alledg'd to invalidate their evidence . for what though the sense discovers not the distinct term of the hand or finger ; can it not therefore discern them to be distant and distinguish't from the foot and toes ? and is not this enough to ground the belief of their diversity ? cannot we distinguish the motions of our parts ; though we know not their first springs and exact beginnings ? or discern a difference between the apple and the twig it grows on ; except we could see the point where one begins and the other endeth ? and whether an hypothesis is like to stand , that is put to such poor shifts to defend it self against the grossest of our faculties , i leave to be conjectured ? the supposition then of my doubts , being thus asserted and prov'd , we see yet but small hope to expect their solution . or , if this be an aenswer , t' is an evidence of our intellectual weakness , that all the world hath all this while been confounded about a plain problem upon a false supposal . the answer to my other difficulty about the union of the parts of quantity , is grounded also upon the presumption that there are actually none ; which i think i have sufficiently disprov'd . a. 5. caput sextum totum motui rotarum dedicatum est , neque si credimus authori de cujus — pag. 83. g. i conclude not only that no part can move , but the whole must ; but also that in the circular motion of a wheel , it seems that the motion of every part must be praerequired to it self , which i think is clear enough in the inference , though the proposition inferred , be impossible and absurd . and what inconvenience there is in this conclusion , that all the parts change their place at once , i have made sufficiently evident , in the place where the difficulty is urged . i confess in our authors hypothesis that there are actually no parts in bodies , the doubt is none ; and the whole matter will pass into words and air : but supposing that in quantity there are distinct realities , i think 't will be hard to dis-incumber this trite phaenomenon from the perplexities i mention'd . a. subjungit author secundam difficultatem , quomodo in rotâ circumvolutâ viciniores centro partes — pag. 84. g. i say again , however we find it in the event , while yet we consider the remote parts , moving swifter then the central ones , in the speculative notion , 't is hard to conceive , but that the line drawn from the centre to the circumference , should be inflected ; since one point of the line rests while the other moves , which in the theory seems to argue a disunion , and consequently an incurvation . so that though it be true in the experiment and event , yea and while we look upon the reason of the thing , in one position ; that the line would be made crooked , were it not for the unequal velocity of the parts ; yet it appears as clear to reason , in another posture , that this inequality should inferre it . for if b move swifter then a. a rests some instant while b is in motion . there 's no motion , but where there 's change of place , viz. of that place , in respect of which the body is said to move : the place in respect of which the body is said to move , is the next superficies that is considered as quiescen ' . and consequently it seems if b move any instant , in which a doth not : it is proportionably to its motion remov'd from that of a to which it was adjacent , and by consequence one would expect it should be disjoyn'd , or inflected . 6. jactatum tandem experimentum capite alto ingreditur a. author ille , prefatus audentisseme — pag. 85. since the publishing my discourse ; i have met an ingenious g. account , among some excellent geometricians of this probleme , which perhaps may satisfie the difficulty . the account briefly is , that in volutation the whole circumference moves by a motion both progressive and circular : but the centre by the progressive only . and consequently by how much the nearer the parts are to the centre the more they have of the progressive motion , and the less of circulation . so that the little wheel in our experiment draws , and hath so much more progression then the greater , as makes amends for it's defect of parts . which solution i 'le acknowledge perfect , if two things answer experiment , which i have not yet had occasion to make tryal of ; viz. ( 1. ) supposing both wheels to be denticulated , the little wheel will with it's teeth describe lines ; and the great one with it's make points . and ( 2. ) the disproportion being augmented , suppose to an hundred to one , the drawing of the lesser wheel will be exceeding palpable , and discoverable by the dullest sense . i say , if these circumstances answer experiment ; this difficulty is for ought i know well accounted for . and i need add no more to this confession : for our authors answer is either materially the same with this , or much less to purpose . actio septima . a. 1. in sequentibus aliquot capitulis satis exquisitè investigat causas errorum & ignorantiae — pag. 90. g. that the present age abounds with pratling ignorance , and vain shews of science falsly so called , will not be denyed by one , who hath directed some indeavours against them . and did i not deeply apprehend how much bold affirmers , and lazy inquisitors have prejudiced the advance of true and substantial knowledge , i had never engaged against dogmatizing and peripatetick philosophy . i wonder therefore that my learned assailant should object my omission of these causes of ignorance , which had the greatest interest in drawing from me the discourse he opposeth ; in which , i have largely insisted on those reasons of the defect of knowledge , viz. the depth of truth , the praecipitancy of mens understandings , and aversness to deep search , and close engagement of their mindes . besides which , i have professedly attacqued the disputing way of inquiry , and the verbal emptiness of the philosophy of the schools ; which how guilty it is of laying a foundation for sloath and loquacity , is particularly made appear in the discourse i directed against it . and while the schools of learning are under the regency of that kind of spirit , i fear little is to be expected from philosophy but bold talk ; and endless disputes and quarrels . for what else can be the fruit of a philosophy made up of occult qualities , sympathies , entelechia's , elements , celestial influences , and abundance other hard words and lazy generalities , but an arrest of all ingenious and practical indeavour ; and a wilderness of opinions instead of certainty and science ? but thanks be to providence , the world begins to emerge from this state of things , and to imploy it self in more deep and concerning disquisitions ; the issue of which , we hope , will be a philosophy fruitful in works , not in words , and such as may accommodate the use of life , both natural and moral . testis mihi esto author qui sub finem prioris capitis a. conqueritur de obscuritate speculationum , — pag 90. how justly the author is made an instance and witness g. of that , which , in the very discourse , by which only , i suppose , he is known to our philosopher , he hath so earnestly witnest against , which his spirit is so averse unto , which gave the occasion of the dispute between us ; i say , with what justice i am made an instance of that i have so professedly opposed , let it be judg'd by any , that is not unreasonably partial . 't is true , i complain of the obscurity of motion , gravity , light , colours , vision , and sounds ; and yet am not ignorant of the accounts sir k. digby , and other philosophers both antient and modern , have given of these phaenomena . my mind is anxious in speculation , and hath engag'd me to look as far , as my capacity could reach , into these theories ; i could never content my self with superficial put ▪ offs ; nor am i apt immediately to dispair , if i find not present satisfaction in my first enquiries . i have with my best diligence examined the most hopeful accounts are extant of these appearances , and yet must profess , that though the first sight of their respective solutions is pleasant and encouraging , and seems to promise my mind a requiem ; yet the longer i view the most likely of these hypotheses , the more liable and obnoxious i apprehend them . like pictures they will not bear to be look't upon , but at a distance , and when i come neer , i easily detect their imperfections . so that deep search discovers more ignorance , then it cures ; and confidence of science seems to be built upon a slight and superficial view of things ; as aristotle himself hath somewhere observed , and every one else may , that will but take notice , that young talking sophisters use to be far more assured of their assertions , then the deepest and most exercis'd philosophers . i 'le not disparage the account given by the learned sir k. digby of the mention'd phaenomena ; they are to be acknowledg'd pretty , and ingenious : but yet i cannot think , that 't is an argument of shallowness and impatience in enquiry , not fully to acquiesce in his hypotheses as infallible solutions . i suppose , that ingenious philosopher's own modesty and justice will not suffer him to own such a fondness for his notions , which i know he proposeth , but as likely and convenient supposals . i confess the most satisfaction . i any where meet with , is in the accounts of des-cartes , to whom sir k. digby himself bears this testimony , [ that he hath shown the world the way to science , ] and yet that great man , the excellence of whose philosophick genius and performances , the most improv'd spirits acknowledge , propounds his principles but in the modest way of hypotheses , and pretends not to have explain'd things as they are , but as they may be . and i believe our author will not reckon , him among the slight and talkative philosophers ; which is so far from being true , that such as love only to skim things , and have not the patience to keep their minds to a deep and close attention , cannot with any face as much as pretend acquaintance with his principles ; the comprehension of which , will require the most severe meditation , and fix't engagement of the mind , of any philosophy that is intelligible . not , that this excellent person affects obscurity either in matter , style , or method , being indeed very perspicuous in all of them : but because , his way is unusual , and his principles so coherent and closely pack't together , that the letting fall any link of connexion , will spoil the dependance , and hinder the understanding of the sequel . but i return from this excursion . if all then must be accounted impatient and shallow philosophers , who acquiesce not in the digbaean hypotheses ; all the learned cartesians , platonists , the whole stock of the ingenious recent philosophers ; yea and all , that follow not the way of sir k. digby , must unavoidably fall under the shame of these appellatives ; and perhaps that great person himself , who i dare say thinks not the light his philosophy hath afforded these perplexing speculations , to be so clear , as to admit of no shadow or obscurity . what ever haste therefore those discover , that will not be fully contented with the principles in which our philosopher is so well satisfied , i am confident that a little reflection will inform him , that he hath betrayed some , in his censure . a. 2. altera ab authore nostro neglecta ignorantiae causa mihi apparet esse quidam specialis — pag. 91. g. if any are so weak to affirm nothing can be demonstrated , against which any thing is , or can be objected ; let them answer for their assertion , i am not to account for the mistakes of others : and if there are those who will not admit of certainty or evidence in a conclusion that any hath made a doubt of , as our author intimates in the following paragraph , i have as little to answer for their scepticism and incredulity . for i never expect to see the world agree in any thing ; and therefore i assent where i see cause , and proportion the degree of my belief to that i have of evidence , without expecting the hopeless encouragement of a universal suffrage . though i confess , where deep and enquiring spirits differ , i judge i have reason to be cautious , and to suspect uncertainty . our author concludes with a reprehension of those endless talkers , the modern peripateticks , and their voluminous trifles , in which i dissent not from him : but pass from them to their master aristotle , whom our philosopher undertakes to vindicate from my reflections ; with what success , will be the subject of our next enquiry . actio octava . 1. et jam defunctus labore imperato videor , nisi a. summâ cum invidiâ aristotelem omnibus — pag. 95. our author in this paragraph is of a very different g. apprehension from all other aristotelians , if we 'l believe patritius , who saith , tritum vero jam est ac emnium aristotelicorum assensu comprobatum , nullam esse in aristotelicis libris scientificam demonstrationem . our philosopher then denies all science among the other antients , and the rest of the aristotelians allow none in aristotle . and if either be true , or both , 't is an evidence against dogmatizing , and fond doating upon authorities . but this action is professedly directed against gassendus ; some few of whose charges against aristotle our author indeavours to defeat and disable ; which should he succeed in according to his desires , yet the far greater , and perhaps the more formidable number stands unanswer'd . briefly then ( 1. ) he excepts at gassendus's animadverting on aristotle's manners , which he insinuates , to be more like a crafty orator , then a close and severe philosopher . to which in behalf of that excellent neoterick , it may be rejoyn'd , that if aristotle were vicious and immoral , there is much the less reason why we should revere his authority : for truth and vertue use to dwell together ; and the fear of the lord is the beginning of wisdom . vice drowns the noble idea's of the soul , and fills the mind with those foul steams of the body , which are prejudicial to deep and worthy enquiries ; so that with all good men and true philosophers 't will not a little detract from the credit of aristotle's intellectuals , if his morals are acknowledg'd , or can be prov'd obnoxious . whither the charge be just or not , our philosopher makes no enquiry , which seems a tacite confession of the truth of the accusation ; and then i think he hath no reason to object the impropriety . after this remark he descends ( 2. ) to some particular instances of gassendus's charge , to as many of which , as i am concern'd in , i make this brief rejoynder : ( 1. ) then aristotle expresly makes god an animal in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if he sayes otherwise elsewhere , 't is only an argument of the inconsistency of aristotle , not of the injustice of gassendus . ( 2. ) that god acts by necessity , aristotle clearly enough insinuates in that conclusion of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is testimony sufficient of the truth of my charge ; if gassendus accused him of more , 't is like he was able to make it good . ( 3. ) that aristotle made the world eternal , our author allows me . but that hereby he prov'd himself the chief of all the ethnick philosophers , i cannot grant him so easily . for ( 1. ) aristotle was not the first in this assertion , but had it from ocellus lucanus ; from whom also he transcrib'd the arguments he made use of to enforce it : which yet ( 2. ) are not such , as do so highly commend his philosophy , and faculty of arguing . he proves the world eternal then , because the heavens are so ; the assertion of which he attempts by five arguments : ( viz. ) ( 1. ) from the etymology of aether , viz. ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( 2. ) from the silence of history of any change or alteration they have undergone . ( 3. ) from the opinion of the antients . ( 4. ) from the freedom of the heavens from contrarieties . and ( 5. ) from the eternity of the caelestial motions , which he proves with the eternity of time by reasons borrow'd from ocellus , who was the author of the main argument . now whoever affirms that such arguings as these set aristotle so much above all the more antient philosophers , expresses more fondness towards him , then justice to his betters . nor can the comparative excellency of his wit be any more reasonably concluded from his allowing the natural inference of that acknowledg'd principle , ex nihilo nihil ; which doubtless the antients never meant in the general notion ; but in a sense which restrain'd it to natural productions ; else their assertion of the worlds beginning had been nonsense and a contradiction . ( 4. ) the learned gentleman admires that we should charge aristotle with the denyal of the resurrection of the dead ; which though he acknowledges truly to be alledg'd ; yet he thinks it unreasonably objected , since he supposes this doctrine only to be discoverable by supernatural light and revelation . to which briefly , ( 1. ) though the resurrection in the particular circumstances , in which christianity hath cloathed it , be not known by our unassisted faculties : yet that the soul shall live , and live united to a body in the other state , i think deducible from the meer principles of nature : for the philosophy of the soul informs us , that it uses matter in its highest operations , which is fair ground of conjecture , that it is alwayes united to some body . besides which , it may be argued from the analogy of nature , which useth not in other things , to leap from one extream unto another ; and therefore 't is not likely that the soul should pass immediately , from the state of so deep an immersion into the gross matter , to a condition of pure and absolute immateriality . to which may be further added , that , even according to the principles of aristotle , there can be no knowledge without sense , nor sense without corporeal motion , which cannot well be perceiv'd by a being that is perfectly disjoyn'd from matter . thus the principles of meer reason suggest , that the soul is joyn'd to another body after its discharge from the present . and ( 2. ) others of the greek philosophers , by the meer conduct of their natural light , believ'd it . the academicks generally assign'd bodies to those in the other state , and such as were suitable to the regions of the world they resided in ; and therefore plato calls some of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and to others of more inferior conditon he attributes aerial bodies ; yea , generally the greeks appointed corporeal punishments for the wicked in their acheron , and cocytus , as theocritus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and virgil , — aliis sub gurgite vasto infectum eluitur scelus , aut exuritur igni . but the business is so well known that it needs no testimony ; and from hence 't is sufficiently evident , that they believ'd the corporeal state of the soul after its separation from this terrestrial body : so that aristotle's assertion herein , is contrary both to the nature of the thing ; and the belief of most of his contemporaries ; nay , and the most venerable wisdom that was before him . and indeed , what he taught of the soul , is at the best uncertain , he using the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the mind one while , and then for the phancy ; applying it now to angels , and at another time to brutes ; so that none of his sectators could ever tell what was his opinion about it . actio nona . 1. a gassendo ad authorem vanitatis dogmatizandi a. reducenda est oratio , postquam ipse — pag. 104. i think still that the many are very incompetent judges g. of worth either in men or things , admiring trash , and slighting excellence ; and 't is my lord bacon's observation , which signifies much more with me ; then all our learned author has said in this paragraph , viz. [ i hat the lowest vertues are the subjects of the peoples praise ; the middle ones of their admiration ; but the highest they have no sense at all of ; ] which saying holds not only in morals , but in all things else which the vulgar use to judge in : for they regard nothing , but what is like themselves , that is , mean and trivial ; which is the reason of that other observation of the same great philosopher ; that time , like a river bears up what is light and chaffy , while the things that are more weighty and considerable , are lost at the bottom . 2. subjicit author noster sapientium arbitrio peripateticam a. esse vocum nihil significantium — pag. 105. the excellent lord verulam is one of the wise men that g. hath reprov'd the arbritrariness of aristotle's words , particularly in his instauratio magna , where he saith , [ i cannot a little marvel at the philosopher aristotle , that did proceed in such a spirit of difference and contradiction to all antiquity , not only to frame new words of science at pleasure , but to confound and extinguish all antient wisdom ] and his affected obscurity , patricius sayes , all the greeks confessed ; yea themistius one of his great sectators sayes of him , se , veluti sepiam a●ramento suo sese occuluisse . and simplicius another , writes thus in his prolegomena to the praedicaments : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , besides which clear testimony the author of the censure prefixt to aristotle's works cited by gassendus after great praises of him , adds , ingenium viri tectum & callidum & metu●ns reprehensionis , quod inhibebat eum , ne proferret interdum aperiò , quae sentiret ; indè tam multa per ejus opera obscura & ambigua . and again the forementioned themistius , cum plerèque omnia aristotelis scripta quasi de composito caligine quadam offusa oppletaque habeantur : like unto which is that , which simplicius sayes of him : in acroamaticis datâ operâ obscurus esse voluit . we see then who the wise men are , that have accused the obscurity of the aristotelean processes . and that he was not so clear from aequivocatiens as our author suggests ; i 'le give but a double instance ( 1. ) of his applying the foremention'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to beasts and angels , to the imagination and abstracted intellect . and ( 2. ) his calling god , the quintessence , form , the soul , and motion , by the common appellative of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to all which might be added , that 't is an argument that the aristotelean method was not so clear and cautious , as our author would have it believed ; since his commentators have been infinitely divided about his meaning : and our author himself complains , that those of the latter schools have quite receded from his genuine doctrine , which either accuses their ignorance , or his obscurity . it appears then , that the wise men i mention to have accused aristotle's ambiguities and aequivocations were those that understood the aristotelean doctrines , being some of them his most genuine and ancient interpreters ; and not those who are so little acquainted with the matters of this philosophy , as to charge aristotle with the faults of , i know not what , apish peripateticks , and pyrrhonians . 3. prosequitur deinde actionem in peripateticos per a. dubia quaedam , quae illi clara non sunt , — pag. 107. in this paragraph i can understand nothing proved , but g. that a thing is possible to be before it is ; which possibility our author will have to be neither quid , nor quale , nor quantum : though not absolutely nothing . and if this learned gentleman take this posse of a thing for aristotle's materia prima , he mistakes the metaphysical , for the physical matter : or , if hereby he would only insinuate , that the first mater may be something , though neither quid , quale , nor quantum ; the instance is too short for his conclusion , since the posse of a thing before it is , is no real beeing , but an extrinsecal denomination , and a mode of our conception . 4. duae aliae voces molestae sunt sceptico nostro . hae a. sunt forma , & educi de potentiâ materiei ▪ — pag. 109. i call the aristotelean form an empty word , because i g. believe there 's nothing real that answers it ; all bodies are sufficiently distinguish'd by figure and position of parts , and i see no necessity to introduce such an arbitrary being ; however , if our author pleases , let him call that by which things are distinguish'd , their form : but if with aristotle he will make this a substantial principle of things ; i must be excused in a dissent to which my reason inforces me . and if his hypothesis be , that forms are accidents , ( as it seems , he supposes , by the instances alledged ) he recedes from his master aristotle , who expresly makes his form a substance . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a. 5. quoad posteriorem vocem , seu educi de potentiâ , videat vir ingeniosus an illud quod — pag. 110. g. that which was brought out of the dark , was in it . and caesar adds nothing to the marble , but the figure ; which is but a mode of matter , and answers not our case . but forms are not supposed praeexistent in the matter from whence they were educed ; and are substances really distinguisht from it : which i have prov'd from aristotle , and 't is the sense of his commentators , though it seems 't is not our authors . i inquire then , are these substantial forms produced of something , or of nothing ? an aristotelian will not allow the latter ; for this were against the maxime , ex nihilo nihil , and a creation . he affirms it produced of something then , and this something is potentia materia . i enquire further therefore , whether any thing of the form did actually praeexist in this power of the matter , or not ? if so , all possible forms reside in the subjects out of which they are educed , which is not consonant to their hypothesis . if not , the latter part of the disjunction is confest ; to avoid the shame of which , they fly to subjective dependence : and this is the potentia materiae , they talk of ; from which follow the absurdities i inferred . and this is the philosophy of the schools ; and this the peripateticism i charge : if our author saith , it is not according to aristotle's doctrine , let him dispute it out with aristotle's followers ; i charge it not on him , but on his schooles , in which all the world can justifie me . actio decima . 1. proximè sagittant duas aristotelis definitiones , a. utramque exactissimam & quicquam in — pag. 112. let 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie as our author would have it , g. viz. that which remains of an action , and is introduced by it . but i enquire then , ( 1. ) whether this interpretation be not arbitrary ? i 'me sure the word in this sense is so . ( 2. ) light is then something that remains of an operation : and this explication notably helps the perspicuity of the definition , which is as good a one as that was lately given of a thought in a university sermon , viz. a repentine prosiliency jumping into being . and if our author's description be all contain'd in actus perspicui ▪ i shall need no more proof of aristotle's obscurity in this ▪ instance . 2. idem est reliquae definitionis vitium . est autem a. ipsa definitio , motus est actus entis — pag. 113. g. if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the definition of motion signifie the mode , whereby the subject is affected in the end of action , according to our author ; with what congruity doth aristotle then apply it to the soul ? except he thought it a mode of matter , and then our philosopher had no reason to suppose he believed its immortality ; but whatever he concluded of this , he affirm'd it to be a substance , as in that passage , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and galen of him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a. 3. nova calumnia capite decimo septimo instruitur adversus aristotelem , tantò indigniùs — pag. 115. g. that aristotle was not so careful in distinguishing the signification of words , as is pretended , we have evinced already : and it appears clearly enough from the last instance ; in which things are coupled together by a common appellative that agree in nothing . and for the other mistake this period chargeth me with , i answer ; that if i take the scepticks for peripateticks , i hope our philosopher will henceforward absolve me from the so often objected scepticism . for according to our author my peripateticks are scepticks , and he knows how much friendship i have for those . but whether they are scepticks or not , they are aristotle's followers , if he have any in the schools of christendom ; and i leave them to justifie the title they have assumed . it sufficeth for me , that the genuine aristotelian method is a way of obscurity and dispute ; for which , besides the instances i have given , i have alledged the clear testimonies of his acknowledg'd sectators . and if the modern peripateticks can prove themselves aristotelians , we have a charge of sufficient aggravation from our author against them also . for thus he censures them under the name of scepticks [ scepticorum conatus esse vanissimos facile agnosco , illos parum de vocum usu sollicitos esse quo liberum sit iis quaslibet nugas vanitatis aut alterius lucri causa divendere , oratorculos vel magis rabulas , non philosophos esse , aristotelicorum nomen assumere ut corrumpant juventutem , & discipulos post sese abducant ; hos omnibus scientiae sectatoribus veluti pestem vitandos non inficior , neque quicquam ab iis solidi expectandum esse . ] 4. confirmant fictam adversus philosophum actionem a. ex ipsis philosophi dictis & gestis . — pag. 116. it seems it was not only the abstractedness of the matter , g. that rendred aristotle's physiology so difficult of comprehension , since our author confesseth that scarce any understand it , but who are assisted by the commentaries of the ancients . and certainly all the moderns had never receded so far from his sense , if his expressions had not been obscure and involved , as well as his matter difficult . and for that which the learned gentleman calls a more grievous and unhappy calumny : he confesseth it to be aristotle's instruction to perfect his scholars in the method of disputing , which is all i charge him with ; and i think ambiguity and obstinate garrulity in controversies , which the philosopher seems to advise them to , is a way of disputation that will not much commend the practisers , or instructor . a. 5. merebatur haec actio instantias ex opere . premit author tres ( ex fide credo gassendi — pag. 117. g. that i have done aristotle no wrong in the first instance alledged , will appear to any one that will take the pains to peruse the first chapter of his first de celo . for attempting there the proof of the perfection of bodies in order to the evincing that of the world , he doth it thus : the magnitude that is one way divisible , is a line ; two , is a superficies ; and what may three ways be divided , is a body . besides which there is no other magnitude , for this reason 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he proves by a saying of the pythagoreans , and this reason in nature ( if it be one ) viz. because the beginning , end , and middle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which also is confirmed by that i quoted from him : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and concludes , wherefore since all and perfect , differ not as to their form , body will be the only perfect magnitude , and that for the reason i assign'd from him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this is the genuine tenour of aristotle's argument , and our authors sense and interpretation seems to me , ( as i suppose 't will to any one else , who considerately compares it with the text ) forraign , arbitrary , and unnatural . as to the second instance , the learned gentleman hath mistaken the words of my charge . for if he pleaseth to look again into my book , he will find , that i object no such consequence to aristotle , as , that if there were more worlds then one , the moon would fall to the earth . but on the contrary , that the earth would fall to that other world. so that our authors justification of aristotle's argument , viz. that he fixt the centre of the world in the earth , is a strange one , and concludes the quite contrary to what aristotle would inferre . and why the moon should fall , upon the suppositions , that the earth is the centre , and that there are other worlds , ( as our author suggests ) rather then as things are at present , i cannot conjecture . my third instance of aristotle's trifling , and inconsequent arguings , was ; that he inferrs the heavens to move towards the west , because they move towards the more honourable , and before is more honourable then after . which is clearly his consequence in the 5. chapter of his second de coelo : for thus he argues , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nature doth alwayes what is best . now saith he , as the motion which is upwards is more excellent then that which is downward , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so in like manner is that which is forward more excellent then that which is backward . thence he concludes this the reason why the heavens move antrorsum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so that this seems the substance of the inference ; the heavens move by a motion that is natural , nature doth what is best , before is better then behind , and consequently that way the heavens move . the weakness of which argumentation consists in supposing , that those variable respects of before , and after , are realities in nature , which is a poor vulgar conceit , arising from the meere prejudice of misapplyed sensations , and very unbecomming a philosopher . and that this was the supposal of aristotle's argument , is confirmed by the margin of pacius's edition , in which he hath given this account of the contents of this period , coelum movetur ad anteriorem partem , quia hujusmodi motus est praestantior quam motus ad partem posteriorem . yea , when our author himself saith in the account he gives of the argument , motum naturalem esse ad honorabilius , unde clare sequitur occidentem esse nobiliorem oriente , he hath given me all i have contended for . actio undecima . a. indignatur sub finem capituli , quod doctorum opera ita in logicam , physicam , & metaphysicam — pag. 123. g. our author confesseth the schools neglect of the profitable doctrines of the heavens , meteors , minerals , and animals . but his scepticism , viz. the present peripateticism , is the cause . and this is that which i charge in the place animadverted on . so that i accuse not aristotle here ; but by name the modern retainers to the stagyrite : but whether the notionality and obscurity of the aristotelian method it self do not give occasion to the endless babble of those reprehended scepticks , i have already past my conjecture . a. 2. capite decimo octavo arguit doctrinam peripateticam , quasi ad phaenomena salvanda — pag. 124. g. i am not yet convinced , but that the aristotelian philosophy is insufficient for the solution of the phaenomena ; and yet question not aristotle's endeavours in that kind , but his success , upon what accounts my discourse declareth . i acknowledge the ingenuity of sir kenelm digbye's hypotheseis : but cannot yet understand that to have been aristotle's method . and i think our author is one of the first that asserts aristotle to have taught the corpuscularian and atomical philosophy ; for all the world hath hitherto taken his , to be the way of qualities and forms : yea aristotle mentions the atomical hypothesis of democritus in a way of dissent and profest opposition ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which last passage is the main substance of the corpuscularian philosophy . and elsewhere he recites the same hypothesis from leucippus and democritus , to the same purpose ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . urget adversarius systema coeli ab aristotele sequiùs a. esse constitutum . aperi accusationem . — pag. 125. i cannot see but that aristotle without optick instruments , g. the defect of which our author thinks excuseth his astronomy , might have discovered the motion of the earth , and fluidity of the heavens , as well as the more antient wisdom that believ'd them . he recites the former as the opinion of the pythagoreans , but could not overcome the prejudice of sense against it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and in another place hath a profest redargution of this pythagorean opinion . as for the hypothesis of the fluidity of the heavens , 't is said in the jewish gemara , non orbes sed in coelo liquido moveri sidera , vetustissima haebreorum sententia est . and if aristotle had own'd a wit so much more excellent then others of the antients , as our author somewhere intimates , i see not why he might not have received these theories , as well as some of those , to whom optick tubes were as much strangers as to the contriver of the orbs. that the christian doctrine teacheth the motion of the heavens by intelligencies ▪ i cannot yet comprehend . and our author cannot think it so evident as to be believed without proof . our air according to the best computations can be made of the weight of the astmosphear , reacheth not much above 50 miles upwards ; and the thin element there , is nothing to the sphear of fire supposed under the concave of the moon . a. 3. caput decimum nonum exagitat aristotelis doctrinam quasi infaecundam & sterilem . — pag. 126. g. if it belong not to philosophers to make experiments ; the noble lord bacon , des cartes , our illustrious royal society , and all experimental philosophers , have been needlesly imployed , and out of the way in their inquiries . and if we must use no experiments but those that are made by ordinary mechanicks without design of science , we shall never make any great progress into the knowledg of the magnalia ; which are not known by the common methods of action . he that will erect a lasting and stately fabrick , must have stones digged from the quarries , and not expect that the high-wayes should furnish him . what these common aristotelian principles are , without which no account can be given of natural effects , our author would do well to tell us . some principles indeed are necessary , and without them nothing can be inquired or determin'd : but such are common to all philosophers , and not peculiarly aristotle's . those that admit vacuities , think there can be no action without them ; holding it impossible there should be motion in absolute pleno ; and we have but our author 's bare assertion against their arguments . the cartesian vortices will serve to account for the phaenomena , and teach a way of theory not unserviceable to experiment . and for the salvo of aristotle's credit in those contradictory passages we meet in his writings ; viz. that they are the sayings of others , it seems to me an arbitrary shift and evasion : since we find them in his discourses without mention of any such matter . and if it be confest his custom to insert forrein doctrines and sayings into his works , without any intimation to distinguish them from his own ; who then can know when aristotle speaks himself , or when he speaks the words and sense of others ? 4. caput vicesimum manifestam reddit eminentiam a. peripatetices supra reliquas methodos — pag. 127. in that chapter i impugn not aristotle's philosophy , but g. had concluded my reflections in the former . causalities are first found out by concomitancy , as i intimated . and our experience of the dependence of one , and independence of the other shews which is the effect , and which the cause . definitions cannot discover causalities , for they are formed after the causality is known . so that in our authors instance , a man cannot know heat to be the atoms of fire , till the concomitancy be known , and the efficiency first presumed . the question is then , how heat is known to be the effect of fire ? our author answers by it's definition . but how came it to be so defined ? the answer must be , by the concomitancy and dependence ; for there 's nothing else assignable . but who is our authors peripatetick that concludes heat to be the atomes of fire ? and who that adorer of des-cartes that professeth scepticism ? a. 5. nihilo validius est argumentum à varietate opinionum philosophantium ad impossibilitatem — pag. ●●9 . g. i urge no such argument as the variety of philosophers opinions against the possibility of science , but from the notion of the dogmatists ; that demonstration supposeth certainty , as aristotle himself affirms , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and certainty , impossibility of being otherwise ; as aristotle proceeds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i say , from hence i inferre 't is scarce modest to conclude any thing so a demonstration , and consequently , science in their notion ; the reason of my inference is fully declared in my discourse , the least view of which will be evidence enough of the wideness of this answer . sub finem capitis assumit nihil sciri posse nisi in primas a. causas resolvatur . unde diluxisse — pag. 131. when i affirm nothing can be known but by a resolution of things into their first causes , i mean the mechanical , not metaphysical : for i am of opinion with the excellent lord verulam ; that natural theory hath been very much hindered , and corrupted by metaphysical admixtures ; and this is a considerable fault of aristotle and his sectators . some general notices indeed are necessary to direct us in particular researches , but then they must be such as are concluded from induction in particulars ; and perhaps the instances our philosopher alledges to shew the necessity of metaphysicks to physiology will be better determin'd and accounted for in the way of experiment , then notion ; and i think our author 's metaphysical argument against a vacuum , ( the exploding of which he thinks so necessary for the establishment of a grounded philosophy ) i think , i say , his argument is a sophism , whose greatest force lies in the scarcity of words and defect in language : for this is the sum of the presumed demonstration . a vacuum is imaginary space ; imaginary space is nothing real , and those bodies are together , that have nothing between them : if the middle of which propositions be denyed , the argument comes to nothing ; and it may without absurdity be affirmed , that though space have not the nature of any of the beings that are in our praedicaments , yet 't is something real and not meerly imaginary : for the notion of space strikes so close to our minds , that we cannot conceive , but that 't is infinite and eternal , viz. is every where , and has been alwayes ; and therefore has a kind of being , that is no arbitrary figment ; though such a one , for the expressing of which our words are defective : we see then , how this pretended metaphysical impossibility may be answered ; for though supposing a vacuum there be nihil corporis between the bodies distant , yet is there aliquid spatii , which is sufficient to avoid the contradiction ; so that there may be a vacuum , notwithstanding our author's metaphysicks : yea , that aristotle himself asserted it , though i know he has opposed it also , is affirmed by aetius in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and there seems a strong necessity that there should be one , since it looks like an impossibility that there should be motion in pleno , or at least that any thing should be moved , but that all the world must be moved with it ; which i alledge only to shew , that metaphysicks may both ways be urged almost for any thing , and that all matters of notion are double-handed . and if we must determine nothing in physiology till metaphysicks have concluded it ; for ought i know we shall be at an eternal loss , and never fix on any thing . and by this method of mingling metaphysicks with natural philosophy , we shall fill plain theories with infinite intricacy and dispute . indeed , the impatient mind of man , as my lord bacon observes , is too apt to fly to general conclusions ; and more averse to the way of experiment and induction , which he thought the only method for the establishing of a solid and grounded theory : in which there is none has more happily succeeded then the philosopher des-cartes , whose philosophy is not a prescribed form how things should be made , as our author injuriously suggests , but professes it self only an hypothesis how they may be , and how by such principles the phaenomena may be salved : and the mechanicks of des-cartes are much more likely methods for the expounding nature , then the metaphysicks of aristotle ; which his own sectators have confest a meer rhapsody and confused ramble of they knew not what : yea , and 't is doubtful whither they are not the spurious issue of some more modern author , since diogenes laertius , who uses to give a full and faithful catalogue of the writings of philosophers , hath omitted this out of the works of aristotle , and philoponus affirms that book written by pasicrates rhodius . and if so , aristotle will lose the credit of demonstration in metaphysicks , with which our author hath invested him . 7. sequens capitulum laborat illo errore quem aristoteles a. saepius & detexit & confutavit : — pag 132. imperfect knowledge , according to the notion of the dogmatists , g. is not science , but opinion . scire , our author knows , is per causas scire ; and the conditions of those causes are that they be true , immediate , and necessary ; this is perfect knowledge , this is the science the dogmatist pretends to ; and to this according to his own maxime , every thing that is must contribute , as my discourse declareth . nor do our philosophers instances weaken my conclusion ; for they relate to another kind of knowledge , viz. that of the existence , not of the nature of things ; which latter is that which i am treating of ; and the knowledge of the being of a thing , as is its object , is a simple act , and consequently , to this , a single evidence is sufficient : but the comprehension of the nature , like the thing it self , is complex , and requires the knowledge of the things of which 't is constituted . what is added within this paragraph about two persons , seeing the same object in the same circumstances of sentiment , is our author 's bare assertion , against my proof of the contrary : and the last period is built upon the fore ▪ mentioned mistake of my design and intentions . a. 8. attamen academicus noster non dubitat generatim dogmaticè procedentibus affingere quaevis — pag. 134. g. the learned gentleman is now discended to my moral considerations against confident opinion : his reflections on the two first of which are built upon the supposal of my being a sceptick , which charge i think i 've sufficiently disabled . the truth of my third accusation is confest , but the guilt , not acknowledged ; since that which excites men to endless bawlings , and altercations ; schisms , heresies , and rebellions , by the vehemencies of dispute , is it seems with our author no more noxious and criminal , then the sun that stirrs men up to their work in the morning , by the importunity of it's beams . to the fourth absurdity of dogmatizing , our philosopher also gives a kind reception ; and it seems can be content with a confidence that accuseth all the world of ignorance . but whether be the more modest , the dogmatist that chargeth all that are not of his mind as ignorants ; or the sceptick that involves himself also in the common reproach , let them dispute it out when they will , i have nothing to do with their quarrel . in the last i 'me agreed with our author in the truth of his assertion , that science inlargeth mens mindes ; but cannot acknowledge the pertinency . for he could scarce have named things more opposite then confidence and science . science indeed inlargeth : but there 's a knowledge that only puffeth up . and i 'me of solomon's opinion , that 't is the fool that rageth and is confident . our author concludes as he began , in the supposition that i am a sceptick , and in this i 'me certain he is mistaken ; and will be dogmatical in affirming , that i am none . thus have i concluded my reply with a brevity , that shews i am not fond of an occasion of disputing ; and a carelesness , that will witness the little delight i have in matters that are not of very material speculation . the truth is , i dropt these reflections with such a dulness and inactivity of humor : that when my pen had traced one period , it was indifferent whether it began another . and i remember not an heat in the whole performance . for i felt no concernment to defend a discourse , which perhaps i had less kindness for then one , who hath professedly opposed it . not to mention the other reasons of my coldness and indifference in this action . and though i have still a quick resentment of the vanity of confiding in opinions , and possibly could with an humor brisk enough have reassailed the spirit of proud and unreasonable presumption ; yet i hitherto see no necessity of adding more to what i have said on the subject : and the reflections that engaged my pen , have made me but few new occasions . so that looking on my impugned discourse as too inconsiderable for a subject of publick vindication , and meeting but little opportunity for general and discursive notion in that which opposed it ; i was , i profess , sometimes more inclined to have throwne away these sheets among the rubbish of my papers , then to permit them thus to shew themselves to the publique . but my civility to this learned man obliged me to some answer , and whatever i apprehend of it otherwise , my laziness or my judgement made me think this sufficient for that service . what others will judge of it i am ignorant and careless , and am sufficiently satisfied with this , that i think it pertinent , and that i have finish't it . finis . a letter to a friend concerning aristotle . sir , i am very sensible how bold and adventurous a thing it is , for men of private condition to oppose what custom and great names have render'd venerable . and though i am still of opinion ▪ that a lazie acquiescence in the discoveries of any single author , how great and august soever , be a disadvantage to the encrease of knowledge ; yet i think it not wise in every man that hath only a naked reason to assist him , to confront such celebrated authorities . upon which account i acknowledge some juvenile heat and praecipitancy in those reflections your friendship has animadverted on . which , besides the pardon young pens may expect from those who are not unreasonably severe , hath a claim to your candour upon other considerations , which i intend this paper shall acquaint you with . in order to which , i suppose i need not tell you , that 't was no enmity to the learning of the universities , which with all duty i acknowledge , that drew my pen upon the sage their constitutions have made textuary . you know me too well , to think i designed any thing against the appointments and purposes of our pious ancestors in those venerable nurseries of piety and learning . i too well apprehend the danger of such innovations in an age so prone to fancies and dissettlements . in which nothing howsoever worthy and sacred , has been able to defend it self against the rude hands of proud , because successeful violence guilded with the plunder'd titles of reformation and religion . i 'le assure you then , though i had been so fond and unwise to engage in a design so unlikely in the undertaker ; i should never have been so disingenious and undutiful as to form a project so inconvenient and hazardous in the event , as to discourage young students from a method of studies the constitutions of the place they live in have enjoyn'd them : which indeed , considering the circumstances wherein things stand , 't is in a manner necessary they should be vers'd in ; since that philosophy is wrought into the current theology of europe : which therefore would not be comprehended without an insight into those hypotheses . nor can a man make a reasonable choice of his principles , except he have some knowledge of all that offer themselves candidates for his favour : and a wise man's belief is not chance , but election ; besides which , it enlarges and ennobles the minds of men to furnish them with variety of conception , and takes them off from doating on the beloved conclusions of their private and narrow principles . i blame not therefore the use of aristotle in the universities among the junior students , though i cannot approve the streightness and sloath of elder dijudicants , from whom more generous temper might be expected , then to sit down in a contented despair of any further progress into science , than has been made by their idolized sophy ; and depriving themselves and all this world of their liberty in philosophy by a sacramental adherence to an heathen authority . and i confess , 't was this pedantry and boyishness of humor that drew from me those reflections i directed against aristotle . which perhaps you 'le think not so censurable an action when you consider , ( 1. ) that whatever fondness these latter ages have express'd towards him , the pious fathers of the first and purest times of christianity , own'd for him no such regard and veneration ; but frequently reprehended him with a keen and impartial severity . and if we may believe the learned and industrious patricius [ multos ê patribus habuit oppugnatores , celebratorem neminem . ] clemens alex. epiphanius , and nazianzen accuse him of impiety against god and religion ; lactantius of contradiction and inconsistency ; justin martyr professedly wrote a book against him ; s. basil reprehends his ethicks ; and origen set's epicurus before him . theodoret accuses him for denying providence below the moon . and 't is notoriously known that platonism was the philosophy of the first christian centuries when aristotle was not much regarded . yea as the excellent gassendus has observ'd , in the flourishing times of rome and athens , the academicks and stoicks ; and laertius sayes in his , the epicureans , were the only valued sects of philosophers , while the peripateticks were but little accounted of . yea cicero , pliny , quintilian that had otherwise the greatest esteem of aristotle , prefer'd plato before him . and i find ( 2. ) not that aristotle had such an excess of respect and worship , till after barbarism had overrun rome and athens . for when the empire began to emerge from that black night of ignorance which had with it's rude conquerours invaded it ; averroes and some others of the arabian interpreters chanced to light upon the remains of this philosopher , which they translated into the language of the moors , and as 't is usual for men to dignifie what they have bestowed pains upon , especially if it be rare and new ; these first interpreters would not fail to celebrate the author , that they might reconcile credit to their writings upon him , and recommend their own elucubrations . and therefore aristotle shall be the prime of philosophers , that they may be next him . insomuch that his redeemer averroes arriv'd to that vanity in commendation as to affirm , that aristotle invented logick , divinity and physiology ; never spoke any thing without strong reason , and that there was nothing defective or superfluous in his writings , but all things in the most full and perfect order ; and that no errour had been found in his composures : which commendations coming down to the latines , with the books they celebrated , and they having no other philosopher , but aristotle , nor interpreter , but his idolater averroes , greedily swallowed both the books and the character together , making sacred text of the writings of the author , and axioms of the commendations of the interpreter . for the mighty cry of the first admirers , assisted by the ignorance of those times , and the natural temper that is in men to revere the first author that pleases them , bore down others to an assent to those applauses ; and being at last by the schoolmen mingled with divinity , and by others adopted into other faculties , grew in a manner sacred and universal . aristotle became an oracle , his placits were enacted laws , and his dixit an unquestionable argument ; and thus was the reasoning world despoil'd of that freedom which is the priviledge of humane nature , and subjected to a forreign authority , that could lay no reasonable claim to their respect or observance . so that the esteem of the aristotelean philosophy having been so small in the best and wisest times , and having sprung up to this bulk by accidental occasions in the latter and less cultivated ages , i cannot yet think it so piacular to question the dueness of those superlative praises are bestowed upon him in these , wherein mankind seems awaken'd to enquire into the world of things , not of words , and is resolv'd no longer to court names , but nature . and you 'le see less reason for your displeasure against that engagement of mine , when i shall have told you thirdly , that 't is very doubtful whether those writings that go under his name , are aristotle's or not . for besides that the antient greek interpreters have alwayes made this quaery in the beginning of their expositions , whether the books they were about to expound were aristotle 's ; besides this suspicion i say , several very learned men have professedly undertook to prove the uncertainty of all his writings , among whom are picus , patricius , and gassendus , and from these author's i 'le give you a brief account of this matter . ( first ) then theophrastus , aristotle's scholar , wrote several things that had the same title with those we presume are his : and who then can tell whether they were wrote by aristotle , or theophrastus ? to say aristotle's works are discoverable by their style , is to presume the question , that some are known to be his : which being supposed , the enquirer may notwithstanding be deceived in his judgment , since learned men in the same age are often delighted with the same mode of writing , especially the scholars of any great author use to imitate the way and method of their masters ; yea and diversity of age and matter make's them sometimes differ more in their styles from themselves , than others do from them . at least ( secondly ) theophrastus had great advantages of adding , altering , and mingling aristotle's works as he pleased : he himself putting forth few books while he lived , but leaving them in the hands of this his great scholar and sectator . and 't is the observation of strabo and plutarch that the first peripateticks had few or none of aristotle's writings among them ; upon which account impostures and forgeries might be more securely practiced . besides which , ( thirdly ) theophrastus himself did not publish these writings , but left them in the hands of neleus , as is testified by plutarch and athenaeus . now this neleus of two copies which he kept of aristotle's writings , sold one to ptolomy for the famous library at alexandria ; the other he kept himself and left with his posterity ; who , as strabo testifies , diligent search being made by the attalick kings after books to furnish the library at pergamus , hid them in a pit underground about 160. years till they were almost spoil'd with moths and rotteness , and after sold them to apellicon tejus an athenian , who got them transcribed and supplyed in those places in which they had been impair'd by their concealment , but as strabo says arbitrarily , and at a venture ; insomuch that the transcripts were full of errour and incurable defects . at length sylla taking athens , this library of apellicon , in which were the writings of aristotle , was transported to rome , as is testified by plutarch , and there fell into the hands of tyrannio grammaticus under whom they contracted new and worse errors . from him they pass to andronicus rhodius who distributed them into the order we now find them in , adding and altering as he pleased . after him , picus says the contending peripateticks still mended what they understood not ; and every man as he fancyed . all which circumstances are more than suspicions of much forgery and corruption in aristotle's composures . yea , if that be true which marius nizolius asserts , and largely endeavours to prove , that most of the books of aristotle that are extant are but epitomes and compendiums drawn up by nicomachus of his father's writings , 't will be another evidence against their authority . to which i add ( 4. ) what has been observed by the forecited learned men , that diogenes laertius , who lived when most of the antient authors might be seen , who was very industrious in the search of antiquities , and who perused above two hundred authors in order to the compiling of his history , forty of which had professedly wrote the lives of philosophers ; yet this diogenes hath omitted all we have now extant of aristotle's works except nine , viz. duo de plantis , physiogn . categoriae , de interpret . mechan . contra xenophanem ; contra gorgiam & zenonem . yea and patricius gives sufficient reason why all these but the four last should be suspected also . now why so many forged pieces were ascribed to aristotle , three reasons are given by ammonius . viz. ( 1. ) because there were several others of his name ( diogenes laertius sayes eight ) by reason of which 't was an easie matter to shelter the mean and contemptible products of others under his name and authority . ( 2. ) because several of his disciples wrote books on the same subjects , and with the same titles with their master . ( 3. ) there being great rewards propos'd by ptolomy to those that brought in any considerable author 's to his library , several out of a covetous design to enrich themselves by the forgery , inscribed other writings by the name of this philosopher , to render them more currant and vendible . so that there were 40. books of analyticks ascribed to aristotle in ptolomy's library , when as he wrote but four ; and two de categoriis , when he wrote but one . it appears then that the books of aristotle are of very uncertain and suspicious authority . yea , and though his writings were never so unsuspect and certain in the main , yet no man can be assur'd in particular what is aristotle's in them and what not , they having met with such hard usage as we mention'd . yea , the books themselves give notorious evidence of those abuses in the confusions , inversions , contradictions , tautologies , defects , abruptness , and other gross imperfections they abound with . upon the account of which gassendus sayes , he thought aristotle a greater man than to be the author of such mean and obnoxious writings . but however , whether these are genuine or not , they contain the aristotelianism of the present peripatetick schools , and if those works are none of his , there 's less reason why we should fall down before the εφη of an uncertain authority . besides which , i must confess fourthly , that the reverence i have to the more antient sages , which aristotle frequently traduced , and unworthily abused , animated me to more severity against him , than upon another occasion had perhaps been so pardonable and becoming . and that aristotle dealt so invidiously with the philosophers were before him , will not need much proof to one , that is but indifferently acquainted with his writings . the great lord bacon hath particularly charged him with this unworthiness in his excellent advancement of learning , wherein he says , that [ aristotle as though he had been of the race of the ottomans , thought he could not reign , except the first thing he did , he kill'd all his brethren . ] and elsewhere in the same discourse [ i cannot a little marvel at the philosopher aristotle , that proceeded in such a spirit of difference and contradiction to all antiquity , undertaking not only to frame new words of science at pleasure , but to confound and extinguish all the antient wisdom , insomuch that he never names any antient author , but to confute or reprove him ] consonant whereunto are the observations of patricius that he carpes at the antients by name in more than 250 places , and without name in more than 1000. he reprehends 46 philosophers of worth , besides poets and rhetoricians , and most of all spent his spleen upon his excellent and venerable master plato , whom in above 60 places by name he hath contradicted . and as plato opposed all the sophisters , and but two philosophers , viz. anaxagoras and heraclitus ; so aristotle that he might be opposite to him in , this also , oppos'd all the philosophers , and but two sophisters viz. protagoras and gorgias . yea , and not only assaulted them with his arguments , but persecuted them by his reproaches , calling the philosophy of empedocles , and all the antients stuttering ; xenocrates , and melissus , rusticks ; anaxagoras , simple and inconsiderate ; yea , and all of them in an heap , as patricius testifies , gross ignorants , fools and madmen . how fit then think you is it that the world should now be obliged to so tender and awful a respect to the libeller of the most venerable sages , as that it should be a crime next heresie to endeavour , though never so modestly , to weaken his textuary and usurp'd authority ? and how just think you is your charge of my reflections as a piece of irreverence to antiquity ? when my veneration of the greater antiquity extorted from me those strictures against the proud antagonist of all the ancient and more valuable wisdom ? of whose unworthy and disingenuous usage of the elder philosophers , i 'le present you among many with some particular instances , that most easily offer themselves to my pen and memory . briefly then , he accuses zeno for making god a body , because he call'd him a sphear in a metaphor . he sayes of parmenides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he made hot and cold principles , and yet in two long chapters falls upon him as making all things one . these two principles of parmenides aristotle interprets of fire and earth , when 't is clear enough that the philosophers meant light and darkness . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he says of parmenides and melissus , that they denyed all generation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and yet in another place , having it seems forgot this charge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he accused empedocles for constituting the soul of elements , for which he took occasion from that verse of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when as the elements he means are not corporeal , as aristotle would suggest to force an absurdity on that philosopher , but intellectual ones , as simplicius one of his own interpreters expounds empedocles . he blasphemes anaxagoras's mind in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and yet after gives excellent attributes to that mind of anaxagoras . he accuses the pythagoreans of making numbers the principles of things ; when as 't is evident that numbers were intended by pythagoras , but as symbolical representations of them , which serv'd him but for the same purposes the hieroglyphicks did the aegyptians , from whom that sage had his method of philosophy ; as philoponus himself confessingly affirms , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ but of all the philosophers he quarrel'd with , there was none he pursued with so much gall and animosity , as his incomparable master plato , whom he not only insolently opposed and ingratefully thrust out of his school while he lived , but with a severe pen persecuted his very ashes , and followed him with injuries beyond the grave . and all for no other reason , but because that venerable old man reproved his evil life , and preferr'd the better deserving speucippus , xenocrates , and amyclas before him . the particular instances of those ungrateful abuses are too numerous to be insisted on ; therefore i shall only pitch my observation on plato's doctrine of idea's which aristotle in all his books inveigh's against , and hath render'd ridiculous among his credulous sectators . concerning which you may please to take notice , that this opinion was not originally plato's , though aristotle charge him as the author , but was the doctrine of the pythagoreans , aegyptians and chaldaeans . we have it in timaeus locrus the pythagorean , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and before him trismegistus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but originally this doctrine of idea's was chaldaean , for which i offer you the ensuing testimonies which will also clear the antient sense and nature of those idea's . we have them then in the oracles of zoroaster , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and these idea's , by which we may understand their natures , he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . briefly then , the chaldaeans by their idea's understood the forms of things as they were in their archetypa mente , which answers to the eternal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the christian trinity . they called them also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as they were in this primaeval mind . in the soul of the world they call'd them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in nature , they were seeds ; and in matter , forms . thus therefore ; in the seeds of all things there is heat ; in that , spirit ; in this , nature which depends on the universal soul , and that on god , in whom 't is jynx or idea . this was the chaldaean notion of idea's , and this was the platonical ; which how unlike it is the chimaera of universal abstract notions , aristotle and his peripateticks falsly affix upon the divine philosopher , is of easie apprehension . so that aristotle in his impugnation of the platonical idea's , fights against notions of his own creating , and no assertions of his venerable master . and i must confess the reverence i have for that excellent sage and his philosophy , lessens my esteem of aristotle , and his . which i cannot without some regret behold so sacred in christendom , while the incomparable prince of philosophers with his divine theories seems to be neglected and forgotten ; especially since this latter is so consonant in his dogmata to the principles of christianity , and the other so opposite to most the articles of our belief in his . of which patricius has presented the world with a large catalogue of instances , and i 'le offer you a few of them . plato affirms god to be one ; aristotle make's one first mover , but 56 other gods movers of the orbs. plato own 's god under the notion of the father ; which aristotle no where acknowledges . plato , that god is the supreme wisdom ; aristotle , that he is ignorant of particulars . plato , that god is omnipotent ; aristotle , that he can do nothing , but move the heavens . plato , that god made the world ; aristotle , that the world is uncreated , and eternal . plato , that god made the world of nothing ; aristotle , that of nothing is made nothing . plato that god is free from all body ; aristotle , that he 's tyed to the first orb. plato , that providence is over all things ; aristotle , that 't is confin'd to the heavens . plato , that god governs the universe ; aristotle , not god , but nature , chance , and fortune . plato , that god created the soul ; aristotle , that 't is the act of the body . plato , that the happiness of a man is in his likeness to god ; aristotle , that a man is happy in the goods of fortune . plato , there will come one that shall teach us to pray , a prophecy of our saviour . aristotle , prayers are in vain , because god knows not particulars . plato , that after death good men shall enjoy god. aristotle , no pleasure after this life . plato , the souls of the wicked shall be punish't after death ; aristotle , they shall perish with the body , and suffer nothing . plato , the dead shall rise . aristotle , à privatione ad habitum . plato that the soul and body of the wicked shall be punish't in hell. aristotle knew no such matter . these are some instances among many , of the divine temper of the platonical philosophy , and the impiety of the aristotelian ; for a further account of which i referre you to the fore-mentioned learned author . so that i doubt not , but when you have duly consider'd the matter , you 'l judge those reflections the effects of a laudable zeal for antiquity , and what is more sacred , truth . to which i adde ( 5. ) that the aristotelian was not the antient philosophy , but the corpuscularian and atomical , which to the great hinderance of science lay long buryed in neglect and oblivion , but hath in these latter ages been again restored to the light and it 's deserv'd repute and value . and that the atomical hypothesis was the first and most antient , of which there is any memory in physiology , is notoriously known to all , that know the age of democritus ; who was one of those four sages that brought the learning of the aegyptians among the grecians ; orpheus bringing in theology ; thales the mathematicks ; our democritus , natural philosophy ; and pythagoras all three , with the moral . now the learning of the aegyptians came from the chaldaeans , and was convey'd to them , as some learned men affirm , by abraham , who was of kin to zoroaster the great chaldaean legislatour and philosopher ; which zoroaster lived 290 years after the flood , and as pliny saith , was the schollar of azonaces , whom antiquáries affirm to have been of the schoole of sem and heber . the atomical philosophy then coming from the aegyptians to the grecians , and from the chaldaeans to them ; is without doubt of the most venerable antiquity ; and the aristotelian a very novelty in compare with that grey hypothesis : at the best , a degeneracy and corruption of the most antient wisdom . yea , and 't is the complaint of several learned men , which whoever knows any thing of aristotles sectators will justifie , that the modern peripateticks have as farr receded from his sense , as from the truth of things . for it hath been the fashion of his interpreters both greeks , latins , and arabians , to form whole doctrines from catches and scraps of sentences , without attending to the analogy and main scope of his writings . from which method of interpretation hath proceeded a spurious medly of nice , spinose and useless notions , that is but little of kin to aristotle or nature . so that whatever of genuine aristotelian is in those works that bare his name ; there 's little of aristotle in his schools . and 't is no indignity to antiquity or the stagyrite , to oppose the corruption and abuse of both . and to endeavour to restore the antients to their just estimation , which hath been usurp't from them by a modern and spurious learning . and though i grudge not aristotles esteem while it is not prejudicial to the respect we owe his betters ; yet i regret that excessive and undue veneration which fondly sets him so much above all the more valuable antients . and i 'le propose it to your judgment ( 6. ) whether 't was likely that aristotle was so farr beyond other philosophers in his intellectuals , as these latter ages have presumed , when he came so farr short of most of them in his morals ? i believe there 's a near connection between truth and goodness , and there 's a taste in the soul whereby it relisheth truth , as the palate meats ; which sence and gusto vice depraves and vi●iates . so that though witt may make the vicious , cunning sophisters , and subtile atheists , yet i doubt seldom the best and most exercised philosophers . now what the ancients have related of aristotle's manners , i 'le present you in an instance or two , and dismiss this displeasing subject . suidas then accuseth him of sodomy with hermias , aeschriones , palephatus , and abydenus ; st. jerome of drunkenness : lycus and aristocles , two of his own disciples , charge him with avarice : aelian of cavelling , loquacity , scoffing , and ingratitude ; of which last , there are two notorious instances in his usage of alexander and plato . how he used his venerable master , i have already noted . and what return he made to the kindnesses of his glorious schollar , you may see in these few words from arrian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and to sum up much in one , timaeus the historian in suidas gives this account of him , that he was forward , impudent , saucy , unwise , indocile , and hatefully glutinous , or in the words of suidas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but to conclude these ungrateful remarques , plutarch makes him a traytor to alexander ; and eusebius to his countrey . and being at last banisht for his impiety , he made himself away by poyson , according to the testimony of laertius . thus then you see an ill character of aristotle's manners from disinteressed authorities ; on consideration of which , 't is to me matter of some wonder , that the memory of the vitious should be so blessed , and his authority so irreproveable . unto all which may be added . ( lastly ) that there is less reason that aristotle should be valued beyond all others that have had a name for wisdom , if we consider , that he borrowed almost all he writ from the more antient philosophers , though he had not the ingenuity and gratitude to acknowledge it : particularly from architas and ocellus , transcribing them word for word in many places , especially the latter ; and yet never as much as mention'd him in all his writings . and i think you ascribe more to aristotle then is his due when you call him the inventour of sciences ; for we owe that honour to others of the antients ; particularly to zeno the invention of logick , and of rhetorick to empedocles , according to his own testimony in laertius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( speaking of zeno ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . perictione a pythagorean woman writ metaphysicks ▪ before aristotle . stobaeus in his morals hath a fragment of her book de sapientia , of which she declares the subject in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . besides whom plato , parmenides , xenophanes , pythagoras , the aegyptians , trismegistus , and before all , the chaldeans writ of this science , long before aristotle was extant . and , democritus brought natural philosophy , as did pythagoras the moral , from the aegyptians , before the stagyritè was an infant . and for the mathematicks , they were studied in aegypt , before he was born in greece , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is his own confession . thus then you see sir , we are not so much beholden to aristotle , as most men have presumed . and perhaps by this time you may be convinc't that we have no reason so passionately to revere his authority . but whither you are , or not , i am not much concerned , being willing to leave all men to the liberty of their own sentiments . it sufficeth for my purpose , that i have given you some of the grounds of my dissatisfactions in aristotle and his hypotheseis . if you are convinced , at the bar of your judgment , i am justified ; if you are not , your dissent i presume is rational , and when i have seen your reasons , i shall either be more disposed to your apprehensions , or be more confirm'd in the justice and reasonableness of mine own . to which i 'le add no more , but my desires of your pardon of this voluminous trouble , and acceptance of the affectionate regards of sir , your humble servant j. g. finis . a discourse of things above reason· inquiring whether a philosopher should admit there are any such. by a fellow of the royal society· to which are annexed by the publisher (for the affinity of the subjects) some advices about judging of things said to transcend reason. written by a fellow of the same society. boyle, robert, 1627-1691. 1681 approx. 203 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 101 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28958 wing b3945 estc r214128 99826341 99826341 30742 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28958) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30742) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1826:5) a discourse of things above reason· inquiring whether a philosopher should admit there are any such. by a fellow of the royal society· to which are annexed by the publisher (for the affinity of the subjects) some advices about judging of things said to transcend reason. written by a fellow of the same society. boyle, robert, 1627-1691. fellow of the same society. aut [4], 94, [2], 100 p. printed by e.t. and r.h. for jonathan robinson at the golden lion in s. paul's church-yard, london : 1681. part 1 is by robert boyle; the authorship of part 2 is not established. "advices in judging of things said to transcend reason" (caption title) begins new pagination on 2a1. in this issue, p.100 has 22 lines of text; last line reads "ciples of cosmography.". reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng reason -early works to 1800. philosophy -early works to 1800. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2006-06 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse of things above reason . inquiring whether a philosopher should admit there are any such . by a fellow of the royal society ▪ to which are annexed by the publisher ( for the affinity of the subjects ) some advices about judging of things said to transcend reason . written by a fellow of the same society . london , printed by e. t. and r. h. for jonathan robinson at the golden lion in s. paul's church-yard . 1681. an advertisement . the later of the two following dialogues is but a part of a discourse , consisting of some conferences , whereof , that was neither the first , nor the last . this 't was thought fit the reader should have notice of , that he may the more easily guess upon what account it is , that some clauses in the first page , ( and perhaps a few other passages elsewhere ) contain somewhat that appears not altogether the same it would have done , if there had been no need to make any alteration at all in that page . but because , tho there was a connection between that dialogue and the rest of the papers from which 't is dismembered , yet it 's dependency upon the others , is not so very great , but that the publisher thought the divulging of it might be useful and seasonable : and therefore finding that want of leisure , and much diffidence , made the author unwilling to revise , and part with the other papers that accompanied this which now comes forth ; he prevail'd with him to suffer that dialogue to take its fortune , which the publisher hopes may be such , as may incourage the author to communicate what he has further meditated upon such subjects . errata . pag. 3. lin . 3. read arnobius . p. 9. l. 5. r. how . p. 25. l. 20. r. continui . p. ib. l. 21. r. hucusque superata . p. 38. l 20. for near read above . p. 56. l. 18. r. deny . p. 60. l. 5. r. sight . p 84 l. 7. r. men of . p. 86. l. ult . r. us ; for . p. 92. l. 22. r. time will. p 93. l. 12. r. do . p. 4 l. 12. r. bare repetition . p. 34. l. 6. r. body . p. 41. l. 3. r. instance ▪ p. 43. l. 10. r. ●gy . p. 48. l. 26. r. ●soners . p. 50. l. 3. r. thing . p. 62. l. 1. r. evidence of . a discourse of things above reason . enquiring , whether a philosopher should admit there are any such . the speakers are , sophronius , eugenius , pyrocles , and timotheus . euge. the seriousness you yet retain in your looks , and the posture we found you in at our entrance , makes me fear these two gentlemen and i are unseasonable intruders , that are so unhappy as to disturb your meditations . sophron. instead of doing that , you will much promote them , if you please to accompany me in them : for the subject that busied my thoughts is both so abstruse and so important , that it needs more than one to consider it , and deserves that he should be a far better considerer than i , who therefore must think my self far less fit for that task than you . eug. i will punish the flattery of these last words , by declining to make any return to it . pyrocl. and i , gentlemen , to prevent the loss of time and words between you , shall without farther ceremony ask sophronius , what his thoughts were employed about when we came in . sophr. i was then musing upon a subject , that was newly proposed to me by our common friend arnobiut , who would needs have my opinion , whether , and if at all , how far , we may employ our reasonings about things that are above our reason , as christians grant some mysteries of their religion to be . euge. if , by things above reason , be meant only those , that are undiscoverable by reason without revelation ; i should not hesitate to say , that there may be divers things of that kind : for the free decrees of god , and his determinations concerning the government of the world , and the future state of mankind ( to name now no others ) are things which no humane reason can pry into , but must owe the fundamental discovery it makes of them , to the revelation of him , whose purposes they are . but if , by things above reason , be meant such , as though delivered in words , free from darkness and ambiguity , are not to be conceived , and comprehended by our rational faculty , i shall freely confess , that i scarce know what to say upon so unusual and sublime a subject . pyrocl. for my part , gentlemen , i think it were very requisite to be sure in the first place , that the subject of our discourses is not chimerical , but that we can really know , that there are things we cannot comprehend , though they be proposed to us in expressions no less clear than such , as would suffice to make other things intelligible to us . sophr. your cautiousness , pyrocles , must not be rejected by me , who when , before you came in , i was putting my thoughts into some order , judg'd it unfit to consider , either how one might know what things were to be look'd on as above reason , how far we may discourse of them , or whether or no any supernaturally revealed propositions , such as divines call articles of faith , ought to be reckoned among them , till i should have first seriously enquir'd , whether in general we ought to admit any such objects of our contemplation , as these , and the like questions suppose . euge. i hope then that this being the first thing you purposed to enquire into , we may , without too much boldness , desire to know what came into your mind about it . sophr. if i had brought my considerations to an issue upon that subject , i should with less reluctancy acquaint you with them ; but i since i have yet made but an imperfect progress in my enquiry , instead of delivering any positive opinion upon so abstruse a subject , i shall only tell you , that as far as i could yet discern , it seemed to me that among the objects , our reason may contemplate there are some whose nature we cannot comprehend , others whose attributes or actions are such , as that we cannot understand how they should belong to the subject , or else that we cannot conceive how they should consist with some acknowledged truth . euge. so that if i apprehend you right , you do not only admit some things to be above reason , but make no less than three sorts of them . sophr. if you will needs have two of them to be coincident , i shall not much contend , but i think the number you have named may , without any great inconvenience , be admitted : for by things above reason , i here understand ( not false or absurd ones , but ) such , as though the intellect sees sufficient cause ( whether on the score of experience , authentick testimony , or mathematical demonstration ) to assent to ; yet it finds it self reduc'd when 't is conversant about them , to be so with a notable and peculiar disadvantage : and this disadvantage does usually proceed either from the nature of the thing proposed , which is such , that we cannot sufficiently comprehend it , or from our not being able to conceive the manner of its existing and operating ; or from this , that it involves some notion or proposition , that we see not how to reconcile with some other thing , that we are perswaded to be a truth . the first of these three sorts of things , may , for brevity and distinction sake be called incomprehensible , the second inexplicable , and the third unsociable . but for fear lest the shortness i have used in my expressions , may have kept them from being so clear , i shall somewhat more explicitly reckon up the three sorts of things that seem to me above reason . the first consists of those whose nature is not distinctly and adequately comprehensible by us : to which sort perhaps we may refer all those intellectual beings ( if it be granted that there are such ) as are by nature of a higher order than humane souls . to which sort some 〈◊〉 the angels ( at least of the good ones ) may probably belong ; but more than probably we may refer to this head , the divine author of nature , and of our souls , almighty god , whose perfections are so boundless , and his nature so very singular , that 't is no less weakness than presumption to imagine , that such finite beings as our souls , can frame full and adequate idea's of them : we may indeed know by the consideration of his works , and particularly those parts of them that we our selves are , both that he is , and in a great measure what he is not ; but to understand throughly what he is , is a task too great for any but his own infinite intellect : and therefore i think we may truly call this immense object , in the newly declared sence , supra-intellectual . euge. i suppose i may now ask what is the second sort of things above reason ? sophr. it consists of such , as though we cannot deny that they are , yet we cannot clearly and satisfactorily conceive , how they can be such as we acknowledge they are . as how matter can be infinitely , ( or which is all one , in our present discourse , indefinitely ) divisible : and how there should be such an incommensurableness betwixt the side and diagonal of a square , that no measure , how small soever , can adequatly measure both the one and the other . that matter is endlesly divisible , is not only the assertion of aristotle and the schools , but generally embraced by those rigid reasoners , geometricians themselves ; and may be farther confirm'd by the other instance of the side and diagonal of a square , whose incommensurableness is believed upon no less firm a proof , than a demonstration of euclid , and was so known a truth among the ancients , that plato is said to have pronounced him rather a beast than a man , that was a stranger to it . and yet if continued quantity be not divisible without stop , how can we conceive but that there may be found some determinate part of the side of a square , which being often enough repeated , would exactly measure the diagonal too . but though mathematical demonstrations assure us , that these things are so , yet those that have strained their brains , have not been able clearly to conceive how it should be possible , that a line ( for instance ) of not a quarter of an inch long , should be still divisible into lesser and lesser portions , without ever coming to an end of those subdivisions ; or how among the innumerable differing partitions into aliquot parts , that may be made of the side of a square , not one of those parts can be found exactly to measure so short a line as the diagonal may be . euge. there is yet behind , sophronius , the third sort of those things , which , according to you , surpass our reason . sophr. i shall name that too , eugenius , as soon as i have premised that some of the reasons that moved me to refer some instances to this head , do not so peculiarly belong to those instances , but that they may be applicable to others , which 't was thought convenient to refer to the second or first of the foregoing heads : and this being once intimated , i shall proceed to tell you , that the third sort of things that seem to surpass our reason , consists of those , to which the rules and axioms and notions , whereby we judge of the truth and falshood of ordinary , or other things , seem not to agree . this third sort being such as are incumbred with difficulties or objections , that cannot directly and satisfactorily be removed by them that acquiesce in the received rules of subordinate sciences , and do reason but at the common rate , such objects of contemplation as this third sort consists of , having something belonging to them , that seems not reconcilable with some very manifest , or at least acknowledged truths . this it may here suffice to make out by a couple of instances , the one of a moral , the other of a mathematical nature : and first , that man has a free will , in reference at least to civil matters , is the general confession of mankind : all the laws that forbid and punish murder , adultery , theft , and other crimes , being founded on a supposition , that men have a power to forbear committing them , and the sense men have of their being possest of this power over their own actions , is great enough to make malefactors acknowledg their punishments to be just , being no less condemned by their own consciences , than by their judges . and yet ( some socinians , and some few others excepted ) the generality of mankind , whether christians , jews , mahometans , or heathens , ascribe to god an infallible prescience of humane actions , which is supposed by the belief of prophecies , and the recourse to oracles , by one or other of which two ways the embracers of the several religions newly mentioned , have endeavoured and expected to receive the informations of future things , and such as depend upon the actings of men . but how a certain fore-knowledg can be had of contingent things , and such as depend upon the free will of man , is that which many great wits that have solicitously tryed , have found themselves unable clearly to comprehend , nor is it much to be admired that they should be puzled to conceive how an infinitely perfect being should want prescience , or that their will should want that liberty , whereof they feel in themselves the almost perpetual exercise . the other instance i promised you , euge. is afforded me by geometricians : for these ( you know ) teach the divisibility of quantity in infinitum or without stop , to be mathematically demonstrable . give me leave then to propose to you a strait line of three foot long divided into two parts , the one double to the other . i suppose then , that according to their doctrine a line of two foot is divisible into infinite parts , or it is not : if you say it is not , you contradict the demonstrations of the geometricians ; if you say that it is , then you must confess either that the line of one foot is divisible into as many parts as the line of two foot , though the one be but half the other , or else that the infinite parts , into which the line of one foot is granted to be divisible , is exceeded in number by the parts , into which the line of two foot is divisible , and consequently that the line of two foot has a multitude of parts greater than infinite . which reasonings may let us see that we may be reduced either to reject inferences legitimately drawn from manifest or granted truths , or to admit conclusions that appear absurd ; if we will have all the common rules whereby we judge of other things to be applicable to infinites . and now , gentlemen , having acquainted you with what sorts of things seem to be above reason , i must , to prevent mistakes , desire you to take along with you this advertisement : that though the nobleness and difficulty of so uncultivated a subject , inclined me to offer something towards the elucidating of it , by sorting those things into three kinds ; yet i shall not , and need not in this conference , insist on them severally , or lay any stress on this partition . for though i have above intimated , that a proposition may speak of somewhat that is supra-intellectual , or else contain somewhat which we cannot conceive how it may be true , or lastly teach us somewhat for a truth , that we cannot reconcile with some other thing , that we are convinced is true ; yet if but any one of these have true instances belonging to it , that may suffice for my main purpose in this place , where i need only shew in general , that there may be things that surpassour reason , at least so far , that they are not to be judged of by the same measures and rules , by which men are wont to judge of ordinary things , for which reason i shall often give them one common name , calling them priviledg'd things . euge. methinks that to manifest the imperfections of our reason , in reference to what you call priviledg'd things , you need not have recourse to the unfathomable abysses of the divine nature , since for ought i know , pyrocles , as well as i , may be non-plus'd by an instance that came into my mind de compositione continui . timoth. since sophronius has not thought fit to give us any of the arguments of the contending party's , i shall be glad to know what difficulty occurr'd to you . euge. suppose a great circle divided into its three hundred and sixty degrees , and suppose that as great a number as you please or can conceive , of strait lines , be drawn from the several designable parts of some one of these degrees , to the centre , 't is manifest that the degrees being equal , as many lines may be drawn from any , and so from every one of the others , as from that degree which was pitched upon . then suppose a circular arch , equal to the assumed degree , to be further bent into the circumference of a little circle , having the same centre with a great one , it follows from the nature of a circle , and has been geometrically demonstrated , that the semi-diameters of a circle how many soever they be , can no where touch one another but in the centre . whence 't is evident , that all the lines that are drawn from the circumference to the centre of the greater circle ▪ must pass by differing points of the circumference of the smaller , ( for else they would touch one another before they arrive at the centre ) and consequently that as many lines soever as can even mentally be drawn from the several points of the circumference of the great circle to the common centre of both circles , must all pass through different points of the little circle , and thereby divide it into as many parts ( proportionably smaller ) as the greater circle is divided into : so that here the circumference of the lesser circle presents us with a curve line , which was not possibly divisible into more parts than an arch of one degree , or the three hundred and sixtieth part of the circumference of the greater circle , and yet without being lengthned , becomes divisible into as many parts as the whole circumference of the same greater circle . and though we should suppose the circumference of the internal circle not to exceed one inch , and that of the exterior circle to exceed the circumference of the terrestrial globe , or even of the firmament it self , yet still the demonstration would hold , and all the lines drawn from this vast circle , would find distinct points in the lesser , to pass through to their common centre . timoth. though i will not pretend to confirm what sophronius has been proving , by adding arguments a priori ; yet i shall venture to say , that i think it very agreeable both to the nature of god and to that of man , that what he has endeavoured to prove true should be so ; for we men mistake and flatter humane nature too much , when we think our faculties of understanding so unlimited , both in point of capacity and of extent , and so free and unprepossest , as many philosophers seem to suppose : for , whatever our self-love may incline us to imagine , we are really but created and finite beings ( and that probably of none of the highest or●ders of intellectual creatures ) and we come into the world , but such , as it pleased the almighty and most free author of our nature to make us . and from this dependency and limitedness of our natures , it follows not only that we may be ( for i now dispute not whether we are ) born with certain congenit notions and impressions and appetites or tendencies of mind ; but also that the means or measures which are furnished us to employ in the searching or judging of truth , are but such as are proportionable to gods designs in creating us , and therefore may probably be supposed not to be capable of reaching to all kinds , or if you please of truths , many of which may be unnecessary for us to know here , and some may be reserved , partly to make us sensible of the imperfections of our natures , and partly to make us aspire to that condition , wherein our faculties shall be much enlarged and heightned . it seems not therefore unreasonable to think , both that god has made our faculties so limited , that in our present mortal condition there should be some objects beyond the comprehension of our intellects ( that is ) that some of his creatures should not be able perfectly to understand some others , & yet that he has given us light enough to perceive that we cannot attain to a clear and full knowledge of them . pyrocl. i think , sophronius , that i now understand what you mean by things above reason , or as you ( not unfitly ) stiled them , priviledged things : but i presume you need not be told , that to explain the sence of a proposition , and to make out the truth of it , ( unless in common notions , or things evident by their own light ) are always two things , and oftentimes two very distant ones . sophr. i need not scruple , pyrocles , to grant the truth of what you say , but i must not so easily admit your application of it ; for among the examples , i have been proposing , there are some at least , that do not only declare what i mean by things above reason , but are instances , and consequently may be proofs that such things there are . and to those i could have added others , if i had thought it unlikely , that in the progress of our conference , there may be occasions offered of mentioning them more opportunely . pyrocl. i have long thought that the wit of man , was able to lay a fine varnish upon any thing that it would recommend ; but i have not till now found reason set a work to degrade it self , as if it were a noble exercise of its power to establish its own impotency : and indeed 't is strange to me , how you would have our reason comprehend and reach things , that you your sel● confess to be above reason , which is methinks , as if we were told that we may see things with our eye● that are invisible . sophr. i do not think , that ' ti● to degrade the understanding , to refuse to idolize it , and 't is not a●● injury to reason , to think it a li●mited faculty , but an injury to th● author of it , to think man's understanding infinite , like his . and if what i proposed be well grounded , i assign reason its most noble and genuine exercise , which is to close with discovered truths , in whose embraces the perfection of the intellect too much consists , to suffer that perfective action to be justly disparaging to it : and a sincere understanding is to give , or refuse its assent to propositions according as they are or are not true , not according as we could or could not wish they were so ; and methinks it were somewhat strange , that impartiality should be made a disparagement in a judge . but , pyrocles , leaving the reflection with which you usher'd in your objection , i shall now consider the argument it self , which being the weightiest that can be framed against the opinion you oppose , i shall beg leave to offer some considerations , wherein i shall endeavour to answer it both by proving my opinion by experience , and by shewing that experience not to be disagreeable to reason . pyrocl. i shall very willingly listen to what you have to say on such a subject . sophr. i shall then in the first place alledge the experience of many persons , and divers of them great wits , who have perplexed themselves to reconcile , i say , not the grace of god , but even his prescience to the liberty of mans will , even in bare moral actions : and i have found partly by their writings , and by discourse with some of them , that the most towring and subtle sort of speculators , metaphysicians , and mathematicians , perchance after much racking of their brains , confess themselves quite baffled by the unconquerable difficulties they met with , not only in such abstruse subjects , as the nature of god , or of the humane soul , but in the nature of what belongs in common to the most obvious bodies in the world , and even to the least portions of them : you will easily guess that i have my eye on that famous controversie , whether or no a continued quantity ( which every body , as having length , bredth , depth , must be allowed to have ) be made up of indivisibles . of the perplexing difficulties of this controversie , i might give you divers confessions , or complaints made by a sort of men too much accustomed to bold assertions and subtle arguments , to be much disposed to make acknowledgments of that kind : but i shall content my self with the testimony which one of the more famous modern schoolmen gives both of himself and other learned men , and which if i well remember , he thus expresses . aggredimur comtinus compositionem , cujus hujusque non separata difficultas omnium doctorum male ingenia vexavit , neque ullus fuit qui illam non pene insuperabilem agnoscat . hanc plerique terminorum obscuritate , illorumque replicatis & implicatis distinctionibus , & subdistinctionibus obtenebrant , ne aperté capiantur desperantes rem posse alio modo tractari neque rationis lucem sustinere , sed necessario confusionis tenebris obtegendum , ne argumentorum evidentiâ detegatur . and though he had not been thus candid in his confession , yet what he says might be easily concluded by him , that shall duly weigh with how great , though not equal force of arguments , each of the contending parties imputes to the opinion it opposes , great and intolerable absurdities as contained in it , or legitimately deducible from it . eug. i have not the vanity to think that the weakness of my reason ought to make another diffident of the strength of his : but as to my self , what sophronius has been saying cannot but be confirm'd by several tryals , wherein having exerted the small abilities i had to clear up to my self some of the difficulties about infinites : i perceived to my trouble , that my speculations satisfied me of nothing so much , as the disproportionateness of those abstruse subjects to my reason . but , sophronius , may it not be well objected , that though the instances you have given , have not been hitherto cleared by the light of reason ; yet 't is probable they may be so hereafter , considering how great progress is , from time to time , made in the discoveries of nature , in this learned age of ours . sophr. in answer to this question , eugenius , give me leave to tell you first , that you allow my past discourse to hold good for ought yet appears to the contrary : whence it will follow , that your objection is grounded upon a hope , or at most a conjecture about which i need not therefore trouble my self , till some new discoveries about the things in question , engage me to a new consideration of them . but in the mean while , give me leave to represent to you in the second place , that though i am very willing to believe , as well as i both desire and hope it , that this inquisitive age we live in , will produce discoveries that will explicate divers of the more hidden mysteries of nature , yet i expect that these discoveries will chiefly concern those things , which either we are ignorant of for want of a competent history of nature , or we mistake by reason of erroneous prepossessions , or for want of freedom and attention in our speculations . but i have not the like expectations as to all metaphysical difficulties , ( if i may so call them ) wherein neither matters of fact , nor the hypothesis of subordinate parts of learning , are wont much to avail . but however it be , as to other abstruse objects , i am very apt to think , that there are some things relating to that infinite and most monadical being ( if i may so speak ) that we call god , which will still remain incomprehensible even to philosophical understandings . and i can scarce allow my self to hope to see those obstacles surmounted , that proceed not from any personal infirmity , or evitable faults , but from the limited nature of the intellect : and to these two considerations , eugenius , i shall in answer to your question , add this also : that as mens inquisitiveness may hereafter extricate some of those grand difficulties , that have hitherto perplexed philosophers ; so it may possibly lead them to discover new difficulties more capable than the first , of baffling humane understandings . for even among the things wherewith we are already conversant , there are divers which we think we know , only because we never with due attention , tryed whether we can frame such ideas of them , as are clear and worthy for a rational seeker and lover of truth to acquiesce in . this the great intricacy that considering men find , in the notions commonly receiv'd of space , time , motion , &c. and the difficulties of framing perspicuous and satisfactory apprehensions even of such obvious things , may render highly probable . we see also that the angle of contact , the doctrine of asymptotes , and that of surd numbers and incommensurable lines , all which trouble not common accomptants and surveyors , ( who though they deal so much in numbers and lines , seldom take notice of any of them ) perplex the greatest mathematicians , and some of them so much , that they can rather demonstrate , that such affections belong to them , than they can conceive how they can do so : all which may render it probable , that mens growing curiosity is not more likely to find the solutions of some difficulties , than to take notice of other things , that may prove more insuperable than they . tim. this conjecture of yours , sophronius , is not a little favoured by the rota aristotelica ; for though the motion of a cart-wheel is so obvious and seems so plain a thing , that the carman himself never looks upon it with wonder ; yet after aristotle had taken notice of the difficulty that occurr'd about it , this trivial phaenomenon has perplex'd divers great wits , not only schoolmen , but mathematicians , and continues yet to do so , there being some circumstances in the progressive motion and rotation of the circumference of a wheel , and its nave , or of two points assigned , the one in the former , and the other in the latter , that have appeared too subtle ( and even to modern ) writers , so hard to be conceived and reconciled to some plain and granted truths , that some of them have given over the solution of the attending difficulties as desperate , which perchance , pyrocles , would not think strange , if i had time to insist on the intricacies that are to be met with in a speculation , that seems so easie as to be despicable . sophr. your instance , timotheus , must be acknowledged a very pregnant one , if you are certain that a better account cannot be given of the rota aristotelica , than is wont to be in the schools , by those peripateticks that either frankly confess the difficulties to be insoluble , or less ingenuously pretend to give solutions of them , that suppose things not to be proved , or perhaps so much as understood ( as rarefaction and condensation strictly so called ) or lose the question and perhaps themselves , by running up the dispute into that most obscure and perplexing controversie de compositione continui . eugen. i am content to forbear pressing any further at present an objection ; much of whose force depends on future contingents , and i shall the rather dismiss the proof drawn from experience , that i may the sooner put you in mind of your having promised us another argument to the same purpose , by manifesting the opinion to be agreeable to reason . sophr. i understand your pleasure , eugenius , and shall endeavour to comply with it , but the difficulty and intricateness of the subject of our discourse , obliges me to do it by steps ; and for fear we should want time for more necessary things , i will not now stay to examine whether all the things that hitherto have appeared above reason , be impenetrable to us , because of an essential disability of our understandings , proceeding from the imperfection and limitedness of their nature , or only because of some other impediment , such as may be especially the condition of the soul in this life , or the infirmities resulting from its state of union with a gross and mortal body . forbearing then to discourse how this came into my mind , and what thoughts i had upon it , i shall proceed in my considerations ; and to clear the way for those that are to follow , i shall in the first place observe to you , that whatever be thought of the faculty in abstracto , yet reason operates according to certain notions or ideas , and certain axiomes and propositions , by which as by prototypes or models , and rules and measures , it conceives things , and makes estimates and judgments of them . and indeed when we say that such a thing is consonant to reason , or repugnant to it , we usually mean that it is either immediately or mediately deducible from , or at least consistent with , or contradictory to one or other of those standard notions or rules . and this being premis'd , i consider in the next place , that if these rules and notions be such , as are abstracted only from finite things , or are congruous but to them ; they may prove useless or deceitful to us , when we go about to stretch them beyond their measure , and apply them to the infinite god , or to things that involve an infiniteness either in multitude , magnitude , or littleness . to illustrate and confirm this notion , give me leave to represent in the third place , that in my opinion all the things that we naturally do know or can know , may be divided into these two sorts : the one such as we may know without a medium ▪ and the other such as we cannot attain to , but by the intervention of a medium , or by a discursive act . to the first belong such notions as are supposed to be connate , or if you please innate , such as that two contradictories cannot be both together true . the whole is greater than any part of it ; every ( entire ) number is either even or odd , &c. and also those other truths , that are assented to upon their own account without needing any medium to prove them ; because that as soon as , by perspicuous terms , or fit examples , they are clearly proposed to the understanding , they discover themselves to be true so manifestly by their own light , that they need not be assisted by any intervening proposition , to make the intellect acquiesce in them ; of which kind are some of euclids axioms , as that , if to equal things equal things be added , the totals will be equal ; and that two right lines cannot include a space . to the second sort of things knowable by us , belong all that we acquire the knowledge of by ratiocinations , wherein by the help of intervening propositions or mediums , we deduce one thing from another , or conclude affirmatively or negatively one thing of another . this being supposed , and we being conscious to our selves , if it were but upon the score of our own infirmities and imperfections , that we are not authors of our own nature ; for ought we know it may be true , and all the experience we have hitherto had , leads us to think it is true , that the measures suggested to us either by sensations , the results of sensible observation , or the other instruments of knowledge , are such as fully reach but to finite things or beings , and therefore are not safely applicable to others . and divers of those very principles that we think very general , may be ( if i may so speak ) but gradual notions of truth , and but limited and respective , not absolute and universal . and here give me leave , as a farther consideration , to take notice to you , that though perfect syllogism be counted the best and most regular forms that our ratiocinations can assume , yet even the laws of these are grounded on the doctrine of proportions : for even between things equal there may be a proportion ( namely that of equality ) upon which ground i suppose it is , that mathematical demonstrations have been publickly proposed of the grand syllogistical rules . and in consequence of this , i shall add that geometricians will tell you , that there is no proportion betwixt a finite line and an infinite , because the former can never be so often taken , as to exceed the latter , which ac●cording to euclid's definition of proportion , it should be capable to do . of which premises the use i would make is to perswade you , that since the understanding operates but by the notions and truths 't is furnished with , and these are its instruments by proportion to which it takes measures , and makes judgments of other things ; these instruments may be too disproportionate to some objects to be securely employed to determine divers particulars about them : so the eye being an instrument which the understanding employs to estimate distances , we cannot by that safely take the bredth of the ocean , because our sight cannot reach far enough to discover how far so vast an object extends it self . and not only the common instruments of surveyors that would serve to measure the height of an house or a steeple , or even a mountain , cannot enable them to take the distance of the moon ; but , when astronomers do , by supposition , take a chain that reaches to the centre of the earth , ( and therefore is by the moderns judged to be near four thousand miles long ) even then i say , though by the help of this and the parallaxes , they may tolerably well measure the distance of some of the neerer planets , especially the moon● yet with all their great industry● they cannot by the same way ( o● perhaps any other yet known ) wit● any thing tolerable acurateness , measure the distance of the fixed stars ; the semidiameter of the earth , bearing no sensible proportion to that of so vast a sphere as the firmament , whose distance makes the parallaxes vanish , it being as to sence all one , whether at so great a remove , a star be observ'd from the centre , or from the surface of the earth . eug. in a matter so abstruse , a little illustration by examples , may be very proper and welcome . sophr. 't is scarce possible to find very apposite examples , to illustrate things of a kind so abstruse and heteroclite as those may well be suppos'd , that do surpass our reason . but yet some assistance may be borrowed from what we may observe in that other faculty of the mind , which is most of kin to the intellect , i mean the imagination : for when , for instance , i think of a triangle or a square , i find in my fancy an intuitive idea ( if i may so call it ) of those figures that is a picture clear and distinct , as if a figure of three sides or four equal sides , and angles were placed before my eyes . but if i would fancy a myriagon , or a figure consisting of ten thousand equal sides , my imagination is overpowered with so great a multitude of them , and frames but a confused idea of a polygon with a very great many sides : for if ( to speak suitably to what the excellent des cartes has well observed in the like case ) a man should endeavour to frame ideas of a myriagon or a chiliagon , they would be both so confused , that his imagination would not be able clearly to discriminate them , though the one has ten times as many sides as the other . so if you would imagine an atome , of which perhaps ten thousand would scarce make up the bulk of one of the light particles of dust , that seem to play in the sunbeams when they are shot into a darkned place , so extraordinary a littleness not having fallen under any of our senses , cannot truly be represented in our imagination . so when we speak of gods primity ( if i may so call it ) omnipotence , and some other of his infinite attributes and perfections , we have some conceptions of the things we speak of , but may very well discern them to be but inadequate ones : and though divers propositions relating to things above reason , seem clear enough to ordinary wits , yet he that shall with a competent measure of attention , curiosity , and skill , consider and examine them ; shall find that either their parts are inconsistent with one another , or they involve contradictions to some acknowledged or manifest truths , or they are veil'd over with darkness and incumbered with difficulties , from whence we are not able to rescue them . thus when the side and diagonal of a square are proposed , we have clear and distinct ideas of each of them apart , and when they are compared , we may have a conception of their incommensurableness . but yet this negative notion , if it be throughly considered , and far enough pursued , clearly contains that of a strait lines being divisible in infinitum ; and that divisibility is incumbred with so many difficulties , and is so hard to be reconciled to some confessed dictates of reason , that ( as we have seen already ) philosophers and geometricians that are convinc'd of the truth , are to this day labouring to extricate themselves out of those perplexing intricacies . i will not trouble you with the puzling , if not insuperable difficulties , that incumber the doctrine of eternity , as 't is wont to be proposed in the schools of divines and philosophers , lest you should alledge that these difficulties spring rather from the bold assumptions and groundless subtleties of the schoolmen , than from the nature of the thing it self : but i will propose somewhat that cannot be denyed , which is , that some substance or other , whether , as i believe , god , or as the peripateticks say , the world , or as the epicureans contend , matter , never had a beginning , that is , has been for ever . but when we speak of an eternity à parte ante ( as they call it ) we do not speak of a thing whereof we have no conception at all , as will appear to a considering person , and yet this general notion we have is such , that when we come attentively to examine it , by the same ways by which we judge of almost all other things , the intellect is non-plus'd : for we must conceive , that the time efflux'd since adam ( or any other man as remote from us as he is said to have been ) began to live , bears no more proportion to the duration of god , or of matter , than to those few minutes i have imployed about mentioning this instance . nay if we would be aristotelians , the same thing may be said as to those men , that lived many thousand millions of years before the time we reckon that adam began to live in : for each of these times being finite and measurable by a determinate number of years , can bear no proportion to that infinite number of years ( or somewhat that is equivalent ) which must be allowed to a duration that never had a beginning . and as there are some things whose nature and consequences pose our faculties , so there are others , whereof though we have a notion , yet the modus operandi is beyond our comprehension ; i do not mean only the true and certain modus operandi , but even an intelligible one . as , though divers learned men , especially cartesians , and that upon a philosophical account , assert , that god created the world ; yet how a substance could be made out of nothing ( as they , and the generality of christians confessedly hold ) i fear we cannot conceive . and though all philosophers , very few excepted , believe god to be the maker of the world ( out of pre-existent matter ) yet how he could make it but by locally moving the parts of the matter it was to consist of , and how an incorporeal substance can move a body , which it may pass through without resistance , is that which i fear will be found hardly explicable : for if it be said , that the soul , being an immaterial substance , can never the less move the limbs of the humane body rightly dispos'd , i shall answer that it does not appear that the rational soul doth give any motion to the parts of the body , but only guide or regulate that which she finds in them already . timoth. may it not then be rationally said , that by making observations of such things that are the proper objects of our faculties , and by making legitimate deductions from such observations , and from our other knowledges whether innate or acquired , we may come to be certain , that some things are , and so have general and dark ideas of them , when at the same time we are at a loss to conceive how they can be such , or how they can operate and perform what they do , supposing the truth and sufficiency of some other things we are convinced of . to be short , negative apprehensions we may have of some priviledged things , and positive , but indistinct apprehensions we may have of others , and that is enough to make us in some sort understand our selves , and one another , when we speak of them , though yet when we sufficiently consider what we say , we may find that our words are not accompanied with clear , distinct , and symmetrical conceptions , of those abstruse and perplexing things we speak of . and since , as hath been already shewn , we find by experience , that we are unable sufficiently to comprehend things , that by clear and legitimate consequences may be evinc'd to be , why should not this cogently argue , that some of our conceptions may be of things , to which somewhat belongs that transcends our reason , and surpasses our comprehension ? and if i would play the logician with pyrocles , i would tell him that his objection destroys his opinion : for since he talks to us of what is incomprehensible , that term must or must not be attended with some suitable idea : if it be not , let him consider , whether in his own phrase he speaks sence and not like a parrot ; but if it be , let him then confess , that one may have some kind of idea of a thing incomprehensible . but , pyrocles , whether or no you think i prevaricate in this , you will not , i hope , suspect me of doing it , in adding that when natural theology had taught men , ( as well philosophers as others ) to believe god to be an infinitely perfect being , we ought not to say that they had no idea of such a being , because they had not a clear and adequate one . and since aristotle discourses ex professo and prolixly enough , de infinito , and cites the ancienter philosophers for having done so before him , and since ( besides his commentators and followers ) democritus , epicurus , followed by gassendus and other late philosophers , maintain either that the world is boundless , or that space ( real or imaginary ) is not finite in extent , or that the world consists of atoms infinite in number ; i hope you will not put such an affront upon all these great persons , as to think they said they knew not what , when they discoursed de infinito , as they must have done , if they spake without ideas of the things they spake of , though it may be justly supposed , that the subject being infinite , the ideas they framed of it , could not be comprehensive and accurate . eug. so that according to you , sophronius , it may be said , that by reason we do not properly perceive things above reason , but only perceive that they are above reason , there being a dark and peculiar kind of impression made upon the understanding , while it sets it self to contemplate such confounding objects , by which peculiarity of impression , as by a distinct and unwonted kind of internal sensation , the understanding is brought to distinguish this sort of things ( namely ) transcendent or priviledg'd ones from others , and discern them to be disproportionate to the powers with which it uses throughly to penetrate subjects , that are not impervious to it . as when the eye looks into a deep sea , though it may pierce a little way into it , yet when it would look deeper , it discovers nothing but somewhat which is dark and indistinct , which affects the sensory so differingly from what other more genuine objects are wont to do , that by it we easily discern , that our sight fails us in the way before it arrives at the bottom , and consequently that there may be many things conceal'd there , that our sight is unable to reach . timoth. i guess , gentlemen , by the silence you seem to conspire in , after so long a debate , that you have now said as much as at present you think fit to say for and against this proposition , that there are things above our reason . sophr. i shall not , for my part , cross your observation , timotheus , but instead of adding any new proofs , shall only desire you to look back upon those i have presented you already , and to let me remind you , that of the two arguments by which i attempted to shew that there are some things above reason , the first and chiefest was suggested by experience , and the other which was drawn from the nature of things and of man , was brought as 't were , ex abundanti , to illustrate and confirm the former , and give occasion to some hints about priviledg'd subjects . and therefore though i hope what has been discours'd by these gentlemen and me , may be able to perswade pyrocles , that the acknowledgment that some things are above reason may fairly comply with the dictates of it , yet whatever he thinks of the cogency of our discourse , the truth of the main conclusion may be sufficiently evinc'd by our first argument drawn from experience : for if we really find , that there are things which our reason cannot comprehend , then whether the account these gentlemen and i have given , why our faculties are insufficient , for these things be good or not ; yet still some true account or other there must be of that insufficiency . and as we should very thankfully receive from pyrocles , any better account than what we have propounded , so if he cannot assign any better , i hope he will joyn with us in looking upon this , as very agreeable to our hypothesis ; since hereby some things must appear to us so sublime and abstruse , that not only we find we are not able to comprehend them , but that we are unable to discern so much as upon what account it is that they cannot be comprehended by us . eug. i am not averse , sophronius , from your paradox about gradual notions , and i am the more in clin'd to think , that some of the axioms and rules that are reputed to be very general , are not to be in differently extended to all subject and cases whatsoever ; when i consider the differing apprehension that the mind may frame of the same object , as well according to the vigour or ( if i may so call it rank of the understanding , as according to the differing information 't is furnished with : for if on● should propose to a child , for in●stance , of four or five years old the demonstration of the one hu●●dred and seventeenth propositio● of euclid's tenth book , wherein 〈◊〉 proves the side and diagonal 〈◊〉 a square to be incommensur●●ble , thongh possibly he may be ●●ble to read the words that expre●● the theorem , and though he ha● eyes to see the scheme imploy●● for the demonstration , yet if 〈◊〉 should spend a whole year about 〈◊〉 you would never be able to make him understand it , because 't is quite above the reach of a childs capacity : and if one should stay till he be grown a man , yet supposing him to have never learned geometry , though he may easily know what you mean by two incommensurable lines , yet all the reason he has attained to in his virile age , would but indispose him to attain to that demonstration ; for all the experience he may have had of lines , will but have suggested to him as a manifest and general truth , that of any two strait lines we may by measuring find how many feet , inches , or other determinate measure , the one exceeds the other . and though one that has been orderly instructed in all that long train of propositions , that in euclid's elements precede the one hundred and seventeenth of the tenth book , will be also able to arrive at an evidence of this truth , that those two lines are incommensurable ; yet ( as sophronius formerly noted ) how it should be possible that two short lines being proposed , whereof each by it self is easily measurable among those innumerable multitudes of parts into which each of them may be mentally divided , there should not be any one capable of exactly measuring both , is that which even a geometrician that knows it is true is not well able to conceive . but gentlemen , that you may not accuse my digression , i shall urge these comparisons no further , my scope in mentioning them being to observe to you , that for ought w● know to the contrary , such a diffe●rence of intellectual abilities as i● but gradual in children and men● may be essential in differing rank● of intellectual beings . and so 〈◊〉 may be , that some of those axiom that we think general , may , whe●● we apply them to things whereo● they are not the true and prope● measures , lead us into error , thoug● perhaps intellects of an higher o●●der may unriddle those difficulti● that confound us men , which conjecture i should confirm by some things that would be readily granted me by christians , if i thought it proper to play the divine in a discourse purely philosophical . pyrocl. you , gentlemen , have taken the liberty to make long discourses , and i shall not much blame you for it , because 't is a thing as more easily , so more speedily done , to propose difficulties than to solve them ; yet methinks amongst you all , you have left one part of my objection unanswer'd , not to say untouch'd . sophr. i suppose , pyrocles , you mean what you said about discerning invisible things with the eye , but i purposely forbore to take notice of that , because i foresaw it might be more seasonably done , after some other points had been clear'd : wherefore give me leave now to represent to you , as a corollary from the foregoing discourses , that nothing hinders but that we may reasonably suppose , that the great and free author of humane nature , god , so framed the nature of man , as to have furnish'd his intellective faculty with a light , whereby it cannot only make estimates of the power of a multitude of other things , but also judge of its own nature and power , and discern some at least of the limits beyond which it cannot safely exercise its act of particularly and peremptorily judging and defining . and now that god , who ( as i said ) is a most free agent , may have given the mind of man such a limited nature , accompanied with such a measure of light , you will not i presume deny but the question is , you will tell me , whether he hath done so ? but i hope what has been formerly discoursed by these gentlemen and me , has put that almost quite out of question . however , i shall now invite you to observe with me , that the rational soul does not only pass judgments about things without her , but about her self , and what passes within her : she searches out and contemplates her own spirituality and union with the body . the intellect judges wherein it s own nature consists , and whether or no it self be a distinct faculty from the will ; and to come yet closer to the point , be pleased to consider , that logick and metaphysicks are the works of the humane intellect , which by framing those disciplines , manifests , that it does not only judge of ratiocinations , but of the very principles and laws of reasoning , and teaches what things are necessary to the obtaining of an evidence and certainty , and what kind of mediums they are from whence you must not expect any demonstrative arguments , concerning such or such a subject . to these things it is agreeable , that if we will compare the bodily eye with the understanding , which is the eye of the mind , we must allow this difference , that the intellect is as well a looking-glass as a sensory , since it does not only see other things but it self too , and can discern its own blemishes or bad conformation , or whatever other infirmitiesit labours under . upon which consideration , we may justifie the boldness of our excellent verulam , who when he sets forth the four sorts of idols ( as he calls them ) that mislead the studiers of philosophy , makes one of them to be idola tribûs , by which he means those notions , that tho' radicated in the very nature of mankind , are yet apt to mislead us , which may confirm what i was saying before , that the soul , when duly excited , is furnished with a light , that may enable her to judge even of divers of those original notions , by which she is wont to judge of other things . to be short , the soul upon tryal may find by an inward sence , that some things surpass her forces , as a blind man that were set to lift up a rock would quickly find it too unweildy to be manag'd by him , and the utmost exercise of his strength would but convince him of the insufficiency of it , to surmount so great a weight or resistance ; so that we do not pretend that the eye of the mind should see invisibles , but only that it shall discern the limits of that sphere of activity , within which nature hath bounded it , and consequently that some objects are disproportionate to it . and i remember that aristotle himself says , that the eye sees both light and darkness , which expression , though somewhat odd , may be defended by saying , that though since darkness is a privation , not a being , it cannot properly be the object of sight , yet it may be perceived by means of the eye , by the very differing affection which that organ resents , when it is imprest on by luminous or enlightned objects , and when it is made useless to us by darkness . timoth. what you have said , sophronius , has in great part prevented one thing that might be said to strengthen pyrocles his objection , namely , that whereas when we see with our bodily eyes , there is besides the outward organ an internal and rational faculty , that perceives by the help of the eye , that which is not directly the object of sight in the eye of the mind , the intellect , there is but one faculty to perceive and judge : for according to your notion , it may be well answered , that the intellect being capable by its proper light , to judge of it self and its own acts as well as of other things , there is no need of two principles , the one to perceive and the other to judge , since one is sufficient for both those purposes . pyrocl. when i have time to reflect on all that i have heard alledg'd amongst you , gentlemen , i shall consider how far your arguments ought to obtain my assent : but in the mean while i must tell you , that they will scarce have all the success i presume you desire , unless you add somewhat to free me from what yet sticks with me of a scruple , that is much of the nature of that which i formerly proposed , being this ; how we can justifie our presuming to discourse at all of things transcending reason ? for i cannot understand how a man that admits your opinions , can intelligibly speak ( and to speak otherwise mis-becomes a rational creature ) of what is infinite or any thing that surpasses our reason ; since when we discourse of such things , either our words are , or are not accompanied with clear and distinct ideas or conceptions of the things we speak of : if they be not , what do we other than speak nonsence , or ( as hath been already said ) like parrots entertain our hearers with words , that we our selves do not understand ; and if they be , then we do in effect comprehend those things , which yet you would have me think to be on some account or other , incomprehensible . sophr. i acknowledge this difficulty , pyrocles , to be a great one ; but yet i think it not so great as that it ought to interdict us all discoursing of things above reason : and this would perhaps appear probable enough , if , as your objection borrows much of what you have formerly alledg'd , so i may be allowed , as well to repeat some things as propose others , in making answer to it . timoth. i for my part shall not only give you my consent to do so , but make it my request that you would do it , for when i look back upon our conference , methinks i plainly perceive that partly the objections of pyrocles , and partly some ( i fear impertinent ) interpositions of mine , have kept your discourse from being so methodical as otherwise you would have made it , and therefore to be reminded of some of the chief points of your doctrine , as well as to connect them with those you shall judge fit to strengthen or illustrate them , may much conduce to make us both understand it more clearly , and remember it better . eug. i am much of your mind , timotheus , but though my interpositions have been far more frequent and much less pertinent than yours , yet i am not troubled that the method of our conference has been so much disturb'd ; because i think such a free way of discoursing , wherein emergent thoughts if they be considerable , are permitted to appear as they arise in the mind , is more useful than a nice method in a debate about an uncultivated and highly important subject , in which i think we should aim at first rather to inquire than to resolve , and to procure as many hints and considerations as we can , in order to our fuller information against our next meeting , without suppressing any that is true or useful , only because it agrees not so well with a regular method , as it does with the design of our conference . sophr. without reflecting upon either of those gentlemen that have been pleased to accuse themselves , i shall readily comply with the motion made by timotheus , and after having proposed some distinctions make application of them . and the better to clear this matter in reference to pyrocles's objection , i shall first take the liberty to make some distinctions of the notions or conceptions of the mind , and for brevity sake give names to those i have now occasion to employ . i consider then , that whether the conceptions or ideas we have of things be simple or compounded , they may be distinguished into such as are particular or distinct , and such as are only general , dark , and confus'd , or indistinct : so when a navigator to unknown countries first gets a sight of land , though he may be satisfied that it is land , yet he has but a very dark and confus'd picture of it made in his eye , and cannot descry whether or no the shore be rocky , or what creeks or harbours ( if any ) it have in it ▪ much less whether the coast be well inhabited , and if it be , what kind of buildings it has ; all which he may plainly and distinctly see upon his going ashore . and this mention of the sea puts me in mind to point at another distinction , which is that of some things we have an adequate , of others , but an inadequate conception ; as if we suppose the navigator i was speaking of , should look towards the main sea , though he might see a good way distinctly , yet at length it would appear so darkly and confusedly to him , that at the verge of the sensible horizon , his sight would make him judge that the sea and sky come together , and yet he would conclude that the utmost part of the sea he could descry , was but a part of the ocean , which may , for ought he knows , reach to a vast extent beyond the visible horizon . to our confused , and often also to our inadequate conceptions , belong many of those that may be called negative , which we are wont to imploy when we speak of privations or negations , as blindness , ignorance , death , &c. we have a positive idea of things that are square and round , and black and white , and in short of other things , whose shapes and colours make them the objects of our sight : bu● when we say , for instance , that 〈◊〉 spirit or an atome is invisible 〈◊〉 those words are attended with a ne●gative conception , which is com●monly but dark and confused be●cause 't is indefinite , and remove● or lays aside those marks , by whic● we are wont clearly to perceive an● distinguish visible substances : an● when we say that such a thing 〈◊〉 impossible , we have some kind o● conception of what we speak of , b●● 't is a very obscure and indistinc● one at best , exhibiting only a gene●ral and very confused representat●●on of some ways , whereby on● might think the thing likely to b● effected if it were at all perform●●ble , accompanied with a percept●●on of the insufficiency of tho●● ways . there is yet another diff●●rence in the notions we have 〈◊〉 things , which though not wont●● be observed , is too important to 〈◊〉 here pretermitted , and it is thi● that of some things we have ●●knowledg , that for want of a fit●● term may be called primary or direct , and of some other things the knowledge we have is acquired but by inferring it from some more known or clearer truth ; and so may be called inferr'd or illative knowledge . as when a geometrician defines to me an hyperbole , i quickly gain a clear and distinct idea of it , but when he proves to me that this hyperbole may have such a relation to a strait line which he calls asymptote , that this line being continued still comes nearer and nearer to the prolonged side of the hyperbole , and yet how far soever both be drawn , 't will never come to touch it , his subtil demonstrations present me with an infer'd or illative truth , at which we arriv'd not but by the help of a train of ratiocinations , and on which if we exercise our imagination , we shall find this factitious truth , if we may so call it , accompanied but with a very dim and confused idea . to the foregoing distinctions , give me leave to add but this one more , which belongs chiefly to the not●●ons we have of true or false propos●●tions , namely , that of our concept●●ons of things , some are symmetrici●● ( if i may so call them ) or every wa● consistent , by which i mean th●● that have these two qualification● the one that all the parts are consi●●●ent among themselves , and the ●●●ther that the entire idea is consi●●●ent with all other truths ; and so●● are chymerical or asymmetrical , 〈◊〉 which i understand those that a● either self-destroying by the contr●●riety of the parts themselves th●● are made up of , as if one sho●● talk of a triangular square , or a 〈◊〉 shiny night ; or being extravaga●● lead to some manifest absurdit●● that may be legitimately inferr●● from them , or into inextrica●● difficulties , or involve a real rep●●●nancy to some acknowledg'd tru● or rule of reason . to what i have hitherto said 〈◊〉 must add these two observation ▪ the first , that the mind of ma●● so framed , that when she is 〈◊〉 instructed and is not wanting to her self , she can perceive a want of light in her self for some purposes , or of clearness and completeness in the best idaeas she is able to frame of some things , and on this account can so far take notice of the extent and imperfection of her own faculties , as to discern that some objects are disproportionate to her ; as when we attentively consider the dimensions of space , or ( if the cartesians judge aright , that body is nothing but extended substance ) those of the universe , we may by tryal perceive that we cannot conceive them so great , but that they may be yet greater , or if you please may exceed the bounds , how remote soever , which our former conception presum'd to assign them ; which may be illustrated by what happens to the eye , when it looks upon the main sea ; since we easily grow sensible that how far soever we can discover it , yet our sight falls far short of the extent of that vast object . and 't is by the sense which the mind has of her own l●●mitedness and imperfection on cer●tain occasions , that i think we ma●● estimate what things ought no● and what ought to be looked upo● as things above reason ; for by th●● term , i would not have you thin●● i mean such things as our ration●● faculty cannot at all reach to , 〈◊〉 has not any kind of perception 〈◊〉 for of such things we cannot in pa●●ticular either speak or think li●● men : but my meaning is this , th●● whereas the rational soul is consc●●ous to her own acts , and feels , th●● she knows divers sorts of thin●● truly and clearly ; and thereby ju●●●ly concludes them to be within 〈◊〉 compass of her faculties ; when 〈◊〉 contemplates some few things th●● seem to be of another order , she● convinc'd that however she stra●● her power , she has no such ide● or perception of them , as she 〈◊〉 or may have of those objects th●● are not disproportionate to her ●●●culties : and this is my first obse●●vation . the other thing that i was to observe about the nature of the mind is , that 't is so constituted , that its faculty of drawing consequences from known truths , is of greater extent than its power of framing clear and distinct idaeas of things ; so that by subtle or successive inferences , it may attain to a clear conviction that some things are , of whose nature and properties ( or at least of some of them ) it can frame no clear and satisfactory conceptions . and that men should be better able to infer propositions about divers things , than to penetrate their nature , needs the less be wondred at , both because 't is oftentimes sufficient for our uses to know that such things are , though that knowledge be not accompanied with a clear and distinct idaea ; and because oftentimes the rules ( such as , whatever is produced must have a cause ; and , from truth , nothing rightly follows but truth ) are clear and easie that enable the mind to infer conclusions about things , whose nature is very dark , and abstruse . eug. i know , sophronius , that you have not laid down these preliminary distinctions and remarks without designing to make use of them , which the little time that now remains to manage our conference in , calls upon you to proceed to do . sophr. i was just going to say , eugenius , that after what i have premised , i hope it may now be seasonable to apply the newly delivered notions to the three sorts of things that i formerly represented as being in some sence above reason . for i consider , that there are some objects of so immense and peculiar a nature , that ( if i may so speak ) by an easie view of the mind , that is without any subtle and laborious disquisition , the soul discerns , and as it were feels the object to be disproportionate to her powers : and accordingly if she thinks sit to try , she quickly finds her self unable to frame conceptions of them fit to be acquiesc'd in , and this sort of objects i do upon that account call inconceivable , or ( on some occasions ) supra-intellectual . but when by attentively considering the attributes and operations of things , we sometimes find that a thing hath some property belonging to it , or doth perform somewhat , which by reflecting on the beings and ways of working that we know already , we cannot discern to be reducible to them or derivable from them , we then conclude this property or this operation to be inexplicable ; that is , such as that it cannot so much as in a general way be intelligibly accounted for , and this makes the second sort of our things above reason . but this is not all , for the rational soul that is already furnished with innate , or at least primitive idaeas and rules of true and false , when she comes to examine certain things and make successive inferences about them , she finds ( sometimes to her wonder as well as trouble ) that she cannot avoid admitting some consequences as true & good which she is not able to reconcile to some other manifest truth or acknowledged proposition : and whereas other truths are so harmonious , that there is no disagreement between any two of them , the heteroclite truths i speak of appear not symmetrical with the rest of the body of truths , and we see not how we can at once embrace these and the rest , without admitting that grand absurdity which subverts the very foundation of our reasonings , that contradictories may both be true . as in the controversie about the endless divisibility of a strait line , since 't is manifest that a line of three foot for instance is thrice as long as a line of one foot , so that the shorter line is but the third part of the longer , it would follow that a part of a line may contain as many parts as a whole , since each of them is divisible into infinite parts , which seems repugnant to common sence , and to contradict one of those common notions in euclid , whereon geometry it self is built . upon which account i have ventured to call this third sort of things above reason asymmetrical or unsociable , of which eminent instances are afforded us by those controversies ( such as that of the compositio continui ) wherein which side soever of the question you take , you will be unable directly and truly to answer the objections that may be urged to show that you contradict some primitive or some other acknowledged truth . these , eugenius , are some of the considerations by which i have been induced to distinguish the things that to me seem to over-match our reason , into three kinds . for of those things i have stil'd unconceivable , our idaeas are but such as a moderate attention suffices to make the mind sensible that she wants either light or extent enough to have a clear and full comprehension of them : and those things that i have called inexplicable , are those which we cannot perceive to de upon the idaeas we are furnished with , and to resemble in their manner of working any of the agents whose nature we are acquainted with : and lastly , those things which i have named unsociable , are such as have notions belonging to them , or have conclusions deducible from them , that are ( for ought we can discern ) either incongruous to our primitive idaeas , or when they are driven home , inconsistent with the manifest rules we are furnished with , to judge of true and false . eug. i presume , sophronius , that by sorting things above reason into three kinds , you do not intend to deny but that 't is possible one object may in differing regards be referred to more than one of these sorts . sophr. you apprehend me very right , eugenius , and the truth of what you say may sufficiently appear in that noblest of objects , god. timoth. we owe so much to god , the most perfect of beings , not only for other blessings , but for those very intellects that enable us to contemplate him , that i shall be very glad to learn any thing that may increase my wonder and veneration for an object , to whom i can never pay enough of either . sophr. you speak like your self , timotheus , and i wish i were as able as i ought to be willing , to satisfie your desire : but since we are now discoursing like philosophers , not divines , i shall proceed to speak of that gloriousest of objects , but as his nature or some of his attributes afford me instances to the purpose , for which i presum'd to mention him . when god therefore made the world out of nothing , or ( if pyrocles will not admit the creation ) when he discerns the secretest thoughts and intentions of the mind , when he unites an immaterial spirit to a humane body , and maintains , perhaps for very many years , that unparallel'd union with all the wonderful conditions he has annex'd to it ; when , i say , he doth these and many other things , that i must not now stay to mention , he supplies us with instances of things that are inexplicable : for such operations are not reducible to any of the ways of working known to us ; since our own minds can but modify themselves by divers manners of thinking ; and as for things without us , all that one body can do to another by acting on it , is to communicate local motion to it , and thereby produce in it the natural consequences of such motion ; in all which there is no action like any of those i just now ascrib'd to god. and if we consider that the praescience of those future events that we call contingent , being a perfection , is not to be denyed to god ; who is by all acknowledged the perfectest of beings and that yet the greatest wits that have laboured to reconcile this infallible praecognition with the liberty of mans will , have been reduced to maintain some thing or other , that thwarts some acknowledged truth or dictate of reason : if we duly consider this ( i say ) it will afford us an instance of truths , whose consistency and whose symmetry with the body of other truths , our reason cannot discern , and which therefore ought to be referred to that sort of things above reason , that i call unsociable . and now i come to the third sort of these things which is that i formerly mention'd , first under the name of incomprehensible or supra-intellectual : which title , whether or no it belongs to any other object , ( which i will not now enquire ) doth certainly belong to god , whose nature comprehending all perfections in their utmost possible degrees , is not like to be comprehensible by our minds , who altogether want divers of those perfections , and have but moderate measures , ( not to call them shadows ) of the rest . we are indeed born with , or at least have a power and divers occasions to frame an idaea of a being infinitely perfect , and by this idaea we may sufficiently discriminate the original of it , god , from all other objects whatsoever . but then , when we come to consider attentively & minutely what is contained in the notion of omnipotence , omniscience , eternity , and those other divine attributes that are all united in that great confluence and abys● of perfections , god ; we may be● sure to find , that our faculties are exceedingly surmounted by the vastness and gloriousness of that unlimited and unparallel'd object 〈◊〉 about which , as we can discove● that it exists , and that it possesse● all the perfection we can conceive● so we may at the same time discern● that it must have degrees of perfection , which because of the inferiority of our nature , we are not able to conceive . and yet this discovery of god● incomprehensibleness may be mad● without subtle disquisitions , an● without trains of consequences● though not without due attention● by a direct view of the mind ( if 〈◊〉 may so term it ; ) who finds her self upon tryal as unable fully to measure the divine perfections as the dimensions of space , which we can conceive to be greater and greater , without ever being able to determine any extent beyond whose limits they cannot reach . pyrocles . i suspected sophron. by the tenour of your discourse that the last questions these gentlemen asked you , diverted you from saying somewhat more than you did by way of application of your preceding discourse . sophron. i was then indeed about to make , as i now shall , this use of what i had been saying ; that i readily acknowledge that 't is an arrogance to talk of infinite or of priviledg'd things , with the same confidence , or to pretend to do it with the same clearness , wherewith knowing men may speak of things unquestionably within the compass of our intellect : but that this need not hinder us from speaking , nor doth disable us from speaking rationally of priviledg'd things themselves . for all the notions that are allowable are not of the same sort or order ; and if none were to be admitted but those that enable us to comprehend the object , that is , which give us a clear and distinct knowledge of all that it contains or that belongs to it , i must confess that we have no good notions of priviledg'd things in particular ▪ but then i must add , that i fear we have few or none even of many things that we think our selves very knowing in . and when we speak of things as being above reason , though we have no clear , distinct and adequate notion o● them , yet we may have a general confus'd and inadequate notion of them , which may suffice to make us discriminate their respective objects from all else , and from one another ; as may be observ'd in several , idaeas that are negatively fram'd , such as those we have o● invisible , incomprehensible , and in others which i formerly call'd inferr'd ; because they accompany the remote inferences whereby one truth is concluded from another : as when geometricians infer from some propositions in euclid that any strait line may be divided farther and farther without stop . for of this and some other propositions about priviledg'd things , we are not quite destitute of allowable notions ; as may appear by some of the admirably ingenious speculations of mathematicians about the affections of surd numbers , and about incommensurable magnitudes ; about some of which we have no such clear and symmetrical conceptions as we have of many other things , that are of a nearer and more intelligible order . and on this occasion i shall not scruple to acknowledge , that partly by my own experience , and partly by the confessions of others , and by their unsuccesful attempts , i am induc'd to think that god , who is a most free agent , having been pleas'd to make intelligent beings , may perhaps have made them of differing ranks , or orders , whereof men may not be of the principal ; and that whether there be such orders or no , he hath at least made us men , of a limited nature ( in general ) and of a bounded capacity . congruously to this i think also , that he hath furnished man either with certain innate ideas or models and principles , or with a faculty or power and disposition easily to frame them , as it meets with occasions ( which readily occur ) to excite them : but because that ( as i lately noted ) god intended the mind of man but of a limited capacity , his understanding is so constituted that the inbred or easily acquir'd idaeas and primitive axioms wherewith it is furnished , and by relation or analogy whereunto it judges of all other notions , and propositions , do not extend to all knowable objects whatsoever ; but reach only to such as have a sufficient affinity , or bear some proportion to those primary idaeas and rules of truth , which are sufficient if duly improv'd , to help us to the attainment , though not of the perfect knowledge of truth 's of the highest orders , yet to the competent knowledge of as much truth as god thought fit to allow our minds in their present ( and perchance laps'd ) condition , or state of union with their mortal bodies . eugen. your opinion , sophron. if i apprehend it aright , contains two very differing assertions ; one that it is allowable to contemplate and even to discourse of things above reason , since we may have some conceptions of them , though they be but very dim and imperfect : and the other , that we ought not to look upon , or speak of such objects as things that we comprehend , or have even such a measure of knowledge of , as we have of things that are not priviledg'd . for of these we are not to speak but with a peculiar wariness , and modest diffidence . sophron. you have express'd my thoughts eugen. since i intend not to injoyn silence , or disswade curiosity , but yet forbid presumption , in reference to priviledg'd things . timoth. and truly sophron. i see no reason to repine at the limits which your late discourse hath in imitation of the author of nature himself , assign'd to human knowledg . for the number of priviledg'd things is altogether inconsiderable in comparison of the multitude of other things , to which our knowledge may be improv'd to reach ; and which it far more concerns us to know well , than it doth to resolve puzling questions about things incomprehensible ; there being within the compass of those truths , enough to employ , and reward our curiosity without straining and tiring our reason about objects that transcend it . and yet even about these , some disquisitions may be allow'd us , for an object that on the account of some of its properties may be a priviledg'd one ; may have divers other things belonging to it , that do not surpass our reason , and whose knowledge may therefore be attain'd , by the due employment of it . thus we usefully study the nature of bodies , which make up the object of the excellent science of natural philosophy ; though the true notion of body in general be a thing so difficult to frame , that the best of our modern philosophers can by no means agree about it . which i do not wonder at ; because if we pursue the notion of a body to the uttermost ; 't will lead us to the perplexing controversie , de compositione continui , and there you will not deny , but that the understanding will be left in the dark . thus surveyors , carpenters , architects , and many others know divers affections of the square figure that are of great use to them in their respective employments , though that property of the square , that its side and diagonal are incommensurable , be unknown to most of them ; and if they were told of it , and would prosecute the speculation , would involve them in exceeding great and probably insuperable difficulties . sophron. to confirm what you have been telling us , timoth. i shall venture to add , that even about priviledg'd things , our inquiries , if modestly and discreetly manag'd , may not only be allowable but sometimes profitable . for even of such subjects a studious search may bring us to know more than we did , though not so much as we would , nor enough to be acquiesc'd in . so that such enquiries may probably teach us , to know the objects better , and our selves better too ; by giving us such a sensible discovery of the insufficiency of our understandings to comprehend all sorts of things , as may be very useful , though not pleasing , and may richly recompence us , for the pains that ended in so instructive a disappointment . and let me add to the pertinent instances that have been mention'd , the noblest that can be given ; i mean the contemplation of god himself . for he hath so ordered all things , that 't is scarce possible for us , to be destitute of an idaea of him , which will at least represent him as an existent being , and more perfect than any other being ; and yet when we come with sufficient application of mind to pry into the wonderful attributes of this most singular and adorable being , we are , as was lately observ'd , sure to find our selves unable to comprehend so unbounded an object . which yet ought not to discourage us from so noble a study , since we are allow'd the great contentment and honour to make further and further discoveries of the excellentest of objects , by that very immensity of his perfections , that makes it impossible for us to reach to the bounds of his excellency , or rather to discover that it has any bounds at all . but , gentlemen , i perceive i have been so transported by the mention of this vast and divine subject , in whose contemplation 't is so easie , and so pleasant to lose ones self , that i have forgot the notice eugen. gave me , a pretty while since , that the time allotted for our present conference was then near expiring . and therefore i shall leave you to pick out of the excursions to which your interpositions tempted ( not to say oblig'd ) me , the applications , that i intended to make more methodically of the distinctions i laid down . and i am the less troubled to be hindred from proposing to you my thoughts about the way of distinguishing priviledg'd things from others , because we have a domestick monitor , or a kind of an internal criterium always at hand to help us . for i think it may well be said , that the wise author of nature has endued the understanding with such a quick , though internal , sensation ( if i may so call it ) that when due attention is not wanting , it can feelingly discern between other objects , and those that are disproportionate to its ability . as even in beasts , the eye is so fram'd ( according to the institution of nature ) that if it be obverted to the bright noon-day-sun , there needs no monitor , but the operation of the same sun , to make it wink ; ( and perhaps water ) and thereby discover it self to be dazled and overpowr'd by the disproportionate object . pyroc . i confess your discourses , gentlemen , have made an unexpected impression upon me ; but whether that will amount to a conviction will scarce appear till our next conference . only thus much i shall tell you now , that it would much facilitate our agreement in opinion , if you did not contend for altogether so much ; but would be pleas'd to leave it undertermin'd , whether man's intellectual faculty it self is uncapable by the help of any degree of light , to discover and know those things , which you call above reason ? and would content your selves to say , that there are some things belonging to these subjects , which we must confess we have less clear and distinct notions of , than we have even of the difficultest of those things , that are acknowledg'd not to surpass our reason : and that if we will take upon us , to determine positively and particularly about these transcendent things , we must employ ways of reasoning , congruous to their peculiar natures . sophron. i shall readily consent not to expect your final resolution , before our next meeting , having no cause to fear that time , will be unfriendly to her daughter truth . timoth. and in the mean while , pyrocles , i am glad to find by the last part of what you just now said , that you seem to be no longer indispos'd to admit some things , that ( at least in our present state ) do some way or other surpass our reason . for i think that instead of exalting that faculty , we injure and defraud it , if we do not freely allow it , as much enjoyment of truth as we are able to procure it : and consequently if geometry , or revelation , or experience , assure us of divers things of which we can know but that they are , and what they do , not , what they are , and how they act , we must neither refuse , nor neglect the study of such truths , any more than we would refuse to look into any other objects , than those that we can look through ; and therefore to enrich the intellect as much as we are able , we must entertain , not only those truths , that we can comprehend , but those also , how sublime soever , that we can have any certain , though but a very imperfect knowledge of , especially since those remote and abstruse subjects may be as much more noble as more dark than others , and thereby render an imperfect discovery of them , more desirable , than a far clearer one of inferior things . finis . advices in judging of things said to transcend reason . the speakers arnobius , eugenius , pyrocles and timotheus . arnob. i was very glad , gentlemen , to learn this morning of sophronius some things , whence 't was easie to conclude , that by the discourse you had with him last night , he has made it allowable for me to demand , and rational for you to grant , nay to proffer me , a dispensation of the task you imposed on me at our last meeting . for tho' he spake with the modesty that became him of your conference , and gave me , but a hasty and imperfect account of what pass'd between you ; yet i think i may presume , that by his discourse pyrocles himself was at least inclin'd , and you two , gentlemen , fully perswaded to admit , that there are things above reason ; which was the main point about which you expected at our last congress that i should entertain you , at our then next , or now present meeting . eugen. i deny not , that sophronius's considerations were prevalent on timotheus and me ; and have , i hope , made a good impression on pyrocles himself ; but that ought not to hinder us from coming , as we now do , to claim your promise of entertaining us about things above reason . and if you will needs be dispens'd with from repeating those considerations that sophronius has employed already , ( tho' i doubt not but by repeating them , you would both strengthen and advance them ; ) we will not be rigid exactors of our right : but yet we must not remit your task , tho' we are content to change it . for i question not but these gentlemen will consent with me , to discharge you of your promise of discoursing of the arguments that may infer some things to be above reason , if you will please to afford us your thoughts , about the ways of avoiding to be imposed on by our selves or others , when such sublime subjects are treated or discours'd of . arnob. tho' in the recital of your conference , sophronius did but touch on several subjects whereon it would be proper for me to insist , in the discourse you seem to expect from me ; yet i am apt to fear , that he has so prevented me in what i should say , that he has left little or nothing for me to do , but to make repetitions of what you have heard already much better express'd : which will be an employment far enough from being grateful , either to you or me . eugen. your modesty , sir , is not like to defeat our curiosity ; and that you may not think your self hardly used , or condemned to bear repetitions ; be pleased to take notice , both that , what we desire as a favor , we might claim as a compensation , and that the things we expect from you now , are not arguments to make out that there are things above reason , but that you would afford us some rules and directions how to regulate the ratiocinations we make ; and estimate those we meet with , about such transcendent subjects . arnob. i hope eugenius , you do not in earnest think me so vain as to pretend to frame a logick about things above logick ; or magisterially to deliver rules about things that are as anomalous , as they are either remote or abstruse . besides that all you have said , do's not exempt me from a fear , that by reason of sophronius's omitting divers points of his discourse , and my imperfect remembrance of those he transiently and summarily mention'd , he has anticipated much of what were otherwise proper for me to say . but yet because 't is possible that his thoughts and mine , may have lead us , to have made some reflections that are not at all the same ; and that even when others happen to be coincident , it may be not altogether useless , that i should endeavour to inlarge some things that he has but hinted , and illustrate or vindicate some others that will not be prejudic'd by being cleared , or confirm'd ; and above all this , because i would shew you , that i am willing to comply with you somewhat to the hazard of my discretion , i shall not refuse to offer you some , not rules , but advices ; provided you freely interrupt me , when i begin to trouble you with the repetition of any thing that you have , tho' i have not heard before ; and provided too , that you look not on these advices so much as directions to find the truth in such abstruse matters , as cautions that may chance to assist you to avoid some errors and mistakes . eugen. we are not so scrupulous but that we shall upon your own terms gladly receive your thoughts , whatever names you please to give them . arnob. i shall then without further preamble comply with your commands , and propose as my first advice . that about priviledg'd subjects themselves , we do not admit any ( affirmative ) assertion without such proofs , to evince it , as are sufficient in their kind . i hope gentlemen that sophronius has so far declar'd to you , what is to be meant by priviledg'd things , that though it be a new term , yet i need not solicitously explain it ; and may think it sufficient to intimate in few words that they are things of a very heteroclyte and abstruse nature , and have belonging to them such peculiar affections and attributes , as require that in judging and reasoning of them we should employ notions and rules congruous to their particular condition ; some of them superadded to , & others perhaps differing from , those that men generally & safely enough make use of about common & familiar things , that are of a nature less impervious to our understandings . and if the shortness of this summary description , should leave it less clear than i hope you find it ; i foresee there will divers occasions of illustrating it , by instances and other ways , occur in the sequel of our discourse : in order to which i shall , after this short and necessary digression , return to the lately given first advice ; and tell you that 't is grounded upon this consideration , that 't is not reasonable to give assent to any thing as a truth , but upon a sufficient reason of that assent . and tho' we may well grant in the general , that a thing which ●urpasses our reason may have belonging to it some affection that is also above reason ; yet we are not in particular to believe that this or that affection doth belong to it , without particular and competent proof . for since about a priviledg'd thing , as well as about any other , propositions may be fram'd , and often are so , that are contrary to one another ; to assent to both , were to be sure to believe one falsity , if not two . and if we will assent but to one , we must either judge at adventures , or allow our selves to examine the mediums of probation , employed on both sides , and thereupon judge , why one of the propositions is to be assented to , and the other rejected . pyrocles . i am glad arnobius , that you allow your self and us this manly freedom without which our understandings were lyable to be impos'd on in matters of the highest concernment : for there scarce ever did , or i fear ever will , want some men who either out of ignorance and passive delusion , or out of self-confidence , or out of design , take upon them , with great boldness , to affirm what they please about priviledg'd subjects , and when they are opposed in their extravagancies by ratiocinations they cannot answer , they urge , that these things being above reason , are not to be judged of by it : but of such men as these i usually demand whether their own assent to the things they would have us believe , be grounded upon some rational argument , or not : if they say , 't is not , they are fools to believe it themselves ; and i should add to the number of fools , if after this acknowledgment , i should believe them : but if they say they do , i desire them to produce their argument ; for since 't is fram'd by a human understanding , the force of it may be also comprehended & judg'd of by a human understanding : and 't is to no purpose to say , that the subject surpasses human reason ; for if it do so indeed , it will surpass theirs as well as mine , and so leave us upon even terms . and let the thing assented to , be what it will , the assent it self ought to be founded upon a sufficient reason , and consequently upon one that is intelligible , to the human intellect that is wrought on by it . eûgen . i willingly allow , that there is a great difference between the being able and oblig'd to know the nature or cause of a thing , and the being able to give an intelligible account of the motives that induce our assent to it ; and without such motives the assent may by chance be given to what is a truth , but that will not hinder it from being an irrational assent . timoth. i was not ill pleas'd arnobius , with the caution you employ'd in the close of your advice , where , by saying that the positive proofs you require to evince an assertion about a priviledg'd thing , must be sufficient in their kind , you plainly intimate that you do not exact rigid demonstrations of such assertions : and indeed it were not reasonable you should ; for since 't is manifest , that there are many truths , such as historical and political ones , that by the nature of the things are not capable of mathematical or metaphysical demonstrations , and yet being really truths , have a just title to our assent , it must be acknowledg'd , that a rational assent may be founded upon proofs that reach not to rigid demonstrations , it being sufficient that they are strong enough to deserve a wise mans acquiescence in them . and therefore if any things can be made out to be reveal'd by god concerning his own nature , or actions , or decrees , we ought firmly to believe them , because that , of some of those things , as his praescience , mercy , &c. we can have no better proofes ; and of others , as what he did before our world was made ; and what he will do with us after we are dead , we can have no other considerable proofes at all . and the objection made by pyrocles against the assenting to audacious propositions fram'd by imposing men , will not reach our case : for there is no reason to think , that because an object surpasses an humane understanding , it must therefore surpass the divine intellect it self . and even in things that are transacted in the mind of man himself ; i may learn from another that is not my superior , what i can by no means attain to know , unless he be pleased to discover it to me . as that he was at such a time , thinking of the creation of the world , or resolving how to dispose of his son , and what recompence he designs to give a servant that he has not yet entertained . pyrocles . about things of such a kind as you now mention , timotheus , i shall not dissent from you ; because these are things , that tho' not discoverable by our reason till we be informed of them , are yet clearly knowable by our reason , when we are informed of them . but that there should be things , which tho' perspicuously proposed , should not be comprehensible by our understanding , is such an affront to that noble faculty , that i confess it has much indisposed me to grant ( what i am yet unwilling peremptorily to deny , ) that there are , as sophronius would have us think , not only some priviledged things , but more than one kind of them ; which if we do admit , it will place such narrow limits to our understandings , that we must despair of the desireablest knowledge of all , namely that which is conversant about the noblest and sublimest objects . eugenius . leaving to sophronius the management of a point he has studied , and which i have not now time solemnly to argue ; i shall only tell you in general that i see no necessity , that intelligibility to a humane understanding , should be necessary to the truth or existence of a thing ; any more then that visibility to a humane eye , should be necessary to the existence of an atome , or of a corpuscle of air , or of the effluvium's of a loadstone , or the fragrant exhalations of ambergris , and musk from a perfumed glove ; i might here observe , that even by the same sence some creatures may discern things that may not be perceptible to others : as no attention or application of the organ ( or the nose ) will inable a man to perceive the effluvia expiring from the stale footsteps of a hunted and unseen hare or dear , tho' hounds , and especially blood-hounds , will have a vivid preception of such odours , and by their help , trace and persue the flying and unseen beast . this , i say , may be observed in favour of my present argument ; but 't will perhaps be a more proper illustration to represent , that the natural incapacity of a childs intellect , to understand the abstruse affections of parabola's , hyperbola's and the incommensurable lines of a square , hinders not those figures , from being contained in rerum naturâ , or their affections from being true and demonstrable . and tho' we do admit some priviledged things in the sence above declared , yet , ( to say somewhat to obviate pyrocles's fear ) there is no necessity that we should be interdicted all knowledge of those sublime objects , in which there are many things , whereof , or of their consequences , we must confess our selves ignorant . thus elder geometricians knew very well what a rectangular triangle was , when they conceived it to be a figure consisting of three strait lines , two of which comprize a right angle ; though probably for a great while they did not know so much as all its chief properties or affections : since for ought appears , before pythagoras , ( who offered a heccatombe to the muses in gratitude for the discovery ) it was not known that the square of the hypothenusa is equal to the squares of both the other sides ; and much more likely it is , that they were not able to solve those difficulties ( that continue to perplex even our age ) which attend that endless divisibility of lines , that is inferrible from that equality of the two squares to the single square . and besides the inscrutable perfections of god , some of his works are such , that , notwithstanding the compleat knowledge of them surpasses our forces ; yet there remains so many things , as well worthy to be known , as possible to be attained by us , that they will allow exercise enough to the wits of all the philosophers in the world. and besides that , as i have been saying , even about these priviledged subjects themselves , divers considerable things may be discovered , if they were altogether impenetrable by our understandings , yet their number is so small , that they would leave a large scope for human knowledge to diffuse and improve it self . for 't is not every thing that is hard to be understood or contrary to the common rules of probability , that has a right to pass for a priviledged thing , for so the paradoxes about srud quantities , of isoperimetal figures ; duplicate and triplicate proportion , and divers other surprising doctrines that are capable of mathematical demonstrations , would be priviledged things . nor are all those worthy of this title that are by many proposed and embraced as philosophical mysteries , for , such are the peripateticks substantial forms , which really are not priviledged things , but scholastic chimeras . but tho' i shall not presume positively to set down the discriminating bounds and signes of priviledged things , yet most if not all of them being such , as are either primary in their kind , as god himself , and the things whose nature flows immediately from him , or else things that if thorowly inspected , do necessarily involve the consideration of some kind of infinitum , or else are such that tho' in some main questions about them one side must be taken , both sides are encombred with absurdities , or scarce superable difficulties : those i say being all ( or some of them ) the usual marks that belong to priviledged things , you will easily grant , that their number is not near so great as their abstruseness ; and that therefore pyrocles and his philosophical friends need not fear to want employment for their curiosity . and for farther answer to his objection i shall add that we must regulate our belief by our perceptions , not our wishes , and must not conclude , that because 't were desirable for us , that all things were penetrable to our humane understandings , there is really nothing that is not so : and we can no more conclude that we are as knowing as angels , because we wish we were so , than that we are as immortal as they , because we would never die . but as for those few things that have belonging to them , properties so extraordinary , as to make it probable , even at the first sight , that their nature must be very abstruse and difficult be fully discover'd by us , i hope pyrocles will allow , that things of so heteroclite a nature may challenge an exemption from some of the rules imployed about common things ; and that really such rules as i mean , and some also of the vulgar notions cannot always be safely extended to such subjects , i forbear to shew in this place ; only because i would not too long at once interrupt arnobius ; and i expect to have a good opportunity to speak again of this subject , before our conference be ended . tim. you may then , i presume , arnobius , as soon as you please , favour us with your second advice . arnob. i shall readily obey you , timotheus , by proposing it thus : the second advice , or rule . that we be not hasty to frame negatives about privileg'd things , or to reject propositions or explications concerning them ; at least , as if they were absurd or impossible . 't is easie to observe in the speculation of natural things themselves , how unsafe 't is not only to affirm , but in divers cases also reject opinions , before men have any thing near a competent historical information of what belongs to the subject they take upon them peremptorily to judge of . and therefore it must in reason be thought much more unwary to be forward to resolve upon negative propositions about things which we our selves acknowledge to be above the reach of human reason , which since they are , 't will become us at least to forbear a rude and insulting way of rejecting the opinions of learned men that dissent from us about such things ; since the sublimity of the subject should make mistakes about them the more easie to be pardon'd , because they are difficult to be avoided ; and our own sharing in the disability of penetrating such abstruse things , should keep us from being over-confident , that we also may not be mistaken , and incline us to tolerate other mens opinions about matters wherein we our selves have but opinion , not science . pyr. but have not you formerly advised us not to suffer our selves to be impos'd upon by proofless assertions , even about privileg'd things ? arnob. i did so , and do so still : but there is a great deal of difference between believing a proofless affirmation about things which the affirmer does not know to be true , and framing negative conclusions against opinions , which , for ought we yet clearly know , may be true : and therefore my present advice is very consistent with my former : for here i counsel only , either a suspension of judgment , when there appears no proof on either side sufficient to sway the intellect ; or such a wary and unprejudic'd assent to opinions that are but faintly probable , that the mind may be ready to receive , without either obstinacy , or surprise , any better argument that shall conclude the contrary of the opinion we favour'd before . eugen. but methinks 't is hard to avoid the framing of conjectures , even about those sublime subjects , concerning which we can frame but conjectures , and those often very slight ones . arnob. i confess an absolute suspension of judgment is a very uneasie thing , nor do i strictly require you should entertain no conjectures ; but only that we should consider that we may be easily mistaken in them , and by further information see cause to lay them down , and perhaps exchange them for contrary ones : my thoughts of this matter may be perchance somewhat illustrated by supposing that we four were walking in a high-way , and discover'd as far off as our eyes could reach , some erected and moving body of human stature ; tho we should by its shape and walking safely enough conclude that 't were no other animal than a man , yet what manner of man he were , as old , or young , handsome , or ugly ; we should not be able to discern , and consequently , could have no sufficient ground to determine . and as if i should affirm him to be a young man or handsome , you may justly censure me of rashness ; so if because i cannot prove my conjecture , you should resolutely deny that he is a young man or handsome , i should think you guilty , tho not of an equal , yet of a censurable unwariness , because , for ought you know to the contrary , he may be what i guess'd him to be . and tho we are naturally so uneasie under fluctuation of mind , that for my part i confess ( and it may be you may be subject to the same infirmity ) i should scarce forbear resembling in my thoughts the man we speak of to some body or other that i knew , yet i should justly think that conjecture to be very fallible , and both expect that when i should come to have a nearer and clearer view of him , i might see cause to dismiss my first idea for that which this new and better prospect would afford me , tho it were quite differing from that i ●ad formerly entertain'd , and should represent him , that my forward thought perhaps resemble , to a young man of my acquaintance with black curl'd hair , and a ruddy complexion , to be pale and wrinckled , with grey hair curl'd like a pound of candles . the application , i suppose , i may spare . but gentlemen , i would not be understood in the preceding discourse , as if i were against all framing of negative propositions about privileg'd things ; my design being but to dissuade from hasty ones : for sometimes 't is much more easie and safe to deny things , than to affirm them to belong to a subject that surpasses our reason . and the observation may be of use , especially in two cases ; one , when the negative we assert is grounded not upon axioms taken from the usual course of nature , or upon propositions dubious , or remote from the first principles of knowledge , but upon either catholick and metaphysical axioms , or else upon truths manifestly flowing from some clear , tho inadequate notion we have of the nature of the things we treat of . the other case is , when we have a clear and sufficient proof by revelation , or otherwise , of the positive attributes of the things we contemplate ; for then we may safely deny of that subject any other thing that is really inconsistent with that positive attribute . upon which account it is , that tho we do not fully comprehend what god is , yet knowing by the clear light of nature ( and if we be christians ) believing it upon the account of revelation , that he is a being intelligent and infinitely perfect , we may safely deny against epicurus , vorstius , and mr. hobbs , that he is a corporeal substance , as also that he is mortal , or corruptible . pyrocl. i shall not trouble you , arnobius , to inlarge upon your last advice , but willingly receive the ●avour of your next . arnob. which shall be this : the third advice , or rule . that a matter of fact or other truth about privileg'd things being prov'd by arguments competent in their kind , we ought not to deny it meerly because we cannot explain , or perhaps so much as conceive the modus of it . 't is no very difficult task to justifie this advice ; but i may do it the better , if you give me leave to frame and premise a distinction , for want of which i have observed a want of clearness in several discourses , where the term modus has been employed : for sometimes we would deny so much as a possibillity , that one thing can belong to , or be truly said of another ; as when we say we understand not how one creature can create another ; or how there can be a line that is neither straight , nor crooked ; or a finite ( whole ) number that is neither even nor odd . but most commonly we mean by our not understanding the modus of a thing , that we do not clearly and distinctly conceive after what manner the property or other attribute of a subject belongs to it , or performs its operations . the first kind of modus may , for distinctions sake , be called a possible modus ; and the other , an actual modus . now in both the foregoing acceptions of the term modus , we may find instances fit for our present purpose . for we cannot imagine , how a short line or other finite quantity can be endlesly divisible , or ( on the contrary ) how infinite parts should make but a finite total : and yet geometry constrains us to admit , that it is so . but tho there be but few instances of this kind , yet of the other sort of our nescience of the modus of things , there may be found more instances than we could wish there were ; for even in natural and corporeal things the eager disputes of the acutest philophers , and the ingenuous confessions of the most judicious and moderate , sufficiently manifest , that as yet we know not the manner of operating whereby several bodies perform what we well know they bring to pass . and not to enter into those nice and tedious disputes of the cause of the cohesion of the parts of matter in the smallest , most principal , and most primary bodies , perhaps without going out of our selves , the way whereby the rational soul can exercise any power over the humane body , and the way whereby the understanding and the will act upon one another , have not yet been intelligibly explain'd by any . and the like i may say of the phaenomena of the memory , especially in those in whom that faculty is eminent . for 't is a thing much more fit to be admired , than easie to be conceived , how in so narrow a compass as part of a human brain , there should be so many thousand distinct cells or impressions as are requisite to harbour the characters or signatures of many languages , each of them consisting of many thousand differing words , besides the images or models of so many thousand faces , schemes , buildings , and other sensible objects , and the ideas of so many thousand notions and thoughts , and the distinct footsteps of almost innumerable multitudes of other things : and how all these shall in so narrow a compass have such deep and lasting impressions made for them , and be oftentimes lodged so exactly in the order wherein they were at first committed to the memory ( and that perhaps many years before ) that upon a sudden command of the will , or a slight casual hint , a whole set of words , things and circumstances will in a trice , as it were , start up and present themselves even in the very series , order and manner that so long before belong'd to them . and i doubt not , but that besides those abstruse things , about the modus , of which the more candid philosophers have confessed their ignorance , there would many others have been taken notice of , if we did but as seriously and impartially inquire into the nature of all the things we are pleased to think we know . and when i reflect on the yet depending disputes between philosophers and mathematicians about the nature of place and local motion , which are things so obvious and familiar to us , i should , tho i had no other inducements , be inclin'd to think , that we should find difficulties enough in many other subjects wherein we do not now take notice of any , if we particularly studyed their nature ; and that our acquiescence in what we have learned about many things proceeds not from our greater knowledge of their nature , but from our having exercised less curiosity and attention in considering it . and if in things corporeal , that are the familiar objects of our senses , we are often reduc'd to confess our ignorance of the modes of their inexisting or operating , i hope it will not be denyed , that to a being wholly unapproachable by our senses , natural theology may be allowed to ascribe some things whose modus is not attainable by our understanding : as the divine prescience of future contingents ; which as 't were impious , to deny as to the truth of the thing ; so i fear 't is impossible to explicate as to the modus of it . eugen. if it were at this time proper for me to meddle with things of that kind , i should not much scruple to say in favour of the christian religion , that divers tenents granted both by christians , jews , and heathens , as parts of natural theology , to me seem as difficult to be con●ived , as divers of those mysteries that for their unintelligibless are fiercely opposed in reveal'd theology . i will not take upon me to judge of others ; but for my part i confess , i do not much better understand , how an intellect and a will and affections are distinctly inexistent in god , in such sort as they are wont to be attributed to him , than how in him there can be a trinity ; stated , not as some schoolmen explicate , or rather darken it , but as the gospel delivers it : i can as little explain by any thing in nature , how god , who is an immaterial substance , can move matter , as how he can create it : nor would it at all satisfie me to tell me , that a rational soul moves a human body ; for i do not allow , that it gives any motion to the body , but only guides that which other agents have put the parts of it into . and tho it did produce motion in the body , my scruple would yet remain ; for the cartesians themselves confess , that the power the soul has of so much as determining the motion of the body belongs to it , not upon any physical account , but by the particular appointment and immediate power of god , who would have that power one of the conditions or properties of the union of the soul and body . so that to me , who desire to have it explained how an immaterial substance can move matter , and consequently , how god can do it , it will be no satisfaction to say , that the rational soul can move the body 't is joyned to , since that power is referred merely to god's appointment : and the question is , how god himself can be conceived to move matter . arnob. i know not whether upon the same grounds which i do not disallow , i may not add , that whereas by many 't is looked upon as an inconceivable thing that god should see mens thoughts , to me it appears as little intelligible how he can know their outward actions : for since we have no way of discerning the particular motions of mens bodies , but by some of our senses , especially our sight ; and since those sensations themselves necessarily require organs duly constituted , that is , made up of divers parts , fram'd and joyn'd after such a determinate manner , i see not how we can explain the perception of visible objects without an eye , or so much as any corporeal organ , or substance ; especially since 't is , and that very justly , asserted , that the deity is not united to any portion of matter , as the human soul is to the human body . and to these instances , others to the same purpose might be added , but that i think it fitter to mind you , that of those it already mention'd amongst us , there are some that i presume you will judg referable to that which i lately called a possible modus ; since it seems , toto genere , as they speak , inexplicable , how the attribute inexists in the subject , and after what manner the cause can produce the effect ascribed to it . tim. i know you too well , gentlemen , to suspect , you mean , by this , to deny to god either the power of moving matter , or that of perceiving all its motions . arnob. you may well take that for granted , and you may remember , that to prevent mistakes , i was careful in proposing my advice to except those things for which there is some positive proof competent in its kind . pyrocl. one may then , without surprising you , ask what kind of proofs those may be ? arnob. a full answer to that question would take up too much of that little time that is allowed us before it grow dark , to go thorow the advices that yet remain unspoken of . but yet to comply with you as far as my haste will permit , i shall name two or three kinds of positive proofs , that may be employed on such occasions as we speak of . and first , if there be an effect that we discern must proceed from such a cause , or agent , we may conclude that such a cause there is , tho we do not particularly conceive how , or by what operation 't is able to produce the acknowledg'd effect : thus , tho a man otherwise of a good judgment , being wholly a stranger to the mathematicks , cannot conceive how a skillful astronomer can many years before hand fore-tell eclipses to a day and hour , and perhaps to a few minutes ; yet when the success does , as it often happens , verifie such predictions , he will be satisfied , that the maker of them had the skill to foreknow the things foretold in them . and so the generality of learned men among us , who are not so much acquainted with that part of navigation , which some moderns have by a greek name called limen-euretica , or the art of steering to harbours , cannot well conceive how a ship , that is , for instance , in the vast atlantick ocean above a thousand miles from any shoar , should be so directed as to arrive just at a little harbor not cannon-shot over , which perhaps neither the pilot , nor any other in the ship ever saw . and yet as little as we can distinctly conceive how such an art of finding ports can be framed , we scruple not to allow there is such an one , because navigators to the east and west indies , could not without the guidance of such an art find the remotest ports they are bound for . a second sort there is of positive proofs consisting of those consequences that are clearly and legitimately inferr'd from any manifest acknowledg'd , or already demonstrated truth . to this sort belong divers mathematical propositions and corollaries , which tho being nakedly proposed they seem incredible to the generality of learned men , and sometimes to mathematicians themselves , are yet fully assented to , because they clearly follow from either manifested or demonstrated truths . thus many cannot conceive how 't is possible there may be a million , for instance , of circles , ( or as many more as you please ) whose circumferences shall each of them come nearer and nearer to one another , and to a straight line assign'd , and yet none of them either touch , much less cut , either any other circle , or that line but in one and the same point . and yet this is one of the odd propositions that geometers have rightly deduc'd as corollaries from the sixteenth of euclid's third element . and tho we cannot clearly conceive how two lines , that at their remotest ends are but little distant from each other , should perpetually incline towards each other without ever concurring ; yet geometricians , that is , the rigidest reasoners that we know of , have been compell'd admit this in the linea conchoides of nicomedes , to name no more . but tho , ( not to touch the same strings too often ) i thought fit to mention these instances ; yet whether you judge them sufficient or no , you will allow that which may be taken from the endless divisibility of a line : for tho , if i misremember not , sophronius told me , he took notice to you how unable we are to have a satisfactory apprehension , how a short line as well as a long , can be divided into more and more parts without any stop ; yet geometricians generally admit this , because it may be clearly deduc'd from some geometrical truths , and particularly from the incommensurableness of the side and diagonal of a square : and if you will allow me to have once more recourse to divine prescience , i may add another acknowledg'd instance by representing , that philosophers have admitted that , because they judged it clearly to follow from the infinite perfections of god ; tho , how he can foresee contingency the most judicious and modest of them did not pretend their reason was able to conceive . timoth. to these two kinds of positive proofs mention'd by arnobius , i doubt not but he will give me leave to add divine revelations , if competently attested ones can be produc'd ; and therefore i will not by going about to evince this , spend any of the time he reserves for the remaining rules , to which he may , for me , advance assoon as he thinks fit . arnob. i accept the liberty you offer me , timotheus , to proceed to my next advice ; which is this . the fourth advice , or rule . that when we treat of privileg'd subjects , we are not bound always to think every thing false , that seems to thwart some received dictate of reason . as great a paradox as this may at first blush appear , yet it will need little more to make it out than the application of some things already delivered on occasion of the two foregoing advices , of which this is indeed little more than a corollary . for it being evident , that as a great part of the dictates of reason are negative , so negative propositions do usually spring from the repugnancy we judge that some things have to some positive dictate of reason ; if those positive dictates contain but gradual and limited truths ( to borrow sophronius his terms ; ) and come to be unduly extended to privileg'd subjectss it may very possibly happen , that a thing may be really true , that yet must appear false , if it be judg'd of by its congruity to one of those limited , and but respective dictates of reason . 't is also clear , that not only in philosophy , but natural ( as well as reveal'd ) theology the usual ground on which we reject many things is , that we judge them unintelligible . and i censure not the practice in general , but i think it may easily mislead us , when it is extended to things that we may discern to transcend our reason , as for ought yet appears , some of the modus's even of things corporeal are found to do . and we think we have made complete enumerations of the several ways of inexistence of an attribute in a subject , or of the operation of one thing upon another , when indeed we have overlook'd one or other , and perhaps that which we have thus pretermitted may be the true one ; tho it may be also that no attention and diligence of ours could in some cases have served our turn , the modus inquired after being not conceivable to us , tho it may be too a higher than a human intellect . pyrocles . the school-philosophers for many ages in the catalogues they made of the ways of a bodies working upon another at a distance ; did not think of the true ways by which odors and sounds are communicated to us , and therefore had recourse to certain unintelligible things , which they were pleas'd to call species intentionales . whereas those modern naturalists that philosophize freely , acknowledge , that odors are communicated by effl●viums , exhaling from the odorous body , and fitted to affect our nostrils , and sounds are transmitted to the ear by the undulating motion which the air is put into by the impulse of the vibrating , or otherwise agitated parts of the sonorous body . timoth. methinks we need not go out of our selves to find instances of both the parts of what arnobius was last saying , if we admit , as i question not but we rationally may , this tenet of the generality of philosophers , both ancient and modern , that the reasonable soul is an immaterial substance : for then ; whereas men think they have sufficiently enumerated the ways of determining the motion of a body , by saying , that the determination must be made either in the line wherein the impellent that put it into motion made it move , or in the line wherein it was determined to move by the situation of the resisting body that it met with in its way ; the motions of the animal spirits , if not also some other internal parts of the body , may , the body being duly disposed , be determined by the human will ; which is a way quite differing from the other . and how this attribute , i mean the power of determining the motion of a body , without any power to impart motion to that body , should belong to an immaterial creature , which has no corporeal parts to resist the free passage of a body , and thereby change the line of its motion , is not yet , nor perhaps ever will be in this life , clearly conceived by us men , tho there is no doubt , but that he , who indowed the soul with this attribute or power , perfectly understands , both how it exists in the soul , and how the soul by exerting it , operates on the body . pyrocles . but can any thing seem more unreasonable than to embrace opinions that contradict the rules of reason ; which practice , if it be once allowed , why should we trouble our selves to investigate what is congruous or incongruous to reason , since the making a discovery , that an opinion is repugnant to it , will not assure us of that opinions being false . arnob. a person less knowing and equitable than pyrocles would have spared this double objection , if he had remembred , what hath been formerly said , applicable to our present purpose , and what kind of things they are that we are discoursing of : but to remind him a little of them , i shall desire him to consider with me , that i no way disallow the rejecting of opinions that are found contrary to those rules of reason , at the framing of which the things opin'd about were duly taken into consideration : but in cases not thought on when such rules were devised , we are not always bound to submit to be judged by them ; and to maintain an opinion unconformable to such a rule , may be not to oppose a genuine and absolute dictate of reason , but to rectifie one that is erroneously thought so , by shewing , that the rule is expressed in more catholick and indefinite terms than it ought to have been . and of two opinions you will not deny that that is the most rational that is most agreeable to those rules of reason , that are framed upon the fullest information . eugen. 't is not difficult to gather from what you have said , arnobius , that in the rule you proposed to us ; very few of the cases that occur in ordinary discourse , or even in that of philosophers , will be at all concern'd . and in these few cases wherein you intend the rule should take place , you are careful to obviate inconveniences by a double caution . the first that you suppose , that the opinion that claims an exemption from the common rules , is not an arbitrary or precarious tenet , but sufficisufficiently made out by proper arguments . and the second , by declaring , that 't is not to contradict right reason , but bad reasoners to give limitation to rules that have been too hastily fram'd and conceiv'd in too general terms , by men , who either were not competently inform'd of the variety of particulars , when they took upon them to make analyses and enumerations ; or else presum'd to infer , that a thing was not , because they did not understand the modus of its existence or operation . arnobius . you take my sense right , eugenius , and i have often thought , that the causes of the great clamor that is made against some men for not obsequiously submitting to , what some others call the rules of reason , are , that men do not sufficiently understand the nature of things and themselves , but entertain too narrow conceptions of the former , and too high an opinion of the later . pyrocles . the dictates of reason being the surest , if not the only safe rules , that nature has given us to frame our discourses and ratiocinations by ; i confess i am , tho not fully resolv'd , yet very unwilling , to allow any conclusion that is not conformable to them : or to admit that any thing should be so highly privileg'd , as to be exempted from the jurisdiction of reason , whose genuine declarations they are . eugenius . this objection , pyrocles , seems to me to be grounded rather upon an ambiguity of terms , than the true nature of things . for reason is oftentimes taken for a set of notions and propositions employ'd and acquiesc'd in by this or that sort of reasoners , that are wont to have names given them from this or that particular discipline , as astronomy , chymistry , opticks , &c. of whose receiv'd doctrines they are supposed to be entirely maintainers . but it is also with at least as much propriety , used to signifie the rational faculty it self ; furnished with the light that accompanies it when it is rightly disposed and informed . in the first of these two senses it seems but reasonable to allow , that some things ought to have the privilege to be exempted from being judg'd by some of the same rules that are employ'd to judge of other things by ; for some of these rules were fram'd upon a slight consideration of common and familiar things , either by the vulgar , or by men that for want of skill or application of mind did not critically consider the distinct natures of things , and yet presum'd to settle rules that other mens inadvertence or laziness has made them receive for certain dictates of reason : whereas other natures should have been then considered as well as those : and by reason of their not having been so , the rules i speak of are not always proper and safe , when they are applyed to these over-looked natures . thus successive beings , as time and local motion , do in some cases require to be estimated by other measures than substances , whether material , or incorporeal ▪ and so also the more nice metaphysicians , especially among the moderns , have thought themselves obliged to discourse of moduses , relations , privations , extrinsecal denominations , &c. in a very differing way from that which belongs to bodies and spirits ; tho the unskilful ( even among otherwise learned men ) have been wont , and still are apt , to confound all these subjects ; by applying to them indiscriminately the same rules , or , as they think them , dictates of reason . but besides what may be said of these long unregarded or undistinguished natures , there are other entities that are more generally and familiarly taken notice of , wherein i may think one may find instances more applyable to my present purpose . for i observe , that tho all other actual beings are compounded ( to speak in the language of the schools ) of essence and existence ; yet according to the notion of metaphysicians as well as divines , it must be acknowledg'd , that the simplicity of the divine nature is such as to exclude from god even this kind of composition . and indeed the notion we have of a being infinitely perfect , imports , that , tho in no other being , yet in this , those two are inseparable ; for actual existence being a perfection , must needs belong to the nature of a being infinitely perfect . the generality of philosophers , after aristotle , conceive place to be the immoveable and immediately contiguous concave surface of the ambient body , so that 't is a kind of vessel that every way contains the body lodg'd in it ; but with this difference that a vessel is a kind of moveable place , as when a bottle of wine is carried from the cellar to the table ; but place is an immoveable vessel , or a vessel considered as immoveable : now supposing with : aristotle , and the generality of philosophers , the plenitude of the world , it may be truly said , that all plants , animals , minerals , stars and other bodies are each of them in such an aristotelian place as has been describ'd ; whence it has been usually said by philosophers , that what is in no place ( i hope they meant it only of bodies ) is not at all ; yet it appears not how the outermost heaven , whether that be the firmament , or no , i need not here inquire , can be properly said to be in a place , since these philosophers asserting the world to be finite , must grant there is no ambient body without it to contain it . and i shall add on this occasion , that if the outermost heaven should be impell'd by the irresistible power of god in a straight line this way , or that way , there should ensue a motion without change of place , for the outermost heaven was in none before , and does not by its progression come to be contain'd by a new ambient body . and in this case even according to those modern favourers of aristotle that approve des ' cartes his definition of local motion ( which indeed is far more intelligible than aristotle's ) the world may be said to move without changing of place ; for it does not pass from the neighbourhood of some bodies to that of others ; since comprising all bodies , and yet being bounded , there is no body for it to leave behind , nor any beyond it for it to approach to ; and tho the cartesians in their hypothesis of the indefinitess of the world do partly avoid the force of what i have been saying ; yet besides what may be rationally urg'd to shew , that if the world be not more than indefinite , it must be really finite ; i consider that the cartesians , tho upon grounds of their own , must allow what i was observing , namely , that tho every particular body in the universe is naturally capable of local motion . yet the universe it self is not ; and tho every particular body in the world have some determinate figure ; yet the world it self , being indefinite , has not so . whereas aristotle and the philosophers that have lived since his time , have generally admitted the division establish'd by him , of all entities , into substance , and accident , and accommodated their rules to one of them , or both : the learned gassendus and his followers , have introduc'd a third sort of things , as not being either substances , or accidents : and these if you will admit , you will i presume , admit too , that they may be privileg'd from their rules calculated for other natures . of this kind of things , the gassendists make place or space to be . for they will not allow it to be a substance , because it is neither body , nor spirit , but only somewhat that has a capacity to receive or contain bodies , and would subsist , tho god should annihilate all the substances he has created . and for the same reason it is not to be called an accident , since that necessarily requires a substance to reside in ( according to that received axiom ) accidentis esse , est inesse , whereas in case of the annihilation of the world it self , and consequently all substances that compose it , their place or space would still remain , and be capable of admitting a new world of the same extent , if god should be pleased to create it ; whence gassendus wittily infers , that bodies are rather accidental in respect of place , than space in respect of bodies . but without staying to examine this paradox , i shall venture to say in general , that he who shall with an heedful , and unprejudiced eye , survey the several hypotheses , or systems , maintain'd by the differing sects of philosophers , may find , that tho the instances will not be all of them the same ; yet there is none of these systems in which one may not observe some thing or other , to which every one of the rules that reach to the other snbjects treated of in that philosophy , cannot safely be apply'd . and indeed the mind of man being naturally far more desirous to know much , than to take the pains requisite to examine , whether he does so or not , is very prone to think that any small number of things that it has not distinctly considered , must be of the same nature and condition with the rest that he judges to be of the same kind . for by thus attaining to the knowledge of things , by way of inference , the mind gratifies at once both its vanity , and its laziness ; looking upon these conclusions , as marks of the excellency of its rational faculty , whilst they rather proceed from a want of the due exercise of it . pyrocles . but if the receiv'd dictates of reason be not always safe grounds to proceed upon in our discourse , i would gladly know by what rules we shall judge of those rules , and discover them to be erroneous , in case they be so , and by what measures we shall estimate truth and falsehood , in those things wherein the use of those rules must be laid aside . arnobius . your double objection , pyrocles , i confess to be weighty enough to deserve a considerate answer , and to give you the sum of mine in few words , i shall tell you , that in my opinion , since there is no progress in infinitum in the criteria of truth , and that our faculties are the best instruments that god has given us to discover , and to examine it by , i think a clear light or evidence of perception shining in the understanding , affords us the greatest assurance we can have , ( i mean in a natural way ) of the truth of the judgments we pass upon things , whether they be other things , or the vulgar rules of reasoning , or subjects that claim a privilege from those rules . and here give me leave to consider , that it is not by induction , but by evidence , that we know , that ex vero nil nisi verum sequitur . by which it appears , that the innate light of the rational faculty is more primary , than the very rules of reasoning , since by that light we judge even of the lately mention'd axiom which is it self the grand principle of ratiocinations made by inference . eugenius . this matter may be perchance somewhat illustrated by observing that , as the understanding is wont to be look'd upon as the eye of the mind ; so there is this analogy between them , that there are some things that the eye may discern ( and does judge of ) organically , if i may so speak , that is , by the help of instruments : as when it judges of a line to be streight by the applicasion of a ruler to it , or to be perpendicular by the help of a plumb-line , or a circle to be perfect by the help of a pair of compasses : but there are other things which the eye does perceive ( and judge of ) immediately and by intuition , and without the help of organs or instruments ; as when by the bare evidence of the perception it knows that this colour is red , and that other blue , and that snow is white , not black , and a char-coal black , not white ; and such a picture is very like , or another unlike to the face it was drawn to represent . for thus there are some things that the intellect usually judges of in a kind of organical way , that is , by the help of certain rules , or hypotheses , such as are a great part of the theorems and conclusions in philosophy and divinity . but there are others which it knows without the help of these rules more immediately , and as it were intuitively by evidence or perception ; by which way we know many prime notions and effata , or axioms metaphysical , &c. as that contradictory propositions cannot both be true ; that from truth nothing but truth can legitimately be deduc'd ; that two things that are each of them equal to a third thing , are equal to one another ; that a whole number is either even or odd . and 't is also upon this evidence of perception ; that we receive with an undoubted assent many primitive ideas and notions , such as those of extended substance or body , divisibility , or local motion , a streight line , a circle , a right angle , and many other things that it would be here superfluous to mention . arnobius . i think the internal light that the author of nature has set up in mans intellect qualifies him , if he makes a right use of it , not only to apply the instruments of knowledge , but also to frame , and to examine them . for by the help of this light , the understanding is enabled to look about , and both to consider apart , and compare together , the natures of all kinds of things ; without being necessitated to employ in its speculations , the rules or dictates of any particular science or discipline ; being sufficiently assisted by its own light , and those general axioms and notions that are of a catholick nature , and perpetual truth ; and so of a higher order , than the dictates , or rules of any particular or subordinate science or art. and by these means the understanding may perceive the imperfection and falsity of such rules or theorems , as those men that look no higher , nor no further than their own particular science or art , embrace for certain and unquestionable . thus when philosophers observ'd that they could frame a clear notion of a thing without considering whether it were actually in being or not ; or even when they suppose that 't is not actually in being ; as we can frame a clear conception of a rose in winter , when there are none to be found growing ; and have a clear notion of a myriagon , tho 't is very like there is no such figure really existent in the world . they have generally concluded , that the essence of things is differing and separable from their existence . and yet when we consider that god is a being infinitely perfect , and that actual existence being a perfection , must belong to him ; we may by the same light of reason that dictated essence & existence to be two separable things in all other beings , discern that they must be inseparable in god ; and consequently that the forementioned rule , tho more general than almost any other , is not absolutely universal : but must be limited by the light of reason . and thus also philosophers , considering that not only all sorts of bodies , but the immaterial souls of men , ( and angels themselves , supposing such beings ) are all endowed with qualities which are accidents , have included it in the very notion of a substance , to be the subject of accidents , or as the schoolmen speak , substare accidentibus ; and accordingly substantia is wont to be derived à substando : but the infranchised intellect , finding in it self a notion of an absolutely perfect , and therefore existent being ; and considering that to be the subject of accidents , is not a thing agreeable to the highest perfection possible ; it concludes , that in god there are no accidents . and this conclusion has been embraced as a part , not only of christian , but of natural theology ; and maintain'd by divers philosophers themselves , upon metaphysical and other meerly rational grounds . in short , the native light of the mind may enable a man , that will make a free and industrious use of it , both to pass a right judgment of the extent of those very dictates that are commonly taken for rules of reason , and to frame others on purpose for priviledg'd things , so far forth as they are so . but i fear , gentlemen , the fourth advice i have ventured to offer you , has by its tediousness , made you justly impatient of being detain'd by it so long : and therefore i shall advanced to the fifth ; which imports , the fifth advice , or rule . that where privileg'd things are concern'd , we are not always bound to reject every thing , as false , that we know not how to reconcile with some thing that is true . pyrocl. you may call this an advice , but i doubt others will style it a paradox , and possibly , think it one of the greatest that ever was broach'd . arnob. yet perhaps you will find by and by , that it may be in great part made good by what has been already discoursed , and by you admitted . i think it will not be doubted , but that there are , or may be conceived streight lines , whereof one is a hundred or a thousand times longer than another : 't is also generally granted , that a longer line consists of , or may afford more parts than a shorter ; for a line equal to the shorter , being taken out of the longer , and consequently just as divisible as it , there will remain of the longer line another line , perhaps many times exceeding the shorter line : and lastly , 't is generally acknowledged , that no number can be greater than infinite ; since if the lesser number were capable of accession ( as it must be , if it fall short of another number ) it would need that accession ( or a greater ) to make it infinite , which yet 't is supposed to be already . pyrocl. i see not yet to what all this may tend . arnob. you will quickly perceive it , when i shall have desired you to reconcile these propositions with the demonstrations of geometers of the endless divisibility of all streight lines ; whence they deduce , that tho they be very unequal among themselves , yet the shortest of them contains , or may afford infinite parts . pyrocl. but is there any thing more clear to humane understanding , or more supposed in almost all our ratiocinations , than that two truths cannot be contradictory to each other . arnob. tho i am far from affirming , that one truth can really contradict another truth ; yet i think that which is but a gradual or limited truth , may in some few cases not be reconcileable by us , to an absolute and universal truth . for , i think we may ( with sophronius ) distinguish those propositions we call true , into axioms metaphysical , or universal , that hold in all cases without reservation ; and axioms collected or emergent ; by which i mean such as result from comparing together many particulars that agree in something that is common to them all . and some of these , tho they be so general , that in the usual subjects of our ratiocinations they admit of no exceptions ; yet may not be absolutely and unlimitedly true ; of which i know not whether i formerly gave you an instance , even in that axiom which ( almost ) all meerly natural philosophers have supposed and built on , that , ex nihilo nihil fit , which , tho at least one of the highest of gradual or collected truths , may yet be not universally true , since , for ought we know , god that is acknowledged to be a being that is infinitely perfect , may have , and may have exercised , the power of creating . and in such cases as this , not to be able to reconcile a truth concerning a privileged thing with a proposition that generally passes for true ( and in other cases is so indeed ) will not presently oblige us to reject either proposition as false , but sometimes , without destroying either , only to give one of them a due limitation , and restrain it to those sorts of things , on which 't was at first grounded , and to which 't was , because of mans ignorance , or inconsiderateness , that 't was not at first confin'd . and if the miracles vouch'd either for the christian , or for any other religion , be any of them granted to be true ; ( as almost all mankind agrees in believing in general , that there have been true miracles ; ) it cannot well be deny'd but that physical propositions are but limited , and such as i called collected truths , being gathered from the settled phaenomena of nature , and are lyable to this limitation or exception , that they are true , where the irresistible power of god , or some other supernatural agent is not interpos'd to alter the course of nature . pyrocl. but do you think , there are no inconsistent propositions that you would call truths , wherein you cannot shew that one of them is but a gradual or emergent truth ? arnob. 't is one thing to inquire whether men have yet discerned , or i am able to make out , that one of the propositions you speak of is but a limited truth ; and another , to inquire , whether speaking absolutely and universally , it may to any intellect appear to be no more than such . for first i consider , that the reason why we judge things to be repugnant , being , that the notions or ideas we have of them seem to us inconsistent , if either of these notions be wrong framed , or be judged of by an unfit rule , we may think those propositions , to be contradictory that really are not so ; as , if you heedfully mark it , you shall find , that those that are wont to employ their imaginations about things that are the proper objects of the intellect , are apt to pronounce things to be unconceivable , only because they find them unimaginable ; as if the fancy and the intellect were faculties of the same extent : upon which account some have so grosly err'd , as to deny all immaterial substances , and chose rather so far to degrade the deity it self , as to impute to it a corporeal nature , than to allow any thing to have a being that is not comprehensible by their imagination , which themselves acknowledge to be but a corporeal faculty . but besides this mistake of things repugnant , which arises from the mis application or mis-management of our discerning faculties , i consider in the next place , that there may be another that proceeds from the imperfection and limitedness of our understanding , which being unable to judge of privileged things at the same rate that it does of other objects , may sometimes be unable to discover that reconcileableness that a more illuminated and penetrating faculty may discern . this may be illustrated by what usually happens at sea , ( for there mens prospect is the most free ) when looking towards the main , the sky and the waters seem to meet at the edge of the ( sensible ) horizon , tho indeed they are as far distant as heaven is from earth ; and on the other side if you skillfully mix together the dry and fine powder ef orpiment , and that of indico , you will produce a green colour , as is known to painters , and the eye takes notice but of an uniform mixture , in which it sees neither blew nor yellow : but if , ( as experience shews ) you look on this mixture with a very good microscope , the emergent colour will disappear ; and you will plainly see instead of it , blew and yellow grains of the powders distinct from one another . which instances may serve to shew the imbecillity of our visive faculty ; and the later of them may teach us , that a thing may appear one and differing , as 't is looked upon by a more or less discerning sight . but an instance more home to our present purpose may be afforded by yellow diamonds , which because of their colour , not only other men , but the generality of goldsmiths ( in whose error i have sometimes shared ) take to be counterfeit gems , or at best but right topazes , whereas very skillful lapidaries , will by sure signs discover and acknowledge them to be true diamonds , notwithstanding their seeming difference from unquestion'd ones , and account them to be of the same nature with that noblest kind of jewels . whence we may learn that a more skillful judge may discern an agreement in things that almost all other men think they see manifestly to be of distant natures . eugenius . give me leave , gentlemen , to say on this occasion , that i have several times observed , that men judge some things to be irreconcileable , not only when they are both of them represented to the understanding in the form of propositions ; but when one of them is but a notion , or a current difinition . for divers of these notions do contain in them a proposition , or are equivalent to it ; as when a circle is defin'd to be a figure contain'd in a line , all whose parts are equally distant from the middle-most point or center , this definition contains an affirmation of the essential property of a circle ; and by the generality of geometricians is therefore discriminated from that conick section which they call an ellipsis , tho that be also a figure terminated by one curve line . and because you are versed in mathematicks , i shall on this occasion shew you by a geometrical instance , that if a man have not genuine and adequate notions of the things he judges of , he may confidently , and even upon very probable grounds , judge things to be inconsistent , that in reality , are not so . for if an ordinary cultivater of mathematical disciplines should hear one man say , that such a figure is an ellipsis , and another affirm it to be a circle , he would think their assertions to be inconsistent , having his mind prepossessed with an ellipsis's , being a conical section , whose properties must therefore ( he supposes ) be very differing from those of a circle ; whereas such wary geometricians as the learned doctor wallis * will tell him , that the vulgar notions of conick sections are not adequate to the figures producible by them : for when a right cone is cut quite through by an inclining plane , the figure produced by the section agrees well with the received notion of an ellipsis , in which the diameters are of unequal length ; yet if the plane cut the cone parallel to the basis , that conick section will be a true circle , having all its diameters equal . 't is indeed an uncommon and unheeded account , but such an one upon which i have observed not only logicians , but philosophers themselves to err about judging things reconcileable or inconsistent ; that if a man be not sufficiently acquainted with the nature of any of the two things under consideration ( and much more if he be ignorant of , or mistaken about both ) he may think there is a contradiction between things , wherein a superior or more piercing intellect may discern a consistency ; for taking it for granted , that he knows one thing to be a truth , if some other thing be affirm'd to be so , which he has not understanding or skill enough to see how to reconcile to it , 't is no wonder , that how well soever this may be evinced , he should as little know how to admit , as how to reject it . this may be partly illustrated , and partly prov'd by instances drawn from the mathematicks themselves : for a novice in arithmetick , for example , finding that , according to his rules , there is not one mean proportional number between 4 and 32 , will scarce be able to reconcile that proposition to this other , that there are two mean proportionals between the mentioned numbers ; for he may with great appearance of reason ask , how , if there be not so much as one mean proportional , there can be two ? whereas those that are acquainted with the nature of ranks or series of numbers proceeding in geometrical proportion , will easily discern that between those two recited , both the number 8 , and the number 16 ; are mean proportionals . timotheus . tho i disallow not your instance , eugenius , yet i shall be willing to hear one or two others of a less abstracted nature . eug. to obey you , timotheus , i shall add , that if an old school-philosopher , or a mathematician not acquainted with the later discoveries made by telescopes , should hear one man say , that the moon is the most enlightned , when she appears full to us , and another affirm that she is more inlightned at the new moon than at the full , he would readily conclude , upon the supposition ( which he makes no doubt of ) that the moon receives all her light immediately from the sun , that the affirmation of the later ( astronomer ) cannot be true ; which yet he would not conclude , if he knew ( what is discovered by telescopes ) that the moon is as well inlightned by the earth , as the earth by the moon ; upon which score , whereas at the full she receives but those beams that come to her directly , from the sun , at the change she receives both them in that part of her body that is obverted to him , and those other beams of his that are reflected from the terrestrial globe to that part of the moon that is nearest to us . and to the foregoing instance , i shall add one more , that seems apposite enough to arnobius's purpose , and 't is , that before pythagoras , not only the vulgar of the greeks , but their philosophers and mathematicians too , observing oftentimes that a bright star preceded the rising sun , and that frequently also ( on other days ) after sun-set , another star appear'd , that was none of the fix'd ones ; they confidently concluded from the so distant times of apparition , that the sun was attended by two differing stars , to which accordingly they gave two differing names : but pythagoras , who was a far better astronomer ( as may be guessed , among other things , by his maintaining in those early times the motion of the earth about the sun ) undertook to disabuse them , and effected it . now if one that had observed venus only in the mornings , should have affirm'd , that besides the six known planets , there was but a seventh ( namely the phosphorus ) which preceded the rising sun ; and another , ( that had taken notice notice of her only in the evenings ) should assert , that besides the same six known ones , the only seventh was that called hesperus , which sometimes appear'd after his setting ; a by-stander would presently have concluded , that their assertions were not reconcileable , either to one another , or to the truth ; which ( in his judgment ) was , that there must be no less than eight visible planets ; and yet pythagoras , who had more skill , and more piercing wit , did , ( as was lately noted ) discern and teach , that these two phaenomena were produc'd by one and the same planet venus , determined by its peculiar motion ( about the sun ) to shew it self near our horizon , sometimes before he ascends it , and sometimes after he had left it . such instances as these , tho offered but as illustrations , may perswade us from being too forward to reject every proposition , that we see not how to reconcile to what we take for a truth ; provided the distrusted proposition be such as we would acquiesce in , if we could reconcile it to that supposed truth . timotheus . from this discourse , eugenius , and that of arnobius , which preceded it , i think one may gather , that according to you two , when two propositions are laid down , whereof one is made evident to us by experience , or by reason , acting within its own jurisdiction or compass ; and the other is sufficiently proved by being mathematically demonstrated , or duly attested by divine revelation , we ought not to reject either of these propositions , as no truth , meerly because we do not yet know how to reconcile them : but we should rather think , that the collected proposition , is but a gradual , or limited truth ; or else we should consider , that we knowing but so imperfectly as we do the particular natures of privileg'd subjects , for ought we know a superior intellect may be able to discern a friendly agreement between what is deliver'd about that subject , and the affirmation that seems repugnant to it , tho we are not quick-sighted enough to perceive this agreement . and this , how strange soever you may think it , pyrocles , may not only be countenanc'd by such things as eug. lately said , but both you your self , and almost all mankind do de facto seem to practise it , in the case of the divine prescience of mans free actions . eugenius . what you contend for , gentlemen , may perhaps be thought the more receivable , if one should argue thus : first either the propositions said to be repugnant , are both really true , or they are not ; if it be answered , that they are not , the difficulty is at an end : for there is none at all to conceive a true proposition , should contradict a false one . but , secondly , if both the propositions be supposed to be true , it must be affirm'd , either that they are reconcileable , or that they are not ; if it be said , they are not , then pyrocles his objection is out of doors ; for it cannot then be reasonable to say , that the two propositions , tho inconsistent with one another , must necessarily be one or other of them inconsistent with the truth . but this i presume he will by no means assert , and consequently , must say , that the propositions are reconcileable . upon which answer i shall demand , how that can be , unless a superior intellect , such as unquestionably the divine is , can discover an agreement between propositions wherein we cannot discern it . for our not being able to discern it , is you know professedly supposed in the case we discourse of . pyrocles . but , arnobius , will not this doctrine make us very liable to have falsities imposed on us at the pleasure of bold and dictating men ? arnob. not , if it be limited to the subjects wherein alone i would have it admitted ; for if neither of the things treated of be a privileg'd one , but both in the jurisdiction of ordinary reason , i do not only consent , but ( in my first advice ) require , that the propositions fram'd about them be estimated according to the common dictates of reason . and even in cases where one of the propositions is about a privileg'd thing , i do not at all think fit , that it should be received in spite of its being repugnant to the gradual truth delivered in the other , unless it can by some other argument sufficient in its kind be proved to be true ; and in that case , that , what i plead for , ought to be admitted , is implyed by the suffrage of almost all mankind , in that case , which was just now pertinently mentioned by timotheus : for tho men know not how to reconcile the liberty of mans will , with the infallible knowledge that god has of those actions that flow from it , yet they have unanimously judged it reasonable to believe both free-will and prescience ; the former , because they felt it in themselves ; and the later , partly because the foreknowledge of things being manifestly a perfection , ought not to be denyed to god , whom they looked upon as a being supremely perfect ; and partly because some actions and events that they all judg'd to flow from mens free-will , were , as the generality of men believ'd , foretold by prophetick oracles . but except in such cases as i have been naming , i am altogether of pyrocles's mind , that since we have scarce any way of discovering a falsity , but by its being repugnant to somewhat that is true ; to deny , that in cases within the juridiction of ordinary reason , the repugnancy of a proposition to any manifest truth , ought to sway our judgments , were to deprive us of the usefullest criterion to discriminate between falshood and truth . timoth. for my part , who believe with many philosophers , as well heathen as christian , that humane souls owe their origine to god , and with almost all philosophers , ( for i know what the stoicks held ) that as he is the supreme being , so he is a most free agent , i see not why , as he has given to corporeal beings divers qualities , very differing in their degrees of nobleness ; so he might not give to the intelligent productions of his power and will , various degrees of intellectual capacities as well as a limitedness of nature . and as it will not follow , that because we can see with our eyes very small objects , and imagine such as are yet much smaller , either the eye , or the imagination can ever reach to so small an object as an atome ; so it will not follow that because we are able to frame conceptions of immaterial beings , we must therefore be able to understand the nature of god , and the harmony of all his monadical attributes . a little boy may have a clear notion of three , four , five , or other smaller numbers , and yet may be unable to frame good conceptions of triangular and other polygon numbers ( as some call them ) and much more of the abstruse affections of surd numbers , and the roots of the higher algebraical powers . to discern particular truths is one thing , and to be able to discover the intercourse and harmony between all truths , is another thing , and a far more difficult one ; as a traveller may upon the english shoar know that he sees the ocean , and upon the coast of affrick be made to do the like , and at the east indies also he may know that he sees the ocean ; and yet not know how those so distant seas communicate with each other , tho that may be manifest enough to a cosmographer . arnob. what you say brings into my mind , that i have sometimes thought god and men enjoy truth , as differingly as they do time. for we men , as we enjoy time but by parcels , and always leave far the greatest part of it unreach'd to by us ; so we know but some particular truths , and are always ignorant of far more than we attain to . whereas god , as his eternity reaches to all the portions of time ( or measured durations ) so his omniscience gives him at one view a prospect of the whole extent of truth : ( as if a man could see the whole river of nilus with all its turnings and windings from its hidden springs to its entrance into the sea. ) upon which account he sees all particular truths , not only distinct , but in their systeme , and so sees a connexion between those that to us seem'd the most distant ones . arnob. there remains now , gentlemen , but one part more of your penance to be undergone ; for 't is high time , i should hasten to the relief of a patience i have so long distress'd , and therefore i shall give it but one exercise more , and conclude your trouble with some reflections on this last advice . the sixth advice , or rule . that in privileg'd things we ought not always to condemn that opinion which is liable to ill consequences , and incumbred with great inconveniencies , provided the positive proofs of it be sufficient in their kind . that this advice may be the more easily admitted , i shall separately suggest three things , which i desire may be afterwards considered all together . first , that clear positive proofs , proportionate to the nature of things , are genuine and proper motives to induce the understanding to assent to a proposition as true ; so that 't is not always necessary to the evidence and firmness of an assent , that the intellect takes notice of the consequences that may be drawn from it , or the difficulties wherewith it may be incumbered . this is plain in those assents which of all others , at least that are meerly natural , are by knowing men thougt to be the most undoubted and the best grounded ; i mean the assents that are given to the truth of geometrical demonstrations : and yet , euclid , for instance , in all his elements of geometry , in some of which surprising paradoxes are delivered , ( as in the sixteenth proposition of the third book , and the 117th of the tenth book , to name no more ) contents himself to demonstrate his assertions in a mathematical way , and does not , that i remember , answer or take notice of any one objection : and the geometricians of our days think they may safely receive his propositions upon the demonstrations annexed to them , without knowing or troubling themselves about the subtleties employed by the sceptick sextus empiricus , or others of that sect in their writings against the mathematicians , and all assertors of assured knowledge . the second thing i would offer to your consideration , is , that the former part of our discourse has manifested , that there are some things which our humane and imperfect understandings either cannot , or at least do not , perfectly comprehend : and that nevertheless men have not refrain'd from presuming to dogmatize and frame notions and rules about such things , as if they understood them very well . whence it must needs come to pass , that if they were mistaken ( as in things so abstruse , 't is very like they often were ) those that judge by the rules they laid down , must conceive the propositions opposite to their mistakes , to be liable to very great , if not insuperable difficulties and objections . and this second consideration , in conjunction with the first , will make way for the third , as a natural production of them , which is , that , as we need not wonder that privileged things , which are wont to be so sublime as to have been out of the view of those that fram'd the rules whereby we judge of other things , should be thought liable to great objections by them who judge of all things only by those rules ; so we should not require or expect more evidence of a truth relating to such things , than that there are for it such sufficient positive reasons , as notwithstanding objections and inconveniences , make it , upon the whole matter , worthy to be embraced . pyrocles . but can that be worthy to be assented to , which is liable to objections and inconveniences , which the maintainers confess they know not how to avoid ? does not your euclid himself in some of his demonstrations imploy that way of reasoning which some of his latine interpreters call deductio ad absurdum ? arnob. euclid indeed ( as well as other mathematicians ) besides that more satisfactory way of direct probation , which perhaps he might have oftner imployed than he did , has sometimes where he thought it needful , made use of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you speak of . but in these cases he never goes out of the discipline he treats of , and confining himself to arguments drawn from quantity , he urges nothing as absurd , but what is undeniably repugnant to some truth he had already demonstrated , or to those clear and undisputed definitions , axioms , or postalata , which he supposes to have been already granted by those he would convince . but tho he thus argues to prove that his readers cannot contradict him without contradicting themselves ; yet we find not that he was at all solicitous to clear those difficulties that so quick-sighted a man could not but know some of his theorems to be attended with : but contents himself to demonstrate the incommensurableness of the side and diagonal of a square , without troubling himself to take notice of the difficulties that attend the endless divisibility of a line , which would follow from what he demonstrated . but , pyrocles , to look back to the first part of your objection , tho what you say will hold in ordinary cases , yet such peculiar ones , as we are speaking of , deserve a particular consideration . about some privileged things there are , and about some others there may be contradictory opinions ( taking that term in a strict sense ) maintain'd . now as both of these cannot be true , so one of them must be so : as , tho it be hotly disputed whether quantity be endlesly divisible , yet certainly it either must , or must not be divisible without end : and as was formerly observed which side soever you take , the inconveniencies will be exceeding great , and perhaps there will lye objections scarce to be directly answered . and since one of the two opposite opinions must be true , it will not always be necessary , that an opinion must be false , which is incumbred with great difficulties , or liable to puzzling objections . and therefore if the positive proofs on one side be clear and cogent , tho there be perplexing difficulties objected by the other ; the truth ought not for their sake to be rejected ; because such difficulties proceeding usually either from notions that men presume to frame about things above their reaches , or from rules that were not made for such points as are in dispute , the objections are not to be judged so well founded , as is that acknowledged principle in reasoning , that from truth , nothing but truth can be legitimately inferr'd . eugen. i confess i have always thought it reasonable in such cases to compare , as well the positive proofs of one opinion with those of the other , as those objections that are urg'd on either side ; and there make my estimate upon the whole matter ; tho with a peculiar regard to that opinion that has a great advantage in point of positive arguments ; because , as arnobius observ'd , those are the proper inducements to the assent of the intellect : and then the objections may well enough be suspected to proceed from the abstruse nature of privileg'd things , and the over-great narrowness of the rules that men are wont to judge of all things by . for we may have a sufficiently clear proof that a thing is , whilst we have no satisfactory conception of its manner of existing or operating ; our illative knowledge , if you will allow me so to speak , being clearer , and extending further than our intuitive or apprehensive knowledge . arnob. but even about things that we cannot sufficiently understand , we may in some cases exercise our reason , in answering objections that are thought not to be at all answerable , because they are not directly so . for we may sometimes shew , by framing in another case a like argument , which , the adversary must confess , does not conclude well , that neither does the argument that contains his objection conclude aright . this i could exemplifie ( tho that may seem no easie task ) but that i fear i should want time to propose examples , whose being very paradoxical would make them need much proof ; which you who i fear are quite tired already , would want patience to hear . wherefore i shall rather recommend to you one observation , which i take to be of no small moment and use , when we contemplate things of the nature of those we have been discoursing of : and it is this , that we must not expect to be able , as to privileg'd things , and the propositions that may be fram'd about them , to resolve all difficulties , and answer all objections ; since we can never directly answer those , which require for their solution a perfect comprehension of what is infinite : as a man cannot well answer the objections that may be made against the antipodes , the doctrine of eclipses , that of the different phases of the moon , and of the long days and nights of some months apiece , near the poles , ( not now to name that more abstruse part of astronomy , the theory of the planets ) unless he understand the nature of the sphere , and some other principles of cosmography . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28958-e270 ovied contr . 17. phys . rationem habere inter se quantitates dicuntur quae possunt multiplicatae , sese mutuo superare . definit . 5. elem. v. euclidis . notes for div a28958-e5520 * see his treatise de sectionibus conicis . philosophia pia, or, a discourse of the religious temper and tendencies of the experimental philosophy which is profest by the royal society to which is annext a recommendation and defence of reason in the affairs of religion / by jos. glanvill ... glanvill, joseph, 1636-1680. 1671 approx. 214 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 122 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42819) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53395) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 70:12) philosophia pia, or, a discourse of the religious temper and tendencies of the experimental philosophy which is profest by the royal society to which is annext a recommendation and defence of reason in the affairs of religion / by jos. glanvill ... glanvill, joseph, 1636-1680. [6], 234 p. printed by j. macock for james collins ..., london : 1671. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy and religion -early works to 1800. 2002-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-10 rina kor sampled and proofread 2002-10 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion philosophia pia ; or , a discourse of the religious temper , and tendencies of the experimental philosophy , which is profest by the royal society . to which is annext a recommendation , and defence of reason in the affairs of religion . by jos. glanvill rector of bath , and fellow of the royal society . london , printed by j macock for james collins at the kings-arms in ludgate street near the west end of s. pauls , and at his shop at the kings-head in westminster-hall . 1671. to the right reverend father in god seth lord bishop of sarum . my lord , i expect that this discourse which i here offer to your lordship should meet with a●…madverters ; as soon as it peeps into the world ; and if it be not encountred with rude , and ruffian-like oppositions , it will fare better than some other papers of mine whose designs were as harmless , and inoffensive . but whatever befals these sheets , my assailants shall sind , that i am none of those mean spirits that will so easily be hector'd into a non-plus : no , but since my ingaging in such a cause , makes them angry ; i shall yet provoke them more ; for i laugh at their vain boastings , and despise their feeble malice . i invoke not your lordships patronage by this address ; if i be in the right , truth will defend it self ; if not , 't is in vain to sollicite patrons . but , my lord , i prefix your name , that those may blush , who suspect the practical philosophy to be an enemy to religion ; and since custom hath made this a testimony of respect , i do it also to declare that i am , my lord , your lordships most humble honourer and servant , jos. glanvill . to the reader . the following discourse was first sent abroad incognito , and i had thoughts that it should so have continued ; but my book-seller desiring another impression of it , hath perswaded me to let it be annext to the former discourse ; to which i was the easier induced , because the subjects , and designs are of kin . in the other treatise i now , and then refer to this , and quore some things from it , which need not have been done , if i had thought of putting them abroad together , as i did not , when i writ that essay . this , that follows , was a visitation sermon ; i printed it for a reason i would mention , but then i must write more than i am disposed to do at present ▪ it found better acceptance among wise , and considering men , than i expected : if my reader bring capacity to it , i desire he would consider it attentively too , for i would not have it looked on as a loose harangue to be run over in haste ; but as a discourse that contains some thoughts , and such as i phansie may serve many purposes of religion . the glory of god in his works . introduction . it is the perverse opinion of hasty , inconsiderate men , that the study of nature is prejudicial to the interests of religion ; and those that are very zealous , and little wise , endeavour to render the naturalist suspected of holding secret correspondence with the atheist : which things , if really they were so , 't were fit that the writings of philosophers should be sent after the books of curious arts , that were voted to destruction by apostolick authority and zeal ; and then were they all laid together in a fired heap , and one drop from my finger would quench the flames , i would not let fall that drop . but 't is to be hoped there is no such guilt , or danger in the case ; we may suppose rather , that those unkind surmisals concerning natural wisdom , are the effects of super●…ious ignorance ; yea , i doubt they are some of the reliques of that barbarism , that made heresie of greek and hebrew , and magick of all mathematical endeavours . and now , were this gross conceit about the knowledge of nature ▪ only the fear , and fancy of the meer vulgar , it were to be pardon'd easily , and lightly to be consider'd ; but the worst is , the infection of the weak jealousie hath spread it self among some of those whose lips should preserve knowledge ; and there are , i doubt , divers of the instructors of the people , who should endeavour to deliver them from the vain images of fancy , that foment those fears in their own imaginations , and theirs . for the sake of such , and those others , who are capable of conviction , i shall endeavour to justisie sober inquisitions into gods works ; and to shew , that they are not only innocent , but very useful in most of the affairs wherein religion is concerned . this i shall do under these four general heads . ( i. ) that god is to be praised for his works . ( ii. ) that his works are to be studied by those that would praise him for them . ( iii. ) that the study of nature , and gods works , is very serviceable to religion . ( iv ) that the ministers and professors of religion ought not to discourage , but promote the knowledge of nature and the works of it's author . i shall speak of these in their order . chap. i. that god is to be praised , and particularly for his works . ( i. ) he directs to his works , for demonstrations of his magni●…icence and glory . ( ii. ) holy men gather instances of acknowledgment from the creatures , when they would praise their creator . ( iii ) god sanc●…ed a day for the celebration of his works . that gods works are to be studied by those that would praise him for them . that the study of nature , and gods works , is very s●…viceable to religion . sect . i. the first contains two things , viz. that god is to be praised ; and particularly for his works . the former is the constant voice of scripture , and universal nature ; he is wor●…y to be praised , saith the kingly prophet , 2 sam. xxii . 4. greatly to be praised , saith the same royal saint , 1 chron. xvi . 25. we are to offer him the sacrifice of praise , heb. xiii . 15. and are encouraged to do so , because , it is good to sing praises ; and praise is comely for the upright , psalm cxlvii . and psalm xxxiii . to recite all the particular recommends and commands of this duty were endless , i only mention the next to my thoughts , and adde , that nature saith the same , that praise is the tribute that is due to the author of our beings ; and we can offer him nothing less , and in a manner nothing else . all the world have been unanimous in this , and the rudest part of mankind , have owned the dueness of praise and devout acknowledgment . and ( ii. ) the other branch is as clear , that god is to be praised particularly for his works ; for in these we have very full discoveries of his perfections , and his mercies , the most proper subjects for our praises . but here i must be more large , and therefore propose the following things to be consider'd . ( i. ) when god himself would represent his own magnificenc●… and glory , he directs us to his works . he illustrates his greatness to job , by instancing the wonders of his creatures : among whom we are sent to the earth , and ocean , to the clouds , and rain , to the light , and heavenly influence , to behemoth , and leviathan , to the ostrich , and the eagle ; and the other furniture of land , and air , and seas , in the 4 last chapters of that book ; in all these are the marks of his glory , and his greatness , and they are no less so of his wisdom , and his goodness ; for in wisdom he hath made them all , psal. civ . and the earth is full of his goodness , psal. cxix . 54. sect . ii. and again ( ii. ) when devout and holy men would quicken their own souls , and those of others , to praise him , they use the same method , and send abroad their thoughts among the creatures to gather instances of acknowledgment . thus elihu in job magnifieth his power by the lightning , and thunder , by the snow , and rain , by the whirlwinds of the north , and cold of the south , and calls upon his afflicted friend to remember to magnifie his works that men behold ; and again bids him stand still , and consider the wondrous works of god , job xxxvi . and xxxvii . chapters . and the psalmist upon the same account urgeth his soul to bless his maker for his majesty , and honour disclosed in the natural wonders of the heavens , and earth , the winds , and waters , the springs , and grass , the trees , and hills , psalm civ . throughout , and he gives particular thanks again , cxxxvi . psalm , for the discoveries of the divine wisdom , and mercy in the same instances of his providence and power ; which he further celebrates by calling upon the noblest of inanimates to praise him . psal. cxlviii . praise him sun and moon , praise him ô ye stars and light ; which creatures of his , though they are not able to sing hallelujahs , and so vocally to rehearse his praise , yet they afford glorious matter for grateful and triumphant songs , and by their beauty , and their order excite those that study , and observe them , to adore , and glorifie their maker . and therefore the prophet runs on further into an aggregation of more particulars , of fire , and hail , storms , and vapours , mountains , and cedars , beasts , and fouls , and creeping things ; all which in the same divin●… canticle are summon'd to praise him , that is , we are required to use them as the matter , and occasions of holy eucharist , and thanksgiving . to these i adde , ( iii. ) that god was pleased to sanctifie a solemn day for the celebration of his works . he appointed a sabbath for rest , and contemplation to himself , and for praise and acknowledgment to us ; and his making heaven , and earth , the sea , and all that in them is , is intimated in the commandment , as the reason of the consecration of that day ; which was observed upon that account among the jews ; and the devout christians of eldest times kept the same in memory of gods creation after the institution of the other sabbath . this i take to be enough for the first proposition , viz. that god is to be praised for his works . i descend to the second , which is , sect . iii. ( ii. ) that his works are to be studied by those that would praise him for them . we are commanded to sing praises with understanding , psal. xl . 7. and the offering he requires , is that of a reasonable service . his works receive but little glory from the rude wonder of the ignorant ; and there is no wise man that values the applauses of a blind admiration . no one can give god the glory of his providences , that lets them pass by him unobserv'd ; nor can he render due acknowledgments to his word , that doth not search the scriptures : 't is alike impossible to praise the almighty , as we ought , for his works , while we carelesly regard them . we are commanded to search for wisdom , as for hidden treasure . it lies not exposed in the common ways ; and the chief wonders of divine art , and goodness are not on the surface of things , layed open to every careless eye . the tribute of praise that we owe our maker , is not a formal , slight confession that his works are wonderful , and glorious ; but such an acknowledgment as proceeds from deep observation , and acquaintance with them . and though our profoundest study , and inqu●…ies cannot unriddle all the mysteries of nature , yet do they still discover new motives to devout admiration , and new objects for our loudest praises . thus briefly of the second proposition also , viz. that gods works are to be studied by those that would praise him for them . from these i now advance to the third , which will require more thoughts , and it is , sect . iv. ( iii. ) that the study of nature and gods works is very serviceable to religion . we commonly believe that the glory of god is the end of this ; we say 't is his , and we know 't is ours ; and the divine glory is writ upon his creatures ; the more we study them , the better we understand those characters , the better we read his glory , and the more fit are we to celebrate , and proclaim it . thus the knowledge of god's works promotes the end of religion . and it disposeth us to it , by keeping the soul under a continual sense of god. he that converseth with his works , finds in all things the clear stamps of infinite benignity , and wisdom ; he perceives the divine art in all the turnings , and varieties of nature , and divine goodness in that . he observes god in the colour of every flower , in every fi●…re of a plant , in every limb of an insect , in every drop of dew . he meets him in all things , and sees ▪ all things are his , and hath an advantage hereby to be instructed how to use them , as our makers , not ours , with reverence , and thanksgiving , with an eye to his glory , and an aim at his enjoyment . this is the genuine tendency of the knowledge of nature ; if it be abused to different , and contrary purposes , natural wisdom is not in fault , but he that turns this excellent instrument of religion , upon it self . but that better use may be made of it ; and by some is , will appear by considering particularly how acquaintance with nature assists religion against its greatest enemies , which are atheism , sadducism , superstition , enthusiasm , and the humour of disputing . chap. ii. philosophy serves religion against atheism , by shewing the wonderful art , and contrivance that is in the contexture of the effects of nature . 't is to be suspected that he is an atheist , that saith philosophy tends to atheism . no philosophy doth so much assist religion against atheism , as the experimental and mechanick . sect . i. for the first , atheism , i reckon thus , the deeper insight any man hath into the affairs of nature , the more he discovers of the accurateness , and art that is in the contexture of things . for the works of god are not like the compositions of fancy , or the tricks of juglers , that will not bear the light of a strict scrutiny ; but their exactness is honour'd by severity of inspection ; and he admires most , that knows most ; since the insides and remotest recesses of things have the clearest strokes of inimitable wisdom on them , and the artifice is more in the wheel-work , then in the case . for if we look upon any of the works of nature through a magnifying glass that makes deep discoveries , we find still more beauty , and more uniformity of contrivance ; whereas if we survey the most curious piece of humane ingenuity by that glass , it will discover to us numerous flaws , deformities and imperfections in our most elegant mechanicks : hence i gather , that the study of god's works shewing us more of the riches of nature , opens there by a fairer prospect of those treasures of wisdom that are lodged within it ; and so furnisheth us with deeper sences , and more arguments , and clearer convictions of the existence of an infinitely intelligent being , that contrived it in so harmonious , and astonishing an order . so that if any are so brutish , as not to acknowledge him upon the view of the meer external frame of the universe , they must yet fall down before the evidence , when philosophy hath opened the cabinet , and led them into the jewel-house , and shewn them the splendid and artful variety that is there . thus though the obvious firmament , and the motions of the sun , and stars , the ordinary vicissitudes of seasons , and productions of things , the visible beauty of the great world , and the appearing variety , and fitness of those parts that make up the little one , our selves , could scarce secure galen ●…rom the danger of being an a●…st : yet when he pryed further by ●…mical enquiries , and sa●… the wonderful diversity , ap●…ness , and order of the minutest strings , pipes , and passages that are in the inward fabrick ; he could not ab●…ain from the devoutness of an anthem of acknowledgment . and that the real knowledge of nature leads us by the hand to the cons●… of its author , is taught us by the holy pen-man , who saith , that the visill●… things of the creation declare him . the plebeian and obvious world no doubt doth , but the philosophical much more . so that whosoever saith , that inquiry into nature , and gods works leads to any degree of atheism , gives great ground of suspicion that himself is an atheist ; or that he is that other thing , that the royal psalmist calls him , that saith in his heart there is no god. for either he acknowledgeth the art , and exactness of the works of nature ; or he doth not ; if not , he disparageth the divine architect , and disables the chief argument of his existence : if he doth , and yet assirms that the knowledge of it leads to atheism , he saith he knows not what , and in ●…ct this , that the sight of the order , and method of a regular and beautiful contrivance tends to perswade that chance , and fortune was the author . sect . ii. but i remember i have discours'd of this elsewhere , and what i have said for philosophy in general from it's tendency to devout acknowledgments , is not so true of any as of the experimental and mechanick . for the physiology of the modern peripatetick schools creates notions , and turns nature into words of second intention , but discovers little of its real beauty , and harmonious contrivance ; so that god hath no glory from it ; nor men any argument of his wisdom , or existence . and for the metaphysical proofs , they are for the most part deep , and nice , subject to evasions , and turns of wit , and not so generally perswasive , as those drawn from the plain , and sensible topicks , which the experimental philosophy inlargeth , and illustrates . this then gives the grand , and most convictive assurance of the being of god , and acquaintance with this kind of learning furnishet●… us with the best weapons todefend it . for the modern atheists are pretenders to the mechanick principles , and their pretensions cannot be shamed , or defeated by any so well , as by those who throughly understand them . these indeed perceive sometimes that there is only nature in some things that are taken to be supernatural and miraculous , and the shallow naturalist sees no further , and therefore rests in nature ; but the deep philosopher shews the vanity , and unreasonableness of taking up so short ; and discovers infinite wisdom at the end of the chain of causes . i say , if we know no further then occult qualities , elements , heavenly influences , and forms , we shall never be able to disprove a mechanick atheist , but the more we understand of the laws of matter and motion , the more shall we discern the necessity of a wise mind to order the blind , and insensible matter , and to direct the original motions ; without the conduct of which , the universe could have been nothing but a mighty chaos , and mis●…n mass of everlasting confusions , and disorders . this of the first , viz. that the knowledge of nature serves religion against atheism , and that it doth also , chap. iii. philosophy helps religion against sadducism , in both its branches , viz. as it denies the existence of spirits ; and immortality of humane souls . none so well able to disprove the sadduce , as those that understand the philosophy of matter , and motion . the hypothesis of substantial forms , prejudicial to the doctrine of the immortality of the soul. sect . i. ( ii. ) against sadducism . 't is well known that the sadduces denyed the existence of spirits , and immortality of souls ; and the heresie is sadly receiv'd in our days . what a spirit is ; and whether there be spirits , or not ; are questions that appertain to the disquisition of philosophy . the holy scripture , that condescends to the plain capacities of men , useth the word spirit commonly for the more subtile , and invisible bodies , and 't wil be difficult from thence to fetch a demonstrative proof of spirits , in the strict notion . that there are angels , and souls which are purer then these gross bodies , may no doubt be concluded from thence ; but whether these are only a finer sort of matter , or a different kind of beings , cannot , i think , be determin'd by any thing deliver'd in the divine oracles . the inquiry therefore belongs to philosophy , which , from divers operations in our own souls concludes , that there is a sort of beings which are not matter or body , viz. being self-motive , penetrable , and indivisible ; attributes directly contrary to those of matter , which is impenetrable , divisible , and void of self-motion . by these properties , respectively , the distinct nature of spirit and body is known , and by the same , that there are spirits , in the strictest s●…nce , as well as corporal beings . now by stating the nature , and proving the existence of spirits a very considerable service is done to religion : for hereby our notion of the adorable deity is freed from all material grosness , in which way those must conceive him , that acknowledge nothing but body in the world , which certainly is a very great dis-interest to his glory , and suggests very unbecoming thoughts of him . and by the due stating of the notion of a spirit , that silly conceit of the souls traduction is over●…hrown , which either ariseth from direct sadducism , or a defect in philosophy . hereby our immortality is undermined , and dangerously exposed . but due philosophical disquisition will set us ●…ight in the theory . for the former of the mention'd errours , the anthropomorphite doctrines , that make god himself a corporeal substance , they cannot be disproved but by the use of the principles of philosophy ; since let us bring what arguments we can from the scriptures , which speak of the perfection , infinity , immensity , wisdom , and other attributes of god , all these no doubt will be granted ; but the quaery will be whether all may not belong to a material being ; a question which philosophy resolves ; and there is no other way to search deep into this matter , but by it's aids . so likewise as to the traduction of the soul ; the arguments from scripture against it are very general , yea many exp●…ions there , 〈◊〉 at ●…irst ●…ght to look that way . and therefore this other help , philosophy , must be used here also ; and by the distinct representation which it gives of the nature of spirit , and matter , and of the operations that appertain to each , this errour is effectually confuted ; which it cannot be by any other course of procedure . this philosophy befriends us against sadducism in the first branch of it , as it explodes the being of spirits . sect . ii. the other is , the denyal of the immortality of our souls ; the establishment of this likewise , the students of philosophy and gods works in all ages have attempted , and they have prov'd it by the philosophical considerations of the nature of sense ; the quickness of imagination ; the spirituality of the understanding ; the fredom of the will , from these they infer , that the soul is immaterial , and from thence , that it is immortal ; which arguments are some of the most demonstrative and cogent that th●… meer reasons of men can use ; but cannot be manag'd , nor understood but by those , that are instructed in philosophy , and nature . i confess there are other demonstrations of our immortality , for the plain understandings that cannot reach those heights . the scripture gives clear evidence , and that of the resurrection of the holy jesus , is palpable : but yet the philosophical proofs are of great use , and serve for the conviction of the infidel , with whom the other inducements are nothing ; and the deeper knowledge of things is necessary to defend this great article of religion against these , since they alledge a sort of reason to prove the soul to be mortal , that cannot be confuted but by a reason instructed in the observations of nature . for the modern sadduce pretends that all things we do , are performed by meer matter , and motion , and cons●…quently that there is no such thing as an immaterial being : and therefore that when our bodies are dissolv'd , the man is lost , and our souls are nothing ; which dismal conclusion is true , and certain , if there be nothing in us but matter , and the results of motion ; and those that converse but little with nature , understand little what may be done by these ; and so cannot be so well assured that the elevations , mixtures , and combinations of them cannot be at last improv'd so far , as to make a sensible , reasoning being ; nor are they well able to disprove one , that affirms that they actually are so : whereas be that hath much inquired into the works of god , and nature , gains a clear sight of what matter can perform , and gets more , and stronger arguments to convince him , that it's modifications , and changes cannot amount to perception and sense ; since in all it's varieties , and highest exaltations he ●…inds no specimens of such powers . and though , i confess , that all mechanick inquirers make not this use of their inquisitions and discoveries ; yet that is not the fault of the method , but of the men ; and those that have gone to the greatest height in that way , have receded furthest from the sadducean principles . among such , i suppose , i may be allowed to reckon the noble renatus des-cartes ; and his metaphysicks and notions of immaterial beings , are removed at the greatest distance from all corporeal affections ; which i mention not to signi●…ie my adherence to those principles ; but for an instance , to shew , how that deep converse with matter , and knowledge of its operations , removes the mind far off from the belief of those high effects which some ascribe to corporeal motions ; and from all suppositions of the souls being bodily , and material . sect . iii. thus philosophy is an excellent antidote against sadducism , in both the main branches of it . but then i must confess also , that the philosophy of the late peripatetick writers doth rather contribute assistance to it , then overthrow this dangerous insidelity , i mean in what it teacheth concerning substantial forms , which i fear tends to the dis-abling all philosophical evidence of the immortality of our souls . for these peripateticks make their forms , a kind of medium between body , and spirit ; beings , that depend upon matter , are educed from it , and perish when they cease to inform it ; but yet ●…rm , that they are not material in their constitution and essence . such forms those philosophers assign to all bodies , and teach , that the noblest sort of them are sensitive , and perceptive , which are the souls of brutes . if this be so , that beings which are not spirits , but corruptible dependants upon matter , may be endowed with animadversion , and sence ; what arguments then have we to shew , that they may not have reason also , which is but an improvement , and higher degree of simple perception ? 't is as hard to be apprehended how any of the re●…s of matter , should perceive ; as how they should joyn their perceptions into reasonings , and the same propositions that prove the possibility of one , prove both ; so th●…t those who a●…rm that beasts also are in a degree reasonable , speak very consonantly to those principles . if then , such material , corruptible forms as the peripateticks describe , are sufficient for all the actions and perceptions of beasts , i know not which way to go about to demonstrate that a more elevated sort of them may not suffice for the reasonings of men . to urge the topicks of proof i mention'd , from notions , compositions , deductions , and the like , which are alledged to prove our souls immaterial ; i say to plead these , will signi●…e nothing , but this , that humane souls are no portions of matter , nor corporeal in their make , and formal essence ; but how will they evince , that they are not educed from it , depend not on matter , and shall not perish in the ruines of their bodies . certainly all those arguments that are brought for our immortality , are in this way perfectly disabled . for all that we can say , will prove but this , that the soul is no body , or part of m●… ; but this will amount to no evidence , if there are a middle kind of essences , that are not corporeal , and yet mortal . so that when i say , that philosophy serves religion against sadducism , i would not be understood to mean the peripatetick ●…ypotheseis ; but that philosophy which is grounded upon acquaintance with real nature . 〈◊〉 , ●…y leaving this whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of beings out of it ▪ s accounts , ( 〈◊〉 ●…ings for which there is no shadow of ground from reason , or nature , but plentiful evidence of their non-existence from both ) disappoints the sadduce of the advantage he hath from this needless , and precarious principle . and by dividing all substances into body and spirit , without the admission of middle natures , the real philosophy gives demonstrative force to those arguments for our immortality , that prove our souls are not bodys ; and so sadducism is ruined by it . these things i have thought fit to advertise , not out of design to carp at any particular way of philosophy , but for the security of my discourse . and though i have made a little bold with the peripateticks here , yet the great name of aristotle , to which they pretend , is not concerned ; for i am convinc'd that he taught no such doctrine of substantial forms , as his later sectators , and interpreters have put upon him ; who indeed have depraved , and corrupted his sense , almost in the whole body of his principles ; and have presented the world with their own fancies , instead of the genuine doctrines of that philosopher . but i proceed . chap. iv. philosophy assists religion against superstition , both as it expresseth it self in fond over-value of things in which there is no good and panick fear of those , in which there is no hurt . it inlargeth the mind , and so cures superstition by bett'ring the intellectual crasis . it removes the causless fears of some extraordinary effects in nature , or accident . it is an antidote against the superstition of vain prodigies . it 's antipathy to superstition , one cause of the charge of atheism against it . sect . i. ( iii. ) the real philosophy , that inquires into gods works , assists religion against superstition , another of its mortal enemies . that i may prove this , it must be premised , that superstition consists , either in bestowing religious valuation on things , in which there is no good ; or fearing those , in which there is no hurt . so that this folly expresseth it self one while in doting upon opinions , as fundamentals of faith ; and idolizing the little models of fancy , for divine institutions . and then it runs away afraid of harmless , indi●…erent appointments , and looks pale upon the appearance of any unusual effect of nature . it tells ominous stories of every meteor of the night ; and makes sad interpretations of each unwonted accident . all which are the products of ignorance , and a narrow mind , which defeat the design of religion that would make us of a free , manly , and generous spirit ; and indeed represent christianity as if it were a fond , sneaking , weak , peevish thing , that emasculates mens understandings , makes them amorous of toys , & keeps them under the servility of childish ●…ars ; so that hereby it is exposed to the distrust of larger minds , and to the scorn of atheists ; these and many more are the mischiess of superstition , as we have sadly seen . now against this evil spirit , and its influences , the real , experimental philosophy is one of the be●… securities in the world . for by a generous , and open inquiry in the great field of nature , mens minds are enlarged , and taken off from all fond adherences to th●…ir private sentiments . they are taught by it , that certainty is not in many things ; and that the most valuable knowledge is the practical ; by which means they will find themselves disposed to more indifferency towards those petty notions in which they were before apt to place a great deal of religion ; and so to reckon , that that which will signifie lies in the few , certain , operative principles of the gospel ; and a life suitable to such a faith ; not in doting upon questions , and speculations that engender strife ; and thus the modern , experimental philosophy of gods works , is a remedy against ●…he notional superstition ( as i may call it ) which hath been , and is so fatal to religion , and the peace of mankind . besides which , by making the mind great , this knowledge delivers it from fondness on small circumstances , and imaginary models ; and from little scrupulosities about things indifferent , which usually disquiet in narrow and contracted minds . and i have known divers , whom philosophy , and not disputes , hath cured of this malady . and indeed that remedy is the best , and most effectual , that alters the crasis and disposition of the mind ; for 't is suteableness to that , which makes the way to mens judgments , and setles them in their perswasions . there are few that hold their opinions by arguments , and dry reasonings , but by congru●…y to the understanding , and consequently by relish in the a●…ctions : so that seldom any thing 〈◊〉 our intellectual diseases throughly , but what changes these . this i dare affirm , that the free , experimental philosophy will do to purpose , by giving the mind another tincture , and introducing a sounder habit , which by degrees will at last absolutely repel all the little malignities , and setle it in a strong and manly temperament , that will master , and cast out idle dotages , and effeminate fears . the truth is , this world is a very bedlam , and he that would cure madmen , must not attempt it by reasoning , or indeavour to shew the absurdity of their conceits ; but such a course must be taken , as may restore the mind to a right crasis , and that when 't is essected , will reduce , and rectisie the extravagances of the distemper'd brain , which disputes , and oppositions will but inslame , and make worse . thus for instance , when frantick persons are fond of feathers , and mightily taken with the employment of picking straws , 't would signisie very little , to represent to them the vanity of the objects of their delights ; and when the melancholido was afraid to sit down for fear of being broken , supposing himself made of glass , it had been to little purpose to have declared to him the ridiculousness of his fears ; the disposition of the head was to be alter'd , before the particular phrensie could be cured . 't is too evident how just this is in the application to the present age ; superstitions fondness , and fears are a real degree of madness . and though i cannot say that philosophy must be the only catholick way of cure ( for of this , the far greatest part of men is absolutely incapable ) yet this i do , that 't is a remedy for those that are strong enough to take it : and the rest must be helped by that , which changeth the genius , which cannot ordinarily be done by any thing that opposeth the particular fancy . sect . ii. however i must say , that the sort of superstition which is yet behind in my account , and consists in the causless fear of some extraordinaries , in accident , or nature , is directly cured by that philosophy which gives fair likely-hoods of their causes ; and clearly shews that there is nothing in them supernatural ; the light of the day drives away the mormo's , and vain images that fancy forms in obscure shades , and darkness . thus particularly the modern doctrine of comets , which have been always great bugs to the guilty , and timorous world , hath rescued philosophers from the trouble of dreadful presages , and the mischievous consequences that arise from those superstitious abodings . for whatever the casual coincidencies may be between those phaenomena , and the direful events , that are sometimes observed closely to attend them ( which , as my lord bacon truly notes , are observ'd when they hit , not when they miss ) i say , notwithstanding these , the real , experimental philosophy makes it appear , that they are heavenly bodies , far above all the regions of vapours , in which we are not concerned ; and so they are neither the signs , nor the causes of our mischiefs . for the other little things which afford matter for the tales about prodigies , and other ominous appearings , the knowledge of nature , by exciting worthy , & magnificent conceptions of the god of nature ; cures that blasphemous abuse of the adorable majesty , whereby foolish men attribute every trivial ev●…nt that may serve their turns against those they hate , to his immediate , extraordinary interposal . for 't is ignorance of god and his works that disposeth men to absurd , ridiculous surmises , uncharitable censures , seditious m●…chinations ; and so , to thoughts that are prejudicial to the glory of god , the interests of religion , and the security of government ; to that justice and charity we owe to others , and the happiness , and the love of our selves . to which i adde , that this kind of superstition is a relique of pagan ignorance , which made men look on thunder , eclipses , earthquakes , and all the more terrifying phaenomena of nature , as the immediate effects of powers supernatural ; and to judge events by flights of birds , and garbages of cattel , by the accidental occursions of this creature , and another , and almost every casual occurrence . but these particulars have been most ingeniously represented , and reproved in a late very elegant discourse about prodigies ; and though i do not acquiesce in the design of that excellently penn'd book , which is to discredit , and take away all kinds of presages . yet i think it hath done rarely well , so far as it discovers the folly and mischiefs of that ignorant , and superstitious spi●…it , that mak●…s every thing a prodigy . and with such apprehensions as these the knowledge of nature sills the mind that is instructed in it . and there is no doubt but that the antipathy the real p●…ilosophy hath to all the kinds of superstition , is one cause why zealous ignorance brands those researches wi●…h the mark of a●…heism . for superstitious folly adop●…s those paultry trifles , which philosophy contemns and reproves , into the family of religion , and therefore stigmatizeth those that despise them , as enemies to faith and piety . so it fared with some of the bravest spirits of antient times , who have had the black character ●…ixt upon their great and worthy names only for their oppositions of the foolish rites and idolatries of the vulgar heathen . we know the case of socrates . and as to the interest of their names , that of anaxagoras , theodorus , protagoras , and epicurus , was much worse ; the cau●…ess insamy coming down the stream as far as the last ages . since then , we know who was an hereti●…k for saying there were ant●…podes ; and a pope was taken for a conjurer for being a mathematician ; yea those noble sciences were counted diabolical ; and even the sacred language could searce escape the suspicion . in later times galilaeo fell into the inquisition for the discoveries of his telescopes ; and campanella could not endeavour to assert , and vindicate the freedom of his mind , without losing that of his external person . i might come nearer to our days , and knowledge : gothick barbarity , and the spirit of the inquisition is not quite worn out of the reformation ; though the best on 't is , it ordinarily remains but among the scum , and dregs of men : and no one is either less religious , or less wise for being accounted an a●…eist by the rabble . but where ever the knowledge of na●…ure , and gods works hath in any degree ob●…ain'd , those vile superstitions have been despised , and put to an infamous flight . but to take another s●…ep . chap. v. philosophy serves religion against enthusiasm . enthusiasm hurts religion two ways . ( i. ) by crying up diseases and excesses of fancy , for heights of godliness . ( ii. ) by the disparagement of reason . philosophy discovers that there is nothing but nature , in the high pretensions of the enthusiast . the mischiefs of decrying reason . philosophy removes th●… fancy of it's enmity to religion : it improves reason , and fits it for the service of religion . religion hath received many services from philosophical writers ; who have labour'd to prove it's truth and certainty . philosophy assists reason to defend religion . sect . i. ( iv. ) the real philosophy , and knowledge of gods works , serves religion against enthusiasm , another of its deadly enemies . now enthusiasm is a false conceit of inspiration ; and all the bold and mistaken pretensions to the spirit in our days , are of this sort . what particularly religion hath suffer'd from it , would be too long to describe upon this occasion ; it will be 〈◊〉 to say , in an age that hath so much and such sad experience of it , that enthusiasm , ( i. ) by crying up the ex●…s , and diseases of imagination for the greatest height of godliness . and ( ii. ) by the disparagement of sober reason , as an enemy to the principles of faith ; i say , by these two ways it hath in●…oduc'd a religion that is phantastical , and made way for all imaginable follies , and even atheism it self . for the ●…rst of these in order ; the real knowledge of nature detects the dangerous imposture , by shewing , what strange things may be effected by no diviner a cause , then a strong fancy impregnated by heated melancholy ; for this sometimes warms the brain to a degree that makes it very active , and imaginative , full of odde thoughts , and unexpected suggestions ; so tha●… if the temper determine the imagination to religion , it flies at high things , at interpretations of derk and prophetick scriptures ; at predictions of future events , and mysterious discoveries , which the man expresseth fluently , and boldly , with a peculiar and pathetick eloquence ; and now these pregnances being not ordinary , but much beyond the usual tone , and temper of the enthusiast ; and he having heard great things of the spirits immediate motions and inspirations , cannot well fail of believing himself inspired , and of intitling all the excursions of his fancy to the immediate actings of the holy ghost : which thoughts by th●… help of natural pride , and self-love , will work also exceedingly upon the heightned affections , and they upon the body so far , as to cast it sometimes into raptures , extasies , and deliquiums of sense , in which every dream is taken for a prophecy , every image of the fancy for a vision , and all the glarings of the imagination , for new lights , and revelations . thus have our modern prophets been inspired , who yet are not to be reckon'd hypocritical impostors , for they infinitely believe themselves , and the strength of their highly invigorated fancies shuts out the sober light of reason that should dis-abuse them , as sleep doth that of our external senses in our dreams . and which is worse , the silly people that understand not nature , but are apt to take every thing that is vehement to be sacred , are easily deceived into the belief of those pretensions ; and thus diseases have been worship'd for religion . this account the philosophy of humane nature gives of that by which the world hath been so sadly couzned , as hath been largely represented by a modern philosophical divine . and when we cast our eyes abroad into the wide world , we see , that those glorious things are no more , then what hath been done by the exstatick priests of the heathen oracles , and the madmen of all religions ; by sybils , lunaticks , poets , dreamers , and abreptitious persons of all sorts : and we see daily to what degrees of elevation excess of drinking will heighten the brain , making some witty , nimble , and eloquent , much beyond the ordinary siz●… of their parts , and ingenuity ; and inclining others to be hugely devout , who usually have no great sense of religion ; as i knew one , who would pray rap●…urously when he was drunk , but at other times was a moping sott , and could scarce speak sense . thus also some kinds of madness , diseases , accidents , peculiarities of temper , and other natural things that heat the brain , ●…ill men with high , surprising conceits about religion , and furnish th●…m with servid devotion , great rea●…iness of expression , and unexpected applications of scripture to their crasie conceits ; i say , the experimental philosophy of our natures informs us , that all this is common in alienations , and singularities of mind , and complexion . and they were remarkable in the prop●…ets of the heathen , and the p●…iest whom saint austin knew , that would whine himself into an extasie ; in the wonderful discourses of the american bishop , that said he was the holy ghost , and the canting fluency of the german enthusiasts , some of whose imaginations were as wild , and extravagant ; of such instances i might make up a much larger catalogue , if i should descend to our domestick lunaticks , but their temper is well known , and therefore i only adde this more ; that i have often met with a poor woman in warwick-shire , whose habitual conceit it was , that she was mother of god , and of all things living ; i was wont to personate a kind of complyance with her fancy , and a modest d●…sire to be further informed about it ; which gentleness drew from her so many odde fetches of discourse , such applications of scripture , and such wonderful references to things , in which she was never instructed , that look'd like scraps taken out of hobbs , and epi●…urus ▪ that i have been much amazed at her talk : and yet when i diverted her to any thing else of ordinary ma●…ters , she spoke usually with as much sobriety and cold discretion , as could well be expected from a person of her condition ; no●… did she use ●…o be extravagant in any thing , but about that particular imagination ; which instance among many others i might produce , very much confirms me in the truth of that observation of those philosophers who have given us the best light into the enthusiastick t●…mper , viz. that there is a sort of madness , which takes men in some particular things , when they are sound in others : which one proposition will assord a good account of many of the phaenomena of enthusiasm ; and shews that the extravagants among us may be really distracted in the affairs of religion , though their brains are untouch't in other matters . thus a philosophical use of observation , and the knowledge of humane nature by it , helps us to distinguish between the effects of the adorable spirit , and those of an hot , distemper'd fancy ; which is no small advantage for the securing the purity , honour , and all the interests of religion . sect . ii. but ( ii. ) there is another mischief of the enthusiastick spirit behind , and that is it's bringing reason into disgrace , and denying the use thereof in the a●…irs of faith and religion : this is a mischief that is the sad cause of insinite more ; for it hath brought into the world all kinds of phantastry and ●…lly , and exposed religion to contempt and derision , by making madness , and diseases sacred : it bewilders mens minds in a maze of confused imaginations , and leads them into bogs and precipices , and deprives them of their light , and their guide , and lays them open to all the delusions of satan , and their own distemper'd brains : it takes religion off from it's foundations , and leaves the interest of eternity in me●…s souls , to chance , and the hits of imagination ; teaching those that are del●…ded to lay the stress of all upon raptures , 〈◊〉 , and mysterious notions , 〈◊〉 they forget , and scorn the plain christianity which is an imitation of christ in charity , humility , justice , and purity ; in the exercise of all vertue , and command of our selves : it renders men obnoxiou●… to all the temptations of atheism , and the blackest insidelity ; and makes it impossible to convince an insidel , to setle one that doubts , or to recover one that is backsliden from the faith. these evils i am here content to name only , having represented them more fully in another discourse ; and the experience of our own age may convince us , with a little consideration upon it ; that all those fatal mischiefs have been the effects of the contempt , and disparagement of re●…son . but yet though i assirm this , i am not so rash , or so unjust as to believe , or say , that this spirit hath produced all those sad things in every one that speaks hotly , and inconsiderately against reason : i am far from the wildness of such a censure , because i know how much imprudent zeal , customary talk , high pretensions , and superstitious fears , may work even upon honest minds , who many times hold bad things in the principle , which they deny in the practice , and so are upright in their wills , while they are very much confused , and mistaken in their understandings . this i account to be the case of multitudes of pious people in reference to reason . they have heard hot-headed indiscreet men declaim against it , and many of them , whose opinions will not bear the light , have an interest to do so ; their pretensions were plausible , and their zeal great ; their talk 〈◊〉 , and their 〈◊〉 bold , and the honest well-meaning folks are caught in their assections ; and these lead bad principles into their minds , which are neither disposed , nor able to examine : so they believe and talk after their teachers ; and say , that reason is a low , dull thing , ignorant of the spirit , and an enemy to faith and religion ; while in this , they have no clear thoughts , nor yet any evil meaning ; but let these sancies swim a top in their imaginations , and upon occasions they run out at the tongues end , though they are not always improved to deadly practices . for charity , 〈◊〉 caution i have said this ; but yet nothing hinders but that all the forecited evils are justly said to be the tendencies , and in too many instances have been , and are , the issues of this spirit . and now i doubt not but 't will be granted readily by all that are con●…derate , that whatever assists religion against this destructive enemy , doth it most important service ; and this the free and real philosophy doth in a degree very eminent . in order to the proof of this we may consider what i intimated just now , viz. that men are led into , and kept in this fancy of the enmity of reason to religion chie●…ly by two things . sect . iii. ( i ) by an implicit assent to the systemes , and dictates of those who first instructed them ; which teachers came also into the fancy the same way ; and both are held under the power of it by strong prejudice arising from that implicit faith. and ( ii. ) by want of clear thoughts and ability , to state things distinctly , and to understand their dependencies , and sequels . both which imperfections the free philosophy 〈◊〉 . for as to the first , ( i. ) that philosophy begins with the inlargment of the mind , and attempts to free it from prejudices and pre-ingagements , which sophisticate , and pervert our judgments , and render us incapable of discerning things as they are . modest , impartial enquiry is the foundation of the real , experimental way of philosophy . not that it teacheth scepti●…ism , and absolute neutrality in all things , but so much caution in our disquisitions , that we do not suddenly give firm assents to things not well understood , o●… examin'd : which no doubt is very just , and safe . but as to what concerns those , who through ignorance , or other occasions are incapable of making due enquiry , i think they ought not to concern themselves about matters of speculation at all ; or at least not to affirm any thing positively of them 't is enough for such to ●…lieve , and practise the plain duties of religion , which ar●… clear in the holy oracles , and with which they may be acquainted without much sagacity , or deep judgment : for matters of theory , and dissicult enquiry appertain ●…ot to the vulgar , and lower rank of understandings . but for those who are capable of s●…arch after truth , and are provided with advantages for it , freedom of judgment is necessary in order to their success . with this , i said , the real philosophy ●…egins ; and in all it 's progresses still m●…e and more dispo●…th the mind to it , and so delivers it from the vassallage of customary sayings and opinions . now whoever is so disposed , will not be so ready to believe that reason is an enemy to religion , till he have consider'd , and examin'd the matter with an impartial judgment . and i dare say , whoever shall do that , will want nothing to convince him , that such an opinion is false , and groundless , but clear , and distinct thoughts , and the knowledge of consequence , with which philosophy will furnish him . this is the second way whereby it helps to overthrow this principle of enthusiasm , viz. ( ii. ) by teaching us to state matters clearly , and to draw out those conclusions that are lodged in them . for 't is confusion of notions , and a grea●… defect in reasoning , that makes dark zeal to rave so furiously against reason . now philosophy is reason methodized , and improved by study , observation , and experiment ; and whoever is addicted to these , is exercised frequently in inquiry after the causes , properties , and relations of things , which will inure the mind to great intentness , and inable it to define and distinguish , and infer rightly ; and by these the allegations against reason will be made appear to be idle sophis●…s , that have no sound sense , or substance in them . this is shewn in a late discourse , call'd a vindication and desence of the use of reason in the affairs of faith and religion ; in which also the whole matter is stated distinctly , and i think right is done both to reason and religion . for it is made evident there , that all the articles of faith may either be proved by reason , or defended by it ; which two particulars we will here touch a little . that reason proves the greatest articles of religion , is sufficiently made appear by those philosophick reasoners that have do●…e it ; and to say a word of this , will be no digression , since it will shew , that philosophy destroys the conceit of reasons being an enemy , and demonstrate that it improves reason to many purposes of religion . sect . iv. ( i. ) it is well known , that divers great men have labour'd in the rational proof of christian religion , as the most learned hugo grotius , duplessis , raymond de sa●…undis ; the pious and most excellent doctor hammond , mr. baxter , and others among our selves ; and the immortal bishop of downe , doctor jer. tayler , hath in ten leaves of his ductor dubitantium , given such an invincible rational demonstration of christianity , by a most elegant and judicious collection of all the most important par●…iculars of evidence , that if there had never been any thing said before , for the truth and certainty of our religion ; this alone had been enough to have won upon the most shie , and difficult assent , and to have confounded all the infidels under heaven ; this testimony i must give to that glorious performance , and it will not i presume be thought excessive by any one that reads , and is fit to judge in such cases . i could not omit mention of these worthy asserters , and defenders of religion : but there is another sort of reasoners for our faith , that are more proper for my present notice , viz. those that have used the aids of the modern , free philosophy , in proving , and defending some main articles of religion . and there are several members of the royal society , who have imploy●…d their ingenious , and pious pains this way ; the wise , learned , and deservedly celebrated prelate , dr. seth ward , the present lord bishop of sarum , hath in his philosophical essays , fully ( though in a small compass of words ) and perspicuously shewn , that the foundations of religion are laid in eternal reason ; and by this , hath cleared the nature , and attributes of god ; the immortality of our souls , and divine authority of scripture , which are the grand basis of faith and obedience : and the illustrious mr. boyle hath , in his excellent treatise of the usesulness of experimental philosophy , made it appear that philosophick reason gives the strongest evidence of the existence of the deity , and very glorious illustrations of his attributes ; and by it he infinitely shames , and disproves the follies of the epicurean atheist ; which great interests of faith and piety , have also been egregiously promoted by the judicious , philosophical performances of the learned doctor h. more , who hath every where in his works discover'd to what useful purposes reason , and the free philosophy may be imployed in the services of religion . and the noble sir k. digby writ a discourse concerning the immorta●…ty of the soul , which he proves and defends by the principles and reasonings of philosophy ; which design also of making philosophy serve the altar , hath been happily undertaken , and as successfully managed by the ingenious mr. sam. parker , in his learned tentamina ; in which he strenuously proves the being of god , and explains many difficulties about his attributes , by the use of free philosophical reason . these are , and were all members of the royal colledge of philosophers . to these i may adde the instances of the great des-cartes , and our worthy and learned doctor stillingfleet , who have also excellently imployed the free philosophy for the advantage , and promotion of the affairs of religion . thus we see that the real knowledge and search into gods works , puts philosophers at great distance from that fond principle of enthusiasm , that reason is an enemy to religion ; and we may learn from the discourses cited , that it may be happily , and pro●…itably used in the proof of many of the greatest articles of faith , and that philosophy doth much assist it in that service . and so it doth , sect . v. ( ii. ) in defending other points of faith which are purely of revelation , and immediately discoverable no other way . for this is a maxim of reason , that whatever god saith is to be believed , though we cannot comprehend the manner of it , or tell how the thing should be . by this axiom , whoever hath proved the revelation , may desend the article , and 't is an absurdity in philosophick reasoning to argue against the being of a thing , that is well attested , from the unconceivableness of the manner how it is ; according to which principle even the trinity , and incarnation , may be as well defended as the existence of matter , and motion , and upon the same grounds . in these there are many modes which are perfectly unaccountable , and full of seeming contradictions ; which if they should be urged against the existence of these most sensible beings , we could not make our defence by untying those knots ; but may well do it , by recourse to this maxim , that what is an evident object of sense , or clearly proved by reason , ought to be believed , though there are many things in the theory , and manner of it unconceivable ; and by using the same we are safe in all the mysteries of faith , that are well proved to be so . but this i have more fully handled else where ; and shall only adde now , that the free , experimental philosophy begets the deepest perswasion of the truth of this modest proposition ; by acquainting the philo●…opher every day with innumerable things in the works of god , o●… which he can give no account , though he know by his senses that they are really existing . and by this means reason assisted by philosophy cuts off all the cavils , and silenc●…th the objections of bold in●…idelity , which for the most part are raised from the difficulties that are in our conception of the articles of religion . and thus the free philosophy lays a foundation for defence of the greatest sublimities of faith ; and common reason doth the best , by shewing the certainty , and divine original of the testimony that acquaints us with those sacred mysteries . this it doth by aggregating those multitudes of circumstances that shew the infallible truth of scripture history , and twists such a cord as is as strong as any thing in geometry or nature . and therefore i cannot chuse but wonder what it is that inclines some men , who are otherwise sober enough , to let slye so lavishly , and indiscreetly against reason , and philosophy , especially in an age so exceeding prone to phantastry , and madness , and that hath been ruined in all its concerns by enthusiasm , and vain pretences to the spirit . 't is true , the discourses of some who have talk't much of philosophy , and reason , have been bold , and sawcy , and no doubt of evil tendency to the interest of religion . but true philosophy , and well manag'd reason , vindicate religion from those impudent abuses , and shew , that there was sophistry and imposture in those pretensions : so that they are no more to be blamed for the insolencies , and riots of those that usurp their name ; then religion it self is , for the immoralities of those , that cloath themselves in the garments of external piety and saintship . thus of the services of philosophy against enthusiasm . i come now to the last instance . chap. vi. philosophy serves religion against the humour of disputing . some of the mischi●…fs of that spirit briefly reci●…ed . six ways whereby philosophy destroies the disputing humour . the main things that may be urged in behalf of disputes , answer'd . sect . i. ( v. ) it helps religion against the humour of disputing ; by which i mean that , which believes uncertain opinions sirmly , ass●…rts them confidently , and clamorously conte●…ds against every different app●…ehe si●…n . this is that pestil●…nt spirit that turns religion into air of notion , and makes it intricate , and uncertain ; subject to eternal quarrels , and obnoxious to scepticism , and infidelity ; that which supplants charity , modesty , peace , and meekness , and substitutes in their room , rage , insolence , pride , bitter zeal , clamours , and divisions , and all the opposites of the spirit of christ , and the gospel . so that , it depraves religion , and makes it 's sacred name an instrument to promote the projects of the kingdom of darkness , by cankring men one against another , and inflaming their spirits , and crumbling them into sects , and disturbing societies ; and so it hinders the progress of the gospel , and lays it open to the scorns of unbelievers ; it turns men from the desire of practising to the itch of talking , and abuses them into this dangerous belief , that godliness consists more in their beloved orthodoxy , then in a sober vertue , and the exercise of charity ; it makes them pert , and pragmatical , busie about the reformation of others , while they neglect their own spirits ; fancying a perfection in the fluency of the tongue , while the worst of passions have the empire of their souls . these are some of the sad effects of the humour of disputing , which hath done deplorable execution upon religion in all places , and times ; and therefore 't is none of the least services that can be afforded it , to destroy this evil genius ; and there is nothing , meerly humane , that contributes more towards the rooting of it out of the world , than the free , and real philosophy . for , sect . ii. ( i ) converse with gods works gives us to see the v●…st difficulties that are to be met with in the speculation of them ; and thereby men are made less con●…dent of their sentiments about nature , and by many consid●…tions and observations of this kind , are at length brought to such 〈◊〉 ●…itual modesty , that they are 〈◊〉 to pass bold judgments upon those opinions in relig●…n , of which there is no 〈◊〉 assurance . and ( ii ) by the freq●…t exercises of our minds , we 〈◊〉 to be made sensible how 〈◊〉 , and how oft we are deceived , through the fallibility of sens●… , and shortness of our und●…rstandings ; by education , authority , interest , and our affections ; and so are disposed to a more prudent coldness and d●…ffidence in things of doubtful speculation , by which the disp●…ting humour is destroyed at the bottom . besides which , ( iii. ) the real philosophy brings men in love with the practical knowledge ; the more we have imployed our selves in notion and theory , the more we shall be acquainted with their uncertainty ; and our ●…steem , and regard of them will abate , as that sence increaseth , and by the same degrees our respect , and lo●…e to operative knowledge will advance and grow ; which disposition will incline us also to have less regard to niceties in religion , and teach us to lay out our chief cares and endeavours for that knowledge which is practical and certain , and will assist , and promote our vertue , and our happiness ; and incline us to imploy our selves in living according to it ; which also will be an effectual means to destroy the humour of contending . and ( iv. ) philosophy gives us a sight of the causes of 〈◊〉 intellectual diversities , and so takes us off from expecting an 〈◊〉 in our apprehensions ; wh●…reby it discovers the 〈◊〉 of making harmony in o●…inion , the condition of charity and union ; and of being angry , and dividing upon every difference of judgment ; and hereby the h●…riful malignities of disputes are qualified , and the disease it self is undermined . ( v. ) it inclines men to reckon ( as was intimated before ) that the essential principles of religion lye in the plain , certain articles . for philosophers are disposed to think , by converse with nature , that certainty is in very few things ; and whoever believes so concerning the tenents of theology , will not lay the main stress upon any , but the clear , acknowledg'd principles ; and he that doth that , serves all the important concernments of religion . he will not not wrangle for every conceit ; nor divide for every difference ; but takes care to walk in the ways of charity , humble obedience , and conscionable practice of the truths he knows and owns . by such a course the church is safe , and schisms are prevented : yea popery is disappointed by it in most of the considerable things it hath to say ; which indeed arise from the consideration of the vast diversities of opinions in religion , that seem to infer the necessity of a judge of controversies to setle mens minds in the right way , and to rectifie the consequent disorders ; whereas if this be stood to , that the necessary christian articles are plain , and acknowledg'd , there will be no need of a judge , and so all the most specious pretensions of the church of rome sink to the ground . ( vi. ) the real philosophy tends to the ending of disputes , by taking men off from unnecessary terms of art , which very often are occasions of great contests : if things were stated in clear , and plain words , many controversies would be at an end ; and the philosophy i am recommending , inclines men to define with those that are simplest and plainest , and thereby also very much p●…omotes the interests both of truth and peace . thus i have shewn briefly how the real philosophy tends to the overthrow of the pugnacious disputing humour , which is so hurtful to religion . to co●…firm which we may observe , that where-ever this sort of knowledge prevails , the contentious divinity loseth ground , and 't will be hard to find any of those philosophers a zealous votary of a sect : which reservedness gives occasion indeed to those that are so , to accuse them of atheism , and irreligion ; but it is really no argument of less piety , but of more wisdom , and conduct . and 't would make much for the advantage of religion , and their own , if those fierce men would understand , that christianity should teach them that , which they rail against in the philosophers . but now i must expect to hear , sect . iii. ( i. ) that disputes serve to discover truth ; as by the collision of two flints one against another , those sparks are produced , and excited , that before were latent in them : so that the real philosophy upon this account doth rather disserve then promote the concerns of religion . to which i answer , ( i. ) that all the necessary , material truths in divinity are already discover'd , and we have no need of new lights there , the antientest are truest , and b●…st , though in the disquisitions of philosophy there will be always occasions of proceeding . but i adde , ( ii. ) disputes are one of the worst ways to discover truth ; if new things were to be found out in religion , as well as nature , they would scarce be disclosed by this way of enquiry . a calm judgment , and distinct thoughts , and impartial consideration of many things , are necessary for the finding truth which lyes deep , and is mingled up and and down with much errour , and specious falshood ; and 't is hard , if not utterly impossible , to preserve any one of these in the heat of disputation . in such occasions the mind is commonly disordered by passion , and the thoughts are confused , and our considerations tyed to those things which give colour to our opinions . we are biast by our affections towards our own conceits , and our love to them is in●…lamed by opposition ; we are made incapable of entertaining the assistance of our opposites suggestions by strong prejudice , and inc●…ined to quarrel with every thing he sai●…h by spight , and desire of triumph : and these are ill circumstances for the discovery of truth : he is a wonderful man indeed that can thread a needle when he is at cudgels in a crowd , and yet this is as easie , as to find truth in the hurry of dispute . the apo●… intimates , 〈◊〉 tim. vi. 5. that perverse disputers are destitute of truth , and tells us , that of the strife of words come envy , railings , evil surmisings , but no discovery of unknown verities . but ( ii. ) we are commanded to contend earne●…ly for the faith that was once delivered to the saints , and hereby heresies are confuted , and overthrown . to this pretence i say , that by the faith we are to contend for , i conceive , the essentials , and certain articles are meant ; these we may , and we ought to endeavour to defend , and promote as there is occasion ; and we have seen how the real philosophy will help our reasons for that service . but pious contentions for these are not the disputings i meant , for i defined the humour of disputing in the entrance on this head , to be that which is stiff in the belief of uncertain opinions , affirming them with confidence , and quarrelling with every different sentiment ; to dispute about such matters of doubtful speculation , and in the manner specified , is no contending for the faith , but the way to make shipwrack of it . as for those other disputes , that are requisite for the convincing m●…n of the truths of the gospel , and the great articles thereof ; and for the disproving infidelity and heresie , they are necessary , and philosophy is an excellent instrument in such contests . so that those other objections that might be alledged against my discourse from the necessity of proving and trying our faith , and convincing hereticks ; from the example of our saviour's disputing with the doctors and the sadduces ; and of s. paul at athens with the jews ; these little cavils , i say , and such like , can signifie nothing to the disadvantage of what i have said against the humour of disputing about doubtful , and uncertain opinions , to which the real philosophy is destructive . and thus i have sh●…wn under five mat●…rial ●…ads , that the knowledge of nature , and the works of god , promotes the greatest interests of religion ; and by the three last it appears how fundamentally opposite it is to all schism and fana●… , which are made up and occasioned by superstition , en●…siasm , and ignorant , perverse disputings . so that for atheists and sadduces , and fanaticks to rail against philosophy , is not at all strange ; 't is no more than what may well be expected from such cattel ; philosophy is their enemy ; and it concerns them to disparage and reproach it : but for religious , and sober men to do any thing so unadvised , and so prejudicial to religion , is wonde●…ul , and deplorable : to set these right in their judgment about philosophical inquiry into gods works , is the principal design of these papers ; and in order to the further promoting of it , i advance to the last head of discourse proposed , viz. chap. vii . that the ministers , and professors of religion ought not to discourage philosophy . the slanders and objections against it , answered , viz. that of atheism , and the other of its tending to the lessening our value of the scriptures , fully confuted . it teacheth no doctrines contrary to gods word ; those of the motion of the earth and terrestrial nature of the moon , consider'd , as they refer to the scriptures . sect . i. ( iv. ) that the ministers , and professors of religion ought not to discourage , but promote the knowledge of nature , and the works of its author . this is the result of the whole matter , and follows evidently from all that went before , which though it will not infer a necessity of all mens deep search into nature , yet this it will , that no friend or servant of religion should ●…inder , or discountenance such inquiries . and though most private christians , and some publick ministers have neither leisure , nor ability to look into matters of natural research , and inquisition ; yet they ought to think candidly , and wish well to the endeavours of those that have ; and 't is a sin , and a folly either in the one or other to censure , or discourage those worthy undertakings . upon which accounts it grieves me to see , how ap●… some are , that pretend much to religion , and some that minister in it , to load those that are studious of gods works with all the odious names that contempt , and spig●…t can suggest ; the irreligion of which injurious carriage nothing can ●…xcuse , but their ignorance ▪ a●…d i will rather hope that they neither know what they say , nor what they do , than believe that they have any direct design against the glory of their maker , or against any la●…dable endeavours to promote it . i know well , what mischief prejudice will do , ev●…n upon minds that otherwise are very honest , and intelligent enough . and there are many common slanders , and some plausible objections in the mouths of the zealous against philosophy , which have begot an ill opinion of it in well-meaning men , who have never examined things deeply : for the sake of such , i shall produce the most considerable allegations of both sorts , and i hope mak●… such returns to them , as may be ●…fficient to sati●… those whose minds are not barr'd by obstinacy , or ignorance . sect . ii. i speak first of the bold , and broad slanders , among which , that ( i. ) of atheism is one of the most ordinary ; but certainly 't is one of the most unjust accusations that malice , and ignorance could have invented ; this i need not be industrious to prove here , having made it appear that philosophy is one of the best weapons in the world to defend religion against it ; and my whole discourse is a confutation of this spightful , and ridiculous charge . 't is true ind●…ed the men of the epi●…urean sort have left god , and providence out of their accounts ; but then other philosophers have shewn what fools they are for doing so , and how absurd their pretended philosophy is , in supposing things to have been made and ordered by the casual hits of atoms , in a mighty void . a d though their general doctrine of matter , and motion be ●…xceeding ancient , and very accountable , when we suppos●… matter was at first created by almighty power , and it's motions ordered , and directed by omniscient wisdom ; yet the supposal that they are independent , and eternal , is very precarious , and unreasonable ; and that all the regular motions in nature , should be from blind tumultuous jumblings , is the most unphilos●…phical pha●…e , and ridiculous dotag●… in the world ; so that there is no ●…ason to accuse philosophy of a fault , which philosophy sufficiently shames , and disproves ; and yet i doubt there are many have great prejudice against it upon this score ; and 't is a particular brand upon some of the modern men , that they have revived the philosophy of epicurus , which they think to be in it 's whole extent atheistical , and irreligious . to which i say , that the opinion of the world's being made by a fortuitous jumble of atoms , is impious and abominable . this those of epicurus his elder school taught ; whereas the late restorers of the corpuscularian hypothesis hate , and despise the vile doctrine ; but yet they thus far think the atomical philosophy reasonable , viz. as it teacheth , that the operations of nature are performed by subtile streams of minute bodies , and not by i know not what imaginary qualiti●…s , and forms : they think , that the various motions , and figures of the parts of matter , are enough for all the phaenomena , and all 〈◊〉 varieties , which with relation to our senses we call such , and such qualities . but then they suppose , and teach , that god cre●…ted matter , and is the supreme orderer of its motions , by which all those diversities are made : and hereby piety , and the faith of providence is secured . this , as far as we know any thing of elder times , was the ancient philosophy of the world , and it doth not in the least grate upon any principle of religion . thus far i dare say i may undertake for most of the corpuscularian philosophers of our times , excepting those of mr. hobb's way . and therefore i cannot but wonder that a person of so much reason , learning , and inge●…ty as mr. baxter , should seem to conclude those modern philosophers under the name , and notion of such somatists , as are for meer matter , and motion , and exclude immaterial beings ; this , i take it , he doth in his defence of the souls immortality , at the end of his reasons of religion : whereas those philosophers , though they owne matter , and motion as the material and formal causes of the phaenomena ; they do yet acknowledge gods efficiency , and government of all things , with as much seriousness , and contend for it with as much zeal , as any philosophers or divines whatsoever . and 't is very hard that any number of men should be exposed to the suspicion of being atheists , for denying the peripatetick qualities , and forms ; and there is nothing else overthrown by the corpuscularian doctrines , as they are managed by those philosophers . so that methinks that reverend author hath not dealt so fairly with the great names of des-cartes , and gassendus , where he mentions them promiscuously with the mee●… epicurean and hobbian somatists , without any note to distinguish them from those sadduces ; for both those celebrated men have laboured much in asserting the grand articles of religion against the infidel , and atheist . this inadvertency of that pious divine i thought sit to take notice of , because i doubt some may be misled into an undue opinion of those excellent persons , and others of their way , by finding their names among those of an abhorred character , in an author of so much note . i say 't is for this reason i have given this hint , and not out of any humour of opposing or carping at that worthy man : no , i think he is to be honoured much for his stout , rational , and successful oppositions of the mischievous antinomian ●…ollies , when the current systematick divinity , then called orthodox , was over-grown with them ; for his frequent asserting , and vindicating the reasonableness of religion against the madness of spreading enthusiasm ; for his earnest endeavours for the promotion of peace , and universal charity , when 't was held a great crime not to be ●…ierce in the way of a sect ; for his quick , piercing , and serious practical writings : i say i judge the author , the slip of whose pen in a thing relating to my subject , i have noted , to be a person worthy of great respect ; and i can scarce forbear affirming concerning him as a learned doctor of our church did , that he was the only man that spoke sense in an age of non-sense ; he meant the only man that was reckoned among the people of those times , with the madness of which he contested . but i am digress'd . the business of this section hath been to shew that the charge of atheism against the real philo●…ophy is a gross , and groundless slander ; and i hope i have made good what i undertook . sect . iii. but ( 2. ) 't is alledg'd by some , that philosophy disposeth 〈◊〉 to despise the scriptures , or at least to neglect the study of them ; and upon that account is to be exploded among christians . to which i say , that philosophy is the knowledge of gods works , and there is nothing in gods works , that is contrary to his word ; and how then should the study of the one incline men to despise the other ? certainly had there been any such impious tendency in searching into gods works to the lessening of our value of the scriptures ; the scripture it self would never have recommended this so much unto us , as we have seen it doth . yea indeed , this is so far from being ●…rue , that on the contrary , the knowledge of gods works tends in its proper nature to dispose men to love , and veneration of the scriptures ; for by converse with nature we are made sensible of the power , wisdom , and goodness of god , fresh instances of which we shall still find in all things ; and 't is one great design of the scripture to promote the glory of these attributes : how then can he , that is much affected with them , chuse but love , and esteem those holy records which so gloriously illustrate the perfections which he admires ? besides , by inquiry into gods works , we discover continually how little we can comprehend of his ways , and managements ; and he that is sensible of this , will find himself more inclined to reverence the declarations of his word , though they are beyond his reach , and though he cannot fathom those mysteries , he is required to believe : such a disposition is necessary for the securing our reverence to the divine oracles , and philosophy promotes it much . so that though 't is like enough there may be those that pretend to philosophy who have less veneration , and respect for the scripture , than they ought , yet that impious disesteem of those sacred writings is no effect of their philosophy , but of their corrupt , and evil inclinations . and to remove the scandal brought upon natural wisdom by those pretenders , it may be observed , that none are more earnest , or mo●… ●…requent in the proo●… , and recommendation of the authority of scripture , than those of philosophi●…al inclination and genius , who by their publick capacity , and profession , have the best opportunities to give testimony to the honour of that divine book . and besides the many sermons that are continually preach't , ( but no further publish't ) by the divines that are disposed to this sort of knowledge , i may for instance mention the excellent performanof those incomparable philosophers , the present most learned bishop of sarum , and the deservedly famous mr. boyle : the former in the essay before mentioned , and in a late ●…lose , smart , and judicious sermon ag●…inst the antiscripturists ; and in another annext against infidelity ( newly printed ) hath with great perspicuity , strength , and demonstrative order refuted and shamed the pretensions of the in●… , and roundly proved the divine authority of the holy volume . and the other excellent philosopher mr. boyle , in a most elegant and learned discourse concerning the style of scripture , hath vindicated those inspired writings from the cavils , and exceptions of the nice wits of men of corrupt minds : which performances of these two deep and pious inquirers into gods works , may with better reason be pleaded for the piety of philosophy in reference to the scriptures ; then the irreverences of any that pretend to natural wisdom , can be alledged against it . sect . iv. but to justifie the imputation of the disservice philosophy doth religion , and the scriptures , it may by some be pleaded , that philosophy , viz. that which is called the new , teacheth doctrines that are contrary to the word of god , or at least such as we have no ground from scripture to believe ; as for instance , that the earth moves , and that the moon is of a terrestrial nature , and habitable ; which opinions are supposed to be impious , and antiscriptural . in return to this objection i say , ( 1. ) in the general , that 't is true indeed , that philosophy teacheth many things which are not revealed in scripture ; for this was not intended to instruct men in the affairs of nature , but its design is , to direct mankind , and even those of the plainest understandings , in life , and manners , to propose to us the way of happiness , and the principles that are necessary to guide us in it ; with the several motives , and incouragements that are proper to excite our endeavours , and to bear them up against all difficulties and temptations . this , i say , was the chief design of that divine book ; and therefore 't is accommodated , in the main , to the most ordinary capacities , and speaks after our manner , and suitably to sense , and vulgar conception . thus we ●…ind that the clouds are called heaven , the moon one of the greater lights , and the stars mentioned , as less considerable : and the stars also , gen. 1. we read of the going down of the sun , and of the ends of the earth , and of the heavers , and divers other such expressions are in the scriptures , which plainly intimate unto us , that they do not concern themselves to rec●… the mistakes of the vulgar , in philosophical theories , but comply with their infirmities , and speak according as they can understand . so that , ( 2. ) no tenent in philosophy ought to be condemned , and exploded , because there may be some occasional sayings in the divine oracles , which seem not to comport with it ; and therefore the problems mentioned , concerning the motion of the earth , and terrestrial nature of the moon , ought to be left to the disquisitions of philosophy : the word of god determines nothing about them ; for those expressions , concerning the running of the sun , and its standing still , may very well be interpreted as spoken by way of accommodation to sense , and common apprehension , as 't is certain , that those of its going down , and running from one end of the heavens to the other , and numerous resembling sayings , are so to be understood . and when 't is else where said , that the foundations of the earth are so fixt , that it cannot be moved at any time , or to that purpose ; 't is supposed by learned men , that nothing else is meant than this , that the earth cannot be moved from its centre , which is no prejudice to the opinion of its being moved upon it . and for the other hypothesis of the moon 's being a kind of earth , the scripture hath said nothing of it on either hand ; nor can its silence be argumentative here , since we know , that all mankind believes many things , of which there is no mention there : as that there are such places as china , and america , that the magnet attracts iron , and directs to the north , and that the sea hath the motion of flux , and reflux , with ten thousand such other things discovered by experience , of which there is not the least hint in the sacred volume : and are not these to be believed , till they can be proved from scripture ? this is ridiculously to abuse the holy oracles , and to extend them beyond their proper business and design . and to argue against this supposal , as some do , by queries , what men are in that other earth ? whether fallen ? and how saved ? is very childish and absurd . he that holds the opinion may confess his ignorance in all these things , without any prejudice to his hypothesis of the moon 's being habitable ; or the supposal of its being actually inhabited . for that may be , though no living man can tell the nature , and condition of those creatures . but for my part , i assert neither of these paradoxes ; only i have thought fit to speak thus briefly about them , that they may be le●… to the freedom of philosophical inquiry , for the scripture is not concerned in such queries . and yet besides this , which might suffice to vindicate the neoterick methods of philosophy from the charge of being injurious to the scripture in such instances , i adde ( 3. ) the ●…ree , experimental philosophy which i recommend , doth not affirm e●…er of those feared propositions . for neither of them have so much evidence , as to warrant peremptory , and dogmatical assertions . and therefore , though perhaps some of those philosophers think that they have great degrees of probability , and so are sit for philosophical consideration ; yet there are none , that i know , that determine they are certainties , and positive truths . 't is contrary to the genius of their way to do so : and on the other hand , 't is a very obnoxious folly to conclude , that those opinions are false , when no one can be certain that they are so . but whether the one , or the other be said , religion , and the scriptures are not at all concerned . thus briefly of the slanders that are a●…t upon philosophy , viz. of its tendency to atheism , and disparagement of the scriptures . the other lesser ones are answered in the discussion of these . chap. viii . other objections against philosophy answered , viz. that there is too much curiosity in those inquiries : that the apostle gives a caveat against it : that the first preachers of the gospel knew little or nothing of it . a brief recital of some of the holy men who are recorded in scripture to have had skill in several parts of philosophy . sect . i. but besides those slanderous imputations , there are some little vulgar plausibilities pretended against it also ; it would be endless to recount all of them . the chief are these that follow . ( i. ) there is too much curiosity in those inquiries ; and s. paul desired to know nothing but christ , and him crucified . to which i answer , that what is blameable curiosity in things not worth our pains , or forbidden our scrutiny , is duty , and laudable endeavour in matters that are weighty and permitted to our search . so that nothing can be fastned upon the philosophical inquisitions into nature on this account , till it be first proved , that a ' diligent observance of gods goodness , and wisdom in his works , in order to the using them to his glory , and the benefit of the world , is either prohibited , or impertinent . there is indeed such a depth in nature , that it is never like to be throughly fathomed ; and such a darkness upon some of gods works , that they will not in this world be found out to perfection : but however , we are not kept o●…f by any expressness of prohibition ; nature is no holy mount that ought not to be touched ; yea , we are commanded , to search after wisdom , and particularly , after this , when we are so frequently called upon to celebrate our creator for his works , and are encouraged by the success of many that have gone before ; for many shall go to and fro , and science shall be increased . so that our inquiries into nature are not forbidden ; and he that saith they are frivolous , and of no use , when the art of the omniscient is the object , and his glory & the good of men , the end , asperseth both the creator and the creature , and contradicts his duty to both . as for the latter clause of the objection which urgeth that speech of s. paul , of his desiring to know nothing but christ and him crucified , 1 cor. ii. 2 ▪ i return to it , that he that shall duely consider the discourse of the apostle in the verse before , and those that succeed , will perceive , that in this expression , he only slights the affected eloquence of the orators , and rhetoricians ; he spoke in plainness and simplicity , and not in those inticing words of mans wisdom , which he desired either not to know at all , or not in comparison with the plain doctrines of the gospel . or , if any should take the words in the largest sense , then all sorts of humane learning , and all arts and trades are set at nought by the apostle ; and if so , the meaning can be no more than this , that he preferred the knowledge of christ before these ; for 't is ridiculous to think that he absolutely slighted all other science . the knowledge of christ is indeed the chiefest , and most valuable wisdom , but the knowledge of the works of god hath hath its place also , and ought not quite to be excluded and despised : or , if philosophy be to be slighted , by this text , all other knowledge whatsoever must undergo the same fate with it . but it will be urged . sect . ii. ( ii. ) that there is a particular caution given by the apostle against philosophy , col. ii. 8. beware lest any one spoil you through philosophy . to this i have said elsewhere , that the apostle there means either the pretended knowledge of the gnosticks , the genealogies of the jews , or the disputing ●…earning of the greeks ; and perhaps he might have a respect to all of them . that the disputing philosophy of the greeks is concerned in the caution , will appear very probable , if we consider , that much of it , was built on meer notion , that occasioned division into manifold sects , which managed their matters by sophistry , and disputations , full of nicety and mazes of wit ; and aimed at little , but the pride of mysterious talk of things , that were not really understood . such a philosophy the apostle might justly condemn , and all wise men do the same , because 't is very injurious to religion , real knowledge , and the peace of men . but what is this to that , which modestly inquires into the creatures of god , as they are ; that collects the history of his works , raising observations from them for the discovery of causes , and invention of arts , and helps for the benefit of mankind ? what vanity ; what prejudice to religion can be supposed in this ? is this , think we , that philosophy , that wisdom of this world , which the great apostle censures and condemns ? he is bold that saith it , speaks a thing he knows not , and might , if he pleased , know the contrary ; since the method of philosophy i vindicate , which proceeds by observation and experiment to works , and uses of life , was not , if at all , the way of those times in which the apostles lived , nor did it begin to shew it self in many ages after ; and therefore cannot be concerned in s. paul's caution to his colossians ; nor in his smartness against worldly wisdom elsewhere , for by that we are to understand , the fetches of policy , the niceties of wit , and strains of rhetorick that were then engaged against the progress of the gospel : but what is all this , to the philosophy of gods works ; which illustrates the divine glory , and comments upon his perfections , and promotes the great design of christianity , which is doing good ; and in its proper nature tends to the disposing o●… mens minds to vertue , and religion ? sect . iii. but ( iii. ) if philosophy be so excellent an instrument to religion , it may be 〈◊〉 ( and the question will have the force of an objection ) why the disciples and first preachers of the gospel were not instructed in it ; ●…ey were plain , illiterate men , altogether unacquainted with those sublimities ; god chose the foolish things of this world , to confound the wise . so that it seems he did not value this kind of wisdom so much as our discourse seems to imply . but this choice that the divine wisdom made of the publishers of the glad tydings of salvation , is no more prejudice , or discredit to philosophy , than it is to any other sort of learning ; and indeed 't is none at all to either : for the special reasons of gods making this choice , seem such as these , viz. that his power might more evidently appear in the wonderful propagation of the religion of christ jesus , by such seemingly unqualified instruments ; that the world might not suspect it to be the contrivance of wit , subtilty , and art , when there was so much plainness , and simplicity in its first promot●…rs . and perhaps too it was done in contempt of the vain and pretended knowledge of the jews , and greeks , over which the plainness of the gospel was made gloriously to triumph . and to these i adde , that it might be to shew , that god values simplicity , and integrity above all natural perfections , how excellent soever . so that there being such special reasons for the ●…using plain men to set this grand a●…air on foot in the world , it can be no disparagement to the knowledge of nature , that it was not begun by philosophers . and to counter-argue this topick , we may consider , that the patriarchs , and holy men of ancient times that were most in the divine favour , were well instructed in the knowledge of gods works , and contributed to the good of men by their useful discoveries , and inventions . adam was acquainted with the nature of the creatures ; noah a planter of vineyards , abraham ( as grotius collects from ancient history ) a great mystes in the knowledge of the stars : isaac prosperous in georgicks . jacob blessed in his philosophical stratagem of the speckled rods. moses a great man in all kinds of natural knowledge . bezaliel , and aholiab inspired in architecture . solomon a deep naturalist , and a composer of a voluminous history of plants . daniel , hananiah , mishael , and azariah , skilled in all learning , and wisdom ; ten times better , saith the text , than the magicians , and astrologers in nebuchadnezzar's realm ; and to accumulate no more instances , the philosophers of the east made the first addresses to the infant saviour . conclusion . thus we see upon the whole , that there is no shadow of reason why we should discourage , or oppose modest inquiries into the works of nature ; and whatsoever ignorant zeal may prompt the common sort to , methinks those of generous education should not be of so perverse a frame . especially it becomes not any that minister at the altar , to do so great a disservice to religion , as to promote so unjust a conceit as that of philosophy's being an enemy unto it . the philosophers were the priests among the aegyptians , and several other nations in ancient times ; and there was never more need , that the priests should be philosophers , than in ours ; for we are liable every day to be called out to make good our foundations against the atheist , the sadduce , and enthusiast ; and 't is the knowledge of god in his works that must furnish us with some of the most proper weapons of defence . hard names , and damning sentences ; the arrows of bitter words , and raging passions will not defeat those sons of an●…k ; these are not sit weapons for our warfare . no , they must be met by a reason instructed in the knowledge of things , and sought in their own quarters , and their arms must be turned upon themselves ; this may be done , and the advantage is all ours . we have steel , and brass for our defence ; and they have little else than twigs , and bull-rushes for the assault ; we have light , and firm ground ▪ and they are lost in smoak , and mists ; they tread among bogs , and dangerous fens , and reel near the rocks , and steeps . and shall we despise our advantages , and forsake them ? shall we relinquish our ground , and our light , and mu●…e our selves up in darkness ? shall we give our enemies the weapons , and all the odds ; and so endeavour to insure their triumphs over us ? this is sottishly to betray religion , and our selves . if this discourse chance to meet with any that are guilty of these dangerous follies , it will , i hope , convince them , that they have no reason to be afraid of philosophy , or to despise its aids in the concerns of religion . and for those , who never yet thought of this part of religion to glorifie god for his works , i wish it may awaken them to more attentive consideration of the wisdom and goodness that is in them ; and so excite their pious acclamations . and to encourage them to it , i shall adventure to add , that it seems very probable , that much of the matter of those hallelujah's and triumphant songs , that shall be the joyful entertainment of the blessed , will be taken from the wonders of gods works ; and who knows , but the contemplation of these , and god in them , shall make up a good part of the imployment of those glorified spirits ; who will then have inconceivable advantages for the searching into those effects of divine wisdom , and power , beyond what are possible for us mortals to attain . and those discoveries which for ever they shall make in that immense treasure of art , the universe , must needs sill their souls every moment with pleasant astonishment , and inslame their hearts with the ardors of the highest love , and devotion , which will breathe forth in everlasting thanksgivings . and thus the study of gods works joyned with those pious sentiments they deserve , is a kind of partial anticipation of heaven ; and next after the contemplations of his word , and the wonders of his mercy discovered in our redemption , it is one of the best , and noblest imployments ; the most becoming a reasonable creature , and such a one , as is taught by the most reasonable , and excellent religion in the world. finis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or , a seasonable recommendation , and defence of reason ▪ in the affairs of religion ; against infidelity , scepticism , and fanaticisms of all sorts . london , printed by j. m. for james collins at the kings●…ead in westminster-hall . 1670. ad clerum . rom. xii . the latter part of verse 1. — which is your reasonable service . there is nothing , that i know , hath done so much mischief to christianity , as the disparagement of reason , under pretence of respect , & favour to religio●… ; since hereby the very foundations of the christian faith have bin undermined , and the world prepared for atheism . for if reason must not be heard , the being of a god , and the authority of scripture can neither be proved , nor defended ; and so our faith drops to the ground , like a house that hath no foundation . besides , by this way , those sickly conceits , and enthusiastick dreams , and unsound doctrines , that have poysoned our air , and infatuated the minds of men , and exposed religion to the scorn of infidels , and divided the church , and disturbed the peace of mankind , and involved the nation in so much blood , and so many ruines ; i say hereby , all these fatal follies , that have been the occasions of so many mischiefs , have been propagated , and promoted . so that i may affirm boldly , that here is the spring-head of most of the waters of bitterness , and strife ; and here the fountain of the great deeps of atheism , and fanaticism , that are broken up upon us . and now , to damme up this sour●…e of mischiefs , by representing the fair agreement that is between reason , and religion , is the most seasonable service that can be done unto both ; since hereby , religion will be rescued from the impious accusation of its being groundless , and imaginary : and reason also defended , against the unjust charge of those , that would make this beam of god , prophane , and irreligious . this i shall endeavour at this tim●… ; and i think it proper work for the occasion , now that i have an opportunity of speaking to you reverend fathers , and brethren of the clergie ; for 't is from the pulpit , religion hath received those wounds through the sides of reason ; i do not say , and i do not think , it hath f●…om yours ; but we know , that indiscreet , and hot preachers that had entertain'd vain , and unreasonable doctrines , which they had made an interest , and the badges of a party ; perceiving that their darling opinions could not stand , if reason , their enemy , were not discredited ; they set up a loud cry against reason , as the great adversary of free-grace , and faith , and zealously endeavoured to run it down , under the mis-applied names of vain philosophy , carnal reasoning , and the wisdom of this world : and what hath been the issue of those cantings , we have sadly seen , and felt . so that , 〈◊〉 think , 't is now the duty of all sober , and reasonable men to rise up against this spirit of folly , and infatuation : and something i shall attempt at present , by shewing , that reason is very serviceable to religion ; and religion very friendly to reason ; both which are included in these words of the apostle , — which is your reasonable service . he had proved in the preceding part of this epistle , that the gospel was the only way of happiness , and here , he enters upon the application of this doctrine , and affectionately exhorts his romans , to conform themselves unto it . i beseech you therefore , brethren , by the mercies of god , that you present your bodies : by which , no doubt , he means , their whole persons , for they are to be a living sacrifice ; living , in opposition to the dead services of the ceremonial law ; holy , acceptable unto god , in opposition to those legal performances , that had no intrinsick goodness in th●…m , and were not acceptable now that th●…ir institution was determin●…d . and the motives whereby he enforceth his exh●…rtation , are these two , viz. the mercies of god , which the gospel hath brought , and propounded ; i beseech you , brethren , by the mercies of god ; and the reasonableness of the thing it self that he urgeth them to , — which is your reasonable service . my business is with this latter , and i li●…fer from it : that religion is a reasonable thing . in treating of this prop●…sition , i shall ( i. ) state what i mean by religion , and what by reason . ( ii ) i shall demonstrate their harmony , and agreement . ( iii ) indeavour to disable the main objections that are alledged against the use of reason , in the affairs of faith. and ( iv. ) improve all by some inferences , and advices . to begin with the first , the setling the distinct notions of religion , and reason . we know there is nothing in any matter of enquiry , or debate that can be discovered , or determin●…d till the terms of the question are explained , and their notions setled . the want of this , hath been the occasion of a great part of those confusions we find in disputes , and particularly most of the clamours , that have been raised against reason in the affairs of religion , have sprung from mens mistakes of the nature of both . for while groundless opinions , and unreasonable practices are often called religion on the one hand ; and vain imaginations , and false consequences are as frequently stiled reason on the other ; 't is no wonder that such a religion disclaims the use of reason , or that such reason is opposite to religion . therefore , in order to my shewing the agreement between true religion , and genuine reason , i shall , with all the clearness that i can , represent the just meaning of the one , and of the other . for religion first ; the name signifies binding , and so imports duty ; and all duty is comprised under these two generals , worship , and virtue ; worship comprehends all our duties towards god ; virtue all those , that relate to our neighbour , or our selves . religion then primarily consists in these , which are the sum of the law , and the prophets . but duty cannot be performed , without knowledge , and some principles there must be , that must direct these practices ; and those that discover , and direct men in those actions of du●…y , are called principles of religion . these are of two sorts , viz. some are ( 1. ) fundamental , and essential ; others ( 2. ) 〈◊〉 , and assisting . fundamental 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 metaphor taken from the found●… of a building ; upon which the fabrick stands , and without which , it must sink to the ground : so that fundamental principles are such , as are supposed to the duties of religion , one or more ; and such as are absolutely necessary to the performance of them respectively : of this sort i mention four , viz. ( i. ) that there is a god of infinite perf●…ction . th●… b●…lief of this i●… 〈◊〉 nec●…ssary to all the par●…s o●… r●…ligion . ( ii. ) that we are sinners and exposed to his displeasure . this is necessary to confession of sins , and repentance ; parts of worship . ( iii. ) that god is our maker , and the author of all our blessings . this is necessary to the duties of prayer , praise , and adoration . ( iv. ) that there is moral good , and evil. without this there can be no charity , humility , justice , purity ; or the rest . these propositions , i say , are fundamentals of religion , for it supposeth , and stands upon them . there are others , which are not so absolutely necessary as these , but yet very incouraging , and helpful ; i reckon four here also : viz. ( 1. ) that god will pardon us , if we repent . ( 2. ) that he will assist us , if we endeavour . ( 3. ) that he will accept of services that are imperfect , if they are sincere . ( 4. ) that he will reward , or punish , in another world according ●…o what we have done in this . this i count to be the sum of religion general : and christianity ▪ takes in all those duties ; and all the principles ; advancing the duties to nobler measures ; and incouraging them by new motives , and assistances , and superadding two other instances , baptism , and the lords supper . and for the principles , it confirms those of natural religion ; and explains them further , and discovers some few new ones ; and all these , both of the former , and the latter sort , are contained in the creed . here are all the fundamentals of religion , and the main assisting principles also . and i call nothing else religion , but plain duties , and these acknowledged principles . and though our church require our assent to more propositions ; yet those are only articles of communion , not doctrines absolutely necessary to salvation . and if we go beyond the creed for the essentials of faith ; who can tell where you shall stop ? the sum is , religion primarily is duty ; and duty is all that which god hath co●…ded to be done by his word , or our reasons ; and we have the substance of these in the commandments : religion also in a secondary sense consists in some principles relating to the worship of god , and of his son , in the ways of devo●…t , and virtuous living ; and these are comprised in that summary of belief called the apostles creed . this i take to be religion ; and this religion i shall prove to be reasonable : but i cannot undertake for all the opinions some men are pleased to call orthodox ; nor for all those that by many private persons , and some churches are counted essential articles of faith , and salvation . thus i have stated what i mean by religion . the other thing to be determined , and fixt , is , the proper notion of rea on . for this you may please ●…o consider , that reason is sometimes taken for reason in the faculty , which is the understanding ; and at other times , for reason in the object , which consists in those principles , and conclusions by which the understanding is informed . this latter is meant in the dispute concerning the agreement , or disagreement of reason , and religion . and reason in this sense , is the same with natural truth , which i said is made up of principles , and conclusions . by the principles of reason we are not to understand the grounds of any mans philosophy ; nor the critical rules of syllogism ; but those imbred fundamental notices , that god hath implanted in our souls ; such as arise not from external objects , nor particular humours , or imaginations ; but are immediately lodged in our minds ; independent upon other principles or deductions ; commanding a sudden assent ; and acknowledged by all sober mankind . of this sort are these . that god is a being of all perfection . that nothing hath no attributes . that a thing cannot be , and not be . that the whole is greater than any of its parts . and such like others , which are unto us , what instincts are to other creatures . these i call the principles of reason . the conclusions are those other notices , that are inferred rightly from these ; and by their help from the observations of sense ; and the remotest that can be conceived , of all these , if it be rightly inferred from the principles of reason , or duely circumstantiated sense , is as well to be reckoned a part and branch of reason , as the more immediate conclusions , that are principles in respect of those distant truths . and thus i have given an account also of the proper notion , and nature of reason . i am to shew next ( 2 ) that religion is reasonable ; and this implies two things , viz. that reason is a friend to religion ; and that religion is so to reason . from these two , results their correspondence , and agreement . i begin with the first : and here i might easily shew the great congruity that there is between that light , and those laws , that god hath placed in our souls ; and the duties of religion that by the expressness of his written word he requires from us ; and demonstrate that reason teacheth all those , excepting only the two positives , baptism , and the holy eucharist . but there is not so much need of turning my discourse that way ; and therefore i shall confine it to the principles of religion , which are called faith , and prove that reason mightily befriends these . it doth this ( i. ) by proving some of those principles ; & ( ii. ) by defending all . for the clearing both these , you may consider , that the principles of religion are of two sorts : either ( 1. ) such as are presupposed to faith ; or such as ( 2. ) are formal articles of it . of the first sort are ; the being of a god ; and the authority of the scripture . and of the second , such as are expresly declared by divine testimony ; as the attributes of god ; the incarnation of his son , and such like . ( i. ) for the former ●…ey are proved by reason ; and by reason only . the others we shall consider after . ( i. ) that the being of a god , the foundation of all , is proved by reason , the apostle acknowledgeth , when he saith , that what was to be known of god , was manifest ; and to the heathen , rom. i. xix . and he adds , vers . xx. that the invisible things from the creation of the world , are clearly seen , being understood by the things that are made . and the royal psalmist speaks to the like purpose , psal. xix . the heavens declare the glory of god , and the firmament sheweth his handy works . and again , psal. 14. 8. 3. praise him sun and moon , praise him ye stars , and light ; which intimates , that these works of his afford matter to our reasons for religious acknowledgments . and reason proves the existence of god , from the beauty , and order , and ends , and usefulness of the creatures ; for these are demonstrative arguments of the being of a wise , and omnipotent mind , that hath framed all things so orderly , and exactly ; and that mind is god. this article then , reason proves , which was the first branch of the particular ; and i add , that it is reason only that can do it ; which was the other . this you will see when you consider , that there are but three things from whence the existence of any being can be concluded , viz. sense , revelation , or reason . for sense , it hath no more to do here but to present matter for our reasons to work on ; and revelation supposeth the being of a god , and cannot prove it ; for we can have no security that the revelation is true , till we are assured it is from god ; or from some commissioned by him . the knowledge of his being therefore , must precede our faith in revelation ; and so cannot be deduced from it . thus reason befriends religion by laying its corner stone . and the next to this is the other principle mentioned . ( ii. ) the divine authority of scripture . this also is to be proved by reason , and only by it. the great argument for the truth of scripture is the testimony of the spirit in the miracles wrought by christ , and his apostles . our saviour himself useth this argument to gain credit to his doctrines , believe me for the works sake ; the works that i do bear testimony of me ; and if i had not done among them the works that no other man did , they had had no sin , joh. xv. 24. and the apostles continually urge that great miracle , the resurrection of christ from the dead for the conviction both of the jews , and gentiles , that he was the son of god ; and his doctrines true . now miracles are an argument to our reasons , and we reason from them thus : miracles are gods seal , and they are wrought by his power , and he is true , and good , and would not lend these to impostors to cheat , and abuse mankind . therefore whoever works real miracles for the confirmation of any doctrine , it is to be believed that he is taught of god , and commissioned to teach us . and that christ , and his apostles did those things which are recorded of them , is matter of testimony ; and reason clears the validity of this , by the aggregation of multitudes of circumstances , which shew , that the first relators could not be deceived themselves , and would not deceive us ; nor indeed could in the main matters , if they had designed it . and the certainty of the conveyance of these things to us is evinced also by numerous convictive reasons : so that , the matter of fact is secure ; and that such doctrines were taught , as are ascribed to those divine persons ; and those persons inspired that penned them , are proved the same way : and so it follows from the whole , that the gospel is the word of god ; and the old testament is confirmed by that . thus reason proves the divine authority of scripture ; and those other arguments that use to be produced for it , from its style , and its influence upon the souls of men ; from the excellency of its design ; and the providence of god in preserving it ; are of the same sort , though not of the same strength . reason then proves the scriptures ; and this only ; for that they are from god , is not kn●…wn immediately by sense ; and there is no distinct revelation that is certain , and infallible to assure us of it ; and so reason only remains to de●…onstrate this other fundamental article . these two great truths , the existence of god ; and authority of scripture , are the first in our religion ; and they are conclusions of reason , and foundations of faith. thus briefly of those principles of religion that are fundamentally such ; we have seen how reason serves them , by demonstrating their truth , and certainty . i come now to the second sort of principles , viz. those that are formally so ; they are of two sorts , mixt and pure : the mixt are those that are discovered by reason , and declared by revelation also ; and so are principles both of reason , and faith : of this kind are the attributes of god ; moral good , and evil ; and the immortality of humane souls . the principles of pure faith , are such as are known only by divine testimony , as the miraculous conception , the incarnation , and the trinity . the first sort reason proves as well as scripture , this i shew briefly in the alledged instances . ( 1. ) that the divine attributes are revealed in the holy oracles , 't is clear ; and they are deduced from reason also ; for 't is a general principle of all mankind , that god is a being absolutely perfect ; and hence reason concludes all the particular attributes of his being ; since wisdom , goodness , power , and the rest are perfections , and imply nothing of imperfection , or defect ; and therefore ought to be ascribed to the infinitely perfect essence . ( 2. ) that there is moral good , and evil , is discoverable by reason , as well as scripture . for these are reasons maxims ; that every thing is made for an end ; and every thing is directed to its end by certain rules : these rules in creatures of understanding , and choice , are laws , and the transgressing these , is vice and sin. ( 3. ) the immortality of our souls is plain in scripture , and reason proves it , by shewing the spirituality of our natures ; and that it doth from the nature of sense ; and our perception of spiritual beings , and universals ; of logical , metaphysical , and mathematical notions ; from our compounding propositions ; and drawing conclusions from them ; from the vastness , and quickness of our imaginations ; and liberty of our wills , all which are beyond the powers of matter , and therefore argue a being that is spiritual , and consequently immortal , which inference , the philosophy of spirits proves . also , the moral arguments of reason from the goodness of god , and his justice in distributing rewards and punishments ; the nature of virtue , and tendencies of religious appetites , conclude , i think , strongly , that there is a life after this . thus in short of the principles , i called mixt , which reason demonstrates . but for the others , viz. ( ii. ) those of pure revelation , reason cannot prove them immediately ; nor is it to be expected that it should : for they are matters of testimony ; and we are no more to look for immediate proof from reason of those things , than we are to expect , that abstracted reason should demonstrate , that there is such a place as china ; or , that there was such a man as julius caesar . all that it can do here , is to assert , and make good the credibility , and truth of the testimonies that relate such matters : and that it doth in the present case , proving the authority of scripture ; and thereby in a remoter way , it demonstrates all the mysteries of faith , which the divine oracles immediately discover . and it is no more disparagement to our reasons , that they cannot evince those sacred articles by their own unaided force , than it is a disgrace unto them , that they cannot know that there are such things , as colours , without the help of our eyes ; or that there are sounds , without the faculty of hearing . and if reason must be called blind upon this account , because it cannot know of it self such things as belong to testimony to discover ; the best eyes in the world may be so accounted also , because they are not sagacious enough to see sounds ; and the best palate dull , and dead , because it cannot taste the sun-beams . but though i have said , that reason cannot of it self , immediately prove the truths of pure revelation ; yet ( 1. ) it demonstrates the divine authority of the testimony that declares them ; and that way proves even these articles . if this be not enough , i add the second assertion , ( ii. ) that reason defends all the mysteries of faith and religion : and for this , i must desire you to take notice , that there are two ways , whereby any thing may be defended , viz. either ( 1 ) by shewing the manner how the thing is ; or , if that cannot be done , by shewing ( 2 ) that it ought to be believed , though the manner of it be not known : for instance , if any one denies all sorts of creatures were in the ark , under pretence , that it is impossible they should be contained within such a space ; he that can shew how this might be , by a distinct enumeration of the kinds of animals , with due allowance for the unknown species , and a computation of the particular capacity of the ark ; he defends the sacred history the first way : but if another denies the conversion of aaron's rod into a serpent , upon the same account , of the unconceivableness of the manner , how it was done ; this cannot indeed be defended the former way : but then it may , by representing that the power of god is infinite ; and can easily do what we cannot comprehend , how it is effected ; and that we ought to believe upon the credit of the testimony ( that being well proved to us ) though the manner of this miraculous performance , and such others as it relates , be unknown . and a●… it is in this last case , so it is in all the mysteries of faith , and religion ; reason cannot defend them indeed the first way : but then it doth the second , by shewing , that the divine nature is insinite , and our concep●…ions very shallow , and sinite ; that 't is therefore very unreasonable in us to indeavour to pry into the secrets of his being , & actions ; and to think that we can measure , and comprehend them : that we know not the essence , and ways of acting of the most ordinary , and obvious things of nature , & therefore must not expect throughly to understand the deeper things of god ; that god hath revealed those holy mysteries unto us ; and that 't is the highest reason in the world to believe , that what he saith is true , though we do not know how these things are . these are all considerations of reason , and by the proposal of them , it sufficiently defends all the mysteries , that can be proved to be contained in the sacred volume ; and shews that they ought to be received by us , though they cannot be comprehended . thus if any one should ask me , how the divine nature is united to the humane ? and declare himself unwilling to believe the article till he could be satisfied how ; my answer would be in short , that i cannot tell ; and yet i believe it is so ; and he ought to believe the same , upon the credit of the testimony , though we are both ignorant of the manner . and i would suggest , that we believe innumerable things upon the evidence of our senses , whose nature , and properties we do not know . how the parts of matter cohere ; and how the soul is united to the body ; are questions we cannot answer ; and yet that such things are , we do not doubt : and why , saith reason , should we not believe gods revelation of things we cannot comprehend ; as well as we do our senses about matters as little understood by us ? 't is no doubt reasonable that we should , and by proving it is so , reason defends all the propositions of faith , and religion . and when some of these are said to be above reason , no more is meant , than that reason cannot conceive how those things are ; and in that sense many of the affairs of nature are above it too . thus i have shewn how serviceable reason is to religion . i am next to prove , ( ii. ) that religion befriends it : and here i offer some testimonies from the holy oracles to make that good ; and in them we shall see , how god himself , and christ , and his apostles , do owne , and acknowledge reason . 〈◊〉 consider then that god , isa. 1. 18. calls the rebellious israelites to reason with him ; come now , and let us reason together , saith the lord ; and by reason he convinceth the people of the vanity of idols , isa. 44. 9. and he expos●…ulates with their reasons , ez●…k . 18. 31. why will ye die , ye house of israel ? and mich. 6. 3. o my people , what have i done unto thee ? and wherein have i wearied thee ? testisie against me . he appeals unto their reasons , to judge of his proceedings . isa. 5. 3. and now , o inhabitants of jerusalem , and men of judah , judge i pray you be●…ween me , and my vineyard ; are not my ways equal ? and are not your ways unequal ? in this he intimates the competency of their reasons to judge of the equity of his ways , and the iniquity of their own . and our saviour commands the disciples of the pharisees to give unto caesar the things that are caesars , and to god the the things that are gods ; implying the ability of their reasons to distinguish between the things , that belonged to god , and those , that appertained to caesar. and he in divers places argues from the principles , and topicks of reason . from that which we call , à majori ad minus , from the greater to the less , john 13. 14 ▪ he shews it to be the duty of his disciples to serve their brethren in the meanest offices , and to wash one anothers feet , because he had washed theirs , vers. 14. in●…cing it by this consideration of reason ; for the servant is not greater than his lord ; vers. 16. and useth the same , john 15. 20. to shew , that they must expect persecution , because he , their lord , was persecuted . and luke 12. 23. he endeavours to take them off from carking care and solicitude about meat and raiment , by this consideration from reason , that the life is more than meat , and the body than raiment ; intimating that god having given them the greater , there was no doubt , but he would bestow the less , which was necessary for the preservation of that . to these instances i add some few from the topick à minori ad majus , from the less to the greater , in the arguings of our saviour . thus mat. 7. 11. if ye being evil know how to give good gifts to your children , how much more shall your father which is in heaven give good things to those that ask him ? the ground of the consequence is this principle of reason , that god is more benigne , and gracious than the tenderest , and most affectionate of our earthly parents . so luke 12. 24. he argues , that god will provide for us , because he doth for the ravens , since we are better than they ; how much more are ye better than the sowls ? which arguing supposeth this principle of reason , that that wisdom , and goodness which are indulgent to the viler creatures , will not neglect the more excellent . he proceeds surther in the same argument by the consideration of gods cloathing the lillies , and makes the like inference from it , vers. 28. if god so cloath the grass , how much more will he cloath you ? and mat. 12. he reasons that it was lawful for him to heal on the sabbath day , from the consideration of the general mercy that is due even to brute creatures ; what man shall there be among you that shall have one sheep , and if it fall into a pit on the sabbath day , will he not lay hold of it , to lift it out ? how much more then is a man better than a sheep ? vers. 12. thus our saviour used arguments of reason . and the apostles did so very frequently . s. paul disproves idolatry this way , acts 17. 29. forasmuch then as we are the off-spring of god , we ought not to think , that the godhead is like unto gold , or silver , or stone graven by art. and the same apostle proves the resurrection of the dead by the mention of seven gross absurdities that would follow the denial of it , 1 cor. 1. 15. viz. if the dead rise not , then 1. christ is not risen ; and then 2. our preaching is vain , and we false apostles ; and if so , 3. your faith is vain ; and then 4. you are not justified , but are in your sins ; and hence it will follow 5. that those that are departed in the same faith are perished ; and then 6. faith in christ profits only in this life ; and if so , 7. we are of all men the most miserable , because we suffer all things for this faith ; from vers. 14. to vers . 19 ▪ and the whole chapter contains philosophical reasoning either to prove , or illustrate the resurrection ; or to shew the difference of glorified bodies , from these . and s. peter , in his second epistle , chap. 2. shews , that sinful men must expect to be punished , because god spared not the angels that fell . instances in this case , are endless ; these may suffice . and thus of the second thing also which i proposed to make good , viz. that religion is friendly to reason , and that appears , in that god himself , our saviour , and his apostles owne it ; and use arguments from it , even in a●…fairs of faith and religion . but scripture ; the rule of faith is pretended against it ; and other considerations also : these therefore come next to be considered ; and the dealing with those pretensions was the ( iii. ) general i proposed to discuss . as for arguments from scripture against the use of reason , 't is alledged ( 1. ) from 1 cor. 1. where 't is said , that god will destroy the wisdom of the wise , vers . 19. and the world by wisdom knew not god , vers . 21. and not many wise men after the flesh are called , vers . 26. and god chose the foolish things of this world to confound the wise , vers . 27. by which expressions , of wisdom and wise , 't is presumed that humane reason , and rational men , are meant . but these interpreters mistake the matter much , and as they are wont to do , put arbitrary interpretations upon scripture , without ground . for by wisdom here , there is no cause to understand the reason of men ; but rather the traditions of the jews ; the philosophy of the disputing ●…reeks ; and the worldly polrey of the romans , who were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the rulers of that world. that the jewish learning in their law is meant , the apostle intimates , when he a●…ks in a way of challenge , vers . 20. where is the scribe ? and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies one that was skill'd in their laws , and customs . and that the philosophy of the greeks is to be understood likewise , we have ground to believe from the other question in the same verse ; where is the disputer of this world ? which , though some refer , to the doctors among the jews also , yet i humbly think , it may more properly be understood of the philosophers among the grecians ; for the apostle writes to greeks , and their philosophy was notoriously contentious . and lastly , that the worldly policies o●… the romans are included also , in this wisdom of this world , which the apostle vilisies , there is cause to think from the sixth verse of the second chapter , where he saith , he spake not in the wisdom of the princes of this world ; and 't is well known that policy was their most valued wisdom ; 〈◊〉 regere imperio — to govern the nations , and promote the grandeur of their empire , was the great design , and study of those princes of this world. now all these the apo●…le sets at nought , in the beginning of this epistle ; because they were very opposite to the simplicity , and holiness , selfde●…al , and meekness of the gospel . but what is this to the disadvantage of reason , to which indeed those sorts of wisdom are as contrary , as they are to religion ? and by this i am enabled , ( 2. ) to meet another objection urged from 1 cor. 2. 14. but the natural man receiveth not the things of the spirit of god , for they are foolishness unto him ; neither can he know them , because they are spiritually discerned . hence the enthusiast argues the universal inability of reason in things of religion ; and its antipathy to them . whereas i can apprehend no more to be meant by the words , than this , viz. that such kind of natural men as those scribes , and disputers , and politicians , having their minds depraved , and prepossess'd with their own wisdom ▪ were indisposed to receive this , that was so contrary unto it . and they could not know those things of god , because they were spiritual , and so would require a mind that was of a pure , and spiritual frame , viz. free from that earthly wisdom of all sorts , which counts those thing●… foolishness ; and which by god , is counted so it self . 1 cor. 3. 19. which place ( 3. ) is used as another 〈◊〉 against reason . the wisdom of this world is foolishness with god : but it can signi●…e nothing to that purpose , to one , that understands , and considers the apostles meaning . what is meant by the wisdom of this world here , i have declared already ; and by the former part of my discourse it appears , that whatever is to be understood by it , our reason cannot ; since that either proves , or defends all the articles of religion . ( 4. ) and when the same apostle elsewhere , viz. 2 cor. 1. 12. saith , that they had not their conversation in fleshly wisdom ; we cannot think he meant humane reason by that ; reason directs us to live in simplicity , and godly sincerity , which he opposeth to a life in fleshly wisdom . by this therefore , no doubt , he means the reason of our appetites , and passions , which is but sense and imagination ( for these blind guides are the directors of the wicked ) but not the reason of our minds , which is one of those lights that illuminate the consciences of good men , and help to guide their actions . and whereas 't is objected , ( 5. ) from col. 2. 8. beware lest any spoil you through philosophy . i answer , there is nothing can be made of that neither , for the disgrace of reason ; for the philosophy the apostle cautions against , is the same which he warns timothy of , 1 tim. 1. 4. neither give heed to fables and endless genealogies that minister questions ; calling these , prophane , and vain bablings , and oppositions of science falsely so called , 1 tim. 6. 20. by all which , learned interpreters understand the pretended knowledge , of which the gnosticks boasted , which consisted in the fabulous pedigrees of the gods under the name of aeones ; and it may be the genealogies of which the jews were so fond , and the disputing philosophy among the greeks , which was properly , science falsely so called , and did minister questions , and endless strife ; i say 't is very probable these might be comprehended also : but reason is no otherwise concerned in all this , but as condemning , and reproving these dangerous follies . thus we see the pretensions from scripture against reason are vain . but there are other considerations by which it useth to be impugned , as , ( 1. ) our reason is corrupted , and therefore is not sit to meddle in spiritual matters . to this i say , that reason , a●… it is taken for the faculty of understanding , is very much weakened , and impaired ; it sees but little , and that very dully , through a glass darkly , as the apostle saith , 1 cor. 13. and it is very liable to be misled by our senses , and affections , and interests , and imaginations ; so that we many times mingle errors , and false conceits with the genuine dictates of our minds , and appeal to them , as the principles of truth , and reason , wh●…n they are but the vain images of our phansies , or the false conclusions of ignorance , and mistake . if this b●… meant by the corruption of reason , i grant it ; and all that can be inferred from it will be ; that we ought not to be too bold , and peremptory in defining speculative , and difficult matters ; especially not those , that relate to religion , nor set our reasonings against the doctrines of faith and revelation . but this is nothing to the disreputation of reason in the object , viz. those principles of truth which are written upon our souls ; or any conclusions that are deduced from them : these are the same that they ever were , though we discern them not so clearly as the innocent state did : they may be mistaken , but cannot be corrupted . and as our understandings , by reason of their weakness , and liableness to error , may take fals●…oods for some of those ; or infer falsely from those that are truly such ; so we know , they do the same by the scriptures themselves , viz. they very often mis-interpret , and very often draw perverse conclusions from them ; and yet we say not , that the word of god is corrupted , nor is the use of scripture decryed because of those abuses . but here advantage will be taken to object again , ( 2. ) that since our natural understandings are so weak , and so liable to mistake , they ought not to be used in the affairs of religion ; and 't will signifie little to us that there are certain principles of eternal reason , if we either perceive them not , or cannot use them . to this i answer , that if on this account we must renounce the use of our natural understandings , scripture will be useless to us also ; for how can we know the meaning of the words that express gods mind unto us ? how can we compare one scripture with another ? how can we draw any consequence from it ? how apply general propositions to our own particular cases ? how tell what is to be ●…aken in the letter ; what in the mystery , what plainly ; what in a figure ? what according to strict , and rigorous truth ? what by way of accommodation to our apprehensions ? i say , without the exercise of our understandings , using the principles of reason , none of these can be done , and without them scripture will signifie either nothing at all , or very li●…tle , to us . and what can religion get this way ? this inference therefore is absurd , and impious . all that can justly be concluded from the weakness of our understandings , will be what i intimated before , that we ought to use them with modesty , and caution ; not that we should renounce them . he is a mad-man , who , because his eyes are dim , will therefore put them out . but it may be objected further , ( 3. ) that which men call reason is infinitely various , and that is reasonable to one , which is very irrational to another ; therefore reason is not to be heard . and , i say , interpretations of scripture are infinitely various , and one calls that scriptural , which another calls heretical ; shall we conclude therefore , that scripture is not to be heard ? reason in it self , is the same all the world over , though mens apprehensions of it are various , as the light of the sun is one , though colours , its reflexes , are infinite . and where this is , it ought not to be denied , because follies , and falshoods pretend relation to it ; or call themselves by that name . if so , farewel religion too . but ( 4. ) ' t is socinianism to plead for reason in the affairs of faith , and religion . and i answer , 't is gross ●…ticism to plead against it . this ●…me is properly applicable to the enemies of reason ; but the other of socinianism is groundlesly applied to those that undertake for it ; and it absurdly supposeth that socinians are the only rational men ; when as divers of their doctrines , such as , the sleep , and natural mortality of the soul , and utter extinction , and anni●…ilation of the wicked after the day of judgment , are very ob●…oxious to philosophy , and reason . and the socinians can never be confuted in their other opinions without using reason to maintain the sense , and interpretation of those scriptures that are alledged against them . 't is an easie thing , we know , to give an ugly name to any thing we dislike ; and by this way the most excellent , and sacred things have been made contemptible , and vile . i wish such hasty censurers would consider before they call names ; no truth is the worse , because rash ignorance hath thrown dirt upon it . i need say no more to these frivolous objections . those that alledge atheism , and tendency to infidelity against the reverence and use of reason , are disproved by my whole discourse : which shews that the enemies of reason most usually serve the ends of the infidel , and the atheist ; when as a due use of it , destroys the pretensions of both . i come now ( iv. ) to the inferences that may be raised from the whole . 1. reason is certain , and in●… ; this follows from the state i gave of the nature , and notion of reason in the beginning . it consists in first principles , and the conclusions that are raised from them , and the observations of sense . now first principles are certain , or nothing can be so ; for every p●…ssible conclusion must be drawn from those , or by their help , and every article of faith supposeth them . and for the propositions that arise from those certain principles , they are certain likewise ; for nothing can follow from truth , but truth in the longest series of deduction . if error creep in , there is ill consequence in the case . and the sort of conclusions that arise from the observations of sense , if the sense be rightly circumstantiated , and the inference rightly made , are certain also . for if our senses in all their due circumstances deceive us , all is a delusion , and we are sure of nothing : but we know that first principles are certain , and that our senses do not deceive us , because god , that bestowed them upon us , is true , and good . and we are as much assured that whatever we duely conclude from either of them , is as certain , because whatever is drawn from any principle , was vertually contained in it . ( 〈◊〉 . ) 〈◊〉 , that reason is , in a sense , the word of god. viz. that , which he hath written upon our minds , and hearts ; as scripture is that , which is written in a book . the former is the word , whereby he hath spoken to all mankind ; the latter is that , whereby he hath declared his will to the church , and his peculiar people . reason is that candle of the lord , of which solomon speaks , prov. 20. 27. that light , whereby christ hath enlightned every one that cometh into the world , john 1. 9. and , that law whereby the consciences of the heathen either accuse , or excuse one another , rom. 2. 15. so that hi●…rocles spoke well , when he said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be perswaded by god and right reason is one and the same thing . and luther called philosophy , within its own bounds , the truth of god. ( 3. ) the belief of our reasons is an exercise of faith , and faith is an act of reason ; the former part is clear , from the last particular , and we believe our reasons , because we have them from god , who cannot mistake , and will not deceive . so that relying on them , in things clearly perceived , is trust in gods veracity , and goodness , and that is an exercise of faith. thus luke 12. the not belief of reason , that suggests from gods cloathing the lillies , that he will provide for us , is made by our saviour , a defect of faith , vers . 28. o ye of little faith ! and for the other part , that faith is an act of reason , that is evident also : for , 't is the highest reason to believe in god revealing . ( 4. ) no principle of reason contrad●…ts any articles of faith. this follows upon the whole . faith befriends reason ; and reason serves religion , and therefore they cannot clash . they are both certain , both the truths of god ; and one truth doth not interfere with another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith aristotle , truth agrees with all things that are . whatsoever contradicts faith , is opposite to reason ; for 't is a fundamental principle of that , that god is to be believed . indeed sometimes there is a seeming contradiction between them ; but then , either something is taken for faith , that is but phansie ; or something for reason , that is but sophistry ; or the supposed contradiction is an error , and mistake . ( 5. ) when any thing is pretended from reason , against any article of faith , we ought not to cut the knot , by denying reason ; but endeavour to untye it by answering the argument , and 't is certain it may be fairly answered . for all hereticks argue either from false principles , or fallacio●…ly conclude from true ones : so that our faith is to be defended , not by declaiming against reason in such a case ( which strengthens the enemy , and , to the great prejudice of religion , allows reason on his side ) but we must endeavour to defend it , either by discovering the falshood of the principles he useth in the name of reason ; or the ill consequence , which he calls , proof . ( 6. ) when any thing is offered us for an article of faith that seems to contradict reason , we ought to see that there be good cause to believe that this is divinely revealed , and in the sense propounded . if it be , we may be assured from the former aphorisms , that the contradiction is but an appearance ; and it may be discovered to be so . but if the contradiction be real , this can be no article of revelation , or the revelation hath not this sense . for god cannot be the author of contradictions ; and we have seen that reason , as well as faith , is his . i mean , the principles of natural truth , as well as those of revelation . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith aristotle , truth is throughout contrary to falshood ; and what is true in divinity , cannot be false in reason . 't is said indeed in the talmud , if two rabbins disfer in contradictories , yet both have th●…ir opinions from moses , and from god. but we are not obliged to such a non-sensi●…al kind of faith ; and ought not to receive any thing a●… an article in a sense , that palpably contradicts reason , no more than we may receive any in a sense that contradicts other scriptures . faith , and reason accord as well as the old iestament , and the new ; and the analogy of reason is to be ●…ded also , because even that i●… divine and sacred . ( 7. ) there is nothing that god hath revealed , to oblige our faith , but he hath given us reason to believe that he hath revealed it . for though the thing be never so clearly told me , if i have not reason to think , that god is the revealer of what is so declared , i am not bound to believe , except there be evidence in the thing it self . for 't is not faith , but vain credulity to believe every thing that pretends to be from god. so that we ought to ask our selves a reason , why we believe the scripture to be the revelation of gods will , and ought not to assent to any sense put upon it , till we have ground to think , that that sense is his mind ? i say , we must have ground , either from our particular reasons , or the authority of the church ; otherwise our faith is vain credulity , and not faith in god. ( 8. ) a man may hold an erroneous opinion from a mistaken sense of scripture , and deny what is the truth of the proposition , and what is the right meaning of the text ; and yet not erre in faith. for faith is belief of god revealing : and if god have not so revealed this , or that , as to give us certain ground to believe this to be his sense , he hath not sufficiently revealed it to oblige our faith. so that , though i deny such , or such a sense , while i believe , it is not from god ; his veracity , and authority is not concerned , since i am ready however to give a chearful assent to whatever is clearly , and sufficiently revealed . this proposition follows from the former , and must be understood only of those doctrines that are difficult , and obscurely delivered : and that many things are so delivered in scripture , is certain ; for some are only hinted , and spoken occasionally ; some figuratively , and by way of parable , and allegory ; some according to mens conceptions ; and some in ambiguous , and aenigmatical phrases ; which obs●…urities may occasion mistake in those , who are very ready to believe whatever god saith ; and when they do , i should be loth to say that such erre in faith ; though those that wrest plain texts to a compliance with their interests , and their lusts , though their affections may bring their judgments to vote with them ; yet theirs is error in faith with a witness ; and capable of no benefit from this proposition . ( 9. ) in searching after the sense of scripture we ought to consult the principles of reason , as we do other scriptures . for we have shewn , that reason is another part of gods word . and though the scripture be suf●…icient to its end , yet reason must be presupposed unto it ; for without this , scripture cannot be used , nor compared , nor applied , nor understood . ( 10. ) the essentials of religion are so plainly revealed , that no man can miss them , that hath not a mighty corrupt bias in his will and affections to infatuate and blind his understanding . those essentials are contained in the decalogue and the creed : many 〈◊〉 remoter doctrines may be true , but not fundamental . for 't is not agreeable to the goodness , or justice of god , that mens eternal interests should d●…pend upon things that are difficult to be understood , and easily mistaken . if they did ; no man could be secure , but that , do what he could , he should perish everlastingly for not believing ; or believing amiss some of those difficult points , that are supposed necessary to salvation ; and all those that are ignorant , and of weak understanding , must perish without help , or they must be saved by implicit faith in unknown fundamentals . these are some propositions that follow from my discourse , and from one another . the be●…ter they are considered , the more their force will be perceived ; and i think they may serve for many very considerable purposes of religion , charity , and the peace of mankind . and now give me leave to speak a word to you , my bre●…hren of the clergy , ( those , i mean of the younger sort , for i shall not pr●…sume to teach my elders . ) you have heard , no doubt , frequent , and earnest declamations against reason , during the years of your education , and youth , we know , receives impressions easily ; and i shall not wonder if you have been possessed with very hard thoughts of this pretended terrible enemy of faith , and religion : but did you ever consider deeply since , what ends of religion , or sobriety , such vehement defamations of our faculties could serve ? and what ends of a p●…rty they did ? i hope these things you have pondered , as you ought , and discern the consequent mischie●…s : but yet i shall beg leave ●…o refresh your thoughts with some considerations of the dangerous tendencies and issues of such preachments . ( 1. ) to disclaim reason , as an enemy to religion , tends to the introduction of atheism , infidelity , and scep●…icism ; and hath already brought in a flood of these upon us . for what advantage can the atheist , and insidel expect greater , than this , that reason is against religion ? what do they pretend ? what can they propose more ? if so , there will be no proving , that there is a god ; or , that the scripture is his word ; and then we believe gratis ; and our faith hangs upon humour , and imagination ; and that religion that depends upon a warm phansie , an ungrounded belief ▪ stands but , till a disease , or a new conceit alter the scenc of imagination ; and then down falls the castle whose soundation was in the air. 't was the charge of julian the apostate against the primitive christians ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that their wisdom was to believe ; as if they had no ground for their faith. and those that renounce , and decry reason , justifie julian in his charge . thus religion will have no bottom , but the phansie of every one that prosesseth it ; and how various , and inconstant a thing imagination is , every man knows . these are the consequences of the defamations of reason , on the pretended account of religion ; and we have seen , in multitudes of deplorable instances , that they follow in practice , as well as reasoning . men of corrupt inclinations , suspect that there is no reason for our faith , and religion , and so are upon the borders of quitting it ; and the enthusiast , that pretends to know religion best , tells them , that these suspicions are very true ; and thence the debauchee gladly makes the desperate conclusion . and when others also hear reason disparaged as uncertain , various , and fallacious , they deny all credit to their faculties , and become confounded scepticks , that settle in nothing . this i take to have been one of the greatest , and most deadly occasion of the atheism of our days ; and he that hath rejected reason , may be one when he pleaseth , and cannot reprehend , or reduce any one , that is so already . ( 2. ) the denial of reason in religion hath been the principal engine , that hereticks , and enthusiasts have used against the faith ; and that which lays us open to in●…inite follies , and impostures . thus the arrians quarrelled with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because it was deduced by consequence , but not expressed in scripture . the apollinarists would by no means allow of reason ; and st. austin saith of the donatists , that they did calumniate , and de●…ry it , to raise prejudice against the catholick faith ; and elsewhere , doctores vestri hominem dialecticum ●…ugiendum potius , & cavendum , quàm refellendum censuerunt . the ubiquitarians defend their errors , by denying the judgment of reason ; and the macedonians would not have the deity of the holy ghost proved by consequence . the later enthusiasts in germany , and other places , set up loud , and vehement out crys against reason ; and the lunaticks among us , ( that agree in nothing else ) do yet sweetly accord in opposing this carnal reason ; and this indeed is their common interest . the impostures of mens phansies must not be seen in too much light ; and we cannot dream , with our eyes open . reason would discover the nakedness of sacred whimsies ; and the vanity of mysterious non-sense ; this would disparage the darlings of the brain , and cool the pleasant heats of kindled imagination : and therefore reason must be decryed , because an enemy to madness ; and phansie set up , under the notion of faith , and inspiration . hence men had got the trick , to call every thing that was consequent , and reasonable , vain philosophy ; and every thing that was sober , carnal reasoning . religion is set so far above reason , that at length it is put beyond sobriety , and sense ; and then 't was fit to be believed , when 't was impossible to be proved , or understood . the way to be a christian is ●…irst to be a brute ; and to be a true believer , in this divinity , is to be fit ●…or bedlam . men have been taught to put out their eyes , that they might see ; and to hoodwink themselves , that they might avoid the precipices . thus have all extravagancies been brought into religion beyond the imaginations of a fever , and the conceits of midnight : whatever is phancied , is certain ; and whatever is vehement , is sacred ; every thing must be believed , that is dream'd ; and every thing that is absurd , is a mystery . and by this way , men in our days have been prepared to swallow every thing , but what is sober : whatever is wild , will be suck'd in , like the air ; but what is reasonable , will be fled like infection . so that if a man would recommend any thing , for his life , to those enemies of reason , it must be some odd non-sense , in the cloathing of imagination ; and he that can be the author of a new kind of madness , shall lead a party . thus hath religion , by the disparagement of reason , been made a medley of phantastick trash , spiritualized into an heap of vapours , and formed into a castle of clouds ; and exposed to every wind of humour , and imagination . ( 3. ) by the same way great advantage is given to the church of rome : which those of that profession know very well ; and therefore perronius , gonterius , arnoldus , veronius , and other jesuits , have loudly declaimed against reason ; and the last mentioned , veronius , presented the world with a method to overthrow hereticks , ( meaning those of the protestant faith ) which promised more than ordinary ; and that was , to deny , and renounce all principles of reason in affairs of faith absolutely , and roundly ; and not to vouchsafe an answer to any argument agai●…st transubstantiation , or any other article of their new faith ; but point-blank to deny whatever reason saith , in such matters . and he a●…irms that even these principles of reason , viz. non entis non sunt attributa ; at omne quod est , quando est , necesse est esse ; and such like which are the foundations of all reasoning , are dangerous to the catholick faith ; & therefore not to be heeded . this man speaks out , and affirms directly , and boldly , what the other enemies of reason imply ; but will not owne . this is a method to destroy hereticks in earnest ; but the mischief is , all christians , and all other religions , and all other reasonings are cut off by the same sword. this book , and method of veronius was kindly received by the pope , priviledged by the king of spain , approved by cardinals , archbishops , bishops , and all the gallick clergy , as solid , and for the advantage of souls ; and the sorbone doctors gave it their approbation , and recommended it as the only way to confute hereticks . did these know what they recommended ? and did they , think we , understand the interest of the roman church ? if so , we kindly serve their ends , and promote their designs in the way , which they account best , while we vili●…ie , and disparage reason ? if this be renounced in matters of religion , with what face can we use it against the doctrine of transubstantiation , or any other points of the roman creed ? would it not be blameless , and irreproveable for us to give up our und●…rstandings implicitly to the dictates , and declarations of that church ? may we not follow blindly whatever the infallible man at rome , and his councils , say ? and would it not be vain self-contradiction to use arguments against their decrees , though they are never so unreasonable ? or to alledge consequences from scripture against any of their articles , though never so contrary to the holy oracles ? how easily may they rejoyn , when we dispute against them ; you argue from reason , and by consequences ; but reason is dull , and carnal , and an enemy to the things of the spirit , and not to be heard in the high matters of religion ? and what can we say next , if we consent to the accusation ? i say , by this way , we perfectly disable , or grosly contradict our selves in most of our disputes against the romanists : and we are very d●…ingenuous in our dealings , while we use reason against them , and deny it , when 't is urged against our selves by another sort of adversaries : which implies , that when we say , reason is not to be heard , we mean , 't is not to be heard against us ; but it must , against the church of rome ; or any others we can oppugn by it. thus , i say , our denying reason in religion is either very humoursom , and partial ; or , 't is a direct yielding up our selves to our enemies , and doing that our selves , which is the only thing they desire , to undo us , and to promote their own interests upon our rui●…es . and thus , my brethren , i have represented some of the mischiefs , that arise from the disparagement of reason ; and they are great ones , and big of many others , and such , as are destructive to all government , and all the interests of the sober part of mankind : and i hope i need not intreat you not to contribute to the promoting , and continuance of so false and dangerous a conceit . the assertion of this is properly fanaticism ; and all that we call so , grows upon it . here the enemies of our church , and government began ; upon this they insisted still ; and filled their books , and pulpits , and private corners with these cantings . this was the engine to overthrow all sober principles , and establishments ; with this the people were infatuated , and credit was reconciled to gibberish , and folly ; enthusiasms , and vain impulses . this is the food of conventicles to this day ; the root of their matter , and the burden of their preachments . let reason be ●…eard , and tye them to sense , and most of their holders-forth have no more to say . their spirituality , for which they are admired , is besides reason , and against it , rather than above it ; and while this principle of the enmity between reason , and religion stands , the people will think them the more spiritual preachers , because they are the less reasonable : and while they are abused by such a belief , 't will be impossible for sober men to have any success in their endeavours to convince them . these things i doubt not but you dis●…rn , and know ; and therefore i add no more , for i am sensible to whom i speak . but , there are another sort , and those conformists too , who are made divines by the notes they formerly took from those canters against reason ; to such , i should not tell what to say , they will whine on , and vent their jargon ; to perswade them to speak better sense , is to desire them to hold their peace ; which of all things they hate most . but i hope there ar●… none of those here ; and i could wish the government would take special care of them , where they are ; for they are the most dangerous enemies the church of england hath ; they keep alive the principles of phansie , and faction , which otherwise would go out of themselves . but i let them pass , and conclude with a short advice to the people . i have in the foregoing discourse shewn , with all the plainness , and perspi●…y , that i could , the fair agreement between reason , and religion ; and the mischiefs that arise from the opinion that sets them at odds . if what i have said be not clear to your minds , 't is because i could not help it : all subjects are not c●…pable of being made alike plain to all capacities ; i have all along designed distinct speaking , and 〈◊〉 ( as much as i could ) avoided mixture of languages , and terms of art , that so you might apprehend that , in which i take you to be much concerned , though i chie●…ly intended the discourse for my reverend brethren the clergie , who i doubt not apprehend it fully . what i have more to say to you is , that you would beware of those teachers that rail against reason ; for ●…ither they know not what they say ; or have a design to a●…use you . inst●…ad of hearkening to such , endeavour to be informed of the reason of your faith , and hope : for we are fallen into times , in which you will have frequent occasion to use it : and that faith which is reasonable will not make you ashamed ; and that hope which is well grounded will not disappoint you ; but the end of such an hope , will be the satisfaction of your de●…res , in the day of your expectations ; and the end of such a faith , the salvation of your souls in the day of the lord jesus . to whom , with god the father , and god the holy ghost , be ascribed all glory , and adoration henceforth , and for ever . finis . advertisement . i thought once to have annex'd a brief answer to mr. stubbe ' s late ridiculous pamphlet , call'd campanella reviv'd ; but i have considered , that part of my former discourse is a confutation of the most plausible pretences of that idle paper ; and every reader , for whose good thoughts any one need be concern'd , is able to answer the other li●…le vain things which those considerations of mine will not reach : i therefore thought i might save my self the trouble of particular refl●…ctions ; and indeed i forbore prin●…ipally for this reason , because 〈◊〉 not proper to have to do with mr. stubbe in a discourse , which ha●… any relation to religion . errata . pag. 26. lin . 3. for received read revived , p. 27. l. ●… for being r. beings , p. 30. l. 4. for this r. thus , p. 45. l. 7. for disquiet it r. disquiet , p. 47. l. 10. for ●…ncholidor . m●…lancholico . the sheets towards the end of the ●…irst discourse , and those of the second , i did not s●… till they were publisht , and therefore must leave those errata to the readers corr●…ctions . books printed for james collins . a 〈◊〉 answ to mr. henry 〈◊〉 , the doctor of w●…wick ; wherein the malignity o●… his t●…mper , 〈◊〉 hypocri●… of his pr●… , the 〈◊〉 of his r●…ports , and the 〈◊〉 o●… hi●… arguings , and quotations , in 〈◊〉 an●…ns on plus ultra , are di●… . by 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . ob●…s on mi●…y and political 〈◊〉 : w●…n by the most ●…nourable george duk●… o●… al●… , ●…l . pr●…s m●… ▪ o●… the univ●… practice of physick : wri●… by 〈◊〉 ●…mous doctor br●…ell , qu●… . th●… christian m●…ns victory ov●…r death . a s●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the mos●… honourable george d●… of al●… . by s●…h lord bishop of s●…m . pr●…d and published by the kings sp●… comm●…nd , qu●… . a priv●… con●…nce made publick , between a ri●…h a●…an and a poor country vicar ; wh●…in is discoursed the obligation of oaths which h●…ve been imposed on the subjects of england , with other ma●…rs relating to the present state of affairs , o●… . a plain and necessary confutation of divers gross and antichristian errors, delivered to the vniversity congregation, the last commencement, anno 1653, by mr. sydrach simpson, master of pembroke hall in cambridge dell, william, d. 1664. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a37496 of text r207233 in the english short title catalog (wing d924). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 218 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 47 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a37496 wing d924 estc r207233 13120443 ocm 13120443 97823 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37496) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97823) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 414:2) a plain and necessary confutation of divers gross and antichristian errors, delivered to the vniversity congregation, the last commencement, anno 1653, by mr. sydrach simpson, master of pembroke hall in cambridge dell, william, d. 1664. [12], 49, 30 p. printed by robert white for giles calvert ..., london : 1654. written by william dell. cf. bm. appears in: the tryal of spirits. london, 1653 [i.e. 1654]. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. print show-through in filmed copy. eng simpson, sidrach, 1600?-1655. humanism. philosophy and religion. a37496 r207233 (wing d924). civilwar no the tryal of spirits both in teachers & hearers. wherein is held forth the clear discovery, and certain downfal of the carnal and antichrist dell, william 1653 35380 150 30 0 0 0 2 220 f the rate of 220 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2004-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-06 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2004-06 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a plain and necessary confvtation of divers gross and antichristian errors , delivered to the vniversity congregation , the last commencement , anno. 1653. by mr. sydrach simpson , master of pembroke hall in cambridge . potentior est veritas quam eloquentia , potior spiritus quam ingenium , major fides quam eruditio : & ut paulus ait , stultum dei sapientius est hominibus . luther . epist. ad caspar . bornerum . profes . lipsens . non est istud temeritas , sed fides ; neque inconsideratio , sed ratio ; neque furor , sed fiducia . hilarius lib. contr. constantium augustum . london , printed by robert white , for giles calvert , and are to be sold at the sign of the black-spread-eagle , near the west-end of pauls . 1654. an apologie to the reader , touching the following reply to mr. sydrach simpsons sermon . if it shall seem grievous to any , that i have dealt thus freely and plainly with mr. sydrach simpson , one of the first pastors of an independent congregation in england ; let them consider how paul dealt with those brethren gal. 2. to whom ( according to his zeal , and the present occasion ) he gave no place by subjection , no not for an hour , that the truth of the gospel might continue with the galatians ; and though those brethren seemed to be somewhat , yet saith paul , what ever they are , it makes no matter to me , seeing god accepteth no mans person : and so notwithstanding their reputation , he did not spare them . yea , let them consider how paul at antioch withstood peter to the face for dissembling with the jews in the case of the gentiles , and for not walking uprightly according to the truth of the gospel : wherefore paul did publikely and sharply reprove him before them all . for no true believer is to keep silence , when the doctrine of the gospel is corrupted by the doctrines of men , or to be modest in this matter . wherefore i was compelled to speak thus plainly to him , for his gross prevarication in the things of god ; and i am well satisfied in my conscience in the discharge of my duty , whatever shall be the censure of carnal christians , who have no true sense of the glory of christs gospel , or of the profit of his people , whom yet christ so loved , as to lay down his life , and to be crucified for them . again , if it shall offend any that i deal thus roundly against humane learning ; let them know , that i am not against humane learning upon all accounts , but do allow humane learning ( so it be sober and serious ) in its own place and sphear , as well as other humane things : but i do oppose it as it is made another john baptist , to prepare the way of christ into the world , or to pepare the worlds way to christ : and also , as men make it necessary , for the true knowledge of the scriptures ; yea , the very unction for the ministry . and herein , according to the grace of christ i both do and will contend against it for ever : seeing humane learning mingled with divinity , or the gospel of christ understood according to aristotle , hath begun , continued , and perfected the m●ster●e of iniquity in the outward church . wherefore i do in all boldness appear for christ the w●●dom of god , against humane learning the wisdom of th●world ; knowing assuredly that he is as very antichrist who opposes christ as the wisdom o●god , as ●e that opposes him as the power and righ●ousness of god : and men may as well bring into the church of god another righteousness then christ , and another power then christ , as another wisdom then christ . wherefore , as they who bring in humane righteousness , that is , civil or moral righteousness , or any works or duties of men for righteousness , into the church of christ , they are true antichrists in so doing ; seeing herein they are contrary to , and do oppose christ the righteousness of god : and as they who bring in humane power , or the secular arm into the church of christ , to do , or leave undone , to reward or punish , to promise or threaten , to encourage or discourage by that , they are true antichrists in so doing , seeing herein they are contrary to , and do oppose christ the power of god ; so also they that bring in humane wisdom , or the learning and philosophy of men into the church of christ , they also are true antichrists in so doing ; for herein they are contrary to , and do oppose christ the wisdom of god . for christ is , and is to be the only power , the only wisdom , and the only righteousness in the church of god ; and he that brings in any other power , wisdom or righteousness , besides christ himself , that man is in very deed antichrist . and in this matter also , it was necessary that i should be bold for christ against antichrist . 3. again , if any shall be offended that i speak thus freely against the universities , which are of such honorable esteem everywhere in the nation , especially with the ignorant and vulgar people , and with men of all sorts , who have not the right knowledge of christ and his gospel ( wherein are so contained all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge , that no part of this treasury is left out thereof , to enrich heathenish philosophy withall , which by the gospel is left as a desolate thing , empty and destitute of all true wisdom and knowledge ) i say , if any think that i have too deeply censured these universities ; let them know , that i have done in this matter but as wickliff , hus , luther , and several others , holy men of god , and happy instruments in the hand of christ have done before me . as for instance ; wickliff terms the universities , castra caimitica , cains castles ; synagogas satanae , the synagogues of satan , and affirms they were never ordained or instituted by christ . john hus , ( or otho brunfelsius , if he set out the contents of the chapters ) calls them satrapas antichristi , the lieutenants of antichrist . luther in his book contra ambrosium catharinum , shewing out of daniel the prophet , that antichrist is rex facierum , the king of faces , or appearances , he affirms that the universities are one of those faces of antichrist , and that they are very comely or sightly to look on , and yet indeed are a very chaos and open gate of hell , and that in these the most choise youth of christian people are prostituted , and are cast into the open throat of hell ; and that in these aristotle is read , whereby the wits of christian youth are possessed & busied with humane & heathenish learning ; yea , are quite blinded and oppressed with it . he saith also , that the universities are the woe , that the fifth angel ( mentioned revel. 9. ) brought upon the earth : and that who ever it was that did first institute and confirm universities , he was a star fallen from heaven to earth : to wit , from the gospel of christ to humane learning . and in his exposition on psal. 22. he calls the universities the mothers of learned men , the gates of hell , and saith , they are called ( scholae , i. e. ludi ) schools , that is , plays by a fatall name , seeing they make sport with the scriptures , and cast lotts upon them , as upon the garments of christ , every one dividing to himself a share of them , according to his own humane and philosophical apprehension . and he saith , that the doctors of these universities are by the same providence called doctores scholastici , i. e. ludicri , vel illusorii : school-doctors , that is , mocking or may game doctors . again he saith , those most glorious mothers of studies , the universities , stink before god with most loathsome abomination . these universities are those antichristian souldiers , who put a reed into christs right hand instead of a scepter : and this reed is philosophy , that vain deceit , or as the apostle else where terms it , the operation of error : by which philosophy ( saith he ) the unhappy people of christ began to be governed , that is , to be seduced , and to be led away from the gospel of god . and this vain reed they put into his right hand , by preferring learning before godliness ; saying , ( according to their usual manner of speaking ) he is a learned and a godly man ; hereby making learning to take place of godliness . and yet this philosophy is nothing but a weak reed , which counterfeits a scepter , rather then represents it , and so is nothing but vain deceit ; for there is nothing propounded in such doctrine but vanity and lying , though under the title of knowledge and religion . in a word , he calls them antichristi lupanaria , the stews of antichrist . melancthon also terms the universities , domos mendacii , houses of lyes , and saith , it is manifest that they are all heretical by their school divinity , which all the schools in europe have received from the university of paris , and are thereby infected with heresie ; and he saith , the students in the universities , are not the people of the gospel , nor yet of the law , but are the people of aristotles morals . and thus it is manifest that others have spoken freely and sharply against the universities before now . and therefore wise and godly christians will have no just cause to be offended at me , who have spoken in like maner , having the same cause . object . now if any shall object , that they all spake against popish universities , and that our universities are otherwise now , then they were then , and so there is not the same cause to speak against them now , as there was heretofore . answ. to this i answer , that though the outward form of gross popery be taken away from them ( as also from the rest of the people of this nation ) god having put it into the hearts of the civil power to reject it , after the light of the gospel had begun to shine to them , yet are the heart , bowels , bones , marrow , sinews and blood of the universities , the self-same now as heretofore ; and though the outside of it hath passed under a very little change , yet the inner parts of it remain as before , in the full strength of antichrists kingdom , and that without any alteration at all . for the self-same statutes of the universities and colledges still remain with them in force , which were at first given to them by their popish founders , through the help of antichrist : and these statutes are of such authority with them , that they depart from the rule of christs gospel , to walk by the rules of sinful men , for worldly stipends and rewards . farther , the same philosophy or heathenism , and the same school-divinity or antichristianism , are yet instilled into the youth and students , as were many hundred years ago , in the darkest times of popery ; and these things are all in all in the university learning and education , insomuch that no man is of any esteem and reckoning with them , know he the gospel of christ never so soundly and truly , if he be not ( as they speak ) a good philosopher , and school-divine . so that the university for its inside is the self-same now , as it was in wickliff , hus , or luthers time , being informed and possessed with the same heathenish and antichristian doctrine , now as then : yea , many of the self-same outward and antichristian forms and follies still remain with them , more then with any other people in the nation again , even to their hoods , caps , scarlet robes , doctoral ring , kiss , gloves , their doctoral dinner and musique : neither could they ever yet to this day find in their hearts to lay aside their very praevaricator , which is some notable varlet picked out of the university , and brought forth in the presence of all the heads , students , schollars , and all the great resort of ministers and people at their publique commencement , to make shipwrack of faith and a good conscience before them all , and in open defiance of the gospel , which stands in faith and love , to abuse , and deride , and jeer , and reproach all sorts of persons , of all ages , sexes , professions , and this presently after their divinity acts , which is a wickedness the very heathen would be ashamed of , and which plainly declares what kind of divinity is taught and learned in the university , which can endure , allow , countenance , and be merry at that which so highly contradicts gods word , and grieves his spirit : yet because it makes them merry after a full dinner , and puts more joy into their hearts then the holy scriptures , they could hitherto dispense with all to this day . and so however religion for the outward form , hath been much reformed in these nations ; yet the universities as the strongest holds that antichrist hath had amongst us , have still remained much what the same , not only as to the inward substance of all things , to wit , their statutes , philosophy and divinity , but also in a great measure to their outward forms , as they were in their first antichristian institution . wherefore it was necessary also , that i should be plain and free for christs sake and his churches , against these ( as luther calls them ) stews of antichrist , and dens of thieves , who have been , and still are the constant and fruitfull seed of antichrists kingdom in the world , out of which it might suddainly on all occasions and opportunities grow up afresh , how greatly soever it had been before wasted and destroyed among the people , by the clear word of god and his mighty providences and works accompanying it . now as it was necessary this work should be done , so through the grace of christ was i made willing to do it , seeing no body else more fit and able did appear . and well knowing , that he that provokes the universities and clergy against him , provokes principalities and powers , and the rulers of the darkness of this world against him ; as is evident in the example of wickliff , hus , luther , tindal and others : i have therefore according to christs counsel , sate down and counted the cost of this undertaking , and after all do say , the lord is on my side , i will not fear what man can do unto me . and so i commit thee christian reader , to that grace which is from god , to keep thee in this new hour of temptation , if the lord suffer it to come forth upon the earth . 4. again , if any shall object in reading this reply , that i , my self make use of humane learning , whilst i speak against it . i answer , what part of philosophy is here made use of ? or who of the heathens are here quoted ? i have chiefly made use of the testimony of some faithfull christians , who have lived in several ages , and yet have all witnessed by the same spirit , the same truth . and it is no more humane learning to quote believers in the church since christ , then to quote the patriarks and prophets before christ , or the apostles and evangelists which immediatly followed him . 5. and last of all , if any say , i my self relate to the university , why then do i speak against it thus ? i answer , that i neither do , nor will relate to the university , as it is polluted with any of the abominations herein mentioned : but as by the providence of god alone , i have been brought to that relation in which i now stand , and continue in it , against the wills and workings of many ; so through his good pleasure i will remain , till he shall otherwise dispose of me ; and during my sojurning with them , i will not fail to testifie against their evil , and to endeavor to win all those whom god shall perswade to receive his truth , from heathenism to the gospel , and from antichrist to christ . wherefore let none be offended that i am made willing to hazard and part with my worldly accommodations for christs names sake ; but let them rather praise the grace of god , which hath enabled me to witness a good confession , what ever worldly disadvantage i might run into thereby . wherefore welcome the kingdom , righteousness , power , wisdom , word of christ , though they swallow up all my earthly accommodations : for such love hath the lord put into my heart , that i would not willingly conceal any thing of his most precious truth , either to gain or to preserve to my self the whole world . and so righteous father , not my will be done , nor theirs , but thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven . finis . isa. 62.1 . for sions sake i will not hold my peace , and for jerusalems sake i will not rest , until the righteousness thereof go forth as brightness , and the salvation thereof as a lamp that burns . master sydrach simpson the last commencement preaching to the vniversity congregation in cambridge , and to many others , especially ministers there gathered together at that time , from several parts of the nation , among other things , he let fall in that discourse of his , these gross and antichristian errors . the rehearsal of the errors . 1. he brought in that scripture 2 kings 6. v. 1 , 2. which was his text : the words whereof are these , and the sons of the prophets said unto elisha , behold now the place where we dwel with thee , is too strait for us ; let us go we pray thee unto jordan , and take thence every man a beam and let us make us a place where we may dwel : and he answered go yee . this scripture he used to prove the lawfulness and religiousness of the present vniversities , and the usefulness and necessity of humane learning to the church and ministery of the new testament . and what the scripture speaks of those schools , he brought to countenance , encourage and justifie these : adding , that if it were objected , that that was the old testament : he did answer , that the old and the new were not distinct testaments , but administrations : thereby holding forth , that the vniversities now , are answerable to the schools of the prophets that were then ; and that the vniversities are as agreeable to the new testament , as the schools of the prophets to the old. 2. that they who have endeavoured to pull down schools , have alwaies been men who were found enemies to religion . so julian the apostate shut up the doors of the schools , because he would have all religion to go down . 3. that the knowledge of heavenly things cannot come to us but by things on earth , and that all divinity is swadled in humane learning . 4. that paul was brought up at the feet of gamaliel , and that god took him so fitted , and made him an able minister of his church . 5. that mens hatred to god doth as well appear in their hatred to humane learning , as if they hated the scriptures . 6. that if the spirit teach without means , men may as well be without the ordinances as without the vniversities and humane learning . 7. that men now are not to receive the spirit in that immediate way to understand the scriptures in which it was given to them who wrote the scriptures . 8. that men now are to get knowledge by studies and humane learning , and not by inspiration . 9. that humane learning is as the outworks to the fort of the gospel , and as the outer court to the temple of the gospel : and so if you will keep the fort well , you must keep the outworks strong ; and if you will preserve the inward , you must look to the outward court . 10. but what is the bottom of all this ( to wit , of some mens appearing against humane learning , as the unction of the ministerie , and against the vniversities as the fountain of the ministerie ) but this ? that some say , they are one with christ ; and as christ hath the divine nature in him , so every believer hath ; and he that hath god in him , need not go to any man to learn ; whereas john 17. christ speaketh of believers as at an infinite distance from him : and if believers be so united to christ as they say , they will follow , that christ should not be the only begotten of god ; and that christ and we should be equal , and be not our lord , &c. 11. arts and tongues are the cups in which god drinks to us . 12. we shall never keep up religion , if we do not keep up learning : but when learning goes down , religion goes down too . 13. seeing religious foundations are so antient , then keep them up : your destruction will never be but from your selves . these notes were take from mr. simpsons mouth , and delivered to me by an honest hand , and affirmed to be true for the substance of them ; and i also heard several others who were hearers of that sermon , relating the same things . now because i find that this doctrine hath not only grieved the hearts of the faithful , but also strengthened the hands of the carnal and evil people : the things which he then delivered , being usually the thoughts of their hearts , and words of their mouths ; i thought it my duty , being set in my place for the defence of the gospel , to give a publike reply to such gross errors so publikely delivered , to the danger of so many ; and which one would never have thought should have proceeded from such a man ; especially after the day of the gospel hath so far dawned , and the antichristian shadows are so far retreated and flowen away . and so i shall begin with the first of these errors , and proceed in the order in which they are set down . 1. error . he brought that scripture , 2 king. 6.1.2 . touching the sons of the prophets , asking leave of elisha to go and build at jordan , to prove the lawfulness and religiousness of the vniversities , in their present vse and customs , &c. answer . to this i reply , that there is a vast difference between those schools , and these vniversities , as in many other things , so chiefly in this ; that in those schools of the prophets , named by him , the holy men of god freely taught the youth , who came willingly to them to learn , especially in the corrupt times of israel and judah ; i say they taught them only the knowledge of the books of moses , and of the other prophets then extant , and no heathenish knowledge , or disciplines of the gentiles at all . and these kinde of schools began early in the church : for the fathers before the flood , and the patriarks after , all taught their children and families the word of god ; and so each of their families was such a school . and that we may not be at uncertainties in this matter , it is manifest what doctrine they taught , by that which god himself saith of abraham , gen. 18.19 . i know abraham ( saith god ) that he will command his children and household after him , that they keep the way of the lord , and to do justice and judgement : this was the summe of abrahams doctrine to his family . and this is farther confirmed by that of asaph , psal. 78.2.3.4 . where he saith , i will open my mouth in a parable , i will utter dark sayings of old , which we have heard and known , and our fathers have told us : we will not hide them from their children , shewing to the generation to come the praises of the lord , and his strength , and the wonderfull works that he hath done : where we plainly see what doctrine the children received from their parents , and the parents taught their children from one generation to another ; to wit , not vain philosophy , and the disciplines of the heathens , but the praises of the lord , and his strength and wonderfull works . this also is manifest by the practise of jehosaphat king of judah , who sent his princes with the levites up and down throughout judah , and they onely took the book of the law of the lord with them , ( and no heathnish authors ) and taught the people , 2 chron. 17. and ezra after the prophets return from babilon , took onely the book of the law of moses , and read it to them , and the levites also read in the book of the law of god distinctly to the people , and gave them the sense , and caused them to understand it . nehem. 8. and this also james the apostle witnesseth , acts 15.21 . saying , moses of old time hath in every city them that preach him , being read in the synagogues every sabbath day . so that the faithfull prophets of the lord , during all the old-testament , had the chief care in their schools to keep the word of the lord among them in a right sense , according to the mind of the spirit . for seeing the lords people are his portion , they knew they were to be carefully educated and instructed in the right knowledge of the scriptures , to prepare them for the lord , and to make them meet for his kingdom . and the keeping of the word and doctrine of god pure , is one of the greatest matters of all in the church of god : for as the word is , such is the vvorship , such is the faith , such is the conscience , such is all : wherefore the holy men of god , would by no means bring in the philosophy or doctrine of the heathens into their schools , to teach that to their sons , or scholars , but onely the true , faithfull , and unmixed word of god . and if against this it be objected , that moses was learned in all the learning of the egyptians . to this i reply . but did moses ever teach any of that learning in the church , or publish any of the doctrines of it , or did he command or encourage any of the people of god to learn it ? or did any other of the prophets of the lord many ages , teach their sons or scholars , any of the egyptian philosophy , which was the antientest , or the sinaradine table of hermes trismegistus ( the pretended scholar of moses ) so much boasted of , or any heathnish author whatsoever , of which there were many then extant ? i say , let them prove that but one heathnish author was read by any of the prophets to their scholars , and then they will have some colour taught jesus , and the resurrection from the dead . thus peter first taught the men of judea , and inhabitants of jerusalem , that god had made jesus whom they had crucified both lord and christ , having raised him from the dead , because it was not possible for him to be holden of death , who was the lord and author of life . and steven , disputing with the libertines , cirenians , and alexandrians , and divers philosophers of cilicia and asia , did hold forth to them , nothing but christ , and that he should put an end to the temple and law , and should change all the customs of moses . and they were not able to resist the wisdom and spirit by which he spake . act. 6. and paul at the vniversity of athens , reproved their heathenism , and taught nothing among the epicureans and stoicks , and other sects of philosophers , but the resurrection of christ and his kingdom and judgement . act. 17. he also disputed daily in the school of one tyrannus , and that for two years together , and perswaded onely the things touching the kingdom of god , brought into the world by jesus christ . act. 19. and he so prevailed with his doctrine , that many which used curious arts , brought their books together , and burnt them before all men , and the prior of them was counted at fifty thousand pieces of silver . so that as the gospel pr●vailed , and the name of christ was magnified ; so did people renounce philosophy , and burn their books of curious arts : for which books our vniversity would give as much mony ( if they could procure it from good benefactors ) as they were valued at : so that as they , through the efficacy of the gospel , of heathens became christians , and threw away all other learning , and burnt their books of great value , least they should infect others : so on the contrary , in our vniversities of pretended christians , men usually become true heathens ; never valuing the precious gospel of god our saviour , as they do other heathnish and philosophical books . farther , the same paul dwelt after at rome two whole years in his own hired house , and during all that time , preached onely the kingdom of god , and taught those things which concern the lord jesus christ , with all boldness : but taught not one word of philosophy . he also at corinth , a great and famous city of greece , full of philosophers and orators , taught nothing among them , but christ crucified , to the jews a stumbling block , and to the greeks foolishness ; but to them that believe both of jews and greeks , christ the power of god , and the wisdom of god , 1 cor. 1. and as he made no use of humane learning all this while ; so in 1 cor. 2. he plainly renounces it , and rejects it ; saying . ver. 1. and i brethren when i came to you , came not with excellency of speech or wisdom , declaring unto you the testimony of god . ver. 2. for i determined not to know any thing among you , save jesus christ , and him crucified . ver. 3. and i was with you in weakness , and fear , and much trembling . ver. 4. and my speech and preaching was not with entising words of mans wisdom , but in demonstration of the spirit and power . ver. 5. that your faith should not stand in the wisdom of man , but in the power of god . ver. 6. howbeit , we speak wisdom among them that are perfect ; yet not the wisdom of this world , nor of the princes of this world which come to nought . ver. 7. but we speak the wisdom of god in a mysterie , even the hidden wisdom , which god ordained before the world unto our glory , &c. ver. 13. which things , also we speak , not in the words which mans wisdom teacheth , but which the holy spirit teacheth , comparing spiritual things with spiritual things . in a word , this whole chapter tends to the utter rejection of philosophy , ( which is the wisdom of the world , ) in the kingdom of christ , which is the kingdom of god . he also in his epistle to the collossians chap. 2. gives forth another plain testimony against philosophy , desiring ver. 2. that the hearts of the believers might be comforted and that they might be kni● together in love , and unto all riches of the full assurance of understanding to the acknowledgement of the mysterie of god , and of the father , and of christ , in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge ; and this ( saith he ) i say , least any man should beguile you with entising words : wherefore v. 8 saith he , beware least any man spoyl you through philosophy and vain deceit , after the tradition of men , after the rudiments or elements of the world , and not after christ ; for in him dwells the fulness of the godhead bodily , and ye are compleat in him , who is the head of all principality and power ; here is a sufficient caution again philosophy for the true church for ever . for what need we ( if we are true christians ) to turn aside for wisdom and knowledge , and learning , and curious arts to the heathen , seeing god hath given christ to us , in whom is treasured up all the heights , and depths , and lengths , and breadths of wisdom and knowledge , whereby the whole world was made , and every creature formed and fashioned , and in which it hath its being , subsistence , and operation ; yea in this christ dwells all the fulness of the infinite and eternal god , and he is the head of all principality and power , in earth and heaven ; and there is in him alone , infinitely enough to make us wise and learned for ever , without calling in the help and contributions of the vain philosophers , and their foolish wisdom . it is enough for christian schools , to be taught to know christ , by the ministration of the spirit ; and all other learning that is out of christ , though it seem to be never so high and deep , all faithfull christians are to reject it , as meer sophistrie and deceit . and thus you see that the apostles , aswell as christ , taught their scholars and disciples only the gospel , and spake not one word for philosophy , but directly against it . and the following fathers , and next teachers of the christian church after the apostles , they also obeyed the command of christ , and followed the example of the apostles in this matter . for the bishops and presbyters , that is the overseers and elders , had tender regard to the children of christians , and did teach them aswell as the people , the pure doctrine of the gospel ; they held forth to them , christ crucified , and did exhort them to faith , new obedience , the confession of christ , and patient suffering , and did not at all ●ntermingle philosophy with their divinity , but alwayes rejected and condemned it , all along the first and purest times of the christian church , till the mysterie of iniquity began to arise , and did cunningly insinuate it self into the church , by the means of humane learning . and here it will not be amiss to relate what justine martyr saith of himself , as to this matter ; who was before his conversion to the christian faith , a great philosopher : and lived about 150. years after christs nativity : he in his dialogue which try●ho relates , how first he joyned himself to that sect of philosophers called the stoicks , and after to the peripateticks , after to the pythagorean sect , and after to the platonists , but had no satisfaction in his mind by all this knowledge : but at last he beholding the torments and sufferings of christians , and seeing them bear them with such comfort and constancy , he did thereby conceive that it was impossible for that kind of people to be subject to any vice , or carnality ; which vices of their own nature are not able to sustain any sharp adversity , much less the bitterness of death . and hereupon he began to love and search after the christian religion : and being afflicted in mind , he did withdraw himself into a solitary place , where there met him an old antient father of comely visage , and gentle behavior , who began to reason with him , and to tell him that there was no knowledge of truth among the philosophers , who neither knew god , nor were aided by his holy spirit : and did farther reason with him of the immortality of the soul , of the reward of the godly , and punishment of the wicked . then justine being satisfied with his reasons , yeilded to him , and demanded of him how he might attain to that true knowledge of god , whereof he had spoken ? who counselled him to read the scriptures , adjoyning therewith prayer , &c. and as this●ustine left all other learning , and betook himself only to the●criptures ; so in the understanding of the scriptures , he rejected all his philosophy , and philosophical apprehensions ; saying , that the interpretation of the scripture is to be accommodated to the will of the doctrine of the spirit , and not to humane reasonings ▪ and that he might be sure and safe in all things , he had constant recourse to the scriptures thus understood . so that justine martyr being effectually co●verted , wholly le●t his philosophy , and betook himself to the scriptures , and taught them to the church , as he had been taught them of god by his spirit . constantine the emperor ( though he were the first that brought in the mysterie of iniquity into the christian church , by mingling the civil and ecclesiastical states and laws together ) there being in his time a great increase of christians , through the ministry of the gospel , and a great confluence of them to his imperial citie for the words sake , he wrote to eusebius bishop of nicomedia , in a special letter , wherein he desired him withall diligence and speed to procure fifty volums of the scriptures to be written in parchment well and legibly , and in such a bigness or volume as might be carried with greatest ease ; for she further teaching and instructing of those that came to attain the knowledge of the christian religion : judging it most meet , that christian people should be instructed in the doctrine of christ . and though afterwards , when the suffering times of the church began to be over , christians became more car●●l and secure ( and that in the very days of constantine ) and so began to decline the word of faith , and to seek after philosophy ; yet had god in all the ages of his church some of his servants , who did reject it , and did cleave only to the word : among which , i shall only for the present , produce the testimonies of berno , who lived above six hundred years ago , and zuinglius of latte● times . berno who lived about the year 1008 , and was a man furnished with all sorts of learning , saith , that he had for many years rejected a●●ung the figments of the poets and the histories of the heathens , and the study of secular letters , and had converted the whole intention of his mind in the word of god , and the divine things contained therein : and accordingly , he taught no other doctrine to any . hularicus zuinglius also pastor of z●rich in helvet●ae , ●man who had been educated in all kind of learning , and was after through faith and the teaching of god an eminent instrument in his church , he saith thus of himself ; when ( saith he ) i being yet a youth , was exercised in all sorts of learning , i can truly say , that i did not profit less then the rest of my equals : but when about seven years ago , i betook my self to the study of the holy scriptures , then the things that i had before sacked in , or learned from philosophers and divines , did procure me so much trouble , that being then moved by the authority of the scriptures , i judged that all those things were to be cast away and counted as dung , and that the true minde of god was only to be received from his pure and simple word . and therefore i began humbly to intreat the lord , that he would vouchsafe me his own light : by which means it shortly came to pass , that the reading of the holy scripture did much delight and please me ; and they being nakedly and alone propounded , did flow unto me with more ease , then if i had read them divided and distracted with variety of comments . and as he rejected philosophy wholly , and entertained the word , so did he only teach this word to faithful c●ristians , who are the only true school of christ in the world . now by all this it appears , that the schools of the prophets and apostles , and of christ himself the head of them , and of the most faithfull christians , that followed christ , in the first and latter ages , were in no sort like the schools in the present vniversities , where humane learning , according to the statutes of the vniversities , prevails for the first seven years , and they think youth cannot be made good christians , except they be first made good heathens . the schools of the prophets and apostles would not meddle with the philosophy of the heathen , but led the children and youth presently to the word of god , and therein to the true knowledge of god in christ : but these schools first lead youth from god and his word several years together , to the corrupt reason , wisdom , notions , conceptions , yea to the idolatry , blasphemy , atheism , lusts , filthiness , and villanies of the cursed heathen , that thereby ( in a strange and antichristian method ) they may be the fitter to know and understand the scriptures . the schools of the prophets , taught only moses and the prophets to the jewish youth , and the schools of the apostles taught christ only and his gospel to the children of christians : but the vniversities lead men both from moses and from christ , both from the law and the gospel , to the heathen , to make men hereby able christians and divines . the queen of the south came from the utmost parts of the earth , to hear the wisdom of solomon ; and the vniversities leave christ , who is infinitely greater and wiser then solomon , and go to the utmost parts of the earth for wisdom there . so that in these vniversities , there hath been the greatest apostacy and withdrawing from christ , and the greatest dishonour and disparagement offered to him , and his gospel , as ever was known . for is it not a matter of greatest wonder and amazement , that after that word which was with god , and was god , and is god blessed for ever , hath been manifested in the flesh , and that flesh of his hath been justified by the spirit , to have the fulness of the godhead dwelling in it bodily : and that this wonderfull person hath come to his church , in the same common nature with it , filled with all the righteousness , wisdom , truth , power , life , peace and joy , and all the things of god : i say is it not strange , that he who alone comprehends the fulness of all things and in whom are hid all the infinite treasures of divine and heavenly wisdom and knowledge , that he alone should not be counted sufficient and enough , no not by those who pretend his name , to make us wise to salvation ( which is the only true , excellent , and necessary wisdom in the world ) and to make the man of god perfect , and the whole church of god compleat : but to the great dishonor of christ , yea , to the very rejection of christ , the children of christians must be led from the doctrine of christ ▪ the son of the living god , to the doctrine and disciplines of the wretched , filthy , abominable , wicked and damned heathen and to spend the prime and flower of their youth in these things ? who but antichrist himself could have brought in and set up such an abomination of desolation in the church of god ? and yet for the better credit of all things , must these be them , that their divinity cannot be called the doctrine of christ , but of antichrist , being wholly contrary to the word of faith . and therefore mr. simpson was the more to blame to flatter them in their evils , and to deceive the world , in appropriating to them the glorious title of the schools of the prophets , who are in all things so contrary and contradictory to them . now the summe and certainty of this matter , is this ; that the congregations of believers , where only the word of the gospel is truly taught according to the ministration of the spirit , whether to youth or men , they under the new testament are answerable to the schools of the prophets , under the old , who only taught moses and the prophets : and the vniversities , wherein philosophy is first taught the youth , and after divinity , and then both are mingled together , to the utter perverting and corrupting the gospel of christ ; i say , these vniversities in the time of the gospel , are answerable to the high-places in the time of the law , where a doctrine and worship prevailed which was not according to gods word , but mans will : and where judaism , and heathenism were mingled together into one mungrel religion most odious and abominable to god and his people : and so the vniversities in the time of the gospel , are only answerable to the high places in the time of the law : but not at all to the schools of the prophets , as mr. simpson pretends . and now for the conclusion of this matter ( which i reckon , to be of great concernment for the true church to be thorowly instructed in : ) i shall bring forth the testimony of some godly men : of whom some shew how the schools and vniversities of christians came first to be corrupted , to wit , by departing from the plain word of the gospel , and bringing in philosophy : and another foretels the reformation of the schools of christians , to wit , by rejecting philosophy again , and bringing in the word of faith : all which will serve as a confirmation of what hath been already spoken . matthias parisiensis a bohemian by nation , who lived about the year 1380. wrote a large book against antichrist , whrein he affirms that antichrist had seduced all vniversities and colledges of learned men ; so that now they teach no sincere doctrine , neither give any true light to christians through their teaching ; to wit , they being all corrupted through philosophy , and having through that corrupted all divinity . and john hus , that humble and faithfull servant of jesus christ , and blessed martyr , saith , that antichrist hath seduced all carnal christians from divine wisdom , which is full of salvation and the holy spirit , to the wisdom and science of men and of the princes of this world , which ( wisdom and science ) he hath exceedingly inlarged and increased , and made authentical , and very gainfull of riches and honors in this world : that so by this means , divine wisdom and science might be neglected of christians , and grow old , and be covered over , and be accounted as vile and unprofitable by them ; and that , only that which is high with men ( to wit , humane learning ) might be reckoned glorious , and excellent , and of great authority with christian people . the same hus saith , that this humane learning , wisdom and knowledge , antichrist doth perfectly subject to himself and his service , he being more mighty and subtil through the operation of satan , then all worldly men , whom with all their learning , disciplines , and abilities , he strongly sub●ugates to himself , and doth especially serve himself of these : wherefore saith job chap. 41. sub ipso erunt radii solis , the heams of the sun shall be under him , that is , the holy scripture , and the chief doctors and teachers of it : and he shall prepare gold as dirt , that is , he shall have all the wisdom and learning of men at his pleasure , and in great readiness , and with much ease shall gain it to himself . and antichrist by such men ( saith i. hus ) doth make his body or church strong against the saints of god , and welfavoured and glorious , that it may appear very taking to the world , and may win in all men to it that are not taught of god and renewed by his spirit . and thus antichrist serves himself of all learning and learned men ; whereas divine learning , and the teaching of god he could never in any measure subject to himself , but is alwaies rejected , discovered , and overcome by it . martin luther saith , that whosoever it was , whether alexander of hales , or thomas of aquine , who first instituted vniversities ; he was a star fallen from heaven to earth , who received the key of the bottomless pit , and opened it , and brought forth into the church philosophy , long ago dead and damned by the doctrine of the apostles ; and from the smoak of the bottomless pit , that is , philosophy , came forth locusts on the earth ; that is , saith he , populus vniversitatum è philosophia natus , the people of the vniversities , born and bred of philosophy , &c. thus luther . abbas , joachim calaber , who was long before these , and flourished about the year 1230 , in his commentary on jeremy the prophet , speaks to this purpose , that the sixt angel , mentioned , revel. opens the bottomless pit , and brings out philosophy into the church ; and out of the smoak of this doctrine locusts proceeded , and are spread over all the church into every fruitfull place ; and these locusts he saith , are scholastici & magistri , qui nunc facietenus blandiuntur ut decipiant , nunc caudetenus feriunt unsubvertant simplices & incautos ; that is , the locusts are scholars and masters , according to the academical degrees , who sometimes flatter with their countenances to deceive , and sometimes strike with their tails , that they may subvert the simple and unadvised . and to these scholars and masters , the ignorant and common people resort , and they open to them the old cisterns of heathenish learning and disciplines , long ago stopt up by the doctrine of the apostles : and these cisterns they open , by teaching philosophy to the people : but they shut up the living fountain of saving water , that is , the word of faith : but the spirit of the lord ( saith he ) in the following prophets whom the lord shall raise up , idola studiorum carnalium visitabit , shall visit the idols of carnal studies , maintained and kept up by secular stipends . further he saith , that as antichrist brings forth his mark , which is philosopical doctrine in the church of christ , and by this mark all his teachers and people are known ; so there shall rise up against these , such as have the mark of christ , or the sign of thau in their foreheads , that is , the open and manifest doctrine of christ crucified . and as the signs of moses destroyed the signs of the magicians so shall the word or preaching of the cross destroy all philosophical doctrine , and humane and secular learning out of the church . and then the children , and youth , and , men of all ages , sorts and conditions , shall be taught no other doctrine in the church of christ , then that which is found in the scriptures , even in the writings of the prophets and apostles , and that not according to any humane and philosophical understanding , but according to the teaching and mind of the spirit . and god by all his true servants shall destroy the studies of carnal doctors , and masters in divinity , and shall dissipate all secular and philosophical learning , by the word of truth in their mouths . and so shall the church be reformed aright , when the doctrine of christ only shall be received and esteemed of , and shall live and flourish among christians . and thus as antichrist hath laid aside the scriptures , and all true spiritual and divine learning out of his schools and vniversities , and hath brought into them , instead thereof , philosophy and humane learning ( and so these schools are most unlike to the schools of the prophets ) so in due time , when god shall undertake to reform his church , all this sort of learning shall be cast out again as dirt and dung , and the plain word of the gospel only shall prevail and flourish among the christian people : which time the lord hasten for his elects sake . 2. error . that they who have endeavoured to pull down schools , have alwayes been men who were found enemies to religion : so julian the apostate shut up the doors of the schools , because he would have all religion to go down . answer . true it is , that they who have sought the subversion of christian schools , wherein the doctrine of the gospel is purely taught , without the mixture of philosophy and heathenism , they all have been , and are very enemies to the true religion : but they that seek to put down heathenish schools , and to erect christian , or to reform the schools of heathen into christian , or to remove heathenism out of christian schools , they are not before god and good men enemies to true religion , but the great friends of it , nay , they that call heathenish schools by the name of christian , that they may still remain with the better credit in their heathenism without any true reformation according to the gospel . i rather judge them to be enemies to the true religion , and friends only to their profit , preferment and ends . julian indeed did forbid that christians should be instructed in the disciplines of the gentiles , but saith sozomen ( the writer of the ecclesiastical history ) he did this , because he thought , that by those disciplines men might attain to a great faculty to perswade , which advantage he would not have the christians to gaine to the help of their religion . now certainly this was done , as socrates ( another writer of the ecclesiastical history ) doth acknowledge , by the singular providence of god , for seeing then christians had begun to degenerate from the gospel , and to betake themselves to heathenish learning , julian attribu●●d all the glory and excellency of christianity to that learning , and so thought with mr. simpson , that if humane learning were denyed to christians , christianity it self would soon be at end . wherefore the lord stirred up julian to put down the doctrine of the heathen in the schools of christians that it might appear to all the world , that as the true christian religion is not helped by humane learning , so neither is it hindred by the want of it : and that there is more light knowledge , truth , wisdom , power , vtterance given to christians by the vnction of the spirit alone , which all receive who believe , then through all heathenish disciplines : and also that it might be manifest that true christianity is founded on faith in christ , and the gift of his spirit only , and not at all on humane learning . for what humane learning had peter and john ? and yet in what wisdom and authority did they , being ignorant and unlearned men , reprove , convince , and silence the greatest and ablest men of the jews ? and what humane learning had steven , and yet he confuted the libertines , and cyrenians , and alexandrians , and all the philosophers of cilicia , and asia , which disputed with him ; and they all were not able to resist ( not the humane learning but ) the wisdom and spirit by which he spake . and christ hath promised all his people , that when for his names sake they should be brought before kings and rulers , who usually have the greatest accomplishment of humane learning , that then they should not study beforehand what to say ; for he would give them in that very hour a mouth and wisdom which none of their adversaries should be able to resist . and the power and vertue of the gospel , and the wisdom , knowledge , and utterance of gods spirit is more gloriously manifest in plain men then in learned men ; for in the one , the grace and vertues of the spirit are attributed to humane learning ; but in the other , to god only , who dwells in them . wherefore that the wisdom , and knowledge , and light , and power of the word of faith in true christians might not be attributed to humane learning , god stirred up an enemy to christian religion to be so serviceable to it as to hinder heathenish doctrine from being taught in the schools of christians , that so the c●urch might be restored to be , as in the dayes of its youth , when there flourished in it only the simple and plain word of faith , without any intermingling philosophy or humane doctrine . and if constantine had made such an order in his time , julian had not had such an opportunity to have renounced christianity , and turned heathen . for julian being instructed in the philosophy and disciplines of the heathen by libanius his tutor , by this means he came to love philosophy better then the gospel , and so by degrees turned from christianity to heathenisme , which may be a fair warning to all christians , that they suffer not their children to be so educated , lest at last , with julian , they ( at least in their hearts ) loath and reject the gospel , and become with him apostates and pagans . and hence it is most evident , that heathenish philosophy is so far from being a profitable study for the children of christians , that it is very dangerous for them to be so educated , as socrates is forced to confess ; where he saith , for christians to be thorowly instructed in the disciplines of the gentiles , there is none will grant that this is profitable to the christian religion : for it is not without danger for christians to be taught in the learning of the heathens , seeing this teacheth that there are many gods . and therefore saith he , the doctrine of the heathen is not approved by christ or any of his apostles or disciples . wherefore said luther , my counsel is , that a youth should shun philosophy , and school divinity , as the death of his soul . 3. error . that the knowledge of heavenly things cannot come to us but by things on earth : and that all divinity is swadled in humane learning . answer . i conceive that all christians at the first reading of this , will acknowledge that this doctrine is not divine , but philosophical . the philosophers say , that nothing is in the understanding , but that which is first in the sense , ( which is proportionable to that which mr. simpson speaks ) and yet they know not what they say , when they say so . but let us consider if this be so : that the knowledge of heavenly things cannot come to us but by things on earth ; then how shall we know the mysterie of god , even the father , and the mysterie of christ , who is god manifest in the flesh ? or how shall the mysterie of faith , and of our union with christ through faith into one flesh and spirit with him be known ? or the new birth , and new creature , which hath all things new in it , and all those new things , the things of god ? or how shall the free justification of a sinner through the death of christ , and his reconciliation to god be known , with all the rest of the things of the gospel , seeing nothing on earth can reveal the least part of these things ? and if the world by wisdom , that is , its philosophy , knew not god , how can it by that wisdom reveal god and his things which it never knew ? nay , the apostle doth clearly testifie against this carnal and corrupt doctrine , in 1 cor. 2.7 , 8. saying , we speak the wisdom of god in a mysterie , even the hidden wisdom which god ordained before the world unto our glory , which none of the princes of this world knew ; and by princes of this world , he means not only wordly powers , as chrysostome affirms , but also philosophers and orators , who often obtained the chief government among the nations . god hath wrapped up his gospel , saith paul , into such hidden wisdom , that they are never able to search into it , or to discover the least part of it , seeing god contrived it all , and appointed it before the world unto our glory : and all their knowledge is but from the world . yea , he adds , eye hath not seen , nor ear heard , neither have ever entered into the heart of man the things which god hath prepared for them that love him ; in which words god hath shut out the natural man for ever , with all his study , knowledge , abilities , and attainments , from the having any right understanding of his kingdom , or the things of it : for the eye of man hath not seen them at any time , nor his eare heard them , nor hath any knowledge of them entered into his heart : so far is this doctrine from truth , that the knowledg of heavenly things cannot come to us but by things on earth . but the apostle shews how the faithfull come to know these high , holy , spiritual , and eternal things , which lie infinitely beyond the knowledge and discovery of all men , to wit , by the spirit , saying , but god hath revealed them to us by the spirit ; for the spirit searcheth all things , yea the deep things of god . so that the people of god know the things of the gospel , not by earthly things , as mr. simpson affirms , nor by philosophy and outward wisdom , which only reaches to earthly things , but by the spirit . farther , if all divinity be swadled in humane learning : then i do affirm that all such divinity hath no great depth ; seeing the bottom of humane learning is easily fathomed . but can any christian heart think , that all true divinity , which comprehends in it the heighth , and breadth , and length , and depth of the love of god , which passeth knowledge , and all the unsearchable riches of christ , and all the infinite and incomprehensible treasures of his wisdom , power , and righteousness , of his love , goodness , truth , faithfulness , and of all the fulness of the godhead , wherewith he is filled , can be contained and wrapped up in the narrow and scant bounds of humane learning ? how much truer doctrine had it been to have taught , that all true divinity is contained in god and his word , and that we can know nothing of god aright but by his word , which holy men have spoken by the spirit , and believers do receive by faith , and out of this word . all the learning in the world doth not contain in it self , neither can it reveal to us aright , the least thing of god , or of his mind and will . but i conceive he might speak thus , that all divinity is wrapped up in humane learning , to deterr the common people from the study and enquiry after it , and to cause them still to expect all divinity from the clergy , who by their education have attained to that humane learning which the plain people are destitute of : for it is the old and new design of antichrist to make the people depend on the clergy for all divinity , though the people have the scriptures as near them , and the grace of god usually nearer to them then they ; seeing god resists the proud , and gives grace to the humble . again , if all divinity be swadled in humane learning , then must it sadly follow , that all who want humane learning , must needs also want divinity ; and then , how shall poor plain people , who live in lawfull callings , and have not the leisure to attain humane learning , how shall they do to be saved ? or what help must they have to teach them divinity , who have not opportunity to gain humane learning ? and yet farther , if all divinity be swadled in humane learning ; then christ and his apostles had no true divinity ; for they had no humane learning to swaddle it in , nor would have none ; shall we say now according to mr. simpsons doctrine , that they had no divinity ? i do with all boldness affirm that this doctrine is contrary to the christian faith . 4. error . that paul was brought up at the feet of gamaliel , and god took him so fitted , ( to wit , with humane learning ) and made him an able instrument in his church . answer . not so , but god took paul , not a good schollar , and so made him an able preacher ; but he took him as a blasphemer , and persecutor , and as a cruel and inraged enemy against christ and his truth , and people , and magnified the riches of his mercy by converting such an one : and paul having much forgiven him , loved much , and through his great love , was the fitter to preach the gospel , according to that of christ to peter ; peter , dost thou love me ! feed my sheep . yea paul himself ascribes his painful and profitable preaching , not to his learning and education under gamaliel ( which also was , or ought to have been only in the law and prophets , as hath been proved ) but to the free grace of god bestowed on him , saying , i laboured more abundantly then they all , yet not i , but the grace of god in me : so that paul became so excellent a preacher , not by his fitting through humane learning , but through the grace of god . and here i shall mind mr. simpson of a passage which i have read in chrysostome , which comes home to this matter in hand ; it is in the third homily on the first epistle to the corinthians , where he saith , that god had no need at the beginning of the gospel of learned men , and sophisters to preach the gospel , and to convince the world with syllogisms ; but did only use the word of faith in the mouths of plain handicrafts men , and artificers : wherefore ( saith he ) when the greeks shall accuse the disciples of christ , as ignorant of letters , and unlearned , let us our selves who are christians , accuse them more . neither let any one say that paul was wise and learned ; but let us say , their men were wise and learned , but ours were rude and ignorant ; for in thus doing ( according to the truth ) we shall have the greater advantage against them . for if paul were unlearned , and yet overcame learned plato , his victory was the greater , and the grace of god the more glorious . * now this i say , ( saith he ) because the other day , i heard a certain christian discoursing ridiculously with a greek , each of them in their discourse prejudicing their own cause : for the greek spake that which the christian should have said , and the christian spake that which the greek should have said . for the question between them , being touching paul and plato , the greek endeavoured to prove that paul was rude and unlearned , but the christian through his simplicity did endeavor to prove that paul was more learned and eluquent then plato . and so the greek should obtain the victory , if the christians reasons should prevail . for if paul were more learned then plato , then might men object that he overcame not the world through grace , but through eloquence . wherefore that which the christian spake , made for the greek , and that which the greek spake ; made for the christian . wherefore ( he saith ) when the greeks shall say the apostles were rude , and unlearned , poor , mean simple , obscure persons , let us acknowledge it as the truth ; for this is not their reproach but their glory ; that being such , they yet overcame the learned men , the wise men , the philosophers , the rhetoricians , the orators , the princes , and all the world , as if they had not been men . for when any thing is done above the state and power of nature , this doth exceedingly manifest and magnifie the grace of god . and so it appears that chrysostom was of another mind in this matter touching paul , then mr. simpson ; and that paul was of another mind touching himself . now seeing mr. simpson doth here insinuate that humane learning fits a man to the ministry of the gospel : and seeing this also is the opinion of all the carnal and unbelieving people , i do desire them to consider what some godly men have spoken clearly from the word of god in this matter . chrysostom ( who knew the mysterie of the gospel more clearly then any of the ancient writers ) in his comment on the first epistle to the corinthians , doth wholly exclude humane learning from contributing any thing , either to the speaking or receiving the gospel . for ( saith he ) to believe in him that was crucified and buried , and to be fully perswaded that he rose again , and sits at the right hand of god , and hath all power in heaven and earth given to him , and that he is made of god , to the whole church , wisdom , righteousness , sanctification and redemption ; this doctrine stands not in need of humane wisdom and reasonings , but of faith only , and that both in them that speak it , and in them that receive it . for the apostles did not proceed in this matter in outward wisdom , but in faith , and so became more wise and excellent then the worldly wise : and so much the more , as it is a greater matter to receive the things of god by faith , then to be perswaded into them by the force of argument . he adds also , that to the receiving the doctrine of the gospel , neither is the wise man profited thing by his wisdom , neither is the plain man hindred any thing by his ignorance ; yea , if i may speak a wonderfull thing ( saith he ) ignorance is more fit and ready to receive the gospel then wisdom . and a shepherd , and a plowman will sooner receive the gospel and submit to it , then a schollar who lives in the strength of humane wisdom and reason . he farther saith there , that where the wisdom of god is , ( as it is in the gospel ) there is no need of mans wisdom , as where the sun is , there is no need of a candle . and he concludes there this matter thus . that the preaching of the gospel is a heavenly thing , and that humane vvisdom and learning cannot help herein , but rather hinder . and that therefore when christ sent forth the first teachers of the gospel , he took not wise and learned philosophers , that the cross of christ might not be made void , and that the faith of christians should not stand in the wisdom of man , but in the power of god : but he chose plain fishermen , tent-makers , publicans , obscure , simple , poor , contemptible , ignorant and vnlearned men ; and these overcame kings , princes , people , nations , greeks , philosophers , orators , sophisters , they overcame the antient manners , customs , and the very religion of the world , also their laws , judgements , divers sorts of punishments , and innumerable kinds of deaths ; and by all this ( saith he ) it was manifest that their preaching was not in humane w●sdom , but in the grace of god . and thus doth chrysostom affirm , and prove that humane learning doth not fit men to the ministry of the gospel , but is rather a hindrance thereunto , and that the grace of god only fits them for this heavenly work . hear also what wickliff saith to this matter , in his book entituled , the path way to perfect knowledge ; where he sheweth , that it is not humane learning that helps to understand the scriptures , and to profit in the study of them , but something more high and heavenly ; his own words as these . he whose heart is full of love , comprehendeth without any error , the manifold , abundance , and largest teaching of gods scripture ; for paul saith , the fulness of the law is charity ; and in another place , the end of the law is charity of clean heart , and good conscience , and of faith unfeigned ; and christ saith , thou shalt love thy lord god of all thy heart , and of all thy soul , and of all thy mind , and thy neighbor as thy self : for in these two commandments , hangeth all the law and the prophets : and as the root of all evil is covetousness , so the root of all good is love . charity by which we love god , and the neighbour , holdeth surely all the greatness and largness of gods speeches . therefore , if we have not leisure to search all the holy scriptures , and to pierce into all the privities of them ; hold thou love , whereon all things hang , and so shalt thou hold that which thou learnest there , and also that which thou learnest not . for if thou know charity , thou knowest something , whereon also that hangeth which thou knowest not . and in that that thou understandest in scripture , love is open ; and in that that thou understandest not , love is hid . therefore he that holdeth love in vertues or good life , holdeth both that which is open , and that which is hid in gods word . and after speaking to the clergy , he saith , therefore worldly fools , do ye first repent of your sins , and forsake pride and covetousness , and be ye meek , and fear ye god in all things , and love your neighbour as your self , and then shall ye profit in the study of holy writ . and this is a far other way to understand the scriptures then humane learning . and after , he speaking of the abominations of the vniversity of oxford , saith thus , the fourth abomination , is , that it is now purposed to hinder christian men from learning freely gods law , till they have spent nine or ten years at art , or philosophy , which comprehendeth many strong errors of heathen men , against the christian belief . it seemeth well that god will not cease from vengeance , till it and other things be punished sore . for it seemeth that worldly clerks , and feignedly religious , do this under pretence , that simple men of wit and knowledge know not gods law to preach it generally against sins in the realm . but wit ye , worldly clerks , and feignedly religious , that god both can , and may if it liketh him , speed simple men out of the vniversity , as much to know the holy scriptures , as masters in the vniversity . wherefore ( he saith ) it is no great matter , though men of good will be not poysoned with heathen mens error nine or ten years together ; but let them live well , and study the holy scriptures , and preach truly and freely against open sins till death . thus he . whereby he declares that the scriptures are not to be understood by humane learning , but by faith and love : and that humane learning , doth not prepare men to the knowledge of the word , but rather corrupt them with heathen mens errors . tindal also , that apostle of england ( as fox calleth him ) and blessed martyr , speaks thus to this matter ; they will say yet more shamefully ( meaning the clergy ) that no man can understand the scriptures without philautia , that is to say , philosophy : a man must first be well seen in aristotle , ere he can understand the scripture , say they . now ( saith he ) aristotles doctrine is , that the world was without begining , and shall be without end , and that the first man never was , and the last never shall be : and that god doth all of necessity , neither careth what we do . without this doctrine ( saith he ironically ) how could we understand the scripture , that saith , god created the world of nought , and god worketh all things of his free will , and for a secret purpose , and that we shall rise again , and god will have accounts of all that we have done in this life . aristotle saith , give a man a law , and he hath power of himself to do , or fulfill the law , and becometh righteous with working righteously . but paul and all the scripture saith , that the law doth but utter sin only , and helpeth not ; neither hath any man power to do the law , till the spirit of god be given him through faith in christ . is it a not madness then to say that we could not understand the scripture without aristotle ? moreover aristotles felicity and blessedness standeth in avoiding all tribulations , and in riches , health , honor , worship , friends , and authority , which felicity pleaseth our spirituality well now without these and a thousand such like points , couldst thou not understand scripture , which saith , that righteousness cometh by christ , and not of mans will : and how that vertues are the fruits and gifts of gods spirit , and that christ blesseth us in tribulations , persecution , and adversity . how i say ; couldst thou understand the scriptures without philosophy , in as much as paul , col. 2. warned them to beware lest any man spoyl them ( that is to say , rob them of their faith in christ ) through philosophy and deceitfull vanities , and through the traditions of men , and ordinances after the world , and not after christ ? — and after — but now ye drive them from gods word , and will let no man come thereto , untill he have been two years master of art . first they nuzzel them in sophistry , & in bene fundatum ; and there corrupt they their judgements with apparent arguments , and with alleadging to them texts of logick , of natural philosophy , of metaphysick and moral philosophy , and of all manner of books of aristotle , and of all manner of doctors , which yet they never saw , &c. again , huldricus zuinglius speaks thus to this matter . vve must needs be taught of god and not of men ( to wit in the knowledge of the gospel ) for this is the saying of the eternal truth , which knows not how to lye . joh. 6. but and if you do not firmly believe that you may be taught of god , humane doctrines being utterly rejected , ye are yet destitute of true faith . neither have i my self devised this thing ; for hilarie also is of this opinion , but there is no need of his testimony , when we hear that both christ , and all the apostles were of the same mind . and here the whole use of school divinity falls to the ground , and whatsoever is drawn out of the philosophers . for all these things do lean on humane reasons , which when they have once possessed a mans mind , he then thinks that the heavenly doctrine is wholly to be directed and framed according to the rule of humane learning , which he judges to be most firm and infallible . vvhich thing they sufficiently discover in their words , saying , ubi cessat philosophus , illic incipit theologus , where the philosopher ceases , there the divine begins ; whereby they signifie thus much , that he is able to judge most rightly in divine things , who comes most furnished with humane learning . as if so be the light of our will were more excellent , and more perspicuous then the divine glory ; when yet we hear christ saying , i receive not glory of men ; but i know you , that you have not the love of god in you , joh. 5. for they who have the love of god , cleave to no word so constantly as to the word of god ; seeing this is the light that enlightens every man that comes into the world . but no man is able to prove that philosophy is such a light . for which of the philosophers instructed the apostles ? those simple , and in the judgement of the world , those foolish men , unskilfull , and unlearned fisherman , were elected and instituted of god , and then were sent forth to preach , that they might become the masters and teachers of the whole world : to wit , that god according to the saying of paul , might make ashamed all the strength of the world , and all the wisdom of the world . thus he . luther also saith , it is an error to say , that a man cannot be a divine but through aristotle ; nay , saith he , a man cannot be a divine except he become one , without aristotle . and again , a man becomes a divine by living , yea by dying , and by being damned ( to wit in his own sense ) not by studying , reading , or speculating . and again , in holy things we must not dispute or play the philosophers ; but in divinity we must only hear and believe , and resolve in our heart that god is true , though the things he speaks in his word seem never so absurd to reason . and again , we shall then do well , if we leaving logick or philosophy in their own sphear , do learn to speak with new tongues in the kingdom of faith , without all sphear . for the affection of faith is to be exercised in the kingdom of faith , and not a philosophical understanding . and thus have these godly men held forth and proved from the word , that humane learning is rather a hindrance then a help to the ministry of the gospel , and doth rather unfit then fit men for it : and that the grace and teaching of god only , prepares and enables men to this divine work , and no humane thing at all . wherefore let all true christians be advised , that humane learning is so far from fitting men for the gospel and the ministry thereof , as is suggested , that indeed there is nothing in greater enmity to christ crucified ; nor more contrary to the word of the cross , then that ; yea nothing in all the world hath been such an introducer , favourer , supporter , and inlarger of antichrists kingdom , as humane reason , learning , and philosophy ; this hath brought in all the hypocrisie , superstition , false doctrine , false worship , sects , schismes , divisions , which have at any time prevailed in the church during all the reign of antichrist : and the gospel of christ , and the true belief and practice of it , hath not had at any time a greater and more subtile and plausible enemy then this . yea farther , the gross ignorance and blindness of the rude world , hath not so perverted and falsified the word of the gospel , nor rendred it such contradiction and resistance , nor hath brought such annoyance , to the faithfull who have received and confessed it , as humane science hath done ; for this hath enabled men stoutly to oppose the truth , and subtilly to defend error as the truth ; this hath made men bold and cunning to suppress gods mind from the world , and to hold forth their own mind to them , as if it were gods , under the pretence of the outward letter of the word , and a multitude of other evils have sprung from this corrupt fountain . wherefore the apostle paul is so far from encouraging christians to betake themselves to humane learning to fit them for the gospel , that he by the spirit utterly forbids christians heathenish philosophy , lest they should be spoyled through the vanity of it , and be led away from christ . and thus in this matter hath mr. simpson manifestly departed from the doctrine of the scriptures , and of faithfull men who have spoken from it . 5. error . that mens hatred to god , doth as well appear in their hatred to humane learning as if they hated the scriptures . answer . i conceive mr. simpsons heart was hot within him , out of his great zeal to humane learning ( the great goddess by which the vniversity lives ) when he thus spake ; and it appears he is very tender of the reputation and glory of it , who thus vindicates it , at as high a rate as the very scriptures . but sir , do you know no more difference between the most precious word of our eternal lord god , and his son jesus christ , and the foolish , corrupt , and stinking doctrine of men ? is there no more difference in your divinity , between the word of righteousness , life , and salvation , which god hath spoken by christ , and christ by his servants , and the word and doctrines of wretched men , full of sin , death , and destruction ? and if the law it self , given by the ministration of angels , loseth its glory before the gospel , as the apostle testifies ; how much more doth heathenish philosophy , brought forth , partly from the corrupt reason of man , and partly from the inspiration of the devil , become ●oathsom & abominable before it for ever . and cannot we be enemies to this say y●u , without hating the blessed word of god ? nay , the blessed word of god where it prevails in truth , doth make men to hate this , and to count it loss , and dung , and filth , and the most loathsom baseness in the world , in comparison of it self . wherefore , through the grace of christ , we will so love the scriptures , which are divine learning , as to hate humane and heathenish learning for their sakes , seeing it hath put a veil of darkness in the church , over this glorious sun , the word of faith . 6. error . that if the spirit teach without means , men may as well be without the ordinances , as without the vniversities and humane learning . answer . we do not say , that the spirit usually teacheth without means in the church of christ ; but we say , he teacheth by means of his own appointing ; and how will mr. simpson prove by any scripture that vniversities and humane learning , are means , which the spirit of god useth to teach his church by ? where did ever the lord speak one word , that he would use the disciplines of the gentiles , as means whereby to teach men to know the mysterie of christ ? wherefore this is strange doctrine , that arts and sciences are the means whereb● the spirit teacheth the church : for sure i am , the lord never taught his church , either of the old , or the new testament by these means : only antichrist hath taught his church after this manner , and hath set up humane learning as an ordinance of god , yea , as an ordinance of the new testament to learn christ by ; that christians might be trained upto know christ the wisdom of god , by humane learning the wisd●●● of the world , which is in direct enmity to god . the chief ordinances whereby god helps his church are the word of faith , and the prayer of faith ; and by the ministration of the spirit , he begins , and carries on the salvation of this spiritual people : and these ordinances the true church cannot want , neither doth god do any thing in his church without them . but the spiritual church , for ought that i could ever yet read in the word , may well want their divine ordinance of humane learning , and yet not want any ordinance of god , that he hath appointed and sanctified for the vse of his true church . 7. error . that men now , are not to receive the spirit , in that immediate way to understand the scriptures , in which it was given to them who wrote the scriptures . answer . surely mr. simpson will not deny , that the spirit is given to that whole church which is the body of christ ; seeing paul saith , if any man have not christs spirit , he is none of his , he is no member of his . now the spirit is alwayes given to whomsoever it is given , by the father and the son , as christ taught his disciples , promising them that the father would send the spirit to them in his name ; and also , that he himself would send it to them from the father . and was this promise only made to them , and not to all the faithful also , who should believe in christ through their word ? doth not paul say , rom. 12.13 . of the whole church , that by one spirit we are all baptized into one body , and are all made to drink into one spirit ▪ he saith also to the galatians chap. 4. because ye are sons , god hath sent the spirit of his son into your hearts , crying , abba father . and thus it is manifest that the whole church of believers , and every true member thereof , do receive the spirit of god . and do they not receive in alike immediatly from god ▪ who can give the spirit of god to man , but god himself ▪ when god promised to , pour out his spirit in the last dayes upon all flesh , did he name any difference in the pouring of it out , saying , some shall receive it immediately , and some mediately ? no , but all that are counted worthy to receive the spirit of god , do receive it alike immediately from him ; neither hath christ left any lieutenant or deputy in the world , to give his spirit to men in his absence : but he himself is alwayes present in his true church to the end of the world , both to teach them , and to give them his spirit . he is too much in the darkness of antichrist , that denies this . it is manifest then , that all the true church alike receive the spirit of god and that they all receive it alike immediately from god , seeing no man nor angel can give the spirit of god , but god himself gives his own spirit to whom he pleases by his own word , which he himself ministers by his own spirit ; and by this spirit did holy men speak the scripture , and by this spirit only do holy men of god understand the scripture , as paul saith , 1 cor. 2 12. now we have received not the spirit of the world , but the spirit which is of god , that we might know the things that are freely given to us of god , among which his word hath a chief place : and after saith , that by the spirit they had the mind of christ , which others want , who yet have the same letter of the word , and are destitute of the spirit . and so as the faithfull spake the word by the spirit of faith , so through the same spirit of faith only , so given , do the faithfull understand it . and though this thing be clear in it self , yet i judge it convenient to add here the testimonies of luther and calvin in this matter luther saith , the scriptures are not to be understood but by that very spirit by which they were writ , which spirit can be nowhere found more readily and effectually , then in those holy letters of his which he hath written . and calvin saith , the same spirit that spake by the mouth of the prophets , it is necessary that that should pierce into our hearts , to perswade us that they faithfully delivered that which was committed to them of god . so that we must necessarily have the same spirit to know his mind , that they had to utter his mind . wherefore it is evident that mr. simpson is not orthodox in this point neither . 8. error . that men now are to get knowledge ( to wit of the scriptures ) by studies , and humane learning , and not by inspiration . answer . this doctrine carries the visible mark of antichrist upon it ; for it is only the inspiration of god , that inables a man to know the things of god , and not a mans study or humane learning : it is not in this case , in him that wills or runs , but in god that shews mercy . wherefore christ hath said , no man knows the son but the father , and he to whomsoever the father will re●eal him ; wherefore paul prays for the ephesians , that god would give them the spirit of wisdom and revelation in the knowledge of christ : without which spirit of revelation ; christ and the father can never be known . what can humane learning , and the studies of men find out of the mysterie of christ , which was hidden from ages and generations , as paul testifies , till the spirit revealed it ? yea , christ hath taught , that god hides these things of the gospel from the wise and prudent , that is , the studying and learned men , and reveals them to babes ; and that this is his good pleasure so to do . and so no man can know christ and his gospel , and what is the faith , hope , and love of the gospel , but by the most present teaching and revelation of god himself by his spirit . wherefore to deny the inspiration of gods spirit now , and to ascribe all knowledge of the word of god to mens studies , and to humane learning , is the most gross and palpable doctrine of antichrist and his prophets ; whereas , all the people of god are taught of god himself , in all the things of god , as christ hath said ; because no man by his own studies and pains can attain thereunto . and in this matter , i shall also add the testimony of luther , and latimer . luther saith , no man sees one jot or tittle in the scriptures , but he that hath the spirit of god : for all men have a darkned heart , in such sort , that if they could speak , and knew how to bring forth all things of the scripture , yet have they not any true sense or right knowledge of them . for ( saith he ) the spirit is required to the understanding of the whole scripture , and of every part thereof . and latimer saith , the carnal and philosophical understanding of the scriptures , is not that wisdom of god which is hid from the wise , and revealed to little ones . 9. error . that humane learning is as the outworks to the fort of the gospel , and as the outer court to the temple of the gospel ; and so if you will keep the fort well , you must keep the outworks strong ; and if you will preserve the inner , you must look to the outer court . answer . how highly hath mr. simpson honored socrates , pythagoras , plato and aristotles , &c. to make them a strong guard for the person of christ ? and how highly hath he honored their learning , to make it a defence for the gospel ? and how weak and feeble hath he sought to render the word of faith , that must be thus defended by the arts and disciplines of men , as not being able to stand alone , and to defend it self ? doth this man truly believe in the son of the living god , who make him such an helpless idol ? or doth he believe the word of the gospel , which hath given eyes to the blind , and ears to the deaf , and feet to the lame , which hath raised the dead , and cast out devils , and commanded the winds and waves , and they have obeyed ? i say , doth he believe this word to be of god , which hath done the very works of god ? and yet openly affirms to the world , that it cannot maintain it self , or subsist without the help of philosophy ? is that word , which mightily and perfectly saves all the elect , and that in despight of the world and the devil , and the gates of hell , not able to save it self without humane help ? must that word be secured by aristotle , which delivers all the elect from sin , death and hell for ever ? are grammar , r●thorick , logick , ethicks , physicks , metaphysicks , mathematicks , the weapons whereby we must defend the gospel ? is mr. simpson so ill a proficient in christianity , that he hath not read , or doth not remember that of paul , ephes. 6.12 . where he saith , we wrestle not against flesh and blood , but against principalities , against power , against the rulers of the darkness of this world , against spiritual wickedness in high places . wherefore take unto you the whole armor of god , that you may be able to withstand in the evil day , and having done all to stand . stand therefore , having your loynes girt about with truth , and having on the brest plate of righteousness . and your feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace . above all , taking the shield of faith , wherewith ye shall be able to quench all the fiery darts of the wicked . and take the helmet of salvation , and the sword of the spirit , which is the word of god . praying always with all prayer and supplication in the spirit , and watching thereunto with all perseverance . here now are the true christian weapons , whereby he defends himself through the word , and defends the word against all the world . and the same paul , in 2 cor. 10.3 . saith . for though we walk in the flesh , we do not war after the flesh . for the weapons of our warfare are not carnal , but mighty through god , to the pulling down of strong holds . casting down imaginations , and every high thing that exalteth it self against the knowledge of god , and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of christ . and having in a readiness to revenge all disobedience . so that the faithful do not defend the gospel by philosophy , as is heathenishly suggested ; but by the gospel they defend the gospel ; and the gospel hath in it self that wisdom , righteousness , strength , and those vertues which are infinitely able to defend it self against all the world , and against all the powers of darkness . and how contrary is this doctrine to mr. simpsons ? and thus much for his outworks to the gospel . now for his outer court to the gospel , i know no other outer court the gospel ever had then the law of moses , which law was the preparation to the gospel , and the school master to bring us unto christ ; which humane learning never was . but humane learning is the outer court to antichrists temple , it is the school-master to bring men to antichrist . and thus would mr. simpson also turn the law out of its place , and set up humane learning in the stead of the law , and so would make void both law and gospel for humane learning sake ; surely one would think he hath some considerable advantage thereby , that he thus fences for it . 10. error . but what is the bottom ( saith he ) of all this ( that is , of some mens appearing against humane learning , as the vnction of the ministry , and against the vniversities as the fountain of the ministry ) but this , that some say they are one with christ , and as christ hath the divine nature in him , so every believer also hath : and he that hath god in him , need not go to any man to learn . whereas joh. 17. christ speaketh of believers as at an infinite distance from himself ; he their lord , they his servants . he in glory they in the world . and if they be so united to christ , then it will follow , that christ is not the only begotten son of god ; and that christ and we should be equal , and he not our lord , &c. answer . now doth not all this declare a most woful ignorance of , and enmity to the gospel of god our saviour ? for is our vnion with christ , the foundation of error ? or have true , believers no real vnion with christ , but imaginary ? do not the saints partake of the divine nature ? doth not peter expresly affirm it ; 2 pet. 1.4 . where he saith , exceeding great and pretious promises are made to us that we thereby should be made partakers of the divine nature ? and what is the divine nature , but the very nature of god ? see luther on the place . again , are believers , as he affirms , at an infinite distance from christ ▪ if this were true , what sad news would it be to the church of god ? how can this doctrine agree with these scriptures ? that christ may dwell in your hearts by faith : and christ in you the hope of glory : and of him are ye in christ jesus : again saith christ , i am the true vine , and ye are the branches : and so as the vine is in the branches , and as the branches are in the vine , so is christ in christians , and so are christian in christ . again , joh. 14.20 . at that day ye shall know saith christ himself , that you need not doubt of the doctrine ) that i am in my father , and you in me , and i in you : and again joh. 17.21 . saith christ , i pray not for these alone , that is , who now believe , but also for all that shall hereafter believe in me through their word , that they all may be one , as thou father art in me , and i in thee , that they may be one , as we are one ▪ i in them , and thou in me , that they may be made perfect in one , that the world may know thee ▪ hast sent me , and hast loved them 〈◊〉 thou hast loved me ▪ here now is no infinite distance between christ and believers , but a wonderfull and admirable nearness , and oneness , which the learned ignorance of philosophy understands not , nor the ignorant knowledge of any carnal christian . but sure this word of god is true , and the saints receive it in faith , and will not be deluded with any philosophical , sophistical , or antichristian glosses of false teachers . and thus doth the holy word of god affirm plainly enough , that christ and his christians are most neerly vnited ; and yet doth not this vnion make an equality , and rob christ of his due glory : seeing christ is the head and they his members ; christ the first born , and they his brethren : and so as christ hath the preheminence in all things above them all , as becomes the head and first born , so they have communion with him in all things , as becomes his members and brethren . and whereas he jests , and saith , he that hath god in him , needs not go to man to learn ; i do affirm this is true enough , and the scripture hath affirmed it in several places ; isaiah saith to the spiritual church , all thy children shall be taught of the lord : and christ saith it is written , they shall be all taught of god ; he therefore that had heard and learned of my father , cometh to me . and john saith , 1 john 2.27 . the annointing which ye have received from him abideth in you , and ye need not that any man teach you ▪ but as the same annointing teacheth you all things , and is truth , and is no lye . and this doctrine is so manifest from the scriptures , that he is of antichrist that denies it : for god inwardly teaches all his people by his spirit his own self : and they so hear the word by the ministry of man , that it is alwayes god that teaches them , and not man . 11. error . arts and tongues are the cups in which god drinks to us . answer . in what a sad condition then are the common and plain people , that they cannot pledge him ? but only the learned clergie keep these cups to themselves , as heretofore they kept the cup in the sacrament . but what strange phrase is this ? savouring of the ranters religion ; as if god was the familiar companion of the clergie , and sometimes drank to them in a cup of hebrew , sometimes in a cup of greek , and sometimes in a cup of latine as if sometimes he drank to them in a cup of logick , and sometimes in a cup of ethicks , sometimes in a cup of metaphysicks . is not this truly , profana vocum novitas , a prophane newness of speech , never before heard of to my knowledge in the church of god , and which the apostle utterly condemns . 12. error . we shall never keep up religion , if we do not keep up learning ; but when learning goes down , religion goes down too . answer . the church is founded on christ , and christ and his church ( it seems ) are both founded on humane learning . it is no wonder now , that mr. simpson lays so great stress on it every where ; and that men of his religion term the vniversity , fundamentum ecclesiae , the foundation of the church . and if humane learning do indeed uphold all christian religion , let all men and magistrates come forth and uphold it in the name of god . but surely the religion of the gospel depends wholy on christ , as christ on god : and there is no need of humane learning to support this , except god and christ are insufficient . we have a sure word and doctrine of the gospel , that remains firm for ever , and inviolable , and inconquerable , in and through christ , and his spirit , and the father ; and all the world shall shatter in pieces , and humane learning , go down to hell , and this shall stand fast for ever : heaven and earth shall pass away , and not one jot or tittle of my word , saith christ . believers , know that not one point of your religion depends on humane learning ; but all on christ himself , who is the true and living word . wherefore these are the fears of antichrist and his prophets , that their religion will go down with humane learning , because it was set up by it ; but the true religion of the gospel of god our saviour was at first set up without it , and hath hitherto remained without it , and will abide so for ever . and to this the spirit , and the bride give witness . 13. error . seeing religious foundations are so antient , then keep them up : your destruction will never be but from your selves . answer . religious foundations ! what religion founded the vniversities is well known . for by the councel of four monks , the schollars of bede , to wit , rabanus , albinus , claudius , and john scotus , the vniversity which had been translated from athens to rome , was translated by charls the great from rome to paris , an. 791. and for our english vniversities of cambridge and oxford ; thus it is recorded , that the study of cambridge was instituted , anno 630. by sigi●bert king of the east , angles , who after changed his purple or kingly robes , for a fryars cool or hood . and the lectures here were begun by four monks , of which brother ode ( as they termed him ) read grammar , according to priscians doctrine : terricus an acute sophister read aristotles logick , according to the institutions of porphyrius , and averr●es ▪ brother william , read tullies rhetorick , and gislebertus , read divinity to them on sundays , and saints days . and for oxford , that was founded by king alfred , anno 895. by the perswasion of neotus the monk , and rewards were propounded for those that would profess learning there . afterwards both these schools were made vniversities , in edward the firsts time by the court of rome , as robert remington affirms . yea farther , by the very names of the colledges it is manifests , what religion set them up ; some being founded in the honor of one saint , some of another saint ; one being founded in the honor of christ , another in the honor of jesus , another in the honor of immanuel , another in the honor of the trinity ; whereby they have rent the name of god in pieces , each one seeking to honor that name of christ most , in the honor of which his colledge was founded ; yea , some colledges have bin founded in the honor of christs body ; as the colledges of orpus christi , in both universities : and one in oxford , for the help of all dead souls , and for their rescue out of purgatory : and so it is well known what religion founded them . and what religion will in due time destroy these foundations ( if they be not reformed ) is as well known . for wickliff , whom god raised up to be one of the most eminent reformers of the christian religion , since the apostles times , speaks thus touching vniversities , colledges and students . seeing christ ( saith he ) hath not ordained these vniversities , or colledges , it is manifest that both they and the graduations in them are nothing but so much vain heathenism introduced , in testimony whereof , as well the collegiates as other graduates do seek the things which are their own , leaving the rules of charity : from whence do arise envies , and comparisons between persons and countries , and many other seed-plots of the father of lyes . again , he having spoken of other sects , saith , our judgement concerning colledges is the same , as touching their general studies : for through them , persons and countries are accepted against the rules of charity , and inward envies are h●aped up with other sins , perjuries , and simonies , against their own statutes . notwithstanding it is granted , that out of such colledges many good things do arise , aswell as out of other sects , yet not so many as by the occasion of the sin of the devil , and the sin of the first man . and therefore let a faithfull man be ashamed to alledge the fruit of such profit . again saith he , if these colledges are in their conversation rejected of the lord , who doubts but that to nourish them in this way is no alms , but the foolish presumption of a faction , and party against christ . for all these sects , and all newnesses which are not founded on christ the lord , they tempt christ with the devil , mat. 4. seeing they despise the free ordination of his sect , and do rather choose another sevile sect , less good , as if they would not ascend into the heavenly sion , by the steps which god hath ordained , but would flye to the pinacle of the temple by the carrying of the devil . what alms therefore is it to cherish such a child of the devil in cains castles against christ ? he also affirms that one ideot through the help of the grace of god , doth more good in the church , then many graduates in the schools and colledges : and that gods inspiration of such , doth more profit the community of the faithfull , then all the vniversities , and all their studies and priviledges . thus hath vvickliff witnessed in this matter , who was also himself master of baliol colledge in oxford : and philip melancthon gives this testimony of him , equidem sapientem virum judico fuisse vvicklefum anglum , qui omnium primus , quod ego sciam , vidit vniversitates fuisse satanae synagogas , that is , i do indeed judge wickliff of england to have been a wise man , who for ought i know , first of all saw universities to have been the synagogues of satan . john hus also , that excellent instrument of jesus christ , and blessed martyr , saith , speaking on that scripture , isa. 28. vvoe to the crown of the pride of ephraim , and the crown of pride shall be troden underfoot , saith , the doctor-ships and masterships of many , who having the word of god wholly choaked in them , do now too shamelesly make broad their phylacteries , and inlarge the borders of their garments , and love the chief chairs in the schools , and to be saluted in the markets , and to be called of men doctor ; and by this they go in the apparrel and harness of the mystical body of antichrist , because it is written that he is the king of all the children of pride . and the crown of pride , of these children of pride shall be troden down . and thus as it is manifest what religion founded the vniversities ; so it is as manifest what religion will in the appointed time destroy these foundations , if they be not truly and thoroughly reformed . for surely as they are , if the work of christ go forward in the world ( as it necessarily must do notwithstanding the present defection ) in the appointed time ) they can no more be held up , then the house built on the sand , in the time of tempest . for the true spiritual church is built on the foundation of the prophets and apostles ; jesus christ himself being the chief corner stone , and so it is firmly founded upon a rock , and can never fall ; but the vniversities are built on the philosophers and heathen , plato and aristotle being the chief corner stones , and so they are built upon the sand , and neither can their own hands uphold them , nor the secular arm establish them , in that day wherein the lord alone shall be exalted . but it is not men of moral and civil religion and righteousness , who will do this work , and execute this vengeance ; for the inchauntments of the vniversities are too strong and mighty for all humane spirits : but the called , chosen , and faithfull ones of christ , when he shall summon them , and call them to his foot , they shall not stand on-complements , formalities and niceties ; nor regard frindship or enmity ; but through the power of faith , shall break through all that can be said and objected by the wisdom , policy , prudence , and religion of man , and shall execute the righteous judgements of the lord , on these mothers of harlots , and fornications of the nations . and whereas he saith , their destruction will never be but of themselves : i do verily believe that . for seeing their root is rottenness , their fruit must needs be destruction . yea , the lord will raise up his word in the midst of them to destroy them : for the more the word of the lord shall blow upon the vniversity , the more shall this grass wither , and the flower thereof , that is , humane learning fade away , till it be at last quite dryed up . and this is the burden of the vniversity , whose day is coming , when iniquity shall have an end . and thus have i done with these things ; there were many other things in that s●rmon as contrary to the gospel ; which for brevities sake i have omitted . now what a sad thing is it , that such poysonfull doctrine should be poured forth into an vniversity congregation , and that by the ministry of such a man ? and if the ceremonies of the law were in use under the gospel , how ought we to rend our garments at the bearing of these things ? and now blessed lord jesus , who wast crucified , dead and buried , but art risen from the dead by the eternal spirit , and art ascended on high to fill all things , have mercy on thy poor church , which is so grievously rent and torn this day , by wolves in sheeps cloathing , and is thus hurt and consumed by poysonable doctrine of men , who seek themselves , and their own things , to the harm and ruin of thy poor people ! o thou son of the living god , who are the way , the truth , and the life ; how shall the kingdom of antichrist be brought down , when the hands of such men , who seem pillars in the church , are stretched forth so strongly to hold it up ; and how shall the days of antichrist be shortned , when his kingdom is coming forth again in the greatest deceivableness of unrighteousness that hath ever yet appeared in the world to delude the nations ? o lord remember all thy promises , and make haste to destroy babylon the great , with all its mysteries of righteousness , and vnrighteousness , and let it sink as a milstone in the sea , without any hope or possibility of a resurrection . and seeing there is no hand of man stretched out for this work , but all hands are against it ; do thou destroy it o lord without hand , even with the spirit of thy mouth , and brightness of thy coming according to the truth of thy promises , and the unutterable sighs and groanes of thy spirit occasioned thereby , in the hearts of all thy faithfull and elect . even so lord , and let thy kingdom come , and make no long tarrying . amen . a testimony from the word against divinity-degres in the university : or , any academical degrees made us● of for the ministry of the gospel . the universities ( whose soul and life do lye in humane learning and school-divinity ) that they might gaine the greater profit to themselves , and glory to their children , have ( after the example of the heathen ) given their children degrees in d●vinity ( as they in art ) and the glorious titles of batchelors , masters , and doctors in divinity , as so many crowns of gold upon their heads , to win them honour and reputation with all people , who have been under the delusion of antichrist . and in the confirming of these graduations or degrees , ( which also is done for a sum of money ) they give the graduates license and power to preach , and to expound the scriptures , and that by the sole authority of the university . for the vice-chancelor , admitting a bachelour in divinity to his degree , useth these words in the name of the university , we admit you to declare all the apostolical epistles , in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost . and so the batchelour in divinity , hath power according to his degree , only to deal with the apostolical epistles , but must go no farther . and admitting a doctor to his degree , the vice-chancelor saith thus , we admit you to interpret and profess all the holy scriptures both of the old and new testament , in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost . and thus doth the university , through power received from antichrist , give men , chiefly for money , divinity-degrees ; and through those degrees it gives authority and priviledge to batchelors in divinity to expound part of the scriptures , and to doctors to expound and profess all the scriptures ; and they that gaine these degrees to themselves , are ( as there is good reason ) the great men in account with the university , and also with the carnal people of antichrist , how destitute soever they be , of the faith and spirit of the gospel . wherefore i cannot chuse but give in my testimony against this glorious and gainful priviledge of the universities , to wit , their conferring upon their children degrees in divinity , and creating them masters in that mystery , which none can teach but god himself ; and which none can learn , but true believers who are borne of god , and are his true disciples . and so i do openly affirme , that degrees in divinity ( for i meddle with none else ) given by the universities to their children , are plainly and grosly antichristian , being most manifestly contrary to the word of the gospel , and the light that shines in the new testament . for first , in the gospel of god our saviour , we learn , that onely a new and heavenly birth makes men to be of the true church , and that the pouring forth of the spirit on these children of god , according to the measure of the gift of god , makes christians of several degrees in this church , and not academical graduations . secondly , in this gospel also we are taught , that all the true ministers of christ are equal , and not one superior to another , as these degrees make them . thirdly , in this gospel also we are taught , that the true greatness amongst christs true disciples , doth not stand in academical degrees , or worldly honour and dignities , but in the faithfuls neer and exact following of christ in word and conversation ; and that the sons of zebedee , in desiring superiority and pre-eminence above the other disciples , contrary to the life and doctrine of christ , did grievously offend , and were therefore sharply rebuked of christ . fourthly , yea here , we hear christ himself forbidding this very thing to his disciples , that antichrist and his prophets might have no cloak for doing the contrary , where his gospel is truely taught and published . for mat. 23. christ doth forbid his disciples before all the multitude , to be as the jewish rabbies or doctors , who ( saith christ ) do their works to be seen of men , and disguise themselves with different garments or habits from others ( that they might be the more taken notice of , and have the more respect ) and do love the uppermost rooms at feasts , and the chief seats in the synagogues , and greetings in the markets , and to be called of men doctor , doctor ; but saith christ to his disciples , be not ye called doctor , for one is your master , even christ , and ye all are brethren , and so equal . whence it is evident , that this practice of universities and colledges in giving men degrees in divinity , as they call it , and titles , habits , and dignities accordingly , is contrary to the express command of jesus christ , and so is a meer invention of antichrist , to put honour and reputation on his ministers . it is also manifest , that this practise of the universities , hath all along made many doctors in the church , which yet never were christs true d●sciples . it is also manifest , that these degrees and titles do cause men to be proud , and to lift themselves up above their brethren , and to think themselves something when they are nothing ; such graduates , u●ually pro●ing theologi gloriae , divines of glory ; and not theologi crucis , d●vines of the cross , as luther speaks ; that is , proud and h●ughty clerks , and not the humble ministers of christ cru●ified . these degrees also do break the simplicity of the people of god , and do prejudice the communion of saints . farther , these degrees are a dangerous snare to simple people , causing them to receive all f●r good doctrine that is delivered b●such men , though it be never so erroneous and unsound , inasmuch as their high titles which they have gotten in these high places , and the reputation of their learning , strikes an awe into them , that the● dare not once question what such men deliver , m●ch less contradict it . wherefore , as much of the mystery of iniquity is discovered and dissolved already , so there is no doubt , but that this glorious relique thereof , to wit , divinity-degrees , will also in due time follow , as the lightnings of god shall enlighten the world . and seeing so much of the light of the gospel hath shined forth in thi●age , it were to be wished that the universities , heads of colledges , and clergy , would not wilfully , for worldly honour , ●espects and advantage sake , shut their eyes against it , or rather with open eyes , maliciously seek to extinguish it , but that they would be contented , to have all their honour lye in their l●keness to christ , who was in the church as one that served ; and who was so far from receiving honour and taking titles from men , to make himself of account in the world , that being lord of all , he made himself of no reputation ; and that they would reject all the pompe and pride of the fa●se church , which being destitute of faith and the spirit , makes it self and its ministers glorious , in outward names and titles . now though this be a plaine case in the gospel , and there needs no testimony of men , yet for the fuller conviction of the world , i shall adde the witness of other believers , that it may appear , that i am not alone in this matter , though to have been alone with the word , would have been sure and safe enough . in edward the third's time , there was an excellent d●scourse set forth , called , the plowmans complaint , &c. which testifieth against these divinity-degrees , in these words , antichrist ( saith it ) maketh masters too many , who teach the people with their own teaching , and leave gods teaching which is needful , and hide it with quaint glosses from the mean people . but ( saith he ) these glosers object , that they desire not the state of mastery to be worshipped thereby , but the more to profit the people when they preach the word . for they say the people will more believe the preaching of a master , that hath taken a state of school , then the preaching of another man that hath not taken the state of mastership . to which he replyes , that it is no need that masters bear witness to gods teaching or word , that it is true and good , neither ( saith he ) can any man by his state of mastership which god hath forbidden , draw any man from his sin , rather then another man which is not a master , nor will be none , because it is forbidden him in the gos●el . and a little after he saith , seeing we are to bel●eve a m●ns wo●ks more then his word , the deed sheweth well of these masters , that they desire mastership , rather for their own worship , then for profit of the people , &c. after , john wickl●ffe that chosen servant of christ , did witness against these antichristian degrees , who saith , the clergy do busily seek their own wo●ldly w●rship and glory , and by great gifts and va●ne costs , to be called masters in divinity , and to speak before lords , and to sit at meat with them , and not to teach truely the gospel to all manner of men , by meek l●fe , and freely , as christ bids . the same wickliffe on mat. 23. cap. 4. saith , although in some studies , the name of doctor imports excellency , seeing it is a heathenish rite , heaped together of many honors and states , yet in the text of the apostle , it is taken more plainly , for any faithful man , who doth notably teach the catholike faith : and so the name doctor , speaks desert and labour , and takes away pride and eminency of state according to this world . againe , saith he , every sect , state and operation which christ doth not approve in his gospel , is in reason to be rejected ; and therefore seeing christ doth not approve , but reprove the forenamed heathenish mastership , it is manifest that it is to be discharged , and cast out of the church . againe , saith he , note that the name of an office , doth much differ from the name of a scholastical graduation , heathenishly brought in . he saith also , that christ hath specially forbidden his disciples , heathenish or scholastical mastership ; and that christ would have the name of master or doctor singularly reserved to himself , seeing he , by reason of his hypostatical union , hath a certaine excellen●y which cannot agree to any other of mankind . and concludes , that seeing there is danger in attributing to men the title of master or doctor in divinity , therefore in good reason those titles are to be shunned in the church of god . john hus also saith , that they who take to themselves academical degrees , and titles answerable , do go in the apparel and harness of the mystical body of antichrist , who is the king of all the children of pride , to wit , of the masters and doctors in divinity . again in another place he speaks to this purpose , christ ( saith he ) saith , joh. 8. neither came i of my self , but the father sent me ; so the saints have come in the name of the lord jesus , and in the name of jesus they have performed their priesthood , and he is the crown of their glory : * and by this , they are distinguished from certaine , who are otherwise crowned , as masters and doctors , and batchelors , and from others of other kind of titles , according to the manifold wisdome of this world : for these excelling others by their pains , and through their own science and learning , are notably beautified with their own titles and crowns , and therefore do rather perform their office in their own name , then in christs . thus he . luther speaks much to this purpose also ; but i shall have occasion to use him more largely . zuinglius on that scripture mat. 23. be ye not called doctor , for one is your master , christ , &c. saith thus : thou hearest here , that these titles of masters and doctors , are not of god , seeing christ forbids them . conradus pellican also , a godly preacher , having the sense of this on his death-bed , desired his friends , that he might by no means be buryed , as the manner then was , in the habit of a doctor , quia sperabat se resurrecturum ad judicium non ut doctorem , sed ut humilem christianum ; because he hoped he should rise to judgement , not as a doctor , but as a humble christian . now me thinks , the clear and precious word of christ alone , should take off the universities and clergy , from giving and receiving these degrees and titles , if they do in good earnest profess themselves to be his disciples ; but how much ought they to be ashamed and confounded , when they see other believers , for the love of christ and his word , utterly renouncing these things before their faces , that they , if they persist , may be left wholly without excuse before christ and his church . and now for the conclusion of this matter , i shall hold forth to the universities , the true degrees , which christ the son of god , did himself take in the church of god , and which all his saints are to take after his example . jesus christ the son of the living god , the first and chief teacher of the new testament , did neither commence batchelour nor doctor in divinity , but he took five other degrees , wherein the university-graduates are usually wanting . christs first degree in the church was this , that he was the son of god , as the lord said to him , thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee ; and againe , this is my beloved son , in whom i am well pleased . and this is the first degree that christ himself took in the church , his divine sonship according to his humane nature . and this degree all the faithful take with him , for they all are begotten of god , and born of the immortal seed of his word , and their being the children of god through faith , is the first degree also , that they take in the church . 2. christs second degree in the church , was his unction with the spirit , for being the son of god , the spirit of god came and sate upon him in the forme of a dove , which was his new testament-baptisme : and his first degree was confirmed to him by the father , when he took this second ; for whilst the spirit rested on him , a voice from heaven said , thou art my beloved son in whom i am well pleased . and this second degree also , all the faithful take with christ , for they all as his fellows , are anointed together with him , the chief among them ; they as members are anointed together with him the head , with the same oile of gladness ; and being sons , god sends the spirit of his son into their hearts ; and the spirit of the son in their hearts , is a sure testimony they are sons : and their second degree also confirmes their first ; to wit , the gift of the spirit , their s●nship . 3. christs third degree was this , that after he was anointed by the spirit , and declared to be the son of god , then for the proof of both , he was led by the spirit into the wilderness to be tempted of the devil , fourty dayes and nights together ; and in all these temptations , through his sonship , and unction , he overcame the divel , and came away conqueror : and this was his third degree in the church of god , that the anointed son of god , overcame the devil , in all the greatest and most grievous temptations he could assault him with . and this third degree also , all the faithful take with christ ; for when they are the anointed sons of god , satan sets upon them , with all sorts of temptations , and they are led by the spirit of god , to wrestle with principalities and powers , and spiritual wickednesses set in high places , and the rulers of the darkness of this world : and yet they in the strength of their sonship and unction with christ , do also with him , tread satan under their feet , and go away conquerors through the grace of god in them ; and this also is their third degree in the true church . 4 christs fourth degree in the chur●h was this , that after his sonship , unction , and victory over the devil in all temptations , he then went forth as a fit and able minister to teach the gospel of the kingdome , against all the enmity and opposition of the world , devil , and false church , as is taught us mat. 4. v. 11. & 17. and this fourth degree also , all the truely faithful take with christ . for after they through faith are the sons of god , and through their sonship are anointed , and through their unction , overcome the devil in all his temptations , then also they preach the gospel of the kingdome , being all of them , a chosen generation , and royal priesthood , to show forth the vertues of him that hath called them out of darkness , into his marvelous light , as peter testifies : and they all speak as they do believe , and have experience : and their sonship , unction , and victory over temptation , is as sufficient a ground for them to teach , as it was for christ to teach ; and so they without any regard of the laws of antichrist , or orders of the clergy , go forth to teach the everlasting gospel , as christ did before them ; and this is the fourth degree of the faithful in the church . 5. christs fifth and last degree , which he took in the church was this , that he having both preached and lived the word , whereat the world and worldly church were wholly offended , and inraged , did at the last , willingly confirme his doctrine with his death , and seal to the truth of it , with his blood ; exposing himself to the most shameful and ignominious death of the cross , to confirme his gospel to his church ; and this was the highest and most glorious degree that christ took in his church , as christ testifies , when speaking of his suffering , he saith , now is the hour come that the son of man should be glorified . and this fifth degree also , all the truely faithful do take with christ , either in deed , if need require , or in preparation and readiness , and that whilst they live in outward peace . all the blessed martyrs have taken this highest degree in the church with christ ; and all the rest of his seed have been , and are ready to take it also , when it is the good will of their heavenly father , seeing they can say in the same faith and spirit with christ , even in this matter , father , if it be possible , let this cup pass from me ; yet not my will , but thine be done : for they are come to do the will of him that sent them , even to the laying down their lives . now these are the onely degrees , that christ himself took in the church , and which all the saints take with him ; and the true spiritual church of believers , allows and approves no other degrees but these . and what now are the university-degrees in divinity to these ? they are degrees in antichrists church onely , and every heathen or humane creature , turke or infidel may take them aswel as they , with a little time and paines , and money . wherefore ( that i may turn my speech a little to the university ) do thou university lay this to heart , how much thou hast departed from the gospel of christ in this matter , as well as in all the rest ; and hast received the doctrine , and laws , and methods , and manners of antichrist , wherewith thou hast deceived thy self aswell as the nations . and thou university , hast like thy own mother babylon , mystery written on thy forehead , for thou hast taken to thy self this title , alma mater , the beautiful mother , which onely belongs to jerusalem from above : and though thou hast brought forth a company of prodigious children , heathenish foolish , vaine , vile and abominable , yet hast thou called them learned , and given them degrees in divinity , contrary to the degrees in the gospel , and hast sent them forth , into every city , county , town , and village , as ministers of christ , yea as sons of the morning , though unbelievers and destitute of the spirit : and thus hast thou deceived the nations , and given them a false ministery in stead of a true , and by this false ministery , a false word in stead of the gospel , and the world hath not at any time received a greater wo , nor more grievous plague then from thee : wherefore thus saith the word of the lord , the day of thy vengeance is coming , and the yeers wherein thou shalt be made desolate ; and thy dainty and goodly things shall depart from thee , and thou shalt finde them no more at all , and the voice of musitians and pipers shall no more be heard in thee , for in thee is found the blood of prophets and of saints , and of all that have been slaine upon the earth : thy humane learning , to wit , thy philosophy and school-divinity , & the false ministery that they have set up , and the false christians , that have proceeded from that ministery , have devised and executed all these murders , and massacres , on the true saints of god . finis . quis est sapiens & intelliget haec ? the testimony of martin luther upon the whole matter , to wit , touching vniversities , humane learning , or philosophy , vniversity-degrees , &c. martin luther in his answer to ambrosius catharinus , expounding the vision concerning antichrist , dan. 8. speaks thus : the twelfth and last face of antichrist , is that chaos , and open gate of hell , yet very comely to behold , to wit , the universities , into which , perjurie , and the abuse of gods name are the entrance , and the progress is a free and most licentious conversation in all manner of wickedness . and yet under these sins and destructions , science and sapience are promised . yea titles and degrees are given in stead of rewards . but what do they perform at length ? first , the more choice youth of christian people are here prostituted , and are cast into the open throat of hell , that i verily think this destruction was figured by the idol moloch , to whom anciently they made their choice children to pas● through the fire . afterwards aristotle being read to them , and not rightly understood , the wits of christian youth are exercised with heathenish and humane learning , yea , are quite blinded and oppressed with it . and in stead of the word of god , the doctrine of antichrist is delivered , that it may seem , the devil himself could not bring forth a more subtile and effectual invention and engine , eutterly to extinguish the gospel , then to set up universities . wherein , under the pretence of christian doctrine , nothing should be taught but that which is most contrary to the christian faith . and if at any time it seems good to call forth the choicest to the government of the churches , they call them out of these stews and dens . and truly to me , this last face of antichrist seems to be the most hurtful of all , because this hath the pretence of the word , when all the rest have onely the colour of example ; and this is plainly schola hidoth , the school of propositions , of which anon . for it is incomparably the greatest prejudice , under the colour of the word , to teach things contrary to the word ; seeing the face of e●amples is formed and strengthened by the face of the word , which otherwise would soon come to nothing , if the word should reign in its genuine sense ; and also , seeing the pretence of examples doth onely deceive the manners , but the pretence of the word , overthrows the word . but if by any grace of god , the universities should receive the word ( to wit , instead of philosophy and school-divinity ) how soon would the papacy , with all its faces or appearances perish , seeing this face , to wit , the universities , is the prop , bones and whole strength of that kingdom of faces ! this deceitful face seems to be foretold rev. 9. which scripture it is worth the while to rehearse , and a little to unfold , for john saith , the first angel sounded , and i saw a star fall from heaven unto the earth , and to him was given the key of the bottomless pit , &c. i will here make tryal a little with my own apprehension . now certain it is , that by angels through all the apocalyps , is meant the overseers of churches , as doth plainly appear out of the second and third chapters , where it is written to the angel of ephesus , smyrna , and others . further , that other sort of angels which sounds the trumpet , of which there are seven mentioned , chap. 8. cannot agree to any but the roman bishop , seeing no others are said to sound with trumpet . now to sound with trumpet , can be nothing else , as appears by the consequence of the text , and the following effects , then to make decrees , which none ever arrogated to himself , besides the bishop of the roman church . neither is it said in vain , that they prepared themselves to sound , see●ng chiefly in these popes , there hath been an impatient fury , and unquiet tyranny , to make laws , and thereby to subject others to themselves . but let us come to our first angel , who was the first among three , who were to bring three woes upon the earth , and this is he , who did first institute and confirm universities , whom it is not easie for me to name , histories so varying in this matter . but let him be whosoever he was , he was a star fallen from heaven to earth , whether it were alexander of hales , or ( which i rather think ) st. thomas who onely ( after the universities were approved , and this angel had sounded ) was either the first , or chief author of bringing in philosophy into the christian world , being the most aristotelian , yea plainly aristotle himself , to whom , as to the earth , he fell from christ the heaven , having obtained the authority of that most wicked angel , approving such studies . and he received the key of the bottomless pit , and opened it , and brought forth to us philosophy , long ago dead and damned by the doctrine of the apostles : and from thence ascended the smoak of that pit , that is , the meer words and opinions of aristotle and the philosophers , as the smoak of that great fornace : for then philosophy prevailed , and became of large extent and power , so that aristotle was made equal with christ , in respect of authority and faith . and hereby was the sun darkned , ( even christ the sun of righteousness and truth ; moral vertues being brought in in stead of faith , and infinite opinions instead of truth ) and the ayre also with the smoak of the pit ; that it may be understood , not to be an eclipse of the sun , but the obscurity of the ayre and sun , by the smoak of the pit ascending , to wit , humane doctrines , obscuring christ and his faith , as the sun and aire . and out of the smoak of the pit , there came forth locusts on the earth . here the people of the universities , bred and born of philosophy , are called locusts by a most fit name , because they are without a king , that is , christ , and flie in companies , as is said , prov. 3. and also because they waste and burn up all green things , where-ever they light ; and so the grammarians think they have their name locustae , locusts , a loco usto & vastato , from the place which they burn and waste . and so , this people of the universities , consumes and burns up all the green pasture of christ , that is , the fruit of faith . and power was given to them as the scorpions of the earth have power : to wit , to wound the consciences of men , because the green fruit of faith being wasted , which heals the consciences of men , it cannot be but the conscience must be hurt and prejudiced . and it was commanded them , that they should not hurt the grass of the earth , nor any green thing ; that is , that they should not hurt the elect. for they do not hurt all , neither do natural locusts hu●t every green thing , but some certain place : so it is here . but onely those men , who have not the mark or seal , of god in their foreheads ; that is , some grass they should hurt , to wit , those who have not faith , which is the mark of god , which we carry in a pure conscience and free conversation , and it was commanded them that they should not kill them , but onely should torment them five months . this seems to be spoken of moral doctrine , which seeing it teaches us the knowledge of sin like the law of god , it doth not kill , but onely afflict a man with vain studies , wherein he is always learning , and yet never coming to the knowledge of the truth : for they being killed with the letter , are quickned with the eternal spirit , onely they are tormented five months , that is , the whole time of their sensual life , in which moral vertues reign . and we see by experience that all moral divines , are of a most evil and unhappy conscience , full of scruples and unquietness , and have power neither of good nor evil : and therefore it follows , and their torment is , as the torment of a scorpion when it strikes a man . behold here a wounded conscience : for here he expounds what he had said before , that they are not savingly killed , nor spiritually quickned . and in those dayes men shall seek death and shall not finde it , and shall desire to dye , and death shall flee from them : to wit , the death of sin , which doth too much live in the conscience , and yet is not rightly known ; for if it were known , presently it being slain would perish : but this cannot aristotles ethicks do , but it is the office of the letter and the spirit . and the shapes of the locusts were like to horses prepared to battle , to wit , of scholastical disputation and conflict . he describes the war by this allegory ; for they are ready to argue pro & contra ( as they speak . ) and on their heads were as it were crowns of gold : that is , the names and titles of degrees , as , magister noster eximius : sacrae theologiae humilis & indignus professor , &c. that is , our famous master : and the humble and unworthy professor of sacred theology , and the like . and these crowned ones , john hus called hypocritas coronatos , crowned hypocrites : and by reason of these crowns , they have authority and power among the multitudes of carnal christians , who are willing to entertaine antichrists pompe , into christs church . yet have they not true crowns , but as it were crowns of gold , which they are very proud of , and are much pufft up with them , though usually , they are set on the head , of ignorance and error . and their faces are like the faces of men , because their doctrine and life is governed , not by the spirit of faith , but by the dictate of natural reason , and by the light of nature illuminated by aristotle . and they had hairs like the hairs of women . for philosophy brings forth effeminate ministers , given to ease and luxury ; and in whom is nothing of spirit , nor of manly abilities in christ . for the haired are priests , as you may see psal. 68. isa. 3. and in other places . and their teeth are like the teeth of lyons : consider only the thomists in stead of all other divines ; whether they be not biting , slanderous , and devourers of all that speak a word against aristotles divinity . yea the thomists , scotists and modern men , bite one another among themselves , and sharpen against one another , not any teeth , but the teeth of lyons , neither is there any sort of men which war more fiercely or with greater hatred , then those sects of divines , each of which desire to devour the other , that it may reign alone . and they have brestplates as it were brestplates of iron , and this is the pertinacious and confident presumption of each sect , on the truth and soundness of his opinion : and by these iron brestplates they are unconquerable : and these are the principles of each sect. and the sound of their wings was as the sound of chariots , and of many horses running to battle : the wings are the words of these that dispute and conflict , by which they do impetuously , brawlingly and clamorously rush on one another and fight : as we see in the tumults of disputants both by words and writings , where neither yeelds to neither , but each one is unconquerable . for he signifies this pertinacious affection of disputing , by the rushing of chariots and horsemen . and they had tailes like unto scorpions , and there were stings in their tails , and their power was to hurt men five months . here he explaines what before he had propounded , to wit , that the fruit and end of this divinity is nothing but evil consciences , during all the time of the sensual lives of men . for that divinity is an abomination to those who are spiritual , because these are without the bounds of the five months , in the spirit of liberty . and they had a king over them , which is the angel of the bottomless pit , whose name in hebrew is abaddon , and in greek apollyon . here we may learn that the rector general of all universities , is not christ nor the holy spirit , nor any angel of god , but an angel of the bottomless pit , that is , one that is dead , and is among the dead and damned . who is it then ? even that light of nature , to wit , aristotle , who doth truely reign in the universities , as abaddon , and apollyon , that is , a waster and destroyer of the church . for we have said that an angel signifies a teacher or a doctor in the church . and certain it is , that aristotle who is dead and damn'd , is at this day the great doctor of all the universities rather then christ ; for he reign● alone , being exalted by the authority and study of thomas , reviving freewill , and teaching moral vertues and natural philosophy , to wit , the three-headed cerberus , or three-bodied gerion . behold the first no which the church hath from the romish antichrist by the ministery of saint thomas : and they whose duty it was chiefly to have prohibited and extinguished these things , they chiefly have erected and established them . thus luther , word for word , in the forenamed place . he also in his book de abroganda missa privata , speaking of the idol m●loch , saith thus : moses and jeremy have described the worship of this idol to be after this manner , that they did burn or offer to him their children in the fire , supposing that hereby they did perform the greatest and highest service to god , inasmuch as after the example of abraham they do not spare their own children , though they do this , not onely not being called as abraham was , but also without faith , & in the highest wickedness ; and therefore the psalmist testifies , psal. 78. that they offered not their children to god , but to devils . for whatsoever is not done by the call and command of god , is not done to god but devils , who suggest this , though it be done under pretence of the name of god . now hereby ( saith he ) i conceive the universities to be represented , in which the best and choicest part of christian youth is offered , as it were in burnt sacrifice to god , that there they may be instructed , and be made as it were wholly divine . for the common people believe there is no place under heaven , in which youth can be better instructed , so that even religious people have recourse hither . for to learn any thing out of the university , is to learn nothing : but to have studyed in the university , is to know all things . there all divine and humane things are beleived to be taught : for no man sends his son hither with any other opinion then this , that he can nowhere be better sent . they think they performe the highest service to god , that they offer their sons to be formed according to the instruction of godliness , that thereby they may become profitable and useful ministers , preachers , governors , who may wholly become gods own portion , and be useful both to god and men . and hereto appertains the name moloch , which signifies a king , or kingly , because this kinde of study doth honour them with degrees and promotions , and renders them fit and able to govern others . for we see that all that are preferred to governments , are taken out of universities : and he that is not a graduate or member of an university , is not qualified for preferment , or to be set over any people : but let the ass first be crowned ( to wit , with a degree ) and then let him reign . and parents do not see , and they that do see , do not regard , that youth are usually here destroyed , though rude and vile manners , none commonly forbidding them . yea fornications , luxury , and other manifest sins do but mildly destroy them , but that they are indued and possessed with philosophical , heathenish , humane , wicked , and impious opinions , this is the fire of moloch , which no tears can sufficiently bewail , seeing through this they especially are devoured and perish , who are the most studious and modest youth in universities . so great is the fury of god upon this valley of tophet and hinnom , that they perish more grievously who learn most , and live modestly , then they who learn nothing and are corrupted with lusts . for these learn nothing which is to be unlearned again , seeing they know they do evil ; whereas the other suck in poyson which happily or never they do vomit up again , holding that for good which is evil , and instructing those with the like opinions , whom they take to teach . and to these pits of hell it is to be imputed , that the sun of the gospel is obscured with the smoak of the pit : for out of this smoak proceed those locusts , which possess all chairs , and pulpits , and administer all governments , that satan from the beginning of the world , could devise nothing in all the world more strong and pernicious to waste faith and the gospel , then universities , neither was it meet that this evil should arise , but in the end of the world , when the world through the prevailing of sin , being loaden with the wrath of god , should draw neer to hell and damnation . for the miserable people must needs hear those things taught and delivered out of the pulpits , which those molochites have learned in the universities . and they have learned nothing but the highest blasphemies of god . neither is it lawful to have anywhere any other pastor then these . in jeremiah that valley is called gehinnom , from whence christ took that word gehenna , which what it signifies , i do not well know : but it seems to me to come from janah , which signifies to eat up ; or to pill , or waste , as tyrants or usurers , do pill and suck out the people : so that gehinnom is the valley of pilling or wasting the people , for these being set over the people as shepherds , ought to feed them with the word of life , and they in stead thereof , do insensibly waste and devour them , in their body , goods , and soul , with the pestilent doctrines of universit●es . and such teachers do the univesities , those s●nagogues of perdition , give us . thus luther . these now are luthers own words , which i have made legible to english men . wherein it is manifest that he condemns the universities in the very institution and constitution of them , and chiefly in their chief studies , humane learning , and school-divinity , and also , as to that gross popish opinion , that they are the fountain and nurseries of the ministery : and that none are fit to teach , or so fit to teach , as those that have been educated in them . yea though these be raw , foolish , ignorant fellows , yet being university-graduates must they be set over towns and parishes , and the miserable people must not onely hear them and their doltish doctrine brought from the uni●ersities , but also must be constrained by secular power and laws , to pay them well for such pains , which tends onely to the ruine of their souls for ever : and no hand is yet strongly and resolutely stretched out to deliver the people from this intolerable bondage . for the necks of the people of the world have never endured so grievous a yoak from any tyrants , as from the doctrine and domination of the clergy . for worldly tyrants , have onely afflicted mens bodies and temporal estates , which reached but to this short life : but these spiritual tyrants , the clergy or false ministery , when they have got countenance , strength , and ayd , from the wordly magistrates , how have they with their academical , philosophical , heathenish divinity , infected , poysoned , and destroyed the people to eternal death , and no body durst shun them , upon pain of temporal death or punishments . but now through the great goodness of god , and his mighty providences and works from heaven , it is a more happy age : and happy shall they be , who being called forth , shall do the work of god against all discouragements and difficulties , and shall not with ephraim being harnessed turn their backs in the day of battel . and now to return to our business again touching the universities , let none object that luther speaks against popish universities only , for this is but a weak and simple defence , and altogether unable to ward off the mighty blow of gods word , from their heads and hearts . for the things condemned in the foregoing testimonies of luther , are the self same for the substance of them , as do live , prevaile , and flourish in our present universities , as hath been before declared , and i leave it to every faithful christian to judge the truth in this matter . but men would faine preserve their titles , degrees , authority , dignity , state , stipends , and therefore for defence of these things , they must needs say something , though it be to never so little purpose : but yet by such discourse they sufficiently declare how cool and icie they are for christs interest , and how zealous for their own . but certaine it is , that as the universities were set up at first as nurseries for antichrists kingdome , men being therein so educated ( according to the undertaking of charles the great ) in philosophy and school-divinity , that it might be said to them , vos estis sal terrae , & lux mundi , ye are the salt of the earth , and the light of the world ( which yet onely agrees to the faithful who are born of god ) so have they still remained the same hitherto in substance , though not without some small change of outward form . for first , the philosophy taught and studied in the university is the very same that it was at first , and this philosophy is nothing but the religion of the heathen , for what the law was to the jews , and the gospel is to the christians , philosophy was and is to the heathen ; and in this study the poor lads wast the flower and cream of their lives , to no purpose , but to make them more heathenish , corrupt , and bold , then they were by nature . and , 2. for their divinity which they usually learn in the universities , out of the fathers , schoolmen , and systems ; and in which they are trained up , to dispute either for it , or against it in the schools ( it being in seriousnes● , all one to them what they hold and maintaine in religion , seeing all is but opinion to them ) and which they after teach to the peole , with special regard to their own profit and advantage , this is not the true word , and ministery of the gospel . for the gospel is the word of faith , which word , is the word in our hearts , according to the tenor of the new covenant , wherein god saith , i will write my law in their hearts , and put it in their inward parts ; but now the university-divines , the truth being indeed dead in their hearts , and having no presence nor power there , they take it up out of the books and writings of men , wherein it hath been buryed , and by this means bring forth a dead doctrine to the world ( which other men have spoken , but they have no experience of ) and not the word of life , which hath quickened them ; but onely a dead letter , raised up like the l●ving letter , which they present to them , as the w●t●h of endor raised up a dead samuel in the outward habit and appearance of the living samuel , and presented him to saul : so these university-divines bring forth the outward garments and appearance of the truth to the people , when they do best , but the substance , soul , and life of the truth , they cannot bring forth , because they have not the l●ving word of god in their hearts , but have onely a dead word , which they gather out of the books and writings of men . and this is the university-d●vinity . and lastly , the preachers which the universities send forth , are usually in the greatest enmity to christ and his gospel , of all other men whatsoever , and do bring greatest prejudice to christs kingdom , and advantage to antichrists . for when men without learning , and yet without the spirit of christ , will undertake to teach the people ( as many also now do ) their ignorance is manifest to all , and is judged of all , and they through their rudeness can never long deceive the world ; but now , when men are as destitute of the spirit as they , and yet have humane learning , and the letter of the word in a philosophical sense to help them , this is that that indangers and deceives the world , the people supposing the doctrine of the gospel according to philosophical learning , to be the ministration of the spirit , and to be sufficiently enough to instruct the church . and so antichrists kingdome is set up with credit and renown by these : whereas the ignorant teachers , who are destitute of the spirit , are able to do him no considerable service . but christ will not have the learned men to be teachers in his church through their learning , and as little will he have ignorant men to teach in his church , because of their ignorance ; but whether men be learned or ignorant according to the world , it is no matter in christs church , where each man is to speak in the spirit of christ , which makes alike , both the ignorant and the learned , wise in christ : and so the learned man becomes ignorant in the church to be learned in christ , and the ignorant man without worldly learning , forthwith becomes wise in christ ; and the learned and the ignorant meet together onely in the wisdome of christ , which is the wisdome of god , and swallows up at once , all the learning and ignorance of the world alike , and will have all wise alone in it self . wherefore all universities being left and forsaken as to this matter , let learned and ignorant men come alike to christ to be made wise in him , who is made unto us of god , our only wisdome . finis . the right reformation of learning , schooles and universities according to the state of the gospel , and the true light that shines therein . though i do not pretend to that wisdome which might direct the world ( farther then the word of god is with me ) yet shall i be bold , as one who desires to be faithful to christ , and profitable to his true church , to offer my apprehensions and advice , to the called , chosen , and faithful ones of christ , that either now are , or hereafter may be in authority in these nations , touching the instructing youth , and ordering schools . 1. first , therefore , as to this matter , i do judge , there neither is , nor can be , any greater evil then to bring up children in ease and idleness , and that they should have nothing to do , but to do nothing ; and to live freely and without controule , according to those natural lusts and corruptions which they bring along with them , into the world , which do soon wonderfully improve through such a careless and unnurtured life . and such children and youth , usually become an early prey to the devil , who readily fills them , with all the ungodliness and unrighteousness of the heathen . 2. i conceive it meet , that the civil power , or chief magistrates , should take great care of the education of youth , as of one of the greatest works that concerns them , and as one of the worthiest things they can do in the world ; inasmuch as what the youth now is , the whole commonwealth will shortly be . 3. to this end , it is meet that schools ( if wanting ) be erected through the whole nation , and that not onely in cities and great towns , but also ( as much as may be ) in all lesser villages : and that the authority of the nation take great care , that godly men especially , have the charge of greater schools ; and also that no women be permitted to teach little children in villages , but such as are the most sober and grave ; and that the magistrate afford to this work , all suitable incouragement and assistance . 4. that in such schools , they first teach them to read their native tongues , which they speak without teaching ; and then presently as they understand , bring them to read the holy scriptures , which though for the present they understand not , yet may they ( through the blessing of god ) come to understand them afterwards . 5. that in cities and greater towns , where are the greater schools , and the greater opportunities to send children to them , they teach them also the latine , and greek tongues , and the hebrew also , which is the easiest of them all , and ought to be in great account with us , for the old testaments sake . and it is most heedfully to be regarded , that in teaching youth the tongues , to wit , the greek and latine , such heathenish authors , be most carefully avoided , be their language never so good , whose writings are full of the fables , vanities , filthiness , lasciviousness , idolatries , and wickedness of the heathen . seeing usually , whilest youth do learn the language of the heathen , they also learn their wickedness in that language ; whereas it were far better for them to want their language , then to be possessed with their wickedness . and what should christian youth have to do with the heathenish poets , who were for the most part the devils prophets , and delivered forth their writings in his spirit , and who through the smoothness , quaintness , and sweetness of their language , do insensibly instill the poison of lust and wickedness into the hearts of youth ; whereby their education , which ought to correct their natural corruption , doth exceedingly increase and inflame it . wherefore my counsel is , that they learn the greek and latine tongues , especially from christians , and so without the lyes , fables , follies , vanities , whoredomes , lust , pride , revenge , &c. of the heathens ; especially seeing neither their words nor their phrases , are meet for christians to take into their mouths : and most necessary it is , that christians should forget the names of their gods and muses , ( which were but devils and damned creatures ) and all their muthology and fabulous inventions , , and let them all go to satan , from whence they came . 6. it may be convenient also , that there may be some universities or colledges , for the instructing youth in the knowledge of the l●beral arts , beyond grammer and rhetorick ; as in logick ; which as it is in divinity ( as one calls it ) gladius diaboli , the devils sword , so in humane things , if it may be of good use , if reason manage that art of reason : but the mathematicks especially are to be had in good esteem in universities , as arithmet●ck , geometry , geography , and the like , which as they carry no wickedness in them , so are they besides very useful to humane society , and the affaires of this present life . there may be also in these universities or colledges , allowed the studies of physick , and of the law , according to that reformation which a wise and godly authority will cause them to pass under , both being now exceedingly corrupt and out of order , both for practice and fees . 7. but why these universities or colledges should be onely at cambridge and oxford , i know no reason ; nay , if humane learning be so necessary to the knowledge and teaching of the scriptures , as the universities pretend , they surely are without love to their brethren , who would have these studies thus confined to these places , and do * swear men to read and teach them nowhere else : certainly it is most manifest , that these men love their own private gaine , more then the common good of the people . but now seeing by the hand of god , a kingdome is turned into a commonwealth , and tyranny into freedome , we judge it most prejudicial to the common good of a commonwealth , that these two universities should make a monopoly of humane learning to themselves , especially ( as is said ) seeing they say , no body can well understand or teach the scriptures without it ; and so by reason of this their incroachment , against the rule of love , through the former grants of popes and king● , all men should be necessitated to send their children hither from all parts of the nation , some scores or hundred mile● , for liberal education , to the great trouble and charge of parents : especially this considered , that the universities usually , have been places of great licentiousness and profaness , whereby it often comes to pass , that parents sending them children far from them , young and hopeful , have for all their care and cost , after several yeers received them back againe with their tongues and arts , proud , profane , wicked , ab●minable , and incorrigible wretches . wherefore doubtless it would be more suitable to a commonwealth ( if we become so indeed , and not in word onely ) and more advantagious to the good of all the people , to have universities or colledges , one at least in every great town or city in the nation , as in london , york , bristow , exceter , norwich , and the like ; and for the state to allow to these colledges an honest and competent maintenance , for some godly and learned men to teach the tongues and arts , under a due reformation . and this the state may the better do ( by provision out of every county , or otherwise , as shall be judged best ) seeing there will be no need of indowment of scholarships , inasmuch as the people having colledges in their own cities , neer their own houses , may maintain their children at home , whilst they learn in the schools ; which would be indeed , the greatest advantage to learning that can be thought of . 8. it would also be considered , whether it be according to the word of god , that youth should spend their time , only in reading of books , whilst they are well , strong , active , and fit for business . for commonly it so falls out , that youth lose as much by idleness , as they gain by study . and they being only brought up to read books , and such books as onely containe wrangling , jangling , foolish , and unprofitable philosophy , when they have continued any long time in the university in these unwarranted courses by god , they are commonly in the end , fit for no worthy imployment either in the world , or among the faithful . to remedy which great evil , colledges , being ( as hath been spoken ) dispersed through the great cities and towns of the commonwealth , it may be so ordered , that the youth according to luthers counsel ) may spend some part of the day in learning or study , and the other part of the day , in some lawful calling , or one day in study , and another in business , as necessity or occasion shall require . and thus shall youth be delivered from that ease and idleness , which fills the hearts of university-students with many corruptions , and noisome lusts , whilst they fill their heads only with empty knowledge and foolish notions ; whereby neither can god be glorified , nor their neighbour profited . 9. and if this course were taken in the d●sposing and ordering colledges , and studies , it would come to pass that twenty would learn then , where one learns now , and also by degrees , many men , ( on whom god shall please to pour forth his spirit ) may grow up to teach the people , whilst yet they live in an honest calling and imployment , as the apostles did . and this would give them great efficacy and power in teaching , whilst they lived by faith , through their honest labour , and were delivered from the mischief of idleness : but and if the faithful shall desire any one , that is more apt to teach , and hath received a greater measure of the anointing ▪ then his brethren , to spend more of his time in the word and prayer , then his calling will afford , at such times they ought to supply him : and the law of love in the hearts of the faithful , will be law enough in this matter , without calling in the aide of the magistrate . and by this means may the chargeable and burdensome maintenance of ministers , by degrees be taken away , and the church of christ , and the very nations themselves , be supplyed with a more faithful , christian , and spiritual ministery then now it hath , at a far less rate . for god hath promised in the last dayes , to pour out his spirit on all flesh , and the sons and daughters , and servants and handmaids shall prophesie , and then shall knowledge cover the earth as waters the seas . now for conclusion , i do conceive that none of the faithful and wise , ha●e any just cause to be offended for speaking for the use of humane learning in this reformed way , which the gospel will permit , seeing by this means these two errors of antichrist would be dissolved among us ; the one of making un●versities the fountaine of the ministery ; which one thing , is , and will be more and more ( as christs kingdome shall rise up and prevaile in the world ) a milstone about their necks ; and the other , of making the clergy a distinct sect or order , or tribe , from other christians , contrary to the simplicity of the gospel . 2. let the faithful consider that this reformed use of tongues and arts , justly hath its place in the world . for if all men cannot be chr●stians ( as paul saith all men have not faith ) yet let them be men , and improved in the use of reason , and sober learning , where by they may be serv●ceable to the commonwealth in their age , whilst the church of christ hath its own members and officers , through the call of god , and unction of his spirit onely . for * humane learning hath it's place and use among humane things , but hath no place nor use in christs kingdome , as hath been sufficiently proved . and thus , have i freely offered my advice for mending things that are amiss , and making strait the things that are crooked in this matter . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a37496e-170 omnes scholas esse hareticas , vel theologia scholastica arguit . melanct. in apol. pro mart. luther . notes for div a37496e-6330 the rehearsal of the errors . 1. error . answer . no heathenish learning was taught in the church of god all the time of the old-testament . object . answ. peter . steven . paul . the primitive christians and believers , taught no philosophy . justine martyr forsook philosophy , and betook himself only to the scriptures . non ad humana● cationes , sed ad voluntatem doctrinae spiritu● interpretatio est accommodanda . justin. in exposit. fidei . constantine the emperor , took care for the teaching the scriptures to christians . e●s . lib. 4. de vità consta●ti● . berno augiensis abbas . se mu●tis ●am annis poetarum figmenta , & 〈…〉 interiorem ad 〈◊〉 per 〈…〉 epist ad magnified . cum juvenis adhuc , in omni disciplinarū genere exercerer , certo affirmare possum , me●●on minus quam reliquos aquales meos prosecisse , &c , zuingl . lib. de certitud . & veritat . verbi dei . matthias parisiensis antichristum o●nes vaive sitates & eruditorum collegia seduxisse , ita ut jam nihil sani doceant aut christianis rectè suâ doctrinâ praeluceant . illyrit . flat . catal. test. veritat . john hus. seduxit antichristus à divina sapientia , plena salute & spiritu sancto , ad prudentiam & scientiam hominum & principum hujus mundi : quam copiavit nimis vehementer , & dilalavit & authenticavit & lucrosam divitiarum & honorum in hoc seculo effecit , ut ita divina sapientia & scientia esset neglecta à christianis , inveterata & obducta , & quasis vilis & inutilis ab iisdem reputata , &c. joh. hus. lib. de vita & regn. antichr . cap. 30. martin luther . m. luther . de cap. civit . babylon . joachim calaber . 2. error . answer . vetuit ne christiani gentilium disciplinis instrucrentur . sozomen , histor. eccles. cap. 17. acts 4.13 . acts 6.10 . christianos de integro gentilium disciplinam imbibere , nemo est qui christianae religioni prodesse concesserit . nam non est extra periculum christianos gentilium eruditione institut , quippe quae docet multos esse deos. socrates histor. eccles. cap. 14. meum consilium est , ut adolescens vitet ●hilosophiam ac theologiam scholasticam , ut mortem animae suae . luth. tom. 2. fol. 434. b 3. error . answer . ver. 10. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . chrysostom . in 1. epist. ad cor. hom. 7. 4. error . answer . * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. chrysost. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . chrysost. in 1. epist. ad corinth hom. 4. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. idem . ibid. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . chrysost. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . wickliff . how the ministers may come to understand the scriptures . tindal . zuingl . libr. de certitudine & veritate ver. dei . quod si non firmiter creditis , vos , humanis doctrinis desertis , divinitus doceri posse , vera fide etiamnum vacui estis . cadit hic theologiae scholasticae usus universus , & quicquid ex ph●losophis haustum est . error est dicere , sine aristotele non fit theologus , imò theologus non fit nisi id fiat sine aristotele . tom. 1. fol. 10. vivendo , imò moriendo & damnando sit theologus , non intelligendo , legendo aut speculando . luth. to . 2. fol. 57. in saecris rebus non est disputandum aut philosophandum : in theologia tantum est audiendum & credendum , & slatuendum in corde , dem est verax , &c. rectius fecerimus fi dialectica seu philosophia in sua sphara relictis , discamus loqui novis linguis in regno fidei , extrae omnem spharam . affectus fidei exercondus est in articulis fidei , non intellectus philosophicus . luther . 5. error . answer . 6. error . answer . 7. error . answer . scripturae non nisi eo spiritu intelligendae sunt quo scriptae sunt , qui spiritus nusquam praesentius & vivacius quàm in ipsis sacris suis quas scripsit literis inveniri potest . luth. tom. 2. fol. 309. a. idem spiritus qui per os prophetarum locutus est , in corda nostra penetret necesse est , ut persuadeat fidelit●r protulisse quòd divinitus erat mandatum . cal. institu . lib. 1. cap. 8. §. 4. 8. error . answer . nullus homo unum iota in scripturis videt , nisi qui spiritum dei habet : omnes habent obscuratum cor , ita ut si etiam dicant & norint proserre omnia scripturae , nihil tamen horum sentiant aut ver● cognoscant , &c. spiritus enim requiritur ad totam scripturam & quamlibet ejus partem intelligendum . luth. tom. 3. fol. 169. a. carnalis & philosophica scripturarum intelligentia non est sapientia dei qua à sapientibus absconditur , parvulis revelatur , latimer in his answer to sr. edwards baintons letter . 9. error . answer . humane learning is not the out-works to the gospel . humane learning is not the outer court to the gospel . 10. error . answer . 11. error . answer . 12. error . answer . 13. error . answer . studium cantabrigiense institutum noscitur , anno. 630 à siguberto a●glorum o ●entalium r●ge , qui postea purpuram in cu●ullum commutavit . arnoldus wion duacensis , benedictinus . lib. 5. cap. 94. an. 895 rex alfredus hortante neot● monacho viro doctissimo , oxonii publicam academiam instituit , proposita professoribus literarum praemiis . georg. lilius in chron. britan. regnante , edvardo primo , de studio granibrig , facta est vniversitas , sicut est oxonium , per curiam romanam . robert . remington . quia enim christus non ordinavit istas vniversitates sive collegia , manifestum videtur , quod ista sicut graduationes in illis sunt vana gentilitas introducta , in cujus signum tam collegiati quam & alii graduati , quaerunt quae sua sunt , charitatis regulas deserentes : ex quo pollulant invidi● , comparationes personarum & patria , & multa alia seminaria patru mendacii . wickliff in speculo militantis ecclesiae . cap. 26. — quantum ad collegia in studiis suis generalibus est idem judicium . nam per ipsa patriae & personae , contra charitatis regulas acceptantur , & intrinsecae invidiae , cum peccatis aliis & perjuriis ac simoniis contra instituta propria cumulantur . conceditur tamen quod ex talibus collegiis sicut ex aliis scotis eveniunt multa bona , non tamen tot , quot occasione peccati diaboli , & peccati primi hominis , ideo erubescat fidelis fructum talis commodi allegare . wickliff lib. de cura pastorall. cap. 10. si collegia ista sunt in conversatione à domino reprobata , quis dubitat quin sic nutrire eos non foret elcemosyna , sed factiones & partis contra christum stulta praesumptio . nam omnes hae sectae & omnes novitates , quae non in christo domino sundatae sunt , tentant christum cum satana , mat. 4. cum spe●nunt ordinationem liberam sectae ejus , & praeeligunt servilem sectam aliam minus bonam ; acsi nollent per gradus quos deus ordinat in sion coelestem ascendere , sed per lationem satanae ad templi pinnacula transvolvere . quae ergo ●lcemosyna est sic fovere puerulum talem diaboli in castris cainiticis contra christum ? idem . john hus. pedibus conculcabitur corona superbiae . nam multorum doctora●us & magistratus , qui suffocato in ipsis prorsus verbo evangelii , jam invere , cundè nimis magnificant fimbrias & dilatant phylacteria sua , & amant primas cathedras in scholis & salutari in foro , vocari ab hominibus rabbi ● . cc per hoc cedunt in apparatu & armamento corporis mystici antichristi , quoniam scriptum est , est rex super-omnes filios superbiae , joh. hus. lib. de regno antichristi . cap. 14. notes for div a37496e-33210 procancellarius bacchalaureum theologiae admittens , his verbis utatur ; admittimas te ad enarrandum omnes apostolicas epistolas , i● nomine patris , filii , & spiritus sancti . doctorem admittens ita dicet , admittimus te ad interpretandum & prositendum universam sacram scripturam tamve●etis quam novi testamenti , in nomine patris , filii & spiritus sancti . cap. 20. de ceremoniis in gradibus conferendis university-degrees in divinity antichristian . the gospel against divinity-degrees in the universities . the saints & martyrs against div●nity-degrees . plowmans complaint . j●hn wickliffe licet in qui bus●am sindus nom●m docto●is sit excell●ntius , cum fit vitus gentilis ex multis honoribus & statibus aggregatus , tamen in teatu apo●toli ●●mitur simplicius , pro quocunque fideli , qui notabiliter docet fid●m catholicam ; & sic dici● nomen doctoris meritum & laborem , & interimit superbiam & status eminentiem quoad mundium . wickliffe tractat. in cap. 23. mat. breviter , omnis secta , satus vel operatio , quam christus non approbat in suo evangelio , est rationabiliter dimittenda ; ideocum christus non approbat sed reprobat gentile m●gisterium supraedictum , patet quod est de ecclesia dimittendu● . idem . nota quod nomen officii multum distat a nomine graduat●onis scholasticae , gentiliter introductae . wickliffe , in sermon . domini in monte . cum periculum & superfluitas sit in isto nomine videtur quod istud nomen sit rationabiliter fugiendum . john hus. hus , libr. de regno , &c. antichristi . c. 14. * ac per hoc distinguuntur a quibusdam aliuade coronatis , ut magistti & doctores , & baccalaurei , nec non aliis varii generis titulorum in multiplici scientia hujus mundi , &c. luther . zuinglius . audes hic bu●usmodi titulos magistrorum & doctorum non ex deo esse , quum christus hoc vetat . zuin. conradus pellicane . melch. adam . in vita pellicane . the true divinity-degrees in the church of god . christs first degrees in the church . his divine sonship . his second degree . his unction . his third degree . his victory over temptation . his fourth degree . his teaching the word . his fifth degree . his dying for the word . notes for div a37496e-40390 rev. 9. from the first to the twelfth verse expounded by luther . vers. 1. ver. 2. ver. 3. ver. 4. ver. 5. vers. 6. vers. 7. praeparatis in praelium , & armatis omni genere doctrinae , & arte loquendi , arguendi , respondendi , exhortandi● potentes sunt ad invedendum & defendendum quamcunque velint veritaelem , aut speciem veritatis , armati nihil ominus omni apparentia fa●etiae & honestalis . j. hus. et super capita corum coronae : i. e. tituli magistrales , vel dignitatum & graduum in ecclesia investitura . j. hus. vers. 8. vers. 9. vers. 10. vers. 11. luthers second testimony . ☞ ut academiis , ab initio mundi , satanas nihil excogitaret praesentius , ad vastandum fidem & evangelium toto orbe . the university-philosophy . t●e un●versi●y-divinity . the university-preachers . notes for div a37496e-44120 * juramentum magistrorum in receptionibus & resumptionibus sol●nnibus . jurent etiam , quod extra is●an vniv●rsitatem nusquam alibi in anglia , praeterquam oxoniae , in aliqua facultate incipi●●l , ou● lectiones suas solcuniter resum●nt , nec consenticut quod aliquis a libi in anglia incipiens , hic pro magistro in illa feculiate habeatur . luther . libel . de instituend . puer . * sufficit autem ut homines de his rebus , ( scil. de artibus & scientiis ) quantum in schola diclicerunt , noverint propter usus humanos . august . in act . contr. felicem . the principles of the most ancient and modern philosophy concerning god, christ and the creatures ... being a little treatise published since the author's death, translated out of the english into latin, with annotations taken from the ancient philosophy of the hebrews, and now again made english / by j.c., medicinæ professor. conway, anne, 1631-1679. 1692 approx. 210 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 89 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34395 wing c5989 estc r8533 12029432 ocm 12029432 52717 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34395) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52717) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 60:15) the principles of the most ancient and modern philosophy concerning god, christ and the creatures ... being a little treatise published since the author's death, translated out of the english into latin, with annotations taken from the ancient philosophy of the hebrews, and now again made english / by j.c., medicinæ professor. conway, anne, 1631-1679. crull, j. (jodocus), d. 1713? [8], 168 p. printed in latin at amsterdam by m. brown, 1690, and reprinted at london, [london] : 1692. attributed to lady anne conway ; translation probably by jodocus crull. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.); dnb. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng metaphysics -early works to 1800. philosophy -early works to 1800. god. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-06 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the principles of the most ancient and modern philosophy , concerning god , christ , and the creatures , viz. of spirit and matter in general ▪ whereby may be resolved all those problems or difficulties , which neither by the school nor common modern philosophy , nor by the cartesian , hobbesian , or spinosian , could be discussed . being a little treatise published since the author's death , translated out of the english into latin , with annotations taken from the ancient philosophy of the hebrews ; and now again made english . by j. c. medicinae professor . printed in latin at amsterdam , by m. brown , 1690. and reprinted at london , 1692. advertisement . having the care of the publication of this piece committed to my charge , i thought , for the good of the publick , to give them the knowledge of the following elixir , &c. the elixir proprietatis ( so highly commended by the renowned paracelsus and helmont ) it resisteth all putrefaction of the blood , strengtheneth the digestive faculty . it s excellent virtues are prevalent in curing of continual fevers , quotidian and tertian agues , small pox , and measles , or swine pox , with other pestilential distempers ; as also the palsy , apoplexy , falling-sickness , asthma's , tabes , or consumption of the lungs . its dose is from 10 to 20 , 30 , or 40 drops in a glass of sack. this noble elixir is philosophically prepared , by john spire , chymico medicus , at four shillings the ounce . who hath , by his labour and study in the chymical art , attained unto several secret arcanums , ( not vulgarly known ) particularly a soveraign remedy for the gout . if any one is desirous thereof , or the aforesaid elixir proprietatis , let them apply themselves to my friend , mr. dorman newman , at the king's arms in the poultry , and the author at his house in horsty-down-fairstreet , southwark ; or at his country house , at the upper end of twitnam , near the sign of the white-hart , in middlesex . to the reader . courteous reader . we have ( for thy sake ) published this little treatise , which was written not many years ago , by a certain english countess , a woman learned beyond her sex , being very well skill'd in the latin and greek tongues , and excellently well vers'd in all kind of philosophy ; who when she had first taken in the principles of cartes , and seeing its defects , afterwards by reading certain writings of very ancient philosophy , she observed so many things , that she wrote these few chapters for her own use ; but in a very dull and small character ; which being found after her death is partly transcribed ( for the rest could scarcely be read ) and published in eatin , that thereby the whole world might be in some sort benefitted , and so the same become of publick good ; to the end that whosoever he be that worthily esteems the author , may acknowledge true philosophy , and so the more easily shun those errors , which are now , alas ! too common . quibus tu fruere & vale . the translator to the reader . judicious reader , thou may'st ( peradventure ) no less wonder at the strangeness of the paradox , than at the publication hereof in an english dialect , and the rather because it is no vulgar theme , and consequently above the reach of vulgar capacities , whom ( lest it should be more apt to distract than instruct ) i should rather advise to rest satisfied with what for the present they know , than either to covet or condemn more than they do , or are capable to apprehend : yet , by the way , let me advise thee to suspend thy censures , ( which at first view , 't is probable , thou may'st be subject to entertain , ) as supposing the doctrine herein asserted more easily oppugnable than indeed it is ) till thou hast passed a serious examination on all the particulars herein insisted upon : for aliquando mens cogitat quae ratio non probat . as to the translation it self , as i hope none but envious criticks will be offended thereat , so i shall endeavour , though briefly , yet fully , to satisfie every impartial and unprejudiced reader , both as to the circumstance , and principal reason inducing me hereunto , which is as follows . being some time since in holland , and in conference with the renowned f. m. b. van helmont , then resident at amsterdam , it so hapned that i demanded of the said helmont , if he had published , or did intend to publish any new books of his own , or others works , who presently directed we where i might procure certain books , published by his order , which accordingly i did ; two whereof were extant in latin , the other in nether-dutch ; this being the works of an english countess ( after a brief perusal ) i have endeavoured to render into an english stile , as familiar as the language would conveniently admit , without some abuse to the author . one reason that led me to it , was the earnest request of a friend ; the other was , that i did not doubt but this little treatise might happen into the hands of some ingenious and well-disposed persons , who ( though not furnished with those artificial helps and advantages that learning usually affords ; yet nevertheless being qualified by a natural pregnancy of parts , by many serious studies and deliberate thoughts of this or the like nature ) might be competent judges of such mysteries ; or that it might fortunately light into the hands of such whose eminency of learning , and maturity of judgment , might render them either willing to approve it , or able to refute it , and that too with a better salvo of divine attributes than is done in this treatise . now , wishing thee the compleat enjoyment of all temporal blessings here , and the full fruition and possession of eternal happiness hereafter , i conclude this present epistle , and subscribe myself thine , in all real service , j. c. the principles of the ancient and modern philosophy : concerning god , christ , and the creature ; that is , concerning spirit , and matter in general . chap. i. concerning god , and his attributes . § . 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. of god and his divine attributes . § . 6 , 7. how a trinity may be conceived to be in god , according to the scriptures ; and yet without offence to turks , jews , or any other people ; though we should omit the terms of three distinct persons , which are neither built upon scripture or sound reason . § . 1. god is a spirit , light , and life , infinitely wise , good , just , mighty , omniscient , omnipresent , omnipotent , creator and maker of all things visible and invisible . see adumbratio kabbalae christianae , chap. 2. § . 2. — 7. kabbal . denud . tom. 2. part 3. § . 2. in god there is neither time nor change , nor composition , nor division of parts : he is wholly and universally one in himself , and of himself , without any manner of variety or mixture : he hath no manner of darkness , or corporiety in him , and so consequently no kind of form or figure whatsoever . see philosoph . kabbalistic . dissertatio . ch . 3. in kabbal . denud . tom. 1. part 3. § . 3. he is also in a proper and real sence , a substance or essence distinct from his creatures , although he is not divided , or separated from them ; but most strictly and in the highest degree intimately present in them all ; yet so as they are not parts of him , nor can be changed into him , nor he into them : he is also in a true and proper sence a creator of all things , who doth not only give them their form and figure , but also being , life , body , and whatsoever else of good ▪ they have . see kabbal . denud . tom. 1. part 2. pag. 30. 332. § . 4. seeing then that in him there is no time , nor any mutability , hence it is that in him there can exist no new knowledge or will , but his knowledge and will are eternal , and without or above time . see philosoph . kabbalistic . dissertatio 3. ch. 1. in kabbal . denudat . tom. 1. part. 3. & ibid. ch. 6. § . 5. likewise in god there can exist no passion , which to speak properly comes from his creatures : for every passion is something temporal , and hath its beginning , and end with time. § . 6. in god is an idea , which is the image of himself , or a word existing within him ; which in substance or essence is one and the same with him , by which he knows not only himself , but all other things , and according to which , yea by which idea or word , all things were made and created . § . 7. by the like reason in god is a spirit or will which proceeds from him , and yet as to substance or essence is something one with him , by which creatures receive their being and activity : for creatures have their being and existence simply and alone from him , because god would have them to be , whose will is according to knowledge most infinite . and thus wisdom and will in god , are not a certain substance or being distinct from him ; but only distinct manners or properties of one and the same substance ; and seeing this is that which some of the wisest and most judicious christians understand by the word trinity . if now we should neglect that ▪ phrase of three distinct persons , which is a stone of offence to jews as well as turks , and other people , and indeed in it self hath no sound reason , nor can be any where found in scripture ; yet all would easily agree in this point : for they cannot deny that god hath wisdom , and an essential idea , and such a word in himself by which he knows all things ; and when they grant he giveth all things their being , they will be necessarily forced to acknowledge that there is a will in him , by which he can accomplish and bring that into act which was hid in the idea , that is , can produce it , and from thence make a distinct essential substance ; and this alone is to create , viz. the essence of a creature : nevertheless the idea alone doth not give being to the creature ; but the will join'd with the idea , as when a master-builder conceives in his mind the idea of an house , he doth not build that house by the idea alone , but the will is joined with the idea , and co-operates therewith . annotations on this first chapter . the ancient hypothesis of the hebrews , as to what pertains to the latter contents of this chapter , is this : 1. seeing god was of all the most exceeding great and infinite light , and yet the chiefest good : for this reason he would make creatures to whom he might communicate himself : but these could in no wise bear the exceeding greatness of his light : and hereunto belong those scripture sayings , god dwelleth in an inapproachable light. no man hath seen god at any time , &c. 2. he diminished therefore ( for the sake of his creatures ) the highest degree of his most intense light , that there might be room for his creatures , from whence place immediately arose , as it were a certain circular vacuity or space of worlds . 3. this vacuum was not a mere privation or non ens , but a certain real position of light , diminutively , which was the soul of the messias , called by the hebrews , adam kadmon , which filled all that whole space . 4. this soul of the messias was united with that whole light of the divinity , which remained within that vacuum , in a more mild degree , that could be born , and with it made up one subject . 5. this messias ( called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or word , or first begotten son of god , ) having made a new diminution of his light , for the benefit of his creatures , framed or made within himself the whole series or orders of all creatures . 6. to whom he might farther communicate the light or rays of his divine nature , as the objects of contemplation and love ; which were the unitive acts of the creator and creatures ; in which union the happiness of the creatures did consist . 7. here therefore occurs the trinity of divine representation : and the first conception is , that god is infinite , to be considered without and above production . secondly , god is the same as in the messias . thirdly , that god is the same , as when with the messias in the creatures fitted by the least degree of light to the perception of his creatures . hitherto belongs that scripture , saying , no ●lan hath seen god at any time : the son who is in the bosom of the father hath revealed him to us . 8. but it is common with the hebrews to use the term of persons , yet so as that by it they do not mean a singular suppositum , but a conception only , or kind of representation , or method of consideration . see adumbratio kabbal . christian . chap. 23. chap. ii. § . 1. although creatures are not co-eternal with god ; yet they had infinite times from the beginning . § . 2. so that no number of years , no not the greatest that any created intellect can conceive , can reach to their beginning . § . 3. creatures were in one sence from eternity , and in another sence not from eternity . § . 4. infinity of times is proved from the infinite goodness of god. § . 5. it is an essential attribute of god to be a creator . § . 6. what time is , and how the same cannot be in god : § . 1. forasmuch as all creatures are , and do exist simply , or alone from him ; because god willed them to be , whose will is infinitely powerful , and whose commandment , without any instrument or instrumental cause , is the only efficient to give being unto his creatures : hence it necessarily follows , seeing the will of god is eternal , or from eternity , that creation must immediately follow the said will , without any interposition of time : and though it cannot be said , that creatures considered in themselves , are co-eternal with god ; because after this rate eternity and time would be confounded together ; yet nevertheless the creatures , and that will which created then , are so mutually present , and so immediately happen one after another ; that nothing can be said to come in between ; even as if two circles should immediately touch each other : neither can we assign any other beginning to creatures , but god himself , and his eternal will , which is according to his eternal idea or wisdom . hence it follows by natural consequence , that times from the creation are infinite , and without all number , which no created intellect can conceive : how then can this be finite or measured , which had no other beginning but eternity it self . § . 2. but if any one will say , times are finite , then let us suppose the measure of them from the beginning , to be about 6000 years , ( even as some do think that the whole age of this world , from the beginning , is of no greater extent , ) or with others ( who think , that before this world , there was another invisible world , from whence this visible world proceeded ; ) let us suppose the duration of this world to be 600000 years , or any other number of years , as great as can be by any reason conceived : now i demand whether it could be , that the world was created before this time ? if they deny it , they limit the power of god to a certain number of years ; if they affirm it , they allow time to be before all time , which is a manifest contradiction . § . 3. these things being premised it will be easie to answer to that question , wherewith numbers have been so exceedingly perplexed : whether creation was made or could be made from eternity , or from everlasting ? if by eternity , and everlasting , they mean an infinite number of times ; in this sence creation was made from everlasting : but if they mean such an eternity , as god himself hath , so as to say , creatures are equal or co-eternal with god , and to have no beginning of time , this is false : for both creatures and times ( which are nothing else but successive motions and operations of created beings ) had a beginning , which is god or the eternal will of god. and why should it seem strange to any one that times in their whole collection or universality , may be said to be infinite , when the least part of time that can be conceived , contains in it self a kind of infinity ? for as there is no time so great , that a greater cannot be conceived ; so there is no time so small , but there may be a less ; for the sixtieth part of a minute may be divided into sixty other parts , and these again into others , and so ad infinitum . § . 4. but the infiniteness of times from the beginning of creation may be likewise demonstrated from the goodness of god ; for god is infinitely good , loving , and bountiful ; yea , goodness and charity it self ; an infinite fountain , and father of goodness , charity , and bounty . now how can it be , that this fountain shall not always plentifully flow , and send from it self living waters ? and shall not this ocean perpetually abound with its own efflux to the production of creatures , and that with a certain continual stream ? for the goodness of god in its own proper nature is communicative , and multiplicative , and seeing in him nothing is wanting , neither can any thing be added unto him , by reason of his absolute fulness , and transcendent fertility : and also seeing by the same reason he cannot multiply himself , which would be all one , as if we should imagine there were more gods than one , which is contradictory : now it necessarily follows , that he did give being to his creatures from everlasting , or times without number ; or else this communicative goodness of god , which is his essential attribute , would be something finite , and its duration consist of a certain number of years , than which nothing is more absurd . § . 5. it is an essential attribute of god , to be a creator , and so by consequence god ever was a creator , and ever will be a creator , because otherwise he would be changed . and therefore creatures ever were , and ever will be ; but the eternity of creatures is nothing else , but an infinity of times , in which they ever were , and ever will be without end : neither is this infiniteness of times equal to the infiniteness of god's eternity ; because the eternity of god himself , hath no times in it ▪ nothing therein can be said to be past , or to come , but the whole is always present : he is indeed in times ; but not comprehended of them . although the hebrews seem to speak somewhat different from this ( as appears in kabbal . denud . tom. 1. part 2. pag. 29 , 30. and philosoph . kabbal . dissertat . 3. ch. 6 , 7. in kab . denud . tom. 1. part 3. ) yet they do not contradict this opinion , because they allow an indefinite duration of times . confes . adumbrat . kabbal . christian . ch. 7. § . 4 , 5 , 7. in kabbal . denud . tom. 2. tract . ult . § . 6. and the reason hereof is manifest ; because time is nothing else but the successive motion or operation of creatures ; which motion or operation , if it should cease , time would also cease , and the creatures themselves would cease with time : wherefore such is the nature of every creature , that it is in motion , or hath a certain motion , by means of which it advances forward , and grows to a farther perfection . and seeing in god there is no successive motion or operation to a farther perfection ; because he is most absolutely perfect . hence there are no times in god or his eternity . and moreover , because there are no parts in god , there are also no times in him ▪ for all times have their parts , and are indeed infinitely divisible , as before was said . chap. iii. § . 1. god is the most free agent , and yet of all the most necessary . § . 2. indifferency of will , which the school-men imagined to be in god , is a mere fiction . § . 3. god created the world , not for any external necessity , but out of the internal impulse of his divine goodness and wisdom . § . 4. creatures were created infinite , and there are worlds infinite . § . 5. the least creature that we can conceive hath within it infinite creatures . § . 6. yet that doth not make creatures equal with god. § . 7. a refutation of those imaginary spaces , which the schools did imagine to exist without the creatures . § . 8. successive motion hath no place in god. § . 9. an answer to the objection . § . 10. all creatures are united after a certain manner . § . 1. moreover , if the afore-mentioned attributes of god be duly considered , and especially these two ; to wit , his wisdom and goodness , that indifferency of will , which the schoolmen , and philosophers falsly so called , have imagined to be in god , will be utterly refuted , and wholly turned out of doors ; which also they have improperly called free-will ; for although the will of god be most free , so that whatsoever he doth in the behalf of his creatures , he doth freely without any external violence , compulsion , or any cause coming from them : whatsoever he doth , he doth of his own accord : yet that indifference of acting , or not acting , can by no means be said to be in god ▪ because this were an imperfection , and would make god like corruptible creatures ; for this indifference of will is the foundation of all change , and corruptibility in creatures ; so that there would be no evil in creatures if they were not changeable . therefore , if the same should be supposed to be in god , he must be supposed to be changeable , and so would be like corruptible man , who often doth a thing out of his mere pleasure , not out of a true and solid reason , or the guidance of wisdom ; in which he is like to those cruel tyrants which are in the world , who act many things out of their mere will or pleasure , relying on their power , so that they can render no other reason for what they do , than that it is their mere pleasure ; whereas any good man of them that acts , or is about to act , can render a suitable reason for it ; and that because he knows and understands that true goodness and wisdom hath required him to do it , wherefore he wills that it be effected , because it is just , so that if he should not do it he would neglect his duty . § . 2. for true justice or goodness hath in it self no latitude or indifference ; but is like unto a certain right line , drawn from one point to another , where it cannot be said two or more lines can be indifferently drawn between two points , and yet all right lines ; because there can be but one that is a right line , and the rest will be crooked or bending , and that more or less as they depart , or are distant from that one right line , above-mentioned : whence it is manifest , this indifference of will hath no place in god , by reason it is an imperfection ; who though he be the most free agent , yet he is also above all the most necessary agent ; so that it is impossible that he should not do , whatsoever he doth in or for his creatures ; seeing his infinite wisdom , goodness , and justice , is a law unto him , which he cannot transgress . philosoph . kabbal . dissertat . 3. cap. 6 , 7. in kabbal . denud . tom. 1. part. 3. § . 3. hence therefore it evidently follows , that it was not indifferent to god , whether he would give being to his creatures or no ; but he made them out of a certain internal impulse of his divine wisdom and goodness , and so he created the world or creatures assoon as he could : for this is the nature of a necessary agent , to do whatsoever it can ; therefore seeing he could create the world or creatures in infinite times , before 6000 years , or before 60000 years , or 600000 , &c. hence it follows he hath done it ; for god can entirely do that which implies no contradiction ; but this doth not imply a contradiction , if the worlds or creatures be said to have been or existed in infinite times , before this moment ; even as they are infinite times after this moment : if there be no contradiction in the latter , there is also no contradiction in the former . § . 4. these attributes duly considered , it follows , that creatures were created in infinite numbers , or that there is an infinity of worlds or creatures made of god : for seeing god is infinitely powerful , there can be no number of creatures so great , that he cannot always make more : and because , as is already proved , he doth whatsoever he can do ; certainly his will , goodness , and bounty , is as large and extensive as his power ; whence it manifestly follows , that creatures are infinite , and created in infinite manners ; so that they cannot be limited or bounded with any number or measure : for example ; let us suppose the whole universality of creatures to be a circle , whose semi-diameter shall contain so many diameters of the earth , as there are grains of dust , or sand , in the whole globe of the earth ; and if the same should be divided into atomes , so small that 100000 of them could be contained in one grain of poppy-seed : now who can deny , but the infinite power of god , could have made this number greater , and yet still greater , even to an infinite multiplication ? seeing it is more easie to this infinite power , to multiply the real beings of creatures , than for a skilful arithmetician to make any number greater and greater , which can never be so great , but that it may be ( by addition or multiplication ) encreased ad infinitum : and farther , seeing it is already demonstrated , that god is a necessary agent , and doth whatsoever he can do : it must needs be , that he doth multiply , and yet still continues to multiply and augment the essences of creatures , ad infinitum . concerning infinity see philosoph . kabbal . dissert . 1. cap. 6. dissert . 3. c. 1. in kabbal . denud . tom. 1. part. 3. whence creatures are rather termed indefinite than infinite . § . 5. also by the like reason is proved , that not only the whole body or system of creatures considered together , is infinite , or contains in it self a kind of infinity ; but also that every creature , even the least that we can discern with our eyes , or conceive in our minds , hath therein such an infinity of parts , or rather entire creatures , that they cannot be numbred ; even as it cannot be denied , that god can place one creature within another , so he can place two as well as one , and four as well as two , so also eight as well as four , so that he could multiply them without end , always placing the less within the greater . and seeing no creature can be so small , that there cannot be always a less ; so no creature is so great that there cannot be always a greater : now it follows , that in the least creature there may exist , or be comprehended infinite creatures , which may be all of them bodies , and after a sort , in regard of themselves , impenetrable one of another . as to those creatures which are spirits , and can penetrate each other , in every created spirit , there may be some infinity of spirits , all which spirits may be of equal extension , as well with the aforesaid spirit , as they are one with another ; for in this case those spirits are more subtile and aethereal , which penetrate the gross and more corporeal , whence here can be no want of room , that one must be constrained to give place to another . of the nature of bodies and spirits , more shall be said in its proper place , this being sufficient to demonstrate , that in every creature , whether the same be a spirit or a body , there is an infinity of creatures , each whereof contains an infinity , and again each of these , and so ad infinitum . § . 6. all these do greatly extol and set forth the great power and goodness of god , for that his eternity is clearly seen by the works of his hands ; yea in every creature that he hath made : nor can it be objected , we make creatures equal with god ; for as one infinite may be greater than another , so god is still infinitely greater than all his creatures , and that without any comparison . and thus indeed the invisible things of god are clearly seen , as they are understood by , or in those things , which are made ; for by how much the greater and more magnificent the works are , by so much the more is the greatness of the workman seen : therefore those who teach , that the whole number of creatures is finite , and consists of so many individuals as may be numbred ; and that the whole body of the universe takes up just so many acres or miles , or diameters of the earth , according to longitude , latitude , and profundity , consider so great majesty with too low and unbeseeming a conception ; and so that god which they fansie to themselves , is not the true god , but an idol of their own imagination , whom they confine to so narrow an habitation , as a few little bees shut up within the limits of an hive , containing the measure of a few inches : for what else is that world , which they suppose , in respect of that truly great and universal world above described ? § . 7. but if they say , they do not shut up god within this finite universe , but do imagine him to exist in infinite imaginary spaces , as well without as within it . to this may be answered , if those spaces are merely imaginary ; certainly then they are nothing but foolish fictions of the brain ; but if they are real beings , what can they be but creatures of god ? besides , either god works in those spaces , or he doth not : if he doth not , then god is not there ; for wheresoever he is , there he worketh ; seeing this is his nature , that he must so act , as it is the nature of fire to burn , or of the sun to shine : for so god perpetually worketh ; and his work is to create , or give being to creatures , according to that eternal idea or wisdom which is in him . according to the hebrews , god is infinite , whom they call aensoph ; for that he is said to exist without the space of the world , because the creature could not contain the immensity of his light. see what is said in annotations on the first chapter . neither is he said to exist in imaginary spaces , because no place plainly agrees with god ; but he may be said to operate there by his simple activity : but whatsoever is wrought in , and by the way of the creatures , is done by the messias , who is not so immense as aens●ph himself . § . 8. but this continual action or operation of god , as it is in him , or proceeds from him , or hath respect unto him , is one only continual act or command of his will , neither hath time or succession in it ; nor first , nor latter ; but is together , and always present with god ; so that nothing of him is either past or to come , because he hath not parts : but so far as he appears or terminates in creatures , he hath time and succession of parts : and though this may seem very difficult to be comprehended , yet it can be sufficiently evinced by sound reason : and will not this plain and common example following , a little help our understanding herein ? suppose a great circle or wheel to be moved by a centre , whereas the centre always remains in one place , even as some do think the sun after this manner to be moved about his centre ( by some angel or spirit remaining in the centre ) within the space of so many days . now albeit the centre moves the whole wheel , and causes a great and continual motion in the same ; yet that always resteth , neither is it in the least moved : how much more then is the same in god , who is the first mover in all his creatures , according to all their true and appointed motions , yet he is not moved of them ? but that in him which hath an analogy or agreement with the motions or operations of creatures , is the government of his will , which ( to speak properly ) is not motion , because every motion is successive , and cannot have place in god , as is above demonstrated . § . 9. but against what we have delivered ( that the least creature conceivable , hath in it infinite creatures ; so that the least particle of body or matter may be infinite ways extended , and divided into parts less , and yet still lesser , and lesser ) some may frame this following objection . that which is actually divisible , so far as an actual division can any ways be made , is divisible into parts indiscerpible ; but matter or body ( to wit , that matter that is entire or compound ) is actually divisible so far as an actual division can any ways be made , therefore , &c. i answer , this argument labours under that fallacy which logicians call compositiones non componendorum , which is a conjunction of words , or terms , that imply a contradiction or absurdity , and that appears in this term , actually divisible , which signifies one and the same thing to be divided , and not to be divided ; for actually denotes division , and divisible not division , but only a capacity to be divided , which is as absurd and contradictory , as if one should say visibly blind , or sensibly insensible , or livingly dead ; but if by the terms actually divisible , they do not mean two , but only one thing , to wit , that it is either really divided , or only divisible , we shall easily discover the fallacy : for , first , if by actually divisible , they mean nothing else but that which is divided , in this sence i grant the major , to wit , that that which is really divided , so far as an actual division can any ways be made , is divisible into parts indiscerpible ; but by the same reason the minor is false , viz. that matter is divided so far as an actual division can possibly be made . but , secondly , if by that which they call actually divisible , they mean a thing only divisible , or in which there is a power or capacity to be so divided : now i deny the major , to wit , that that which is divisible , so far as division can be made , is divisible into parts indiscerpible ; and besides in this sence , that proposition is merely tautological , and a needless repetition of the same thing , just as this would be ; whatsoever can be removed out of its place , in as much as it can be removed , may be removed to some certain distance ; but london or rome may be removed out of their place , in as much as they may be removed , ergo , &c. by the same way of argument may be proved , that the soul of man consists of a finite number of years only , in which it doth exist , or hath a being , and consequently that it is mortal , and hath an end ; to wit , thus , that whose time or duration is actually divisible , so far as an actual division can possibly be made , shall have an end , and is divisible into a finite number of years ; but the time or duration of the soul is actually divisible , so far as an actual division can possibly be made , ergo , &c. but if it be denied , that the time of the soul ( if it should come to such a division of years ) shall then have an end ; but that it is possible for it to re-assume another time after this first , and so ad infinitum . now , i say the same , which is , that matter if it should come to such a division , may indeed have an end of that division ; but yet may admit of another division after this first , and so ad infinitum . and here is to be noted , when i say the least particle of body , or matter so called , may be always divided into parts , less , ad infinitum ; so that no actual division can be made in any matter , which is not always farther divisible , or capable to be divided into less parts , and that without end ; yet i would not hereby determine , what the absolute power of god will or can do ; as some do vainly and grosly dispute ; but only hint what the power of god probably may do , or will do , so far as he operates in and with his creatures , to wit , in as much as in all productions , and generations , as also in all resolutions and divisions , in the nature of bodies , or the creature , he never divides nor never can divide any body into such small parts , that each of these is not always capable of a farther division ; for the body of no creature can ever be reduced into its least parts ; yea , into such that it cannot be reduced back again , either by the most subtile operation of any creature , or created power : and this answer may suffice to our present purpose : for god makes no division in any body or matter , but so far as he co-operates with the creatures , and therefore he never reduces creatures into their least parts ; because then all motion and operation in creatures would cease ; ( for it is the nature of all motion to wear and divide a thing into subtiler parts ; ) for to do this would be contrary to the wisdom and goodness of god ; for if all motion and operation should cease in any particular creature , that creature would be altogether unprofitable and useless in the creation , and so would be no better than if it were a mere non ens , or nothing . but as was said before , god cannot do that which is contrary to his wisdom and goodness , or any of his attributes . [ mathematical division of things , is never made in minima ; but things may be physically divided into their least parts ; as when concrete matter is so far divided that it departs into physical monades , as it was in the first state of its materiality . concerning the production of matter , see kab . denud . tom. 1. part 2. pag. 310. following ; and tom. 2. the last tract , pag. 28. numb . 4 , 5. then it is again fit to resume its activity , and become a spirit , as it happens in our meats . ] § . 10. moreover the consideration of this infinite divisibility of every thing , into parts always less , is no unnecessary or unprofitable theory , but a thing of very great moment ; viz. that thereby may be understood the reasons and causes of things ; and how all creatures from the highest to the lowest are inseparably united one with another , by means of subtiler parts interceding or coming in between , which are the emanations of one creature into another , by which also they act one upon another at the greatest distance ; and this is the foundation of all sympathy and antipathy which happens in creatures : and if these things be well understood of any one , he may easily see into the most secret and hidden causes of things , which ignorant men call occult qualities . chap. iv. § 1. whether god created all creatures together , orin succession of time . § . 2. that in the man christ all things consist , and have their being . § . 3. that christ according to his humanity , is the first born of all creatures . § . 4. but no creature can ever reach so far as to be equal with him . § . 1. from what hath been already said , it is easie to answer to that intricate question , viz. whether god created all creatures together , or one after another ? if the word create hath respect to god himself , or the internal command of his will , it is made altogether ; but if unto creatures that is done successively ; for as it is the nature , and essential attribute of god to be unchangeable , and without succession ; so the nature of creatures is to be changeable and successive : but if the word create respects the universals , seeds , and principles of all things which ( in subordination to god , who is the principal beginning of all things ) are , as it were springs and fountains from whence creatures did flow in the order of their succession ; so it may be said all creatures were created together , and especially if regard be had to the messias , or christ , who is the first begotten of all creatures , by whom all things are said to be made ; as john declares it , and paul expresly affirms , that by jesus christ all things were made , both visible and invisible . § . 2. jesus christ also signifies whole christ , who is god and man , as he is god , he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the essential word of the father , as he is man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word expressed or brought forth , the perfect , and substantial image of that word which is in god , and eternally , or for ever united with him ; so that this is its vehicle and organ , as the body is in respect of the soul ; of which word brought forth , which is the wisdom of god , mention is made in divers places , as well of the new as of the old testament , as prov. 8. 22. 31. and prov. 3. 19. psal . 33. 6. psal . 22. 2. psal . 110. p. 1. joh. 11. 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. ephes . 3. 9. col. 1. 15 , 16 , 17. which place , viz. of col. 1. 15 , 16 , 17 contains in it an explication of the former , to wit , that by son , by word or wisdom , or by any of his attributes , god is not simply and nakedly understood : for how can any of his attributes be called the invisible image of god , seeing this is equally as invisible as himself , whence image denotes something that is brought into visibility , and which after a peculiar manner reveals and represents the invisible god more than any creature . § . 3. and for the same reason he is called of paul , in the place above-cited , the first begotten of all creatures , wherein is signified the relation he hath to creatures , which were all in their primitive state , as it were sons of god ; whereas he is the first begotten of all those sons , who ( as i may so say ) are as it were the sons of this first begotten son of god. and therefore in him all things are said to consist or have their existence ; for that they did arise from him as branches from the root , yet so as that they still remain in him after a certain manner . § . 4. not as though they were equal to him , or of the same nature with him , because then none of them could ever have degenerated , and been changed from good into evil ; wherefore , they are of a nature far inferior , in respect of the first begotten ; so that , to speak properly , they can never be changed into him , nor he into the father . the highest pitch they can reach unto is this , that is to become more like unto him , as the scripture declares : whence our sonship ( who are but mere creatures ) is called adoption . chap. v. § . 1. that the ancient cabbalists acknowledged such a first begotten son of god , whom they called the heavenly adam , the first adam , and great priest . § . 2. that christ is a medium between god , and all creatures . § . 3. that there is such a middle being , is as demonstrable from the principles of sound reason , as that there is a god. § . 4. that god is immediately present , as well in christ , as in all creatures . § . 5. that christ is unchangeable unto evil , and changeable unto good ; and so partakes both of divinity and creaturality , and also of eternity and time. § . 6. that neither christ , nor those that are perfectly united with him , are subject to the laws of time , inasmuch as it denotes the destruction of things . § . 7. in what sence we are said to depart out of time , and to climb above it into a higher region . although we have already , in the aforegoing chapter , spoken a few things concerning the son of god , who is the first begotten of all creatures ; yet more remains to be said of this matter ▪ very necessary for the right understanding of what follows ; to which purpose we have here designed a peculiar chapter . § . 1. by the son of god , the first begotten of all creatures , whom we christians do call by the name of jesus christ , according to the scriptures , as is above declared , not only is meant his divinity , but also his humanity , in eternal union with the divinity ; that is , as his heavenly humanity was united with the divinity before the world was , and so by consequence before he came in the flesh . of whom the ancient cabbalists have delivered many things , viz. concerning the son of god , how he was created , and of his existence in the order of nature , before all creatures ; also that all receive benediction and sanctification in him , and by him , whom also in their writings they call the heavenly adam , adam kadmon , or first man , the great priest , husband , or spouse of the church , as philo judaeus calls the first begotten son of god. § . 2. this son of god , the first begotten of all creatures , to wit , this heavenly adam , and great priest , as the jewish doctors call him , is properly a medium between god and the creatures . and that there is such a middle being , is as ●●●onstrable as that there is a god ; wh●r● is meant such a being , which in its own nature is indeed less than god , and yet greater and more excellent than all other creatures ; whence also for his excellency he is properly called the son of god. concerning this son of god , who is called by the jews , adam kadmon , more may be seen in kabbal . denudat . tom. 1. part. 1. p. 28 , 30. part. 2. p. 33. following , 37 following . part 3. p. 31. unto the 64. p. 37 , — 78 , &c. and kabb. denud . tom. 2. part 2. p. 244. and tract . ult . p. 6 , 7. — 26. § . 3. in order to this demonstration we must first consider the nature or being of god , the chiesest being ; and then the nature and essence of creatures , which are to be compared one with another , whence this middle nature will immediately discover it self to us . the nature and essence of god , as is shown in the preceeding chapters , is altogether unchangeable , which not only the holy scriptures , but also the strength of reason which god hath indued our minds with , sufficiently declares ; for if there should be any mutability in god , it must needs tend to some higher degree or measure of goodness , and then he would not be the chiefest good , which is contradictory ; for if any thing advances to a greater degree of goodness , this wholly comes to pass by reason of some greater being , of whose vertue and influence it doth participate : but there is no greater being than god , and so by consequence he is no way meliorated , nor can become better than he is , much less decrease , which would argue an imperfection ; therefore it is manifest that god , or the chiefest being , is altogether unchangeable . now seeing the nature of creatures is really distinct from the nature of god , so that there are some attributes of god , which are incommunicable to creatures , among which is reckoned immutability : hence it necessarily follows that creatures are changeable , or else they would be god himself : moreover also daily experience teaches us that creatures are changeable , and do continually vary from one state unto another : but there is a two-fold mutability , the one whereof hath a power in it of changing it self either unto good or evil ; and this is common to all creatures , but not to the first begotten of all creatures ; the other is only a power to , proceed from goodness to goodness . here is therefore a three-fold classis or rank of beings : the first whereof is that which is wholly unchangeable : the second changeable only to good ▪ so that that which in its own nature is good , may become yet better : the third is that which though it was in its own nature indeed good ; yet could be indifferently changed , as well into good , as from good into evil. the first and last of these are extreams ; and the second is a natural medium between them , by which the extreams are united , and this medium partakes of both extreams , and therefore is the most convenient and proper medium ; for it partakes of the one extream , viz. mutability , to wit , from good to a greater degree or measure of goodness , and of the other extream , viz. that it is altogether unchangeable from good into evil ; and such a medium was necessarily required in the very nature of things ; for otherwise there would remain a chasm or gap , and one extream would be united with another , without a medium , which is impossible , and repugnant to the nature of things , as appears in the whole course of the universe . by the immutability of the messias , here we must understand that which is moral , not that which is natural . there be some who object , christ was tempted in vain , if he was naturally unchangeable . see matth. 4. 3. 17 , 18. chap. 4. 15. there are also more arguments , merely philosophical ; of which in philosophia kabbal . ( kabbal . denud . tom. 1. part 3. dissert . 2. chap. 1. ) 13. are urged to prove that from the first beginning , there slowed forth only one thing begun and perfected ▪ which is also confirmed by the authority of ancient and modern philosophers , together with an answer to the objections made on the contrary . § . 4. this middle being is not to be understood in so gross a manner , as if it stood in a middle place , between two extreams , as the trunk of the body is between the head and feet ; but is a medium in respect of its nature , as silver is between tinn and gold , or water between air and earth , which are but gross comparisons in regard of the thing it self ; neither can any one suppose the son to be such a medium between god and the creatures , as though god was not immediately present in all his creatures , and immediately filled all things ; for he immediately operates in all things in a proper sence : but this is to be understood of that union and communion which creatures have with god ; so that although god immediately operates in all things , yet he uses this medium as an instrument , by which he co-operates in his creatures ; because it is , in regard of its nature , more near unto them ; and yet because he is more excellent than all other productions , which we call creatures , and that too in his own nature . hence it is , he is deservedly called the first begotten of all creatures , and the son of god , rather than a creature of god ; and his production is rather a generation , or emanation from god , than creation , if the word be taken in a strict sence ; although , according to the larger sence and use of this word , he may be said to be created or formed , as the scripture somewhere speaketh of him : but if the thing it self be duly understood , 't is needless to contend about words : yet nevertheless a man's son is rather said to be begotten of him , than made or created by him . of an house , or a ship , built or made by a man , we do not say it is his son , but his work ; because his son is the living image and similitude of himself , which cannot be said of an house or a ship : so this first production of god , ad extra , or , to without , is more fitly and properly term'd his son than a creature ; because this is the living image of himself , and is greater , and more excellent than all creatures . now it follows that the son himself must be immediately present in all these , that he may bless and benefit them . and seeing he is that true medium , between god and the creatures , he must needs exist within them , that so by his operation he may stir them up to a union with him : and seeing he is the most excellent production of god , made ad extra , or , to without , and the most perfect and express image of him , he must needs be like unto god in all his attributes , which without contradiction may be said to be communicated to him ; and so by consequence he must necessarily be omnipresent : besides , if he were not present in all creatures , there would wholly remain a chasma , or wide gap , between god , and the creatures where he was not , which is absurd . § . 5. moreover , as he is partaker of the immutability of god , and the mutability of creatures , and so a medium between that , which is altogether unchangeable , and that which is altogether changeable , as partaking of both ; so also he may be said to be a partaker of eternity ( which is proper to god ) and time , ( which is proper to creatures ; ) and albeit it be said in the precedent chapters , that nothing interceded between eternity and time , or between the creatures , and the will of god which created them . time and creatures are there to be taken in a larger sence , viz. with respect to all the productions of god , made ad extra : so that this middle being is as well there comprehended as the rest : neither can we conceive this middle being to be before creatures in time , but only in the order of nature ; so that indeed nothing of time strictly taken hapned between the creatures , and the all-creating power and will of god that created them . § . 6. but if by time , according to the common signification of the word , we understand a succedaneous increase or decrease of things , according to which they grow and increase unto a certain pitch or period , and then again fail from it , until they die or are changed into another state or condition of life ; in this sence it may be positively affirmed , that neither this middle being , or any creature perfectly united with the same , are subject to time , or the laws thereof ; for the laws of time reach but unto a certain period or age ; and when that period is compleated , then those things which are subject to time decay and are consumed , and so die and are changed into quite another species of things , according to that old saying of the poet. tempus edax rerum , tuque invidiosa vetustas omnia destruis . which may be thus englished . thus spiteful age , and time that eats up things , all things consumes , and to destruction brings . and for this reason time is divided into four parts , according to the age of a man living in this world , which is infancy , youth , manhood , and old age , even until death ; so that all things which are bounded with time , are subject unto death and corruption , or are changed into another species of things , as we see water changed into stones , stones into earth , and earth into trees , and trees into animals or living creatures : but in this most excellent middle being is neither decay or corruption ; nor to speak properly hath death any place in him : he is a most powerful and effectual balsam , which can preserve all things from death and corruption , which are joined to him or united with him ; so that here all things are perpetually new , springing up fresh and green ; here is perpetual youth without old age ; and here is the perfection of old age , to wit , great increase of wisdom and experience without any imperfection of age. but when christ came in the flesh , and in that body which he bare with him from heaven ; ( for every created spirit hath a certain vehicle , either terrestrial , aereal , or aethereal , as this was : ) he took upon him somewhat of our nature , and by consequence the nature of all things , ( because the nature of man hath in it the nature of all creatures , whence also he is called the microcosm ; ) which nature having assumed in flesh and blood , he sanctified , that by that he might sanctifie all things , and so was as that little leaven that changed the whole lump . he descended then within time , and for a certain space or period , of his own accord subjected himself to the laws of time , so as to endure great torments , even death it self ; but death did not long detain him , for the third day he rose again , and this was the end of all his sufferings , even of his death and burial , viz. that he might heal , cure , and redeem his creatures from death and corruption , which came upon them by the fall , and so at length hereby put an end to times and elevate the creatures above times to himself , where he abideth , who is the same yesterday , today , henceforth , and for ever , without decay , death , or corruption . in like manner , in his spiritual and internal appearance in man , whereby he purposeth to save , heal , and redeem the soul , he doth as it were , after a certain manner , subject himself to a kind of death and passion ; and so for a certain space submits himself to the laws of time , that he might elevate the souls of men above time , and corruptibility to himself , wherein they receive blessing , and grow from one degree of goodness and vertue unto another , in insinitum . § . 7. by the same reason , those who are come unto a perfect union with christ , are mounted up into a region or sphere of perfect tranquility , where nothing is seen or perceived to move or compel ; for although there exist the most swift and vehement motions ; yet nevertheless because the same do so uniformly , so equally , and harmoniously move without the least contrariety or disorder , they seem altogether to rest , whereof many examples may be given in external things : for indeed there are two kinds of motion , which to our bodily sight seem to want motion , viz. that which is exceeding quick and speedy , and that which is exceeding slow ; so that the middle sort is only discernable by us . now under time , and the laws thereof , may be comprehended not only the earth , and earthly things ; but also the sun , moon , and stars , and all the visible part of the world , together with more that is invisible : so that after a long tract of time , all those things may be plainly changed into quite another species of things , and that by the same order and course of divine operation which god hath placed in all creatures , as a law o● justice , whereby in his divine wisdom he hath purposed to reward every creature according to its works : so now this may suffice to have been said concerning that most excellent middle being ; of whom upon occasion farther mention may be made in the subsequent pages . chap. vi. § . 1. that all creatures in their own nature are changeable . § . 2. how far this mutability may extend it self , whether unto the beings of things , or unto the manner of their existence . § . 3. that they are only changeable in manner of existence , and not in essence . § . 4. that there are but three kinds of beings essentially distinct one from the other , viz. god the highest , christ the medium , and the creature the lowest . § . 5. that this distinction is very necessary , and keeps us from falling into extreams on either hand , whereof the one is ranterism , and the other gross ignorance , by which the glory of the divine attributes is obscured and darkned . § . 6. an example hereof . § . 7. the justice of god most gloriously appears in the transmutation of things out of one species into another . § . 8. that when the spirit of a man , through impiety , shall change it self into the qualities and conditions of a beast , it is but justice in god , that the said brutish spirit should enter into the body of a beast , and there for a certain time be punished . § . 9. how many and diverse are the depraved and wicked opinions concerning god , and how he is conceived to be in men by those corrupt opinions . § . 10. why the old world was destroyed by water , and why this is to be destroyed by fire , and that all punishments are medicinal . § . 11. that every creature is composed of body and spirit , and how every creature hath in it more bodies , and so likewise more spirits , under one general governing spirit , which hath the command over the rest . § . 1. that all creatures in their own nature are changeable , the distinction between god and creatures , duly considered , evidently evinces , and the same is by daily experience confirmed . now if any creature be in its own nature changeable , it hath this mutability , as it is a creature , and consequently all creatures will have the same , according to that rule : whatsoever agrees to any thing as placed under this or that species , agrees to all comprehended under the same species ; but mutability agrees to a creature ( which is the most general name of that species , under which all creatures are comprehended , ) and from thence it is manifest ; for otherwise there would be no distinction between god and creatures : for if any creature were of it self , and in its own nature unchangeable , that creature would be god , because immutability is one of his incommunicable attributes . § . 2. now let us consider how far this mutability may reach , or be extended ; and , first , whether one individual can be changed into another of the same or a different species ? this , i say , is impossible ; for then the very essences of things would be changed , which would make a great confusion , not only in the creatures , but in the wisdom of god , which made all things : as for example : if this man could be changed into that , viz. paul into judas , or judas into paul , then he that sinned would not be punished for his sin , but another in his stead , who was both vertuous and innocent ; so then a good man would not receive the reward of his vertue , but a vicious man in his stead : but if we suppose one good man to be changed into another , as paul into peter , and peter into paul , paul would not receive his own proper reward , but peter's ; nor peter his , but paul's , which would be a confusion , and unbecoming the wisdom of god. moreover , if the very individual essences of things could be changed one into another , it would follow , creatures were not true in themselves ; and so we could not be assured , nor have any certain knowledge of any thing ; and then all the inbred notions and dictates of truth , which men generally find in themselves , would be false , and by consequence the conclusions drawn from thence ; for every true science , or certainty of knowledge , depends upon the truth of the objects , which are commonly called veritates objectivae , or objective truths : if therefore these objective truths should be changed the one into the other , certainly the truth of the propositions depending thereon would be changed also ; and so no proposition could be unchangeably true , no not the most clear and obvious as these are ; the whole is greater than its part , and two halves make a whole . § . 3. the second thing to be considered , is , whether one species of things can be changed into another ? where we must diligently observe after what manner the species of things are distinguished one from another ; for there be many species of things , which are commonly so called , and yet in substance or essence differ not one from another , but in certain manners or properties , and when those modes or properties are changed , that thing is said to have changed its species : now whether or no this be not a certain manner of existence , and not the essence or being of the thing it self that is so changed ? as when water indeed is not changed , but remains the same , and cold coagulates it , which before was fluid : when water is changed into a stone , certainly there is no reason , why we should here suppose a greater change of its substance , than in the former example of water turned into ice . and again when a stone is changed into soft and tender earth , here is made no change of its substance ; and so in all other mutations which we observe in things , the substance or essence always remains the same , and there is only a change of modus or manner ; so that when a thing ceases to be after this manner , it then begins to be after another manner . and indeed the same reasons do prove , that one species essentially or substantially distinct from another , cannot be changed into another , even as one individual cannot be changed into another : for the species of things are nothing else but individuals digested , or comprehended , under one general idea of the mind , or common term of speaking : as a man , inasmuch as he is a species , comprehends under him all the individuals of men ; and a horse is a species , comprehending every individual horse . now if one man cannot be changed into another , much less can this man be changed into another individual of a differing species : for example : if alexander cannot be changed into darius , he cannot be changed into his own horse bucephalus . § . 4. in order to know how far the mutations of things can reach , we must examine how many species of things there be , which as to substance or essence are distinct one from another ; and if we diligently inquire thereinto , we shall find only three , as before was said , viz. god , christ , and the creatures , and that these three in respect of essence , are really distinct one from another , is already proved ; but there can be no reason alledged to prove , that there is any fourth kind of being distinct from the other three ; yea , a fourth kind of being seems wholly superfluous : and because all the phaenomena in the whole universe may be sufficiently resolved into these three before-mentioned , as into their proper and original causes , there is no necessity to acknowledge any other , according to this rule : ( which if rightly understood , it is most true and certain ) beings are not to be multiplied without necessity ; for seeing the three before-mentioned remove all the specifical differences in substance , which possibly can be conceived in our minds ; and so by these alone is that vast and infinite possibility of things filled up : how then can there be room or place found for a fourth , fifth , sixth , or seventh being ? and that it is performed by these three is already before demonstrated ; to wit , that whatsoever can be in any wise called a being , the same is either wholly unchangeable , and such is god the supreme being , or is wholly changeable , viz. to good , or evil , and such is the creature or lowest being , or that which is partly unchangeable , viz. in respect of evil , or partly changeable , to wit , in respect of good ; by which is understood christ , the son of god ; that middle being between god and the creatures ; into what classis or rank therefore shall we bring a certain fourth , fifth , sixth , or seventh being , &c. which is neither wholly changeable , nor wholly unchangeable ; nor partly changeable , nor partly unchangeable : besides , he that supposeth a certain fourth being , essentially or substantially distinct from the three before-mentioned , overthrows that most excellent order we find in the universality of things , to wit , that there is not only one medium between god and the creatures , but two , three , four , five , six , or as many as can be supposed between first and latter . moreover , it is very consentaneous to sound reason , and so also to the order of things , that as god is but one , neither hath he two , three , or more distinct substances in him ; and christ but one christ , neither hath in him more distinct substances , inasmuch as he is the heavenly man , and very first adam ; so likewise the creature , or whole creation , is but one only substance or essence in specie , although it comprehends many individuals placed in their subordinate species , and indeed in manner , but not in substance or essence distinct one from another . and so that which paul speaketh concerning man , may in like manner be understood of all creatures , ( who in their original state were a certian species of man so called for their excellencies , as hereafter shall be shown ; ) to wit , that god made all nations , or armies of creatures , out of one blood : and certainly here the reason of both is the same ; for as god made all nations out of one blood , to the end they might love each other , and stand in a mutual sympathy , and help each other ; so hath he implanted a certain universal sympathy and mutual love in creatures , as being all members of one body , and ( as i may so say ) brethren , having one common father , to wit , god in christ , or the word made flesh ; and so also one mother , viz. that substance or essence alone , out of which they proceeded , and whereof they are real parts and members ; and albeit sin hath in a wonderful manner impaired this love and sympathy , yet it hath not destroyed it . § . 5. those three distinct beings , before-mentioned , being granted , and no more , which are wholly inconvertible the one into the other , we shall tread in a secure path , in the mid-way of truth , leaving those grand errors and consusions about entity , both on the right hand and the left : for , first , there are some , who teach , that there is but one being of all things , whereof the creatures are real and proper parts , and these confound god and the creatures together , as though both were but one single essence ; so that sin and devils would be nothing else but parts , or at least modifications of that divine being , from whence do arise very dangerous consequences . although i would not have it mis-interpreted to those who are unwarily faln into this opinion ; yet i would warn the reader , that he may the better consider whereunto such principles tend , and avoid their absurdity . there are others again who allow only two species of things , viz. god the supreme being , wholly unchangeable ; and the creature the lowest being , wholly changeable ; but these do not duly consider that excellent order by us above described , which is apparent in all things ; because else peradventure they would have taken notice , that besides these two extreams , there is a certain medium , which is partaker of both , and this is jesus that christ , whom not only the wiser sort of the jews , but also some among the gentiles so called , have acknowledged , viz. maintaining that there is such a medium , which they called by divers names , as logos , the son of god , the first begotten of god , mind , wisdom , heavenly adam , &c. so that some also do call him the eternal medium : which things , if duly considered , may not a little conduce to the propagation and furthering of the true faith , and christian religion , among the jews , as well as turks , and other infidel nations ; that is to say , if it appears we are able to prove that there is a mediator between god and man ; yea , between god and all creatures , by as solid reasons as those are , which prove god to be a creator : and so they that believe on that , may be said truly to believe on christ jesus , though they should not as yet have known , or been convicted , that he came in the flesh : for if they yield to the former , they will undoubtedly be forced ( if ingenious ) whether they will or no , to grant the latter . others there are , who do as it were infinitely multiply the specifical beings of things , in their distinct essences and essential attributes ; which wholly subverts that excellent order of things , and greatly obscures and darkens the glory of the divine attributes , so that it cannot shine forth in its due splendor and brightness in the creatures : for so every creature is so exceeding straitly bounded , and strictly included and imprisoned within the narrow limits of its own species , that the mutability of creatures is wholly taken away : neither can any creature variously exercise any greater participation of divine goodness , or be advanced or promoted to any farther perfection . § . 6. all which we shall demonstrate by one or two examples : and , first , let us take an horse , which is a creature indued with divers degrees of perfection by his creator , as not only strength of body , but ( as i may so say ) a certain kind of knowledge , how he ought to serve his master , and moreover also love , fear , courage , memory , and divers other qualities which are in man : which also we may observe in a dog , and many other animals : seeing therefore the divine power , goodness , and wisdom , hath created every creature good ; and indeed so , that it might by continual augmentations ( in its mutability ) be advanced to a greater degree of goodness , ad infinitum , whereby the glory of those attributes do more and more shine forth : and seeing such is the nature of every creature , that it is always in motion or operation , which doth most certainly tend unto an higher degree of goodness , as the reward and fruit of its labour ; unless the creatures hinder that good by a voluntary transgression , and abuse of that indifferency of will which god placed in them in their creation . now i demand , unto what higher perfection and degree of goodness , the being or essence of an horse doth or may attain after he hath done good service for his master , and so performed his duty , and what is proper for such a creature ? is a horse then a mere fabrick or dead matter ? or hath he a spirit in him , having knowledge , sence , and love , and divers other faculties and properties of a spirit ? if he hath , which cannot be denied , what becomes of this spirit when the horse dies ? if it be said it passeth into life , and takes upon it another body of an horse , so that it becomes a horse as before , which horse may be stronger and fairer , and of a more excellent spirit than before . very well ! but if he shall die , two , three , or four times , &c. shall he always remain a horse , though he be still better , and more excellent , by how much the oftner his spirit revolves . now i demand , whether the spirit of an horse hath in it such infinite perfection , that a horse may always become better and better ad infinitum , and yet so as to remain a horse ? for as the common received opinion is , this visible earth shall not always remain in the same state , which may be confirmed by undeniable reasons : now it necessarily follows , that the continual generation of animals in these gross bodies shall cease also ; for if the earth shall take on it another form , neither any longer bring forth grass , horses and other animals shall cease to be such as they were before : and seeing they want their proper aliment , they cannot remain in the same species ▪ yet nevertheless they are not annihilated , as may be easily conceived ; for how can any thing be annihilated , seeing the goodness of god towards his creatures always remains the same ; and the conservation or continuation of creatures is a continued creation , as is generally granted , and already before demonstrated , that god is a perpetual creator ; and as he is the most free , so also the most necessary agent : but if it be denied , that the earth is unchangeable , as before was said , then it will come to pass that horses and other animals , according to their proportion , will be in like manner changed with the earth , and the earth according to the same proportion , will again produce or yield them aliment or food agreeable to their changed condition ; then i demand , whether they shall always remain in the same species under such a change ? or , whether there will not be some difference between that state and this as for example : there is between a cow and a horse , which is commonly granted to be specifical . again , i ask whether the species of creatures do so infinitely one excel another , that an individual of one particular species may still go forward in perfection , and approach nearer unto another species ; but yet never reach so far as to be changed into that species ? as for instance : an horse in divers qualities and perfections draws near unto the nature and species of a man , and that more than many other creatures ; is therefore the nature of a man distant from the nature of an horse , by infinite degrees , or by finite only ? if by finite , then certainly a horse may in length of time be in some measure changed into a man , ( i mean his spirit ; as for his body that is a thing evident : ) if infinitely distant ; then unto any man , even one of the vilest and basest nature and disposition , may be attributed a certain infinite excellence in act , such as only agrees to god and christ , but to no creature ; for the highest excellence of a creature is to be infinite only , in potentiâ , not in actû ; that is , to be still in a possibility of attaining a greater perfection and excellence , ad infinitum , though in can never reach this infinite ; for how far soever any finite being may proceed , yet that is still finite , although there be no limits to its progression : as for example : if we could ever come to the least minute of eternity , or the like part of infinite duration , that would not be infinite , but finite : neither do we herein contradict what is delivered in the third chapter , of the infiniteness of creatures ; for it is not meant of their infinite goodness and excellence , but in respect only of multitude and magnitude ; so that the one cannot be numbred , nor the other measured , by the comprehension of any created intellect : yet the individuals of creatures , are always but finitely good , and finitely distant , quoad species , or as to species ; and only potentially infinite ; that is , always capable of farther perfection without end . as if there should be supposed a certain ladder , which should be infinitely long , containing infinite steps , yet those steps are not infinitely distant one from another , otherwise there could be no ascension nor descension made thereon ; for steps ( in this example ) signifie the various species of things , which cannot be infinitely distant one from another , or from those which are next unto them ; yea , daily experience teaches us , that the species of divers things are changed , one into another , as earth into water , and water into air , and air into fire or aether ; and the contrary , as fire into air , and air into water , &c. which yet are distinct species of things ; and so also stones are changed into metals , and one metal into another ; but least some should say these are only naked bodies and have no spirit , we shall observe the same not only in vegetables , but also in animals , like as barly and wheat are convertible the one into the other , and are in very deed often so changed , which is well enough known to house-keepers in many provinces , and especially in hungary , where if barley be sown wheat springs up instead thereof ; but in other places more barren , and especially in rocky places , such as are found in germany , if wheat be sown , barley cometh up , and ba●ley in other places becomes mere grass : and in animals , worms are changed into flies , and beasts , and fishes that feed on beasts , and fishes of a different kind , do change them into their own nature , and species : and doth not also a corrupted nature , or the body of earth and water , produce animals without any previous seed of those animals ? and in the creation of this world , did not the waters at the command of god , produce birds and fishes ? and did not the earth also at the same command bring forth beasts and creeping things ; which for that cause were real and proper parts of the earth and waters ? and as they had their bodies from the earth , so likewise they had their spirits or souls from the same ; for the earth brought forth living souls , as the hebrew text speaketh , but not mere corporeal figures , wanting life and soul ; wherefore there is a very remarkable difference between humane creatures and brutes : of man it is said , god made him after his own image , and breathed into him the breath of life , and he became a living soul ; so that from hence man received his life , that principal part of him , ( by which he is become a man , ) which is really distinct from that divine soul or spirit which god breathed into him . and seeing the body of man was made out of the earth , which ( as is proved ) had therein divers spirits , and gave spirits to all brute beasts ; then unto man , no doubt , she committed the best and most excellent spirits whom he was to contain ; but all these spirits were of a far inferiour species , in regard of the spirit of man , which he received from above , and not from the earth : and the spirit of man ought to have dominion over these spirits , ( which were all but earthly , ) so as to subdue them to himself , and exalt them to an higher degree , ( viz. ) into his own proper nature , and that would have been his true increase and multiplication ; for all this he suffered the earthly spirits existing within him , to get dominion over him , and so became like them ; wherefore it is said , earth thou art , and unto earth thou shalt return , which hath no less a spiritual than a literal signification . § . 7. now we see how gloriously the justice of god appears in this transmutation of things out of one species into another ; and that there is a certain justice which operates not only in men and angels , but in all creatures , is most certain ; and he that doth not observe the same may be said to be utterly blind : for this justice appears as well in the ascension of creatures , as in their descension ; that is , when they are changed into the better , and when into the worse ; when into the better , this justice distributes to them the reward and fruit of their good deeds ; when into the worse , the same punishes them with due punishments , according to the nature and degree of the transgression . and the same justice hath given a law to all creatures , and written the same on their natures ; and every creature whatsoever , that transgresseth this law , is punished for it : but that creature that observes and keeps it , hath this reward , viz , to become better . so under the law which god gave to the jews , if a beast killed a man , that beast was to be slain ; and the life of man is said to be required at the hand of every beast , gen. 9. 5. and if any one had to do with a beast , not only the man , but the beast , was to be slain ; so not only the woman and her husband did receive sentence and punishment from god after their transgression , but the serpent also , which was the brutish part in man , which he took from the earth . god hath also put the same instinct of justice in man , towards beasts and trees of the field ; for whosoever he be that is a good and just man , the same loves his beasts that serve him , and taketh care of them that they have their food and rest , and what else is wanting to them ; and this he doth not do only for his own profit , but out of a principle of true justice ; for should he be so cruel to them as to require their labour , and yet deny them their necessary food , then certainly he transgresseth that law which god hath written on his heart ; and if he kills any of them , only to fulfil his own pleasure , he acts unjustly , and the same measure will again be measured unto him ; so likewise a man that hath a certain fruitful tree in his orchard , that prospereth well , he dungs and cleanses the same , that it may wax better and better ; but if it be barren , and incumbers the ground , then he heweth it down with an ax , and burns it with fire . and so here is a certain justice in all these , as in all the transmutation of things from one species into another , whether it be by ascending from the ignobler or baser unto the nobler , or by descending into the contrary , there may be found the same justice : for example : is it not just and equitable , if a man on earth liveth a pure and holy life , like unto the heavenly angels , that he should be exalted to an angelical dignity after death , and be like unto them , over whom also the angels rejoice ? but if a man here on earth lives so wickedly and perversly , that he is more like a devil raised from hell than any other creature , if he dies in such a state without repentance , shall not the same justice tumble him down to hell ? and shall not such deservedly become like devils , even as those who led an angelical life are made equal with the angels ? but if a man hath neither lived an angelical nor diabolical , but a brutish , or at least-wise an animal or sensual life on earth ; so that his spirit is more like the spirit of a beast than any other thing : shall not the same justice most justly cause , that as he is become a brute , as to his spirit ; whilst he hath left the dominion of his more excellent part , to that brutish part and spirit within him , that he also ( at least , as to his external form , in bodily figure ) should be changed into that species of beasts , to whom he was inwardly most like , in qualities and conditions of mind ? and seeing this brutal spirit is now become superior and predominant in him , and holds the other captive , is it not very probable , when such a man dies , that the very same brutish spirit shall still have dominion in him , and carry the human soul with it whithersoever it pleaseth , and compel it to be subservient unto it ? and when the said brutish spirit returns again into some body , and hath now dominion over that body , so that its plastick faculty hath the liberty of forming a body , after its own idea and inclination , ( which before , in the humane body , it had not ; ) it necessarily follows , that the body , which this vital spirit forms , will be brutal , and not humane ; for the brutal spirit cannot produce and form any other figure : because its plastick faculty is governed of its imagination , which it doth most strongly imagine to its self , or conceive its own proper image ; which therefore the external body is necessarily forced to assume . § . 8. herein the justice of god marvellously appears , whilst he assigns to every kind and degree of transgression its due and proper punishment ; neither doth he sentence every sin and transgression to hell-fire , and the punishment due unto devils ; for christ hath taught the contrary , in that parable , where he sheweth the third degree only is doom'd to infernal punishment , ( viz. ) if one say to his brother : thou fool ! what can be here objected against the justice of god ? if it be said it doth too much lessen and disparage the dignity and nobility of humane nature , to suppose the same with respect to body and soul , convertible into the nature of a brute . to this i answer , according to the common maxim , corruptio optimi fit pessima , the best things by corruption become the worst : for seeing man by his voluntary transgression hath so exceedingly polluted and brought down his own nature ( which was so noble ) into a far worse state and condition , that the same could wax as vile and base in spirit as the most unclean beast or animal ; so that he is become as subject to earthly concupiscences and desires , as any beast ; yea , is become worse than any beast : what injustice will this be , if god should also compel him to bear that image outwardly in his body , into the which he hath inwardly transformed himself ? or , which thinkest thou is the worst degeneration , to bear the image of a beast in spirit , or in body ? certainly , every one will say , to be like a beast in spirit is far the greatest degeneration ; and there is not one , who is indued with true nobility of mind , who will not confess , that , to be like a beast inwardly , is worse than to be like the same outwardly ; for to be one with him in spirit , is far worse than to be one with him in external form and figure of body : but if any one shall say this punishment is too little for such a man , who hath lived all his days a brutish life , if after death he shall only return to the state or condition of some beast ; let such know , that the most just creator and maker of all things is wiser than he , and knows best what punishment is due unto every particular sin ; who hath also so most justly and wisely disposed all things , that no man that lives carnally , and after the manner of beasts , can enter into the kingdom of heaven ; and so also the doctrine of christ expresly informs us , that all sins are not to be punished with the pains of hell : and that where the treasure is , there is the heart also , and the spirit of man : also if a man is joyn'd or united with any things , that then he becomes unum quid , or one with the same ; and that he that cleaves to the lord is one with him in spirit ; and he that cleaves to a harlot is one flesh with her . why then doth not he that cleaves to a beast , by the same reason , become one with a beast ? and so in all other cases : for to whom any one yields himself in obedience , the same is his master , so far as he obeys him ; as the scripture saith . moreover also it is said , with what measure soever ye mete , the same shall be meted unto you : as if it should have said , all kinds and degrees of sin , have their proper punishments , and all these punishments tend to the creatures advantage ; so that grace prevails over judgment , and judgment is turned into victory to the salvation and restoration of the creature : for seeing the grace of god is extended over all his works , why should we think god a more severe and rigid master to his creatures than indeed he is ? seeing this doth wonderfully obscure and darken the glory of the divine attributes ; neither doth it beget a love towards god , and an admiration of his goodness and justice in the hearts of men , as it ought to be ; but the plain contrary . § . 9. for that common notion of the justice of god , that every sin , how small soever it be , shall be punished with hell fire , and that without all end , begets in men an horrible idea or conception concerning god ; to wit , as though he were a cruel tyrant towards all his creatures rather than a gracious father : but if the lovely image of god was more known unto men , such as indeed he is , and manifesteth himself in all his dispensations to his creatures ; and if our souls could inwardly feel and tast him , viz. as he is charity and goodness it self , and as he inwardly reveals himself , by the light and spirit of christ jesus our lord , in the hearts of men ; then indeed , and not till then , would men come to love god above all things , and acknowledge him to be , beyond all , the most lovely , just , and merciful , who may not punish all sinners with an equal punishment . § . 10. and moreover also , why did he drown the old world with water , and hath purposed to destroy this with fire ? such as was that of sodom : but that he would show , that for diverskinds of sin , divers sorts of punishment are to be inflicted : and that the old world was indeed wicked , but that which is to be destroyed with fire is worse , which for that reason will have the greater judgment . but the different nature of these transgressions , for which those different punishments are prepared , seem to consist in this ; that the sins of the old world were more brutish and carnal , as the word of god doth seem to point out , when he saith , my spirit shall not always strive with man ; because he is become flesh ; that is , he is become perfectly brutish or bestial , by obeying the desires of the flesh : so that unless this generation had been cut off , all mankind ( except noah and his family ) in the succeeding generation , would have become bestial , which evil god would prevent , by drowning them with the waters , that by this punishment they might be reduced from the brutish nature to the nature of men : but the sins of this world , which like sodom is to be destroyed with fire , se●●● their own nature , to be more like the sins of devils , than any thing else , ( viz. ) by reason of craft , deceit , malice , hostility , and cruelty ; and therefore their proper punishment is fire , which also is the original principle of those noble spirits so greatly degenerated ; and so they ought deservedly by the same to be restored and regenerated : for what is fire , but a certain kind of imperfect aethereal substance shut up in combustible bodies ? as we observe the same still to mount upwards , and by reason of its notable thinness immediately to vanish : from which aethereal substance , as well angels as men , have their original , quoad spiritus , or , as to their spirits ; as the brutal nature hath its original from water . but as all the punishments , god inflicts on his creatures , have some proportion with their sins ; so all these punishments ( the worst not excepted ) do tend to their good and restoration , and so are medicinal , that by them these diseased creatures may be cured and restored to a better condition than before they enjoyed . § . 11. now therefore let us examine , how every creature is composed , and how the parts of its composition may be converted the one into the other ; for that they have originally one and the same essence , or being . in every visible creature there is a body and a spirit , or principium magis activum , & magis passivum , or , more active and more passive principle , which may fitly be termed male and female , by reason of that analogy a husband hath with his wife . for as the ordinary generation of men requires a conjunction and co-operation of male and female ; so also all generations and productions whatsoever they be , require an union , and conformable operation of those two principles , to wit , spirit and body ; but the spirit is an eye or light beholding its own proper image , and the body is a tenebrosity or darkness receiving that image , when the spirit looks thereinto , as when one sees himself in a looking-glass ; for certainly he cannot so behold himself in the transparent air , nor in any diaphanous body , because the reflexion of an image requires a certain opacity or darkness , which we call a body : yet to be a body is not an essential property of any thing ; as neither is it a property of any thing to be dark ; for nothing is so dark that it cannot be made light ; yea , the darkness it self may become light , as the light which is created may be turned into darkness , as the words of christ do fully evince , when he saith , if the light which is in thee be darkness , &c. where he means the eye or spirit which is in the body , which beholdeth the image of any thing : therefore as every spirit hath need of a body , that it may receive and reflect its image , so also it requires a body to retain the same ; for every body hath this retentive nature , either more or less in it self ; and by how much the perfecter a body is , that is , more perfectly mix'd , so much the more retentive is it , and so water is more retentive than air , and earth of some things is more retentive than water . but the seed of a female creature , by reason of its so perfect mixture ; for that it is the purest extraction of the whole body , hath in it a notable retention : and in this seed , as a body , the male seed , which is the image and spirit of the male , is received and retained , together with other spirits which are in the female ; and therefore whatsoever spirit is then strongest , and hath the strongest image or idea in the seed , whether it be the masculine or the feminine , or any other spirit from either of these received from without , tha● spirit is predominant in the seed , and forms the body , as near as may be , after its own image , and so every creature receives his external form. and after the same manner also , the internal productions of the mind , viz. thoughts are generated , which according to their kind are true creatures , and have a true substance , proper to themselves , being all our internal children , and all of them male and female , that is , they have body and spirit ; for if they had not a body , they could not be retained , nor could we reflect on our own proper thoughts ; for every reflection is made by a certain tenebrosity or darkness , and this is a body ; so the memory requires a body , to retain the spirit of the thing thought on , otherwise it would vanish as the image in a glass , which presently vanishes , the object being removed . and so likewise , when we remember any body , we see his image in us , which is a spirit that proceeded from him , whilst we beheld him from without ; which image or spirit is retained in some-body , which is the seed of our brain , and thence is made a certain spiritual generation in us : and so every spirit hath its body , and every body its spirit ; and as the body , sc . of a man or beast , is nothing else but an innumerable multitude of bodies , compacted together into one , and disposed into a certain order ; so likewise the spirit of a man , or beast , is a certain innumerable multitude of spirits united together in the said body , which have their order and government so , that there is one captain , or chief governor , another a lieutenant , and another hath a certain kind of government under him , and so through the whole , as it is wont to be in an army of soldiers ; wherefore the creatures are called armies , and god the god of hosts , as the devil which possessed the man was called legion , because there were many of them ; so that every man ; yea , every creature , consists of many spirits and bodies ; ( many of these spirits which exist in man ) are called by the hebrews , nizzuzoth , or sparks . see in kabbal . denud . tom. 2. part 2. tract . de revolutionibus animarum , cap. 2. & seq . p. 256 , 268 , &c. ) and indeed every body is a spirit , and nothing else , neither differs any thing from a spirit , but in that it is more dark ; therefore by how much the thicker and grosser it is become , so much the more remote is it from the degree of a spirit , so that this distinction is only modal and gradual , not essential or substantial . chap. vii . § . 1. that every body may be turned into a spirit , and a spirit into a body ; because the distinction between body and spirit is only in modo , not in essentia : the reason hereof is taken , first , from the order of things abovesaid , which consists only in three . and that the worst of creatures ; yea , the most cursed devils , after many and long-continued torments , shall at length return to a state of goodness . moreover , that all this hardness and grossness of bodies , came from a certain fall , which therefore shall in time return to a state of softness and subtilty . § . 2. the second reason is drawn from the divine attributes , whereof some are communicable to his creatures . § . 3. the third reason , is drawn from the love which the spirits have to their bodies . § . 4. that to be penetrable and indiscerpible is as truly attributed to bodies , as to spirits ▪ and to be impenetrable and disce●pible agrees as well to spirits as to bodies ; for that the difference is gradual and not essential ; and that no creature , or created spirit , can be intimately present in any creature , because intrinsick presence only pertains to god and christ ; and therefore that philosophical penetration of created spirits , in regard of bodies , is a mere scholastick fiction . now that i may more clearly demonstrate , that every body is a certain spirit or life in its own nature , and that the same is a certain intelligent principle , having knowledge , sense , love , desire , joy , and grief ; as it is this or that way affected ; and by consequence hath activity and motion , per se ; so that it can remove it self whithersoever it desires to be ▪ i say , in its own nature , wherein it was originally created , and as it shall be again , when it shall be reduced to its primitive state , and delivered from that confusion and vanity , to which it is subject by reason of sin. i shall produce these following reasons . ( of the nature of matter and spirit , more may be seen in kabbal , denud . tom. 1. part 2. p. 308. unto . p. 312. and tom. 2. treatise ult . pag. 6. 28 , 29 , 32. ) § . 1. the first hereof shall be from the order of things , before-mentioned , which i have already proved to be but three ; to wit , god the supreme or chiefest , christ the medium or middle , and the creature the lowest in order ; which creature is but one essence or substance , as to nature or essence , as is above demonstrated , so that it only differs secundum modos existendi ; or , according to the manners of existence ; among which one is corporiety ; whereof also there are many degrees ; so that a thing may more or less approach to , or recede from the state and condition of a body or a spirit ; but because a spirit ( between these two ) is more excellent in the natural order of things , and by how much the more a creature is a spirit , ( if at least wise it doth not any otherwise degenerate ) so much the nearer it approaches to god , who is the chiefest spirit . hence a body may always be more and more spiritual , ad infinitum ; because god who is the first and supreme spirit is infinite , and doth not nor cannot partake of the least corporiety ; whence such is the nature of a creature , unless it degenerates , that it always draws nearer and nearer unto god in likeness : but because there is no being , which is every way contrary to god , ( viz. there is no being , which is infinitely and unchangeably evil , as god is infinitely and unchangeably good ; nothing infinitely dark , as god is infinitely light ; nor any thing infinitely a body , having nothing of spirit , as god is infinitely a spirit , having nothing of body ; ) hence it is manifest that no creature can become more and more a body , ad infinitum , although the same may become more and more a spirit , ad infinitum ; and nothing can become infinitely more dark , though it may become infinitely more light : by the same reason nothing can be evil ad infinitum , although it may become more and more good ad infinitum : and so indeed , in the very nature of things , there are limits or bounds to evil ; but none unto good. and after the same manner , every degree of sin or evil hath its punishment , grief , and chastisement annexed to it , in the very nature of the thing , by which the evil is again changed into good ; which punishment or correction , though it be not presently perceived of the creature , when it sins , yet is reserved in those very sins which the same committeth , and in its due time will appear ; and then every sin will have its punishment , and so the pain and chastisement will be felt of the creature , and by that the creature will be again restored unto its former state of goodness , in which it was created , and from which it cannot fall or slide any more ; because by its great chastisement it hath acquired a greater strength and perfection ; and so is ascended so far above that indifferency of will , which before it had to good or evil , that it wills only that which is good , neither is any more capable to will any evil. see kabbal . denud . tom. 2. tract . ult . p. 61. § . 9. p. 69. § . 21. and 70. § . 5. & ibid. tract . 2. p. 157. and hence may be inferred , that all the creatures of god , which heretofore degenerated and fell from their primitive goodness , must after certain periods be converted and restored , not only to as good , but unto a better state than that was in which they were created : for divine operation cannot cease : and hence it is the nature of every creature to be still in motion , and always to change either from good to good , or from good into evil , or from evil again into good ; and because it cannot proceed infinitely to evil , for that there is no infinite example thereof , hence it must necessarily return or slide into eternal silence , which is contrary to the nature of it . but if it be said , it goes into eternal torments , i answer , if by eternal thou meanest an infiniteness of ages , which shall never cease , that is impossible ; because every pain and torment excites or stirs up an operating spirit and life in every thing which suffers ; as we observe by continued experience , and reason teacheth us , that of necessity it must be so ; because through pain , and the enduring thereof , every kind of crassitude or grossness in spirit or body contracted is attenuated , and so the spirit captivated or detained in that grossness or crassitude is set at liberty , and made more spiritual , and consequently more active and operative , through suffering . now seeing a creature cannot proceed infinitely to evil , nor slide down into inactivity or silence , nor yet also into mere eternal passion , it incontestably follows , that it must at length return unto good ; and by how much the greater its sufferings are , so much the sooner shall it return and be restored . and so we see how a thing ( the same substance still remaining ) may be marvellously changed in respect of the manners of its existence ; so that a certain holy and blessed spirit , or angel of light , could by his voluntary action , become a wicked and cursed spirit of darkness ; which change , or metamorphosis , certainly is as great as if a spirit were changed into a body . and if it be here demanded , whether those spirits became more corporeal by their transgression , than they were in their primitive state before they fell ? i answer , yes ; but because , as i have already shown , that a spirit is capable of corporiety , secundum majus & minus , or more and less ; although not infinitely , yet in many degrees . hence it is , they could remain for many ages , and have nothing of such a corporeal crassitude , as things in this visible . world have , such as are hard stones , or metals , or the bodies of men and women : for certainly the bodies of the worst spirits have not such a crassltude as any visible body , and yet all that grossness of visible bodies came from the fall of spirits from their first state : and so the spirits after long and various periods , could contract this grossness to themselves , although they could not together , and at one and the same time fall into an universal grossness , so that the whole body of any fallen spirit should be in all its parts equally gross ; but some parts become grosser and grosser ▪ and the other corporeal parts of this spirit ( which are its immediate vehicle , and wherewith it is most intimately united ) retain a certain tenuity or subtilty , without which the spirit could not be so moveable and active as otherwise it would ; and with these subtiler and more tenuious parts of the body , the principal spirit ( together with its ministring spirits , so many of them as it can possibly gather together ) departs out of those thicker parts of the body , which it leaves as so many cadaverous bodies , which are no longer fit to serve the said spirits in those operations which they exercise in their present state. and we may observe this departure of the subtiler and stronger spirits , out of the harder and grosser parts of the body , into the more soft and tenu●ous , in a certain spirituous liquor , which is congealed with great cold , where the stronger spirits ( forsaking the harder parts which are outward , and chiefly exposed to the cold ) do gather themselves into the middle part of the body , which is always subtile and thin , so that one only drop of that liquor ( which is not congealed , but remaineth still liquid in the innermost part of the congealed body ) hath in it the augmented force of all those parts which are congealed ; so that here is a two fold grossness and hardness of bodies , the one palpable and visible to our external senses ; the other invisible and impalpable , which nevertheless is as gross as the other , yea , often grosser and harder , which may be truly perceived by the internal senses , although the external senses may be insensible thereof ; for the invisible and impalpable grossness or hardness is that which is proper to those bodies , which are so small , that our external senses cannot perceive them , when nevertheless they are really exceeding hard , yea , harder than any flint or metal , which we can handle with our hands . and out of these hard and small bodies , visible waters are for the most part composed , although they appear to us very soft , fluid , and tenuious , by reason of the great plenty of certain other subtile bodies which continually agitate , and move the said hard particles ; so that water seems to our gross senses to be one thing homogeneal , simple , and uniform , although it consisteth of many heterogeneous and dissimilar or differing parts , more than many other bodies ; and many of these parts are exceeding hard and stony , whence proceeds gravel , bubbling sorth , and all other little sands and stones , which have their original and birth from the waters springing from the bottom of the earth ; and when those little stones , or stony particles of water , grow into visible sand and stones , the same after some time do again lose this hardness , and become more soft and tenuious , than when they belonged to the waters ; for stones do rot , and are converted into soft earth , and out of this proceed animals ; so also stones putrifying , do often become water again ; but this water is of another species than the former , for one is petrefying , the other mollifying ; as it is observed that from one mountain in helvetia two kinds of water flow , one whereof being drunken breeds the stone , and the other is a proper remedy against it ; so that one water is changed into a stone , and the other water proceeds from that stone , whilst it is in corruption , and so it alters and loseth its former hardness : and so from what hath been said may the better be understood , how the heart and spirit of a wicked man may be said to be hard and stony ; because indeed his spirit hath in it a real hardness , such as is found in those little stony particles of certain waters ; when on the contrary the spirits of good men are soft and tender ; which internal softness and hardness of spirits , we may also really feel , and every good man doth as sensibly perceive the same , as the external hardness of gross bodies is discerned by the outward touch ; but such who are dead in their sins , have not this sense of the hardness or softness of good or evil spirits ; and therefore they call these only metaphorical speeches , when indeed the things are really so in a proper sence , and that without any figure . § . 2. the second reason , that created spirits are convertible into bodies , and bodies into spirits , i shall deduce from a serious and due consideration of the divine attributes ; from which , as from a treasury of instructions , may be manifested the truth of all things : for seeing god is infinitely good , and communicates his goodness infinite ways to his creatures ; so that there is no creature which doth not receive something of his goodness , and that very largely : and seeing the goodness of god is a living goodness , which hath life , power , love , and knowledge in it , which he communicates to his creatures , how can it be , that any dead thing should proceed from him , or be created by him , such as is mere body or matter , according to their hypothesis , who affirm , that the same is wholly inconvertible , to any degree of life or knowledge ? it is truly said of one that god made not death , and it is as true , that he made no dead thing : for how can a dead thing depend of him , who is infinitely life and charity ? or how can any creature receive so vile and diminutive an essence from him , ( who is so infinitely liberal and good , ) that should partake nothing of life or knowledge , nor ever be able to aspire to it , no not in the least degree ? hath not god created all his creatures for this end , that in him they might be blessed ▪ and enjoy his divine goodness , in their several states and conditions ? but how can this be without life or sense ? or how can any thing , that wanteth life , enjoy divine goodness ? but we shall urge this argument a little farther , the divine attributes are commonly and rightly distinguished , into communicable , and incommunicable ; the incommunicable are , that god is a being , subsisting by himself , independent , unchangeable , absolutely infinite , and most perfect : the communicable are , that he is a spirit , life , and light , that he is good , holy , just , wise , &c. but now there are none of these communicable attributes , which are not living , yea life it self : and because every creature hath a communication with god in some of his attributes , now i demand , in what attribute dead matter hath it , or a body that is uncapable of life and sense for ever ? if it be said , it agrees with god in entity , or that it is an essence , i answer , in god there is no dead being , whereof he is or can be partaker : whence , therefore , shall this have its dead essence ? moreover the entity or being of a thing is not properly an attribute thereof ; but an attribute is properly , tale quid , or something that is predicated or affirmed of that being : now what attributes or perfections can be attributed to dead matter , which do analogically answer to those which are in god ? if we diligently enquire thereinto , we shall find none at all ; for all his attributes are living ; yea , life it self . moreover , seeing the creatures of god , so far as they are creatures , ought necessarily in some things to resemble their creator , now i demand , in what dead matter is like unto god ? if they say again in naked entity , i answer , there is none such in god or his creatures : and so it is a mere non ens , or nothing . but as touching the other attributes of matter , viz. impenetrability ▪ figurability , and mobility ; certainly none of these have any place in god , and so are not of his communicable attributes ; but rather essential differences or attributes of diversity , whereby the creature , as such , is distinguished from god ; as also mutability is of the number of those differential attributes , whence it cannot be said that mutability is of the communicable attributes of god : and in like manner , impenetrability , figurability , and mobility , do not pertain unto the communicable attributes of god ; but to those only in which the creatures differ from him . and seeing dead matter doth not partake of any of the communicable attributes of god , we must certainly conclude , that the same is a mere non ens , or nothing , a false fiction or chimaera , and so a thing impossible . if they say , it hath a metaphysical goodness and truth , even as every being is good and true : again ; i demand , what is that goodness and truth ? for if it hath no participation with any of the communicable attributes of god , it will be neither good nor true , and so a mere fiction , as before was said . moreover , seeing it cannot be said , wherein dead matter doth any way partake of divine goodness , much less can it be shown , how it may be capable always to acquire a greater perfection , ad infinitum , which is the nature of all creatures , viz. to increase , and infinitely advance towards a farther perfection as is before demonstrated . but what farther progress in goodness or perfection hath a dead matter ? because after it hath suffered infinite changes of motion and figure it is constrained always to remain dead , as before ; and if motion and figure contribute nothing to the receiving of life , then certainly this is made never the better ; nay , is not in the least degree promoted in goodness : for suppose this dead matter had undergone all forms , and been transmuted into all kinds of figures , even the most regular and exact : what doth this profit this matter or body , because it wants all life and sense ? so let us suppose the same to have undergone infinite kinds of motion , from slowness to swiftness ; wherein , therefore , is it better , by the way of its intrinsecal melioration ? for the argument speaketh of intrinsecal melioration , which is such a melioration as the nature of the thing it self requireth , and which is performed thereby ; but a mere dead body , or matter , requires no kind of motion or figure ; nor , in it self , is perfected more by one motion , or figure , than by another ▪ for it is alike indifferent to all motions and figures whatsoever , and by consequence is not perfected or bettered by any of them . and then what advantage will it have from all these helps , if it always remain a dead and impassible thing . § . 3. my third reason is drawn from the great love and desire that the spirits or souls have towards bodies , and especially towards those with which they are united , and in which they have their habitation : but now the foundation of all love or desire , whereby one thing is carried unto another , stands in this , that either they are of the same nature and substance with them , or like unto them , or both ; or that one hath its being from the other , whereof we have an example in all living creatures which bring forth their young ; and in like manner also in men , how they love that which is born of them : for so also even wicked men and women ( if they are notextremely perverse , and void of parental love ) do love their children , and cherish them with a natural affection , the cause whereof certainly is this , that their children are of the same nature and substance , viz. as though they were parts of them ; and if they are like them , either in body , spirit , or manners , hereby their love is the more increased : so also we observe that animals of one species love one another more than those that are of a different species ; whence also cattle of one kind feed together ; birds of a kind flock together ; and fishes of a kind swim together ; and so men rather converse with men than with any other creatures : but besides this particular love , there remains yet something of universal love in all creatures , one towards another , setting aside that great confusion which hath fallen out since , by reason of transgression ; which certainly must proceed from the same foundation , viz. in regard of their first substance and essence , they were all one and the same thing , and as it were parts and members of one body . moreover , in every species of animals , we see how the male and female love one another , and in all their propagations ( which are not monstrous , and contrary to nature ) they respect each other ; and that proceeds not only from the unity of nature , but also by reason of a certain eminent similitude or likeness between them . and both these foundations of love between a man and a woman , are expresly mentioned in genesis ; but that which adam spoke concerning his wife , this is bone of my bone , and flesh of my flesh , &c. pertains unto the unity of nature ; for she was taken out of him , and was a part of him , and therefore he loved her . moreover also , concerning similitude , it is said , there was no help found for him , or before his face , as it is in the hebrew , ( i. e. ) among all creatures he saw not his like , with whom he would converse , until eve was made for him . but there is yet another cause of love , when beings , that love each other , are not one substance , but one gave being to the other , and is the proper and real cause thereof . and so it is in the case between god and creatures ; for he gave to all , being , life , and motion ; and therefore he loves all creatures ; neither can he not love them ; yea , at the same time when he seems to hate and be angry with them , this his anger , and what proceeds therefrom , viz. punishments and judgments , turns to their good , because he perceiveth they have need of them . so , on the contrary , the creatures which have not wholly degenerated , and lost all sense of god , do love him ; and this is a certain divine law , and instinct , which he put in all rational creatures , that they might love him , which is the fulfilling of the whole law : but those creatures which draw most near unto god in similitude or likeness , do love him the more , and are the more loved of him . but if it be thought there is another principal cause of love , to wit , goodness , which is the most vehement or powerful magnet thereof , whence also god is above all the most to be loved ; because he is the best ; which goodness is in some measure in creatures , either really or apparently ; wherefore such are loved of their fellow-creatures : i answer : it must be granted indeed , that goodness is a great , yea the greatest cause of love , and the proper object of it ; but this goodness is not a distinct cause from those before laid down , but is comprehended in them . wherefore do we call a thing good ? but because it either really or apparently pleases us , for the unity it hath with us , or which we have with it : hence it comes to pass , that good men love good men , and not otherwise ; for good men cannot love evil , nor evil men good men as such ; for there is no greater similitude than between good and good : for the reason why we call or esteem a thing good , is this , that it benefits us , and that we are made partakers of its goodness , and so here the first cause of similitude is still militant : so likewise , when one thing gives being to another , as when god and christ give being to creatures ( as from whom have every true essence proceeded , ) here is in like manner a certain similitude ; for it is impossible that the creatures should not in some things be like their creator , and agree with him in some attributes or perfections . this being supposed a touch-stone , we shall now return to our subject matter , ( i. e. ) to examine , whether spirits and bodies are of one nature and substance , and so convertible one into another ? therefore , i demand , what is the reason , that the spirit or soul so loveth the body wherewith it is united , and so unwillingly departs out of it , that it has been manifestly notorious , the souls of some have attended on , and been subject to their bodies , after the body was dead , until it was corrupted , and dissolved into dust . that the spirit or soul gave a distinct being to the body , or the body to the spirit , cannot be the reason of this love ; for that were creation in a strict sence ; but this ( viz. ) to give being unto things agrees only to god and christ ; therefore that necessarily comes to pass by reason of that similitude they have one with another , or some affinity in their natures : or , if it be said , there is a certain goodness in the body , which moves the spirit to love it , certainly this goodness must necessarily answer to something in the soul which is like it , otherwise it could not be carried unto it ; yea , let them inform us what that goodness in the body is , for which the soul doth so servently love it ? or in what attributes or perfections a body is like a spirit ; if a body is nothing but a dead trunk , and a certain mass which is altogether uncapable of any degree of life , and perfection ? if they say a body agrees with a spirit ratione entis , or in respect of being ; that is to say ; as this hath being so that hath the same ; this is already refuted in the former argument ; for if this being hath no attributes or perfections wherein it may agree with the being of a spirit , then it is only a mere fiction ; for god created no naked ens , or being , which should be a mere being , and have no attributes that may be predicated of it ; besides also , ens is only a logical notion or term , which logicians do call genus generalissimum , or the most general kind , which in the naked and abstracted notion of it , is not in the things themselves , but only in the conception or humane intellect . and therefore every true being is a certain single nature , whereof may be affirmed such and such attributes : now what are those attributes of body , wherein it resembles a spirit ? let us examine the principal attributes of body , as distinct from a spirit , according to their opinion , who so much dispute , that body and spirit are so infinitely distant in nature , that one can never become the other : the attributes are these , that a body is impenetrable of all other bodies , so that the parts thereof cannot penetrate each other ; but there is another attribute of body , viz. to be discerpible or divisible into parts : but the attributes of spirit ( as they define it ) are penetrability and indiscerpibility , so that one spirit can penetrate another ; also , that a thousand spirits can stand together one within another , and yet possess no more space than one spirit , moreover , that a spirit is so simple , and one in it self , that it cannot be rent asunder , or actually divided into separate parts . if now the attributes of body and spirit are compared together , they are so far from being like one another , or having any analogy of nature ( in which nevertheless the true foundation of love and unity doth consist , as before was said , ) that they are plainly contrary ; yea , nothing in the whole world can be conceived ●o contrary to any thing , as body and spirit , in the opinion of these men. for here is a pure and absolute contrariety in all their attributes ; because penetrability and impenetrability are more contrary one to another than black and white , or hot and cold : for that which is black may become white , and that which is hot may become cold : but ( as they say ) that which is impenetrable cannot be made penetrable ; yea , god and creatures do not so infinitely differ in essence one from another ; as these doctors make body to differ from spirit : for there are many attributes , in which god and the creatures agree together ; but we can find none , wherein a body can any way agree with a spirit , and by consequence , nor with god , who is the chiefest and purest of spirits ; wherefore it can be no creature , but a mere non-entity or fiction : but as body and spirit are contrary in the attributes of penetrability and impenetrability ; so are they no less contrary in discerpibility and indiscerpibility : but if they alledge , that body and spirit do agree in some attributes , as extension , mobility , and figurability ; so that spirit hath extension , and can reach from one place to another , and also can move it self from place to place , and form it self into whatsoever figure it pleaseth , in which cases it agrees with a body , and a body with it : to this i answer : supposing the first , that a spirit can be extended ( which yet many of them deny , yea most , who teach that body and spirit are essentially distinct ) yet the extension of body and spirit , as they understand it , do wonderfully differ ; for the extension of body is always impenetrable ; yea , to be extended , and impenetrable , as pertaining to body , is only one real attribute proposed in two mental and logical notions , or ways of speaking ; for what is extension , unless the body ( wheresoever it is ) be impenetrable of its own proper parts ? but remove this attribute of impenetrability from a body , and it cannot be conceived any longer , as extended . moreover also , the extension of body and spirit , according to their notion , infinitely differ ; for whatsoever extension a body hath , the same is so necessary and essential to it , that it is impossible for it to be more or less extended ; when nevertheless a spirit may be more or less extended , as they affirm ; and seeing to be moveable and figurable , are only consequential attributes of extension , ( for that a spirit is far otherwise moveable and figurable than a body , because a spirit can move and form it self as a body cannot : ) the same reason which is good against the one is good against the other also . § . 4. but , secondly , how can they prove impenetrability is an essential attribute of body ; or that penetrability is an essential attribute of spirit ? why may not body be more or less impenetrable , and spirit more or less penetrable , as it may , and indeed doth happen in all other attributes ? for , ex . gr . some body may be more or less heavy or light , condensed or rarefied , solid or liquid , hot or cold ; then why may it not also be more or less penetrable , or impenetrable ? if it be said , that in all those other mutations we always observe , that a body remains impenetrable , as iron when it is heat red-hot , yet remains still impenetrable : i answer , i grant it may remain impenetrable of any other body of equal thickness ; yet may , and is entirely penetrated of a more subtile body , sc . of the fire which hath entred into it , and penetrated all its parts , whereby 't is made so soft ; and if the fire be stronger , begins wholly to melt . but if , against this , they object , that the ingress of fire into the iron , is not penetration in a philosophical sence , nor as they understand it , viz. as though the fire and iron did possess but one place , and so the one could be intrinsecally present in the other ; because it is manifest to the contrary , that iron ( if it be made candent or glowing hot ) it swelleth and acquireth a greater bulk , than when it is cold ; and as it waxeth cold again , it returneth to its former dimension . to this i answer : if they mean such a penetration , which we call intrinseck presence , viz. that one homogeneal substance should enter into another , both being of equal dimensions , and yet the bulk or quantity not increased , that seems wholly irrational : and it would be a mere impossibility and contradiction to grant such an intimate presence in creatures , which only agrees unto god and christ as creators , whose prerogative it is to be intrinsecally present in creatures ; whereas no creature can have that intrinseck presence in its fellow creature , because then it would cease to be a creature , and obtain one of the incommunicable attributes of god and christ , which is intrinseck presence . this ( i say ) is primarily to be attributed to god , and secondarily to christ , in as much as he is medium quid , or a certain medium between god and creatures , and who as he is partaker of mutability and immutability , of eternity and time ; so he may be said to be partaker of body and spirit , and consequently of place and extension : for , in as much as his body is of another substance than the bodies of all other creatures , ( as of whom he is the nearest beginning to god , ) it may be truly said , he is intrinsecally present in them , and yet not so as to be confounded with them . for to suppose one creature intrinsecally present in another , so as to be mingled and most perfectly united with it , and yet its quantity or extension not increased , that confounds the creatures , and maketh two or more to be but one : yea , according to this hypothesis , it may be said the whole creation is reducible into the quantity of the least grain or dust , because every part would be supposed to penetrate another , and no greater extension follow than of one part. but if it be said , that only proves that spirits may be reduced into so small a space but not bodies : because bodies are impenetrable . i answer , this is but a begging of the question , because they have not yet proved that body and spirit are distinct substances ; which , unless they are , it follows that one nature is not more penetrable than the other , according to their sence . and indeed it seems very consentaneous to reason , that as times are each of them so extended into their due measures and extensions , that they cannot exceed those bounds , and so cannot be intrinsecally present one with another ; as ( ex . gr . ) the first day of the week cannot be present with the second day of the same week ; nor the first hour of the day with the second ; neither is the first minute of an hour present with the second minute thereof ; because such is the nature and essence of time , that it is successive , and hath partes extra partes , or parts , one without another . when nevertheless god is really and intrinsecally present in all times , and is not changed , which cannot be said of the creature , sc . that that is present in all or more times , and not changed ; for the creature is perpetually changed with times , seeing times are nothing else but the motion or change of the creature from one state or condition into another . and as it is in the case of time , and creatures which are in time , so also in the case of place , bulk , or quantity ; for as in god there is no time , so also in him there is no bulk or corporeal quantity ; but in creatures there is both time and corporeal quantity ; because otherwise they would be either god , or nothing , which is impossible . for whatsoever quantity , bulk , or extension any creature hath , it retains the same , as something which is of its own essence ; as it is the essence of time to consist of more parts , and those again of more , and so ad infinitum : for it may be easily conceived how a less time is in a greater , ex . gr . how so many minutes are in an hour , and so many hours in a day ; and one hour doth immediately touch the next , but cannot be present in it , the same is to be understood of the creatures , in regard of their quantity or bulk ; for indeed one creature may immediately touch another , but cannot be present in all its parts , but only a less may be in a greater , and a subtiler in a grosser ; and this is more properly penetration which agrees to bodies as well as spirits ; as some body , that is less gross may penetrate another that is more gross ; but two bodies of an equal thickness cannot penetrate each other : the same may be said of spirits which have their degrees of more or less grossness , as bodies have : neither is there any other difference between body and spirit , ( if body be not taken in their sence , who teach that it is a thing merely dead , and void of life , or a capacity thereof ; but in a proper sence : sc . that it is an excellent creature having life and sense , which either actually or potentially agrees to it ) but this that a body is the grosser part of a thing , and spirit the subtiler , whence also spirit hath it's name from the air , which is the most subtile nature in this visible world. in kabbal . denud . tom. 2. tract . ult . p. 6. § . 13. spirit is rather defined , a central nature , having a faculty to send forth a sphere full of light and to inlarge or contract the same , which properly seems to be aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and ibid. p. 28. § . 4. matter is defined : a naked centre , or a point wanting eradiation , which aristotle understood by privation : whence we must conclude , that the impenetrability of these creatures is to be understood of their centres : for the hebrew word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies a spirit , signifies also air ; and because air hath a very swift motion , all swiftness of motion is imputed to the spirit in the moved body : hence out of popular ignorance , when in certain bodies they perceived no motion , they termed them dead , wanting both life and spirit : but indeed there is no where any such body that hath not motion , and by consequence life and spirit . therefore every creature hath its due quantity or extension , which it cannot exceed , and wherein also it cannot be diminished . neither doth this hinder , that we observe , how some very small body may be extended into a space a thousand times greater than it had ; even as gun-powder , if it be set on fire doth marvellously extend it self ; for all this extension is made by division of parts into parts , still less and less , which indeed do not fill all that space so great as it seems , when in the mean while each part hath neither greater nor lesser extension than it had before . supposing this , it must be concluded that all creatural spirits , which are present in bodies , are either in the pores of the said bodies , or in certain concavities made there , as moles make in the earth ; or else they cause the said bodies to be puffed up , and acquire a greater extension ; as when fire copiously enters iron , it notably puffs up and extends the same : and although this turgescency , or puffing up of bodies , cannot be always observed by our external senses ; yet it cannot therefore be denied : for 't is possible , that a certain body may considerably grow or increase in its dimensions , and become intirely greater , and yet this increase of magnitude may shun all outward observation ; yea , it may be so subtile that it cannot be expressed by numbers ; ex . gr . let us suppose some body , whose solidity or cube may contain 64 parts , and another whose solidity contains 100 , where the root of the former body whose cube is 64 is 4 ; so that the side of that body contains four longitudes of the parts so divided ; but the side or root of the other body , whose cube is 100 , can be expressed by no number ; for it is greater than 4 , and less than 5 , and no fraction can determine the same : therefore bodies ( as was said ) may be considerably swoln or puffed up , ( if more spirits or subtiler bodies enter into them , ) and yet so as that our gross senses may judge them not at all greater . now that we may come to the other attribute , which is said to be of body but not of spirit , viz. discerpibility ; if they understand it so ; that one only body , even the least that can be conceived ( if any such body can be conceived ) may be divided ; that is certainly impossible ; for it is a contradiction in terms , and supposes every the least body to be discerpible into lesser parts . but if body be taken individually only for one single body , that is indiscerpible ; and that which we call the discerpibility of body means only this , sc . that we may divide one body from another , by placing some third body between them ; and according to this sence spirits are no less discerpible than bodies ; for although one single spirit cannot become two or more spirits , yet more spirits co-existing in one body , are no less separable one from another than bodies ; for however bodies or spirits may be divided or separated one from another in the whole universe , yet they still remain united in this separation ; seeing the whole creation is still but one substance or entity , neither is there a vacuum in it ; how then can any thing be separated from it self ? i mean , from that which is its proper nature , as considered originally , or in its beginning , or first being ? but as there is a general unity of all creatures one with another , so that none can be separated from his fellow-creatures ; so there is a more special and particular unity between the parts of one particular species : as when the body is divided , or torn asunder , and the members removed one from another unto a certain distance , so long as these members are not corrupted , and changed into another species , they still send certain subtile particles one to another , and to the body from whence they came , and the body sends the like unto them , ( which we call spirits , and bodies , or spirits , for they are either , ) by means whereof the parts and members so apparently separated , still retain a certain real unity and sympathy , as is manifest from sundry examples ; and especially the two following : the first of which is this : a certain man wanting a nose , ordered one to be made for him out of the flesh of another man , which being vitally agglutinated , ( as a scion or graft is united with the trunk of the tree into which it is put ; ) when the other man died , and his body corrupted , this nose was likewise corrupted , and fell from the body of this living man. the second example is of a man whose leg was cut off ; which leg being removed some considerable distance from the rest of the body , when a certain chirurgeon cut it , this man complained of pains , and showed in what part the said leg was wounded , which manifestly proves that there is a certain union of parts , though separated at a great distance one from another : and so also individuals of one species , or such who have a singular affinity in specie , have a union one with another , although locally distant , which is yet more manifest in humane kind : for if two men intirely love one another , they are by this love so united , that no distance of place can divide or separate them ; for they are present ( one with another ) in spirit ; so that there passeth a continual efflux , or emanation of spirits , from the one to the other , whereby they are bound together , and united as with chains : and so whatsoever a man loves , whether it be man or beast , whether a tree , or whether silver or gold , he is united with the same , and his spirit passeth into that very thing ; and here is to be observed , that though the spirit of man is commonly spoken in the singular , as ▪ though it were but one thing ; yet the said spirit is a certain composition of more , yea innumerable spirits ; as the body is a composition of more bodies , and hath a certain order and government in all its parts , much more the spirit which is a great army of spirits , wherein there are distinct offices under one governing spirit . and so from hence it appears that impenetrability and indiscerpibility , are not more essential attributes of body , than of spirit ; because in one sence they agree unto either , in another sence unto neither . but against this infiniteness of spirits in every spirit , and infiniteness of bodies in every body , may be objected that saying : god made all things in number , weight , and measure ; wherefore there cannot be an infinite multitude of spirits in one man , nor an innumerable multitude of bodies in one body ? but i answer that the infiniteness or innumerability of spirits , and bodies is only to be understood in respect of the creatures understanding ▪ so that they cannot be numbred , nor the outward extension of body and spirit ( that may happen in them ) be measured by the knowledge of any creature . but that god hath perfectly known the number and measure of all creatures is freely granted . and if god made all things in number , weight , and measure ; then certainly every creature will have its number , weight , and measure ; and by consequence we cannot say of any creature , that it is but one single thing , because it is a number , and number is a multitude , or more than one ; and indeed the nature of a creature is such , that the same cannot be merely one single thing , in case it ought to act or do something , and so enjoy that goodness which is prepared for it by its creator : for ( ex . gr . ) let us suppose but one atom to be separated from its fellow-creatures , what can that do to perfect it self , or make it self greater or better ? what can it see , hear , taste , or feel , either from within or without ? it cannot have internal motion ; because every motion hath at least two terms or extreams , viz. terminus à quo , and terminus ad quem ; or , the term from which , and the term to which : and seeing this is but one atom or centre , certainly it cannot have any motion within it self , è termino à quo , & ad quem ; and consequently , seeing it cannot hear , see , taste , or feel , ab intra , or , from within , it cannot have it from other creatures , ab extra , or , from without ; for if it ought to see , hear , feel , or taste any other creature , it is required to receive the image of this creature within it self , which it cannot do , because it is an atom , and an atom is so small that it can receive nothing within it : for as the organs of the external senses are composed of more parts ; so also are the organs of the internal , and consequently all knowledge requires variety or multitude , which is the subject or receptacle of it : i mean all creatural knowledge , where knowledge is received or excited from known things or objects , ( whereas the knowledge of god is not received or excited by creatures , but is originally in and from himself . ) seeing , therefore , the objects of our knowledge are various , and every object sends its image into us , and that image is a real being , it follows we have many images in us , which cannot be all received in an atom , but have need of their distinct places in us , in their distinct forms and figures ; otherwise there would not only follow a confusion , but many things would be present one with another without any extension , which is repugnant to the nature of a creature . and although the objects of our knowledge are many ; as for example , i am manifold , who receive so many images from those objects ; yet from thence it doth not follow , because i who know something am manifold , that therefore i ought to behold one object as if it was many , so that seeing one man i should see many ; for when many men see one man they do not behold him as many men , but as one man only : so when i look up and behold something with both my eyes ( unless peradventure there be any confusion in my sight ) they do not seem to me as two , but one ; and if i could behold something with ten thousand eyes , as i do with two , certainly that thing , whether an horse or a man , would not seem otherwise to me than one alone . hence appears to us a great distinction between god and creatures ; for he is one , and this is his perfection , that he hath need of nothing without him : but a creature , because it needs the assistance of its fellow-creatures , ought to be manifold , that it may receive this assistance ; for that which receives something is nourished by the same , and so becomes a part of it , and therefore it is no more one but many , and so many indeed as there are things received , and yet of a greater multiplicity ; therefore there is a certain society or fellowship among creatures in giving and receiving , whereby they mutually subsist one by another , so that one cannot live without another ; for what creature in the whole world can be found that hath no need of its fellow-creature ? certainly none ; therefore by consequence every creature which hath life , sense , or motion , ought to be a number , or a multiplicity ; yea , a number without number , or infinite in respect of any created intellect . but if it be said , ought not the central or governing spirit to be but one only atom ; for otherwise how can it be called a centre , and the chief spirit , having dominion over the rest ? i answer in the negative : for this centre it self , or chief , and governing spirit , is manifold , for the reasons before alledged ; but it is called a centre , because all the other spirits concur to it , as lines from all parts of the circumference do meet at the centre , and do again depart out or proceed therefrom ; and indeed the unity of the spirits that compose or make up this centre , or governing spirit , is more firm and tenacious , than that of all the other spirits ; which are , as it were , the angels or ministring spirits of their prince or captain ; yea , in man this unity is so great , that nothing can dissolve it , ( although the unity of the greatest plenty of ministring spirits , which belong not to the composition of this centre ) may be dissolved : hence it comes to pass that the soul of every man shall remain an entire everlasting soul , or be of endless duration , that it may receive the proper fruit of its labour , and that the universal law of justice ( which is written on every thing ) doth require , which is as a most strong and indissolvable band to preserve this unity : for what is more congruous with this infinite justice and wisdom than this , that they who have joined together , and consented to work either good or evil , shall together receive their due reward and punishment , which cannot be if they should be dissipated or separated one from another ; and the same reason doth prove , that the central spirits of all other creatures remain indissolvable ; and that although new central spirits are continually form'd in the production of things ; yet no central spirit is dissolved , but farther promoted , or at least diminished , according to the present dignity or indignity , capacity or incapacity thereof . chap. viii . § . 1. that spirit and body , as they are creatures , differ not essentially , is farther proved by three other reasons : and a fourth is drawn from that intimate bond or vnion between body and spirit . § . 2. that would be altogether an unfit comparison , to go about to illustrate the manner how the soul moves the body by an example of god moving his creatures . § . 3. the vnion and sympathy of soul and body may be easily demonstrated ; as also how the soul moves the body from the aforesaid principle ; that spirit is body , and body spirit . § . 4. a fifth argument is taken from earth and water , which continually produces animals of divers kinds out of putrified or corrupted matter . § . 5. how a gross body may be changed into spirit , and become as it were the mother of spirits ; where an example is laid down of our corporal aliment , which by various transmutations in the body is changed into animal spirits , and from these into subtiler , and more spiritual . § . 6. of the good or bad angels of men , which are properly the angels of a man , and proceed from him as branches from the root . § . 7. a sixth and last argument is drawn from certain places of scripture . § . 1. to prove that spirit and body differ not essentially , but gradually , i shall deduce my fourth argument from the intiment band or union , which intercedes between bodies and spirits , by means whereof the spirits have dominion over the bodies with which they are united , that they move them from one place to another , and use them as instruments in their various operations . for if spirit and body are so contrary one to another , so that a spirit is only life , or a living and sensible substance , but a body a certain mass merely dead ; a spirit penetrable and indiscerpible , but a body impenetrable and discerpible , which are all contrary attributes : what ( i pray you ) is that which doth so join or unite them together ? or , what are those links or chains , whereby they have so firm a connexion , and that for so long a space of time ? moreover also , when the spirit or soul is separated from the body , so that it hath no longer dominion or power over it to move it as it had before , what is the cause of this separation ? if it be said , that the vital agreement , the soul hath to the body , is the cause of the said union , and that the body being corrupted that vital agreement ceaseth . i answer , we must first enquire , in what this vital agreement doth consist ; for if they cannot tell us wherein it doth consist , they only trisle with empty words , which give a sound but want a signification : for certainly in that sence which they take body and spirit in , there is no agreement at all between them ; for a body is always a dead thing , void of life and sense , no less when the spirit is in it , than when it is gone out of it : hence there is no agreement at all between them ; and if there is any agreement , that certainly will remain the same , both when the body is found , and when it is corrupted . if they deny this , because a spirit requires an organized body , by means whereof it performs its vital acts of the external senses ; moves and transports the body from place to place ; which organical action ceases when the body is corrupted . certainly by this the difficulty is never the better solved . for why doth the spirit require such an organized body ? ex . gr . why doth it require a corporeal eye so wonderfully formed and organized , that i can see by it ? why doth it need a corporeal light , to see corporeal objects ? or , why is it requisite , that the image of the object should be sent to it , through the eye , that it may see it ? if the same were entirely nothing but a spirit , and no way corporeal , why doth it need so many several corporeal organs , so far different from the nature of it ? furthermore , how can a spirit move its body , or any of its members , if a spirit ( as they affirm ) is of such a nature , that no part of its body can in the least resist it , even as one body is wont to resist another , when 't is moved by it , by reason of its impenetrability ? for if a spirit could so easily penetrate all bodies , wherefore doth it not leave the body behind it , when it is moved from place to place , seeing it can so easily pass out without the least resistance ? for certainly this is the cause of all motions which we see in the world , where one thing moves another , viz. because both are impenetrable in the sence aforesaid : for were it not for this impenetrability one creature could not move another , because this would not oppose that , nor at all resist it ; an example whereof we have in the sails of a ship ▪ by which the wind drives the ship , and that so much the more vehemently , by how much the fewer holes , vents , and passages , the same finds in the sails against which it drives : when on the contrary , if instead of sails nets were expanded , through which the wind would have a freer passage ; certainly by these the ship would be but little moved , although it blew with great violence : hence we see how this impenetrability causes resistance , and this makes motion . but if there were no impenetrability , as in the case of body and spirit , then there could be no resistance , and by consequence the spirit could make no motion in the body . § . 2. and if it be objected , that god is altogether incorporeal and intrinsecally present in all bodies , and yet doth move bodies whethersoever he pleaseth , and is the first mover of all things ▪ and yet nothing is impenetrable to him : i answer , this motion by which god moves a body , doth wonderfully differ from that manner by which the soul moves the body ; for the will of god which gave being to bodies , gave them motion also , so that motion it self is of god , by whose will all motion happens : for as a creature cannot give being to it self , so neither can it move it self ; for in him we live , move , and have our being ; so that motion and essence come from the same cause , sc . god the creator , who remains immoveable in himself ; neither is he carried from place to place , because he is equally present every where , and gives being to creatures : but the case is far different , when the soul moves the body ; for the soul is not the author of motion , but only determines it to this or that particular thing : and the soul it self is moved , together with the body , from place to place ; and if the body be imprisoned , or held in chains , it cannot free or deliver it self out of prison or out of chains : wherefore it would be a very unfit comparison , if one should go about to illustrate that motion the soul makes in the body , by an example of god moving his creatures ; yea , so great is the difference , as if a man should go to demonstrate how a carpenter builds a ship , or an house , by an example of god creating the first matter or substance , wherein certainly there is as great a disparity or disproportion ; for god gave being to creatures , but a carpenter doth not give being to the wood whereof he builds a ship. but no man can think , because i have said , all motion of creatures is of god , that therefore he is , or can be the author , or cause of sin : for although the moving power be of god , yet sin is not in the least of god , but of the creature , who hath abused this power , and determined to some other end than it ought : so that sin is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or an inordinate determination of motion , or the power of moving from its due place , state , or condition unto some other , as , v. g. a ship is moved by the wind , but governed by the mariner , that it goes to this or that place ; where the mariner is not the author or cause of the wind ; but the wind blowing , he makes either a good or a bad use of the same , whereby he either brings the ship to the place intended , and so is commended ; or else so manages her that she suffers shipwrack , for which he is blamed , and worthy of punishment . moreover , why is the spirit or soul so passible in corporal pains ? for if when it is united with the body , it hath nothing of corporeity , or a bodily nature , why is it grieved or wounded when the body is wounded , which is quite of a different nature ? for seeing the soul can so easily penetrate the body , how can any corporeal thing hurt it ? if it be said , the body only feels the pain , but not the soul ; this is contrary to their own principles , because they affirm , that the body hath neither life nor sense : but if it be granted , that the soul is of one nature and substance with the body , although it is many degrees more excellent in regard of life and spirituality , as also in swiftness of motion , and penetrability , and divers other perfections ; then all the aforesaid difficulties will vanish , and it will be easily conceived , how the body and soul are united together , and how the soul moves the body , and suffers by it or with it . what the opinion of the hebrews is appears from a place in kabbal . denud . tom. 1. part. 3. dissert . 8. cap. 13. p. 171. seq . § . 3. for we may easily understand how one body is united with another , by that true agreement that one hath with another in its own nature ; and so the most subtile and spiritual body may be united with a body that is very gross and thick , sc . by means of certain bodies , partaking of subtilty and grossness , according to divers degrees , consisting between two extreams , and these middle bodies are indeed the links and chains , by which the soul , which is so subtile and spiritual , is conjoined with a body so gross ; which middle spirits ( if they cease , or are absent ) the union is broken or dissolved ; so from the same foundation we may easily understand , how the soul moves the body , viz. as one subtile body can move another gross and thick body : and seeing body it self is a sensible life , or an intellectual substance , it is no less clearly conspicuous , how one body can wound , or grieve , or gratifie , or please another ; because things of one , or alike nature , can easily affect each other : and to this argument may be reduced the like difficulties , viz. how spirits move spirits ; and how some spirits strive and contend with other spirits ; also concerning the unity , concord , and friendship , which good spirits reverence among themselves ; for if all spirits could be intrinsecally present one with another , how could they dispute or contend about place ? and how can one expel or drive out another ? and yet that there is such an expulsion and conflict of spirits , and especially of the good against the evil , some few who have been acquainted with their own hearts have experimentally known . if it be said , the spirit of god and christ are intrinsecally present in all things , contends with , and makes war against the devil , and his spirit , in the heart of man. i answer , that this is also a very unfit similitude , ( viz. ) when god and creatures are compared in their operations : for his ways are infinitely superiour to ours ; yet nevertheless in this case also here remains a strong objection . for the spirits of god and christ , when they strive against the devil , and the evil spirits in the heart of man , do unite themselves with certain good spirits , whom they have sanctified and prepared for this union ; and by these , as a vehicle , or triumphant chariot , they contend against and encounter those malignant and wicked spirits : and in as much as these evil spirits contend against those good spirits in the heart of man , they contend against god and christ ; and these good spirits are the spirits of this faithful and pious man , who is become good , when as before he was evil : for god and christ do help every pious man to prevail over the evil spirits in this conflict , but suffers the wicked and unfaithful to be captivated and overcome ; for god helps none but those that fear , love , and obey him , and trust in his power , goodness , and truth ; for with such he is united , and the good spirits of such men are as so many swords and darts , whereby those dark and unclean spirits are wounded and repulsed . but if it be demanded how the soul of man can be united with god , though it were in a state of the highest purity ; because he is a mere spirit ; but the soul even in its greatest purity always partakes of corporeity ? i answer , it is done by jesus christ , who is the true and proper medium between both ; for christ and the soul may be united without a medium , by reason of that great affinity and similitude between them , which those doctors cannot demonstrate between spirit and body , who say they are of a nature so contrary one to another . § . 4. i shall draw a fifth argument from what we observe in all visible bodies , as in earth , water , stones , wood , &c. what abundance of spirits is in all these things ? for earth and water continually produce animals , as they hath done from the beginning ; so that a pool fill'd with water may produce fishes , though none were ever put there to increase or breed ; and seeing that all other things do more originally proceed from earth and water , it necessarily follows , that the spirits of all animals were in the water ; and therefore it is said in genesis , that the spirit of god moved upon the face of the waters , viz. that from hence he might produce whatsoever was afterwards created . § . 5. but if it be said , this argument doth not prove that all spirits are bodies , but that all bodies have in them the spirits of all animals , so that every body hath a spirit in it , and likewise a spirit and body ; and although they are thus united , yet they still remain different in nature one from another , and so cannot be changed one into another . to this i answer , if every body , even the least , hath in it the spirits of all animals , and other things ; even as matter is said to have in it all forms : now i demand , whether a body hath actually all those spirits in it , or potentially only ? if actually , how is it possible that so many spirits essentially distinct from body , can actually exist in their distinct essences in so small a body , ( even in the least that can be conceived , ) unless it be by intrinseck presence , which is not communicable to any creature , as is already proved : for if all kinds of spirits are in any , even the least body , how comes it to pass , that such an animal is produced of this body , and not another ? yea , how comes it to pass that all kind of animals are not immediately produced out of one and the same body ? which experience denies ; for we see that nature keeps her order in all her operations ; whence one animal is formed of another , and one species proceeds from another ; as well when it ascends to a farther perfection , as when it descends to a viler state and condition : but if they say , all spirits are contained in any body , not actually in their distinct essences , but only potentially as they term it ; then it must be granted , that the body and all those spirits are one and the same thing ; that is , that a body may be turned into them ; as when we say wood is potentially fire , that is , can be turned into fire ; water is potentially air , that is , may be changed into air. moreover , if spirits and bodies are so inseparably united , that no body can be without a spirit , yea , not without many spirits ; this is certainly a great argument , that they are of one original nature and substance , otherwise we could not ▪ conceive , why in so various and wonderful dissolutions , and separation of things , they should not at length be separted one from another , as we see the subtiler things may be separated from the grosser ? but whence is it , that when a body is at length corrupted , out of this corruption another species of things is generated ? so out of earth and water corrupted , proceed animals ; yea , stones if they putrefie or rot , pass into animals : so dung , or other putrefied matter , generates animals , all which have spirits : but how doth corruption or dissolution of body tend to a new generation , and that indeed of animals ? if it be said the spirits of those animals are as it were loosed from their bonds , and set at liberty by this dissolution , and that then they can form or fashion to themselves a new body , out of the aforesaid matter , by virtue of their plastick faculty : unto this i reply , how did the primitive body so hold it captive ? was it because it was so hard and thick ? if so , it will be manifest that those spirits are nothing else but subtile bodies , because hardness and density of body could imprison them , that they could not pass out ; for if a spirit could as easily penetrate the hardest body , as the softest and most fluid , it could as easily pass out of the one as the other , nor would there be need of death and corruption to a new life or generation ; therefore this kind of captivity of spirits in some kind of hard bodies , and their deliverance therefrom , when the bodies become soft , affords us a manifest argument , that spirit and body are originally of one nature and substance , and that a body is nothing but a fixed and condensed spirit , and a spirit nothing but a subtile and volatile body . and here is to be noted , that in all hard bodies , as in stones , whether common or precious ; and so also in metals , herbs , trees , and animals ; yea , in all humane bodies , there don't only exist many spirits ( which are as it were imprisoned in those gross bodies , and united with them , and therefore cannot flow forth , or fly out into other bodies , until they have passed death or dissolution ; ) but also many other very subtile spirits , which continually flow from them , and which by reason of their subtilty , the hardness of the body ( in which they lay hid ) cannot detain ; and these spirits are the more subtile productions , or the sutures of the grosser spirits detained in the body ; for although these are detained therein , yet they are not idle in their prison , but their bodies are as it were shops for them to work out those subtiler spirits , which afterwards flow out in colours , sounds , odours , tastes , and divers other powers and vertues ; whence the gross body , and the spirits therein contained , are as it were the mother of those subtiler spirits , who take the place of children ; for nature still works to a farther perfection of subtilty and spirituality ; even as this is the most natural property of all motion and operation : for all motion wears and divides , and so renders a thing subtile and spiritual . even thus in man's body , the meat and drink is first changed into chyle , then into blood , afterwards into spirits , which are nothing else but blood brought to perfection ; and these spirits , whether good or bad , still advance to a greater subtilty or spirituality , and by those spirits which come from the blood , we see , hear , smell , taste , feel , and think , yea meditate , love , hate , and do all things whatsoever we do ; and from hence also cometh the seed , by which humane kind is propagated ; and hence especially proceeds the voice and speech of man , which is full of spirits ( form'd in the heart ) either good or evil , as christ hath taught ; that out of the plenty of the heart the mouth speaketh , and that a good man out of the good treasure of his heart bringeth forth good things , &c. also that which goeth into a man doth not defile him , but that which proceeds out of him ; for in like manner as they proceed from him , so shall they again return into him . § . 6. and these are the proper angels , or ministring spirits of a man , ( although there are other angels also , as well good as evil , which come unto men : ) of which angels christ speaketh , where he speaketh of those little ones that believe on him : their angels ( saith he ) always behold the face of my heavenly father . which are the angels of those believers , who become , as it were , like little infants . § . 7. my sixth and last argument i shall deduce from certain texts of scripture , as well of the old as new testament , which do prove in plain and express words , that all things have life , and do really live in some degree or measure . acts 17. 27. it is said , he giveth life to all things . again , 1 tim. 6. 13. of god it is said , that he quickens all things . and luk. 20. 38. he is not called , the god of the dead , but of the living , ( which though principally meant of men , yet it is generally to be understood of all other creatures , ) viz. he is the god of all those things which have their regeneration and resurrection in their kind , no less then man hath in his kind : for death is not the annihilation of these things ; but a change from one kind and degree of life to another ; wherefore also the apostle proves , and illustrates the resurrection of the dead by a grain of wheat , which being faln into the ground , dies , and riseth again exceeding fruitful . chap. ix . § . 1. the philosophers ( so called ) of all sects , have generally laid an ill foundation to their philosophy ; and therefore the whole structure must needs fall . § . 2. the philosophy here treated on is not cartesian . § . 3. nor the philosophy of hobbs and spinosa , ( falsly so feigned , ) but diametrically opposite to them . § . 4. that they who have attempted to refute hobbs and spinosa , have given them too much advantage . § . 5. this philosophy is the strongest to refute hobbs and spinosa , but after another method . § . 6. we understand here quite another thing by body and matter , than hobbs understood ; and which hobbs , and spinosa , never saw , otherwise than in a dream . § . 7. life is as really and properly an attribute of body , as figure . § . 8. figure and life are distinct , but not contrary attributes of one and the same thing . § . 9. mechanical motion and action● or perfection of life , distinguishes things . § . 1. from what hath been lately said , and from divers reasons alledged , that spirit and body are originally in their first substance but one and that same thing , it evidently appears that the philosophers ( so called ) which have taught otherwise , whether ancient or modern , have generally erred and laid an ill foundation in the very beginning , whence the whole house and superstructure is so feeble , and indeed so unprofitable , that the whole edifice and building must in time decay , from which absurd foundation have arose very many gross and dangerous errours , not only in philosophy , but also in divinity ( so called ) to the great damage of mankind , hindrance of true piety , and contempt of god's most glorious name , as will easily appear , as well from what hath been already said , as from what shall be said in this chapter . § . 2. and none can object , that all this philosophy is no other than that of des cartes , or hobbs under a new mask . for , first , as touching the cartesian philosophy , this saith that every body is a mere dead mass , not only void of all kind of life and sense , but utterly uncapable thereof to all eternity ; this grand errour also is to be imputed to all those who affirm body and spirit to be contrary things , and inconvertible one into another , so as to deny a body all life and sense ; which is quite contrary to the grounds of this our philosophy . wherefore it is so far from being a cartesian principle , under a new mask , that it may be truly said it is anti-cartesian , in regard of their fundamental principles ; although it cannot be denied that cartes taught many excellent and ingenious things concerning the mechanical part of natural operations , and how all natural motions proceed according to rules and laws mechanical , even as indeed nature her self , i. e. the creature , hath an excellent mechanical skill and wisdom in it self , ( given it from god , who is the fountain of all wisdom , ) by which it operates : but yet in nature , and her operations , they are far more than merely mechanical ; and the same is not a mere organical body , like a clock , wherein there is not a vital principle of motion ; but a living body , having life and sense , which body is far more sublime than a mere mechanism , or mechanical motion . § . 3. but , secondly , as to what pertains to hobbs's opinion , this is yet more contrary to this our philosophy , than that of cartes ; for cartes acknowledged god to be plainly immaterial , and an incorporeal spirit . hobbs affirms god himself to be material and corporeal ; yea , nothing else but matter and body , and so confounds god and the creatures in their essences , and denies that there is any essential distinction between them . these and many more the worst of consequences are the dictates of hobbs's philosophy ; to which may be added that of spinosa ; for this spinosa also confounds god and the creatures together , and makes but one being of both ; all which are diametrically opposite to the philosophy here delivered by us . § . 4. but the false and feeble principles of some who have undertaken to refute the philosophy of hobbs and spinosa , so called , have given them a greater advantage against themselves ; so that they have not only in effect , not refuted them , but more exposed themselves to contempt and laughter . but if it be objected , that this our philosophy seems , at least , very like that of hobbs , because he taught that all creatures were originally one substance , from the lowest and most ignoble , to the highest and noblest ; from the smallest worm , insect , or fly , unto the most glorious angel ; yea , from the least dust or sand , unto the most excellent of all creatures ; and then this , that every creature is material and corporeal ; yea , matter and body it self ; and by consequence the most noble actions thereof , are either material and corporeal , or after a certain corporeal manner . now i answer to the first , i grant that all creatures are originally one substance , from the lowest to the highest , and consequently convertible or changeable , from one of their natures into another ; and although hobbs saith the same , yet that is no prejudice to the truth of it , as neither are other parts of that philosophy where hobbs affirms something that is true , therefore an hobbism , or an opinion of hobbs alone . § . 5. moreover , this principle is so far from defending them in their errours , that nothing is so strong to refute them , ex . gr . the hobbists argue , all things are one , because we see that all visible things may be changed one into another ; yea , that all visible things may be changed into invisible , as when water is made air , and wood being burnt ( for the greatest part ) is changed into a certain invisible substance , which is so subtile , that it escapes all observation of our senses ; add to which , that all invisible things may become visible , as when water proceeds from air , &c. and hence he concludes , nothing is so low that it cannot attain to sublimity . but now that we may answer to this argument , his adversaries generally deny the antecedent , and on the contrary affirm that no spicies of things is convertible into another : and when wood is burnt , many say that the wood is composed of two substances ; to wit , matter and form , and that the matter remains the same , but the form of the wood is destroyed or annihilated , and a new form of fire is produced in this matter ; so that according to them , here is a continual annihilation of real substances and productions of new ones in this world : but this is so frivolous , that many others deny that , in the case of wood , changed into fire , and afterwards into smoak and ashes ▪ yet they still persist in the same errour in other transmutations , as when wood is changed into an animal , as we often see that of rotten wood ; yea , dung also , living creatures are generated : but if they deny here , that the wood is changed into an animal , and say that wood is nothing but matter ; but matter hath not life , nor a capacity to life or sense ; and therefore this animal which hath life and sense , ought to have the same from elsewhere , and must have a spirit or soul in it , that is not a part of its body , neither doth proceed from it , but is sent ●●●●er . but if it be demanded of them , from whence this spirit is sent , and who sendeth it ? also why a spirit of this species is sent , and not of another ; here they are at a stand , and yield themselves to their adversaries . therefore this our philosophy before laid down , more strongly conduces to the refutation of the hobbesian and spinosian philosophy , viz. that all kinds of creatures may be changed one into another , that the lowest may become the highest , and the highest ( as considered originally in its own proper nature ) may become the lowest , sc . according to that course and succession which divine wisdom hath ordained , that one change may succeed another in a certain order ; so that a must be first turned into b , before it can be turned into c , which must be turned into c , before it can be changed into d , &c. but we deny the consequence , viz. that god and creatures are one substance . for in all transmutations of creatures from one species into another , as from a stone into earth , and from earth into grass , and from grass to a sheep , and from a sheep into humane flesh , and from humane flesh into the most servile spirits of man , and from these into his noblest spirits ; but there can never be a progression or ascension made unto god , who is the chiefest of all beings , and whose nature still infinitely excels a creature placed in his highest perfection ; for the nature of god is every way unchangeable , so that it doth not admit of the least shadow of a change : but the nature of a creature is to be changeable . § . 6. secondly , if it be said , by way of objection , that according to this philosophy , every creature is material and corporeal ; yea , body and matter it self , as hobbs teacheth . now i answer , that by material and corporeal , as also by matter and body , here the thing is far otherwise understood , than hobbs understood it , and which was never discovered to hobbs or cartes , otherwise than in a dream : for what do they understand by matter and body ? or , what attributes do they ascribe to them ? none , certainly , but these following as are extension and impenetrability , which nevertheless are but one attribute ; to which also may be referred figurability and mobility . but , suppose , these are distinct attributes , certainly this profits nothing , nor will ever help us to understand what that excellent substance is , which they call body and matter ; for they have never proceeded beyond the husk or shell , nor ever reached the kernel , they only touch the superficies , never discerning the centre , they were plainly ignorant of the noblest and most excellent attributes of that substance which they call body and matter , and understood nothing of them , but if it be demanded , what are those more excellent attributes ? i answer , these following , spirit , or life , and light , under which i comprehend , a capacity of all kind of feeling , sense , and knowledge , love , joy , and fruition , and all kind of power and virtue , which the noblest creatures have or can have ; so that even the vilest and most contemptible creature ; yea , dust and sand , may be capable of all those perfections , sc . through various and succedaneous transmutations from the one into the other ; which according to the natural order of things , require long periods of time for their consummation , although the absolute power of god ( if it had pleased him ) could have accelerated or hastened all things , and effected it in one moment : but this wisdom of god saw it to be more expedient , that all things should proceed in their natural order and course ; so that after this manner , that fertility or fruitfulness , which he hath endued every being with , may appear , and the creatures have time by working still to promote themselves to a greater perfection , as the instruments of divine wisdom , goodness and power , which operates in , and with them ; for therein the creature hath the greater joy , when it possesseth what it hath , as the fruit of its own labour . but this capacity of the afore-mentioned perfections is quite a distinct attribute from life , and understanding , or knowledge , quite distinct from the former , viz. extension and figure ; and so also a vital action is plainly distinct from local , or mechanical motion , although it is not nor cannot be separated from it , but still useth the same at least , as its instrument , in all its concourse with the creatures . § . 7. i say , life and figure are distinct attributes of one substance , and as one and the same body may be transmuted into all kinds of figures ; and as the perfecter figure comprehends that which is more imperfect ; so one and the same body may be transmuted from one degree of life to another more perfect , which always comprehends in it the inferior . we have an example of figure in a triangular prisme , which is the first figure of all right lined solid bodies , whereinto a body is convertible ; and from this into a cube , which is a perfecter figure , and comprehends in it a prisme ; from a cube it may be turned into a more perfect figure , which comes nearer to a globe , and from this into another , which is yet nearer ; and so it ascends from one figure , more imperfect , to another more perfect , ad infinitum ; for here are no bounds ; nor can it be said , this body cannot be changed into a perfecter figure : but the meaning is , that that body consists of plain right lines ; and this is always changeable into a perfecter figure , and yet can never reach to the perfection of a globe , although it always approaches nearer unto it ; the case is the same in divers degrees of life , which have indeed a beginning , but no end ; so that the creature is always capable of a farther and perfecter degree of life , ad infinitum , and yet can never attain to be equal with god ; for he is still infinitely more perfect than a creature , in its highest elevation or perfection , even as a globe is the most perfect of all other figures , unto which none can approach . § . 8. and thus life and figure are distinct , but not contrary attributes of one and the same substance , and figure serves the operations of life , as we see in the body of man or beast , how the figure of the eye serves the sight ; the figure of the ear , the hearing ; the figure of the mouth , teeth , lips , and tongue , serve the speech ; the figure of the hands and fingers serve to work ; the figure of the feet to walk ; and so the figures of all the other members have their use , and very much conduce to the vital operations , which the spirit performs in these members ; yea the figure of the whole body is more commodious for the proper operations of human life , than any other figure whatsoever is , or could be made ; so that life and figure consist very well together in one body , or substance , where figure is an instrument of life , without which no vital operation can be performed . § . 9. likewise , local and mechanical motion ( i. e. ) the carrying of body from place to place , is a manner or operation distinct from action or vital operation , altho' they are inseparable , so that a vital action can in no wise be without all local motion , because this is the instrument thereof . so the eye cannot see , unless light enter it , which is a motion , and stirs up a vital action in the eye , which is seeing ; and so in all other vital operations in the whole body . but an action of life is a far nobler and diviner manner of operation than local motion ; and yet both agree to one substance , and consist well together ; for as the eye receives the light into it self , from the object which it seeth from without ; so also it sends the same light to the object , and in this spirit and life is a vital action , uniting the object and sight together . wherefore hobbs , and all others who side with him , grievously erre , whilst they teach that sense and knowledge is no other than a re-action of corporeal particles one upon another , where , by re-action , he means no other than local and mechanical ▪ motion . but indeed sense and knowledge is a thing far more noble and divine , than any local or mechanical , motion of any particles whatsoever ; for it is the motion or action of life , which uses the other as its instrument , whose service consists herein ; that is , to stir up a vital action in the subject or percipient ; and can like local motion be transmitted through divers bodies , although very far distant asunder , which therefore are united , and that without any new transition of body or matter , ex . gr . a beam of wood of an exceeding great length , is moved by one extream from the north to the south , the other extream will necessarily be moved also ; and the action is transmitted through the whole beam , without any particles of matter sent hither to promote motion , from one extream to the other ; because the beam it self is sufficient to transmit the said motion : after the same manner also , a vital action can proceed together with local motion from one thing to another , and that too at a great distance , where there is an apt and fit medium to transmit it , and here we may observe a kind of divine spirituality or subtilty in every motion , and so in every action of life , which no created body or substance is capable of , viz. by intrinsecal presence , which ( as before is proved ) agrees to no created substance ; and yet agrees to every motion or action whatsoever : for motion or action is not a certain matter or substance , but only a manner of its being ; and therefore is intrinsecally present in the subject , whereof there is a modus , or manner , and can pass from body to body , at a great distance , if it finds a fit medium to transmit it ; and by how much the stronger the motion is , so much the farther it reacheth ; so when a stone is cast into standing waters , it causes a motion every way from the centre to the circumference , forming circles still greater and greater at a great distance , by how much longer the time is , till at length it vanishes from our sight ; and then without doubt , it makes yet more invisible circles for a longer space of time , which our dull senses cannot apprehend , and this motion is transmitted from the centre to the circumference , not conveighed thither by any body or substance , carrying this motion with it from the stone . and as the external light also , seeing it is an action or motion stirred up by some illuminate body , may be transmitted through glass , chrystal , or any other transparent body , without out any substance , body , or matter , conveighed from that illuminate body from whence the said action proceeded , not that i would deny that abundance of subtile matter continually flows from all illuminate bodies , so that the whole substance of a burning candle is spent in such emanations : and this hath in it that motion or action , which we call light ; but this motion or action may be increased , v. g. by chrystal , where those subtile emanations of bodies may be restrained , that they cannot pass out at least in such abundance , as may be sufficient to communicate the whole light : but seeing chrystal ( which doth so easily transmit the light ) is so hard and solid , how can it receive so many bodies , and transmit them so easily through it , when other bodies , neither so hard nor solid , do let or resist it ? for wood is neither so hard nor solid as chrystal , and yet chrystal is transparent , but wood not ; and certainly wood is more porous than chrystal , because it is less solid , and consequently the light doth not enter by the pores of the chrystal , but through the very substance of it ; and yet so as not to adhere to it , or make any turgescency or increase of quantity , but by a certain intrinseck presence , because it is not a body or substance , but a mere action or motion . now chrystal is a fitter medium to receive this motion , which we call light , than wood is ; and hence it is , that it pervades or passeth through that and not this ; and as there is a great diversity of the motion and operation of bodies , so every motion requires its proper medium to transmit the same . therefore 't is manifest , that motion may be transmitted through diverse bodies , by another kind of penetration , than any body or matter ( how subtile soever it be ) is able to make ; to wit , by intrinseck presence . and if mere local or mechanical motion can do that , then certainly a vital action ( which is a nobler kind of motion ) can do the same ; and if it can penetrate those bodies , it passeth through by intrinseck presence , then it may in one moment be transmitted from one body to another , or rather require no time at all , i mean motion or action it self requires not the least time for its transmission , although 't is impossible but that the body , wherein the motion is carried from place to place , ought to have some time , either greater or lesser , according to the quality of body and vehemency of motion which carries it . and therefore we see how every motion and action , considered in the abstract , hath a wonderful subtilty or spirituality in it , beyond all created substances whatsoever , so that neither time nor place can limit the same ; and yet they are nothing else but modes or manners of created substances , viz. their strength , power , and virtue , whereby they are extendible into great substances , beyond what the substance it self can make . and so we may distinguish extension into material and virtual , which two-fold extension every creature hath ; material extension is that which matter , body , or substance hath , as considered without all motion or action ; and this extension ( to speak properly ) is neither greater or lesser , because it would still remain the same . a virtual extension is a motion or action which a creature hath , whether immediately given from god , or immediately received from its fellow creature . that which is immediately given of god ( from whom also it hath its being , ) and which is the natural and proper effect of its essence , is in ● more proper way of speaking , a proper motion of the creature , proceeding from the innermost parts thereof ; and therefore may be called internal motion , as distinguished from external , which is only from another ; and therefore in respect thereof may be called foreign ; and when the said external motion endeavours to carry a body , or any thing , to a place whereunto it hath properly no natural inclination , then it is preternatural and violent ; as when a stone is thrown up into the air , which motion being preternatural and violent , is plainly local and mechanical , and no way vital , because it doth not proceed from the life of the thing so moved : but every motion , proceeding from the proper life and will of the creature , is vital ; and this i call a motion of life , which is not plainly local and mechanical as the other , but hath in it a life , and vital virtue , and this is the virtual extension of a creature , which is either greater or lesser , according to that kind or degree of life wherewith the creature is endued , for when a creature arrives at a nobler kind and degree of life , then doth it receive the greater power and virtue to move it self , and transmit its vital motions to the greatest distance . but how motion or action may be transmitted from one body to another , is with many a matter of great debate ; because it is not a body or substance ; and if it be only motion of body , how motion can pass properly with its own subject into another , because the very being of modus , or manner , consist herein , viz. to ▪ exist or be inherent in its own body : the answer to this objection , which seemeth to me best , is this , that motion is not propagated from one body to another by local motion , because motion it self is not moved , but only moves the body in which it is ; for if motion could be propagated by local motion , this motion would be propagated of another , and this again of another , and so ad infinitum ; which is absurd . therefore the manner of the said propagation is ( as it were ) by real production or creation ; so that as god and christ can only create the substance of a thing , when as no creature can create or give being to any substance , no not as an instrument ; so a creature , not of it self , but in subordination to god , as his instrument may give existence to motion and vital action , and so the motion in one creature may produce motion in another : and this is all a creature can do towards the moving it self or its fellow creatures , as being the instrument of god , by which motions a new substance is not created , but only new species of things , so that creatures may be multiplied in their kinds , whilst one acts upon , and moves another ; and this is the whole work of the creature , or creation , as the instrument of god ; but if it moves against his will , whose instrument it is , then it sins , and is punished for it : but god ( as before was said ) is not the cause of sin ; for when a creature sins , he abuseth the power god hath granted him ; and so the creature is culpable , and god intirely free from every spot or blemish hereof . if therefore we apply those things which have been already spoken , concerning the attributes of a body , viz. that it hath not only quantity and figure , but life also ; and is not only locally and mechanically but vitally moveable , and can transmit its vital action whithersoever it pleaseth , provided it hath a medium aptly disposed , and if it hath none it can extend it self by the subtile emanation of its parts , which is the fittest and most proper medium of it , to receive and transmit its vital action . hereby it will be easie to answer to all the arguments ▪ whereby some endeavour to prove that a body is altogether uncapable of sense and knowledge ; and it may be easily demonstrated , after what manner some certain body may gradually advance to that perfection , as not only to be capable of such sense and knowledge as brutes have , but of any kind of perfection whatsoever may happen in any man or angel ; and so we may be able to understand the words of christ , that of stones god is able to raise up children to abraham , without flying to some strained metaphor ; and if any one should deny this omnipotence of god , viz. that god is able of stones to raise up children to abraham ; that certainly would be the greatest presumption . finis . an account of the oriental philosophy shewing the wisdom of some renowned men of the east and particularly the profound wisdom of hai ebn yokdan, both in natural and divine things, which he attained without all converse with men, (while he lived in an island a solitary life, remote from all men from his infancy, till he arrived at such perfection) / writ originally in arabick by abi jaaphar, ebn tophail ; and out of the arabick translated into latine by edward pocok ... and now faithfully out of his latine, translated into english. risālat ḥayy ibn yaqẓān. english ibn ṭufayl, muḥammad ibn ʻabd al-malik, d. 1185. 1674 approx. 212 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 63 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a24063 wing a150 estc r7120 11967953 ocm 11967953 51770 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a24063) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51770) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 46:23) an account of the oriental philosophy shewing the wisdom of some renowned men of the east and particularly the profound wisdom of hai ebn yokdan, both in natural and divine things, which he attained without all converse with men, (while he lived in an island a solitary life, remote from all men from his infancy, till he arrived at such perfection) / writ originally in arabick by abi jaaphar, ebn tophail ; and out of the arabick translated into latine by edward pocok ... and now faithfully out of his latine, translated into english. risālat ḥayy ibn yaqẓān. english ibn ṭufayl, muḥammad ibn ʻabd al-malik, d. 1185. pococke, edward, 1604-1691. [6], 117 p. s.n.], [london : 1674. translation of: risālat ḥayy ibn yaqẓān. place of publication from wing. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy, islamic -early works to 1800. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-05 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-05 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an account of the oriental philosophy , shewing the wisdom of some renowned men of the east ; and particularly , the profound wisdom of hai ebn yokdan , both in natural and divine things ; which he attained without all converse with men , ( while he lived in an island a solitary life , remote from all men from his infancy , till he arrived at such perfection . ) writ originally in arabick , by abi iaaphar ebn tophail ; and out of the arabick translated into latine , by edward pocok , a student in oxford ; and now faithfully out of his latine , translated into english : for a general service . printed in the year , 1674. an advertisement to the reader . this book or epistle of abi jaaphar , is to be found in an hebrew version , according to the account of the latine translator ; and moses narbonensis , a learned iew , hath writ commentaries upon it . the author , to wit , abi jaaphar , lived contemporary with averroes , who died about the year of the christian account , 1198. so that the antiquity of this relation is about five hundred years old . since the latine version of it came abroad ( which was in the year , 1671. ) it is translated into dutch some considerable time ago : after it came into my hands , and that i perused it , i found a great freedom in mind to put it into english for a more general service , as believing it might be profitable unto many ; but my particular motives which engaged me hereunto was , that i found some good things in it , which were both very savoury and refreshing unto me : and indeed there are some sentences in it that i highly approve , as where he saith , preach not thou the sweet favour of a thing thou hast not tasted ; and again where he saith , in the rising of the sun is that which maketh , that thou hast not need of saturn . also , he showeth excellently how far the knowledge of a man , whose eyes are spiritually opened , differeth from that knowledge that men acquire simply by hear-say , or reading : and what he speaks of a degree of knowledge attainable , that is not by premisses premised , and conclusions deduced , is a certain truth , the which is enjoyed in the conjunction of the mind of man with the supreme intellect , after the mind is purified from its corruptions , and is separated from all bodily images , and is gathered into a profound stillness . these with many other profitable things , agreeable to christian principles , are to be found here . but , reader , i am far from urging thee to receive for certain , every thing in this book ; nor do i recommend every thing in it unto thee for truth : yet whatever may be otherwise in it , doth not hinder to make a good use of the things which are both true and profitable contained therein , and if thy taste be sound , receive what is agreeable thereunto , and pass by what is otherwise . the design of the author is far ( i believe ) from perswading men to slight or refuse the help of outward means of knowledge , such as the testimonies of good and wise men ; and indeed it is as far from my own design , who have undertaken this translation : it is the too much relying and resting upon them , and neglecting those native and inward testimonies in the soul and mind of man it self , that both the scope of the book and my design in the translation doth fence against . if it appear unto thee , that the author , or yet the person of whom he writeth , hath been a good man , and far beyond many who have the name of christians , that have had better outward opportunities to learn to be good then he , such as the use of the holy scriptures and other helps ; think not strange of it , but remember , there have been instances of good men mentioned in the scriptures , who had not the oracles of god outwardly delivered unto them , such as job , the three wise men of the east , cornelius and others . yea , justine martyr stuck not to call socrates a christian , and that all who lived conform unto that divine reason and word in them , and which is in all men , ( as said the above-mentioned author , in one of his apologies ) were and are christians . i shall conclude with a saying of augustine , de civitate dei , lib. 18. cap. 47. and another of ludovicus vives , in his commentary on the same words : nor do i think ( saith augustine ) that the jews dare contend , that none belonged unto god , but the israelites . on which ludovicus vives saith thus ; so great a matter is it to be willing to be good , although thou hast not any from whom thou mayest be taught vertue : and in this sort of men , what is wanting but water ? seing they have obtained and received the holy spirit no otherwise then the apostles , peter witnessing , that some were filled with a divine inspiration , whom the mystical water had not touched : so the gentiles not having a law , and naturally doing the things of the law , are a law to themselves , and that light of so living is the gift of god , and cometh from the son , of whom it is written , who enlighteneth every man that cometh into the world . an account of the oriental philosophy , in an epistle of abi iaaphar , ebn tophail , concerning hai ebn yokdan . in the name of the lord the merciful commiserator . the wise doctor , the priest , the knowing , the excellent , the perfect , the learned abu iaaphar , ebn tophail saith , praise unto god , the great , the greatest , the ancient , the most ancient , the knowing , the most knowing , the wise , the most wise , the merciful , the most merciful , the beneficial , the most beneficial , the bountiful , the most bountiful , who taught the use of the pen , who taught man that which he knew not , because the goodness of god was great towards him . i praise him for his excellent gifts , and i give him thanks for his continual benefits , and i testifie that there is not a god but the one god , who hath not a consort , &c. o excellent , sincere , and most dear brother , ( god give thee an everlasting continuance , and bless thee with a perpetual happiness . ) thou desired me to declare unto thee , what ever i could , of the mysteries of the eastern philosophy , which the doctor , the chief priest , abu ali ebn sina mentioneth : but know , that it belongeth unto him who would attain to the truth , that he seek it , and use diligence in the acquiring it ; and surely thy demand hath raised in me an excellent motion of mind , which hath brought me ( praise unto god ) to perceive the state which i saw not before , and hath promoved me to so remote a period , that the tongue cannot declare , nor can the eloquence of speech express it , whereas it is of another sort , and of another world , differing from them ; but that this state , in respect of the exultation , joy , pleasure , and gladness which is in it , is such , that he who hath attained it , or hath come to any period of it , cannot conceal it , or keep it secret , but that exultation , chearfulness , gladness , and delight befalleth him , which driveth , him to express it summarily , but not distinctly : but if he be of those whom the sciences have not sharpened , he speaketh these things of it , which he doth not comprehend ; so that one said when it was so with him , o me to be praised , how great am i ! and another said , i am the truth : and another said , there is nothing under this cloathing , but god. but doctor abu hamed algazali , when he reached unto this state , he used this verse proverbially , and it was , what it was , of that , whereof i made not mention . bat think thou , that it was good , neither enquire thou after what manner the thing is . for letters had polished him , and the disciplines had sharpened him : but take notice of the saying of abu becri ebn alsayegi , which is joyned to his discouorse of the description of the conjunction [ of the intellect with man , ] for , saith he , seeing the intellect is the scope proposed in his book , then it shall appear that the same cannot be perceived out of the usual sciences , in that degree wherein it was : but what he conceived in his mind , of the sense of it , was acquired in a degree , in which he being placed , he saw himself abstracted from all former things , endued with other thoughts , which depend not from matter , and are more noble then to be imputed to the life which is from nature , but are certain properties from the properties of those who are blessed , very different from the composition of the natural life , but are properties of them , which are proper to the blessed ones , which it is fit that we call them , divine properties , which god ( most highly to be praised ) giveth to whom he willeth of his servants . but this degree is attained unto , which abu becr insinuateth , by way of speculative science and of cogitative disquisition : nor is it doubtful that he attained it , nor erred from it . but the degree which we first hinted at , is another from that although it is the same , because there is not any thing discovered in it , contrary unto what is discovered in the other . but it 's distinction consisteth in an ●●cession of perspicuity , and because he perceiveth , by the help of a thing which we call not a power , but metaphorically , seing we find not , neither in words commonly used , neither in the proper terms of the doctors , a name which declareth that thing , whereby that form of perception perceiveth . but this stare which we mentioned , and to the perceiving of some taste of which thy question moved us , is of that sort , which sheich abu ali insinuateth , where he saith , thereafter , when the will and the exercise hath come to a certain period , there appertaineth unto him pleasant forms , from the aspect of the true light , as if the , were coruscations , lightly shining upon him , then they depart from him , then are these sudden occursions multiplied unto him , when he continueth in exercise , then he is accustomed to them , until they come unto him without exercise , and how oeeeeeeet he beholdeth any thing shortly , he inclineth from it , unto the border of holiness , and he holdeth somewhat in memory of his matters ; and then suddenly it meets him , so that almost he seeth the truth in every thing ; then exercise leadeth him to that perfection , whose state is turned unto him , into a firm tranquility of , mind , and it becometh familiarly known , which used but to steal on , and that which glanced lightly , becometh a manifest light , and their happeneth unto him a firm knowledge , as if it were a continual fellowship . these are the things , with others , which he described of the orderly progress of the degrees , until they come to the comprehension , so that his secret looking-glass is polished , whereby over against him he beholdeth that part in which the truth is ; and then most choise delights flow down abundantly , and inwardly he rejoyceth in his mind , for the prints of truth which he seeth therein ; and when he is placed in this degree , he hath a respect unto the truth , and a respect unto his soul , and he is yet moved hither and thither , until at last he departs from his soul , and only looketh unto the border ( or court of holiness ) but if he respecteth his soul , it is because the soul respecteth that ; and there it is fit that the conjunction be [ with god. ] and after those manners , which he described , he would have his tasting to be ; not by way of speculative apprehention elicited , and premisses premised , and conclusions deduced . and if thou would have a similitude , whereby the difference may appear unto thee betwixt the apprehension of this sect of men and the apprehention of others ; conceive in the mind the state of one who is born blind , but who is of an excellent ingine , a sagatious conjecture , firm memory , a well disposed mind and hath grown up from that time , wherein he first was in some region where he ceased not to make known to himself the persons of men , there , as also , many kinds of things both living and wanting life , and the streets of the town , the wayes , the houses , the marcat-places , by the other wayes of apprehending , which he hath , until he come to that that he can go round about the town , without a guide of the way , and should know every one , who meets him , and should presently salute him , and should discern collours , and know their definition , by the descriptions of their names , and some definitions , which should declare them . then after he hath come unto this degree , that his eyes are opened , and that he hath a perception by sight and when he went through that whole town and compassed it , that he found nothing at all contrary unto what he had beleived , and that he had known every thing , which was there and had found the collours to be after the same manner , which did shew the descriptions to be true wherewith they were described , but that in all these , two great things befel him following one another , to wit , a greater perspicuity and clearness of things , and a great pleasure . therefore the state of contemplants , who have not come to the degree of nearness [ unto god ] is the first state of that blind man , and the colours , which are known in this state by the explication of their names , are these things which abu becr , said , were more excellent then to be imputed to the natural life , and which god giveth to whom he pleaseth of his servants . but the state of the contemplants , who have come to the degree of nearness [ unto god , ] and upon whom , god hath bestowed that thing , which ( as we have said ) is not named a power , but metaphorically , is that second state . but now he is rarely found , who is of that degree , who was alwayes clear in sight , having opened eyes , who needed not contemplation . nor do i understand here ( god honour thee with his nearness ) by the apprehension of the contemplants , that which they apprehend from natural things , and be the apprehention of them , who are near unto god , that which they apprehend from supernatural things ( for these two manners of apprehending are very differing , among themselves . nor is the one mingled with the other ) but that which we understand by the apprehension of the contemplants is that which they apprehend from things metaphysical , like unto that which abu becr apprehended , and in the apprehension of these things this condition is required , that it be manifestly true , and then falleth in a mid-speculation betwixt that , and betwixt the apprehension of them , who are near unto god , who apply their study unto these things , with an encrease of clearness , and with greater delight . but abu becr reproveth them , who should make mention of this pleasure among the vulgar , and he said it did belong to the immagining faculty , and he promised to discribe how the state of the blessed ones should be when they had attained this , in clear and manifest discourse . but it behoveth , that it be said to him , preach not the sweetsavour of a thing , whichthou hast not tasted , neither passe over the necks of the true speakers . for neither did that man any thing of that sort , neither performed he his promise : for it is probable , that the straitness of time mentioned by him , hindred him from that undertaking , and because he was taken up in a journey taken in hand to wahran , or because he saw , if he should describe that state , the order of the discourse would compel him , to declare the things , in which , he was , which would be a reproach to him , in the manner of his life , and which would argue the precepts delivered by him , of a lye , whereby he incited men to multiply riches , and gather them together , and to use divers wayes of arts to acquire them . but the discourse hath led us off , somewhat to another thing , then that which thou didst move us to , by thy desire , as necesity required . and from what is said it is manifest , that , what is required by thee doth necessarily include one of these two rocks , viz. that thou ask of that which they see , to whom it hath happened to see , and to tast , and to be present in that degree of nearnesse unto god ; and this is of the things which cannot be , so as they may be described in a book , as they are indeed , and when any have undertaken it , and endeavoured whether in word or writ to expresse it , the true reason of it is changed , and passeth unto the parts of another speculative kind ; for when it is cloathed with letters , and voices , and becometh near unto the corporeal world , it doth not remain in that state wherein it was , in any manner or way , and the signification of voices differ far in expressing it , so that therein the feet of some err from the right way , and it is thought concerning others , that their feet are slidden , when they are not slidden : but the cause thereof is this , because it is a thing which hath no bound in the space of a large tract , which compasseth , is not compassed . but the second of the two rocks , which as we said , thy question did necessarily include , is , that thou hast desired that a thing be made known unto thee , in that manner , as they do it who give themselves to contemplation ; and this is a thing ( god bring thee near unto himself ) the reason whereof requireth , that it be described in books , and forms of words to express it : but that is more rare then the reed sulphur , and especially in these regions wherein we live , because it is so strange a thing , that but one after one attaineth it but a little , and who have attained any thing of it , have not declared it unto men , but by some obscure tokens : for the hanisitick sect , and mohammedick law , forbiddeth men to dive into it , and admonisheth them to beware of it . and think not that the philosophy which hath come unto us in the books of aristotle , and abu-nasri , and in the book of alshepha , doth suffice unto this design which thou desired , nor hath any of the andaloseni , written any thing of it , which can suffice , for they who were educate in andulusia , of men of an excellent ingine , spent their life in the mathematical disciplines , and attained a great degree in them , before the science of logick and philosophy was propagated in that place , nor could they do any thing further . then an age of men succeeded unto them , who exceeded them in some skill of logick , to which they gave pains , but so , that it brought them not to the true perfection . therefore one of themselves said , it troubleth me that there are two knowledges of men , nor is there any thing to be added unto them ; the one is the true knowledge , which is attained with difficulty , and the other false , the attaining of which is unprofitable . then others more sharp-sighted succeeded unto those , and who came nearer unto the truth , among whom , none was of a quicker ingine , or who perceived things better , or more truly , then abu-becr-ebn-alsaijeg , but that the world did take him up , until death took him away before the treasures of his knowledge were manifested , or the secresies of his wisdom were published , and most of his writings which are found , are imperfect , and mutilate in the end , as his book of the soul , and of the government of him who hath given himself to a solitary life , and what he wrot of logick , and natural knowledge ; but his perfect books are compendious tractats , and epistles hastily written ; and this he declared , saying that , whose demonstration was proposed to him , in the epistle of alette-sal , i. e. the conjunction of the intellect with man , is not altogether manifest in that discourse , but after great difficulty and trouble , and because the method of his explication , in some places is not ordered in so perfect a way ; but if more time were given him , he purposed to change it . and thus is the matter , as to what hath come to us of the knowledge of this man : but we saw him not , and who were contemporary with him were such men , as cannot be said to be equal to him in degree , nor saw we any thing done by them : but who succeeded them that lived in our time , are but yet making progress , or have stood short of perfection , or how they have been truly , is not known to us . but as concerning the books of abu-nasri , which hath come to us , most of them are of logick : and such as are come to us of philosophy , are full of doubts . for he affirmed in the book almellati alphadelati , i. e. of the most excellent sect , the duration of evil souls after death in everlasting torments ; then in the politicks , he saith expresly , that they are dissolved and annihilated , and that only the souls endowed with vortue , and perfect , do remain . then he describeth in his book of manners , somewhat belonging to the happiness of men , and that it is in this life , which is of this world : then he uttereth words having this sense , whatever is mentioned besides this , is madness , and old wives fables . he therefore driveth all men to despair of the mercy of god , and putteth good , and bad in the same degree , while he maketh the end unto which all tend , to be annihilation . but this is ane unpardonable error , and a fall after which there is not a restauration . these things , beside others he brought forth , wherein he judged badly of prophecy , and that it properly belonged to the imaginative faculty according to his opinion and that he preferred philosophy unto it with other things not needfull to mention . but touching aristotle his books , alsheigh-abu-ali , supplyeth their vice , in his explication of them , having followed his sect , and going in the way of his philosophy , in the book alshepha , i. e. of suficiency , in the beginning of which he plainly affirmeth , that in his opinion , the truth differeth from what he delivereth therein and that he made that book according to the doctrine of the peripateticks ; but he who would see the truth , wherein is nothing obscure , should look on his book of philosophy almoshrakia , i. e. oriental : but if any take pains to read the book alshepha , and the books of aristotle , it will appear they agree in most things although there be some things in the book alshepha , which came not to us from aristotle ; but when he hath received all things which the books of aristotle have given him , and the book alshepha , according to the outward sound of the words , not turning the mind to the hidden , and inward sense of them , he shall no wayes be brought unto perfection by them as alsheich-abu-ali in the book alshepha admonisheth , but as for the books of alsheich-abu-hamed-agasali , he so far , as he spoke unto the vulgar one time bindeth another time loseth and reproveth some things of infidelity , then he professeth them then in the number of them , for which he accuseth the philosophers of in fiidelity , in the book alta-haphot ( comonly called destruction ) is that , that they deny the resurrection of bodies , and affirm that reward and punishment belong to souls apart : then he said in the begining of the book almizan , ( i. e. the scales , ) that this is the opinion of the supphian doctors precisely ; and again in the book almunkedh . men-aldelali-walmophseh . bel-ahwali , i. e. freeing from error , and explaining the state , he saith , his opinion is the same with the opinion of the suphij ; and that he is brought to it after a long search : and many things of this kind are in his books which he shall see , who looketh on them and considereth attentively . and he seeketh to be excused for this deed in the end of the book mizan-almal , i. e. the scales of actions , where he affirmeth that , opinions are of a threefold kind , first , that which is common with the vulgar , in that which they think . secondly the opinion , according to which ane answer is given to every enquirer , and that seeketh dirrection . thirdly , the opinion , which one retaineth with himself , and which none knoweth , but who is his consort in his opinion : then he saith after , but if there be not in these words , but to make thee doubt of thy opinion , which thou hast heritably received , this is enough to profit ; for who hath not doubted , doth not consider , who hath not considered , shall not perceive , who shall not perceive , shall remain in blindness and perplexity : then in place of a proverb , he used this verse , receive what thou seest , and let alone what thou hast perceived by the hearing . in the rising of the sun , is that which maketh , that thou hast not need of saturn . and this is the manner of his doctrine ; and the greatest part of it is by aenigma's , and obseure tokens , of which he receiveth not profit : but who first diligently looketh into these things with the eyes of the mind , then heareth them again from himself , or who is ready to understand these things , excelling in ingine , and to whom the least beck ( or nodd ) sufficeth : but the same author saith , in the book alia-wahar , i. e. of pearls , that he hath books not to be communicated , but unto those who are fit to read them , and that he hath put in them the sincere truth ; but none of them came into spain , so far as we know ; but there came books into spain , whom some think are those incommunicable books , but it is not so ; for these books are almaareph , alakliah , i. e. intellectual knowledges , and the book alnaphchi-waltaswiati , i. e. of inflation , and aequation , and besides them , a collection of divers questions . but these books , however some hints were in them , contain no great matter further to the discovery of things , beyond what is scattered in his known books . moreover , in the book almeksad alasna , i. e. most high marks , is found that which is deeper , than what are contained in these other : and he plainly affirmeth , that the book almeksad alasna , is not communicable , whence it is necessarily gathered , that those who came unto us , are not these incommunicable books , but some later authors perswaded themselves , that in his discourse , which falleth in near the end of his book almeschat , i. e. of the little window , there is some great matter , which hath made them fall into a depth , whence they cannot extricate themselves , and that is , his saying , after he had reckoned up diverse kinds of them who were encompassed with lights , or who by the shining of the divine light , are prohibited from an access , then he passed unto the mentioning of them who came near unto god , wherein he saith , that they determined , that this great beeing is described by attributes , which overturn the simple unity , whence it seemed to them necessarily to follow , that he believed a certain multiplicity in the essence of the true god. god is far above what the unrighteous say : nor is it doubtful among us , that doctor abu hamed is of their number , who attained the chief happiness , and came unto these noble and holy places of conjunction , but his hidden or incommunicable books , which contain the knowledge of revelation , have not come unto us , nor was the truth clearly made manifest to us , which we have attained , and which was the butt ( or mark ) which we have reached unto by knowledge , until we followed his sayings , and the sayings of doctor abu ali , and comparing them together , and joyning them to the sentences which arose in this our time , to which some are addicted , of them who have professed philosophy , until the truth appeared unto us , first by way of disquisition , and inspection thereafter concerning it , we have found at present this small taste , from the present sense of things , and then we saw our selves fit to say something , which may be called our own . but we have determined that thou should be the first to whom we might give this which is beside us , and should give it to be looked on , which we have attained , because of the integrity of thy friendship , and sincerity of thy gentleness : but if we should propose unto thee the ends of that which we have attained in this sort , before we give thee the principles thereof confirmed , it would not be any thing profitable unto thee , more then a thing received by tradition , and generally said . this is it , if thou think well of us , according to the love and friendship which is among us , not that we are worthy that it should be received what we say . nor do we wish unto thee , but what is above this degree , nor are we content with it , that thou be in this degree ; seing it sufficeth not to salvation , nor to obtain the highest degrees . but we will lead thee through paths wherein we have formerly walked , and we shall make thee sail in the sea which we have first sailed our selves , that it may bring thee whither it hath brought us , and that thou mayst see of it what we have seen , and by thy own sight mayest have a certain knowledge of the things which we have certainly known , and that it be not needful unto thee to fix thy knowledge on that which we have known : but this needeth a certain space of time , and that not small , and that one be free from business , and with the whole bent of his mind apply himself to this kind . but if this be indeed thy purpose , and with a sincere affection of mind prepare thy self to reach this mark , in the morning thou shalt praise the tedious and irksome travel of thy night-journey , and shalt receive the blessing of thy labour , and thou shalt have god acceptable to thee , and he shall have thee acceptable to him , and i shall be unto thee such as thou loved and wished with thy whole heart and whole mind : and i hope to lead thee in a most right way , and most safe from evils and hurts . although at present some small glance hath offered it self unto me , whereby i may kindle thee with desire , and may stir thee up to enter into the way , while i shall describe unto thee the history of hai-ebn-yockdhan , and absali , and salamani , on whom alsheich abu ali put these names , in the history of whom there is an example to the understanding , and an admonition to him who hath an heart , or who giveth ear , and let him be a witness . our pious forbears have reported , that there is an isle among the isles of india , scituate under the aequinoctial line , wherein men are born without father or mother . and that in the same , there is a tree , which for the fruit of it , bringeth forth women , and these are they which almasudi calleth the wakwakian damsels . for that isle is of all places of the earth of an air most temperate and perfect : the influence of the supreme light which ariseth upon it , so disposing the same : although so to affirm , is contrary to the perswasion of the most of the chief philosophers and physicians ; whose sentence is , that the fourth climate is the most temperate part of the earth . but if they affirm this , because they certainly know that the parts situat under the aequinoctial are inhabitable , because of some impediment from the earth , some reason would favour their saying , that the fourth climat is of the parts of the earth , the most temperat : but if they will this , that the parts scituat under the aequinoctial line , are extreamly hot ( which most of them manifestly affirm ) it is false , and the contrary is proven by certain demonstrations . for it is demonstrated in natural philosphy , that there is no cause of the generation of heat , but motion , or the contact and light of hot bodies , and also in the same , it is proved , that the sun in himself is not hot , nor indued with any such quality which pertaineth unto mixture : moreover therein is proved , that the bodies , which in the most perfect manner receive the light , are smooth , not thin , but the bodies fit in the next place to receive light , are thick bodies , which are not smooth , but thin bodies , wherein is no thickness , receive no light . this one especially in place of demonstration , sheich abu ali brought forth , mentioned before by none . this being concluded , and seing the premisses are true , what necessarily follows , is this : that the sun doth not warm the earth in that manner , as other hot bodies , which touch , do warm bodies ; because the sun is not hot in himself . neither is the earth warmed by motion , seing it resteth , and remaineth in one state , both when the sun shineth on it , and when it is absent therefrom ; but that its properties as to heat and cold are contrary , at these two times , is manifest by sense . but neither doth the sun first warm the air , and next the earth , by the mediation and heat of the air ; for how could this be , when in the time of the heat , we find the air next to the earth , much hotter , than that which is superior , and further distant ? it remains therefore , that the sun no other way doth warm the earth , then by the force of its light : for heat doth always follow light ; so that where it is intended in burning-glasses , it kindleth whatever is set before it . but it is proved by certain demonstrations in the mathematical sciences , that the sun is of a round figure , and also the earth : and that the sun is far greater then the earth : and that part of the earth always enlightened , is above the half of it , but that which is enlightened , the middle part thereof hath the most intense light , because of all places it is furthest distant from the darkness which is in the circumference of the circle , and because it is obvious to many parts of the sun ; but these parts nearest the circumference , have smallest light , until the last period of the circle , which containeth the enlightened part of the earth , it endeth in darkness . but some place is the midst of the circle of light , when the sun is vertical over the heads of the inhabitants , and then the heat in that place shall be most intense . but if there be any region where the sun is furthest distant from the vertical point , that region is the coldest . but it is demonstrated in astronomy , that in these parts of the earth , under the aequinoctial , that the sun is only twice every year vertical unto the inhabitants , when it entereth the beginning of aries , and the beginning of libra : but through the rest of the year , six moneths it declineth from them towards the south , and fix towards the north : so that they feel neither excess of heat nor cold , but for that cause enjoy an equal temper . these things need further explication , but which belongeth not to our purpose . this only we have hinted unto thee , because it is of them which give a testimony to the truth of what is reported , that a man in that place can be born without mother or father . for there are of them who downright affirm , and absolutely conclude , that hai. ehn. yockdhan was of their number , who in that region are born without mother or father . others deny , and relate his history in that manner as we shall now mention unto thee . they report that over against that isle , there is another great isle , of a large tract , abounding with commodities , inhabited by men , where at that time a man very proud , and of a suspicious nature did govern : he had a sister that was very beautiful and comely , which he kept closs from marrying , because he found not an equal unto her . but there was one near unto him , called yokdhan , who privatly married her , according to the rites of that sect of men , known in these times , of whom having conceived , she did bear a son : she fearing the discovery of the matter , and that what she had kept closs should be made known , after she had given the infant the breasts , she put it into a little coffin , which when she had firmly closed , and brought it to the shore ( some servants , and the most faithful of her friends conveying her ) in the fore-part of the night her heart burning towards the child with love and fear , having taken her farewel of the child , spake thus , o god , thou hast created this infant , when as yet it was nothing , and thou didst nourish it in the darkness of my bowels , and thou hadst a care of it until it came forth sound and perfect ; i being afraid of that unjust , proud , and contumacious king , commit the same unto thy goodness , hoping thou wilt be bountiful unto him , be thou an help unto him , forsake him not , who surpassest all in mercy . when she had said these things , she committed the little coffin unto the sea ; which the flowing of the water moved with force of the stream , the same night brought to the shore of another island , whereof we formerly made mention . but the flowing of the water at that time came as far up on the land as could be , whither once in the year only it did reach : the water therefore by its force did cast the coffin into a thick grove full of trees , a place of a fruitful soyl , fenced from winds , and rains , and defended against the sun , which at its rising and setting declined from it . there the water decreasing ; and departing from the coffin wherein the infant was , so that it settled in the same place ; the sands , by the blowing of the winds rose up thither , that they came to a heap , and obstructed the entrance of the light unto the coffin , and hindered the coming in of any water unto it , that the flood might not reach it . and it came to pass , that when the water thrust the coffin upon the grove , the nails of the coffin loosed , and the boards from one another : and when the child being very hungry , cried bitterly , seeking help , and moved it self , its cry did come unto the ears of a wild goat , or roe , which wanted its hind , which having come from its den , was caught by a ravenous bird ; she hearing the voice , and imagining it to be her young one , followeth the voice , until she came unto the coffin , which she pulled with her claws on every side , the child in the mean time strugling within , so that out of the upper part a board of the coffin did leap off : but she having beheld the child , pitied it , and moved with great affection thereunto , put to it its duggs , and pleasantly nourished it with her milk ; and constantly coming unto it , fed it , and defended it from evil . and this is it which they record of its origine , who will not assent that it was born without parents : but we shall afterwards declare how it did grow , and how it made several progresses one after another , until it reached unto great perfection . but who think it was born of the earth , say , that in some low place of that island , in process of years and times , a certain clay doth ferment so far , until heat and cold , moisture and dryness agree in it , in an equal temper , and in equal strength : and that there was a great masse of this clay , wherein some parts did exceed others , in the equality of temper , and were more fit for the generation of a mixt body ; and that the midst of it was of a most perfect temper , and most equal , like unto the humane temper : the matter being agitate bells ( or bublings ) rose up , as use to be in the bubling of water , because of the great clamminess of it : and it came to pass , that some viscous ( tough or clammy ) thing was in the midst of it , with a small bell ( or bubling ) full of a subtile and aery body , divided into two parts with a thin vail , of a most equal temper , which did agree unto it . then at the command of the most high god , a spirit being infused , joyned it self unto the same , and did cleave so closely unto it , that it could scarcely be separate therefrom , either by sense or understanding ; this spirit still flowing forth from god , as is manifnst and like to the light of the sun , which continually influenceth the world . but among bodies , some do not return the light , such as the thin air , very thin ; by others , the light is returned , but in an imperfect manner of illumination , such as thick bodies , which are not smooth : but these bodies differing , according to the reception of light , for the same reason , their colours differ also : but again , by others the light is returned in a most perfect manner of illumination , such ar smooth bodies , as looking-glasses and the like : so that by these glasses , if they be concavated in a convenient figure , fire is kindled , because of the excess of light . after this manner , that spirit , which is of the commandment of god , is infused continually into all creatures : but there are of them wherein no print of it doth appear , for want of a fit disposition in them , such are things without life , resembling the air in the former similitude . again , some there are , wherein some print of it appeareth , as the divers sorts of plants , according unto their dispositions , and these answer unto these thick bodies in the same similitude . again , there are some wherein the impression thereof is very conspicuous , and these are diverse kinds of living creatures , which resemble those smooth and shining bodies in the same similitude . but among those smooth bodies , some more plentifully receive light from the sun , because they resemble the figure of the sun and his similitude , and are formed according to his image : such especially is man , which is signified where it is said , god made man according to his image . but if this form prevail so in him , that in comparison thereof , all other forms be , as it were , reduced to nothing , and it only remaineth , so that the glory of its light burn up whatever it taketh hold of , then it resembleth those glasses which reflect light in themselves , and burneth up other things ; but this befalleth none but prophets , and all this may become manifest in a fit place . but that we may now return , and speak more fully of what they affirm , who describe this manner of generation . they say , when that spirit had joyned it self unto that receptacle , that all the other faculties yielded unto it , and obeyed it , being universally thereunto subjected by the commandment of god. but over against that receptacle , another bubling arose divided into three receptacles , among which , there were thin partitions , and open passages ; and they were filled with a body of air , not unlike unto that where with the first receptacle was filled , but that that was more thin ; and in these three ventricles divided out of one , some of those faculties were placed which were subject to it , and to the same was committed their custody and defence , and whatever should arise there , they should deferre it , whether much or little , to the first ( or chief ) spirit , placed in the first receptacle . also , over against this second receptacle , a third bubling rose up , filled also with a body of air , but thicker then the two former , and in this receptacle were placed some others of the inferiour faculties , for the preserving and sustaining of which , it was appointed : and these were the three teceptacles , to wit , the first , second and third , which were first made out of the great masse of that fermented clay , in the manner we have described . but they needed mutual help one of another , and the first needed the other two , for their obedience and service , and the two needed the first , as subjects need their prince , and commanding them who are under command : yet every one of them , in respect of the members afterwards formed , was a prince , not a subject : but one of them , to wit , the second , was of a more absolute power then the third . but the first , by the force of that spirit joyned thereunto , and of its burning heat , became into a conical figure of the fire ; and so that thick body which compassed it , was of the same figure , and became solid flesh , covered with a thick covering for its preservation . this whole member is called the heart : now in respect of the dissolution and losse of moisture , which followeth the heat , something was necessary which might serve to sustain and nourish it : and continually restore what was consumed , otherwise it could not endure . also it was needful , that it should be touched with the sense of what was convenient for it , and might attract it unto it self , as also with the sense of the contrary , that it might thrust it back . to the supplying one of them , in things needful , one member is substitute with the faculties thereto belonging ; another member supplied another with things it needed . that member which did preside over the things belonging to sense , was the brain ; that which ordered concerning the nourishment , was the liver . both of them needed that first member , that it might help them and their peculiar faculties proceeding of them with its heat : and for the good of all , there were interwoven diverse passages and opens , some wider then others , as the necessity of the thing required ; and so the arteries and veins came to be . after this , they proceed to describe the whole structure of the body and all its members , in the same manner as the physiologues use to depaint the formation of the embryon in the womb , omitting nothing till the whole composure be perfected , and all its members compleated , and that it resemble an embryon presently to come forth of the womb . and to describe these things fully , they call in for help , that great fermented masse of clay , which was of that condition , that of it was formed whatever is required to the procreation of man , of the coverings which cover the body , and other things of that sort ; and when it was perfected , that these coverings being rent by it , fell away as in the grief of child-bearing , and that it broke through the other hardened part of the clay . at length that this infant , the matter of the nourishment decaying , and hunger urging it , cryed for help , and that the goat which had lost its young one , hearkened unto it . then what they declare after this place , and what those declare who embrace the former sentence , are agreeable . for both say , that this goat which received the child , having got a fruitful and large pasture , became fat , and had that abundance of milk , whereby to nourish the infant after the best manner : and she was alwayes with it , and never departed therefrom , but when through necessity she went to eat . also the infant used the company of the goat , so that if she stayed away longer then usually , it would cry bitterly , which when the goat heard , presently she ran unto it . nor was there any ravenous or hurtful beast in the whole island . so the infant encreased and grew , being nourished with the goats milk , untill it was two years old , at which time it began by degrees to go , and have fore-teeth , and it alwayes followed the goat , which kindly entreated it , and embraced it with tender affection , and led it unto places that were planted with fruitful trees , and she fed it with the sweet and ripe fruits which fell of from the trees , breaking them which had a hard shel with her teeth ; and when it sought milk , she gave it her duggs , and when it desired water , she led it thereunto , and where the beams of the sun troubled it , she shadowed it , where it suffered by the cold , she warmed it , and when night ensued , she led it to the former place , and covered it , partly with her own body , and partly with the feathers that remained of those wherewith the coffin was furnished when the infant was put into it ; and as often as they either went forth at morning , or returned at evening a company of goats accompanied them , which in the morning went forth with them , and at night lay in the same place with them . so the child still remaining among the goats , did also imitate their voice with its voice , that scarce was there any difference . also in the same manner , whatever voice it heard , whether of birds or other liviving creatures , it exactly resembled them , by a faculty wherein it excelled , of apprehending whatever it would . but the voices which it mostly resembled were these of the goats , whereby they sought help , or called their neighbours , or would that they should come nearer , or go farder off ; for unto these various ends , these living creatures have diverse voices : and so the child and the wild beasts accompanied one another , for neither did they shun him , nor he them . and now when the images of things became fixed in his mind , after they were removed from his sight , he was so affected , that he desired some of them , and had an aversion from others . in the mean time , while he vieweth , all the kinds of the wild beasts , he saw them all covered with wool , or hair , or diverse kinds of plumes ; also he beheld their nimbleness and strength , and what armour they had to beat back the things which contended with them , as horns , hoofs , spurs , and the like ; but whereas he looked to himself , he saw himself naked , destitute of armour , slow in motion , weakin strength , when they contended with him about the fruits that were to be eaten , so that they kept them to themselves , and pulled them from him , nor could he restrain them from him , or flee from any of them . also he saw that his neighbours the little hinds or kids came to have horns to grow on them , which they first wanted , and that though they were weak to run , yet that at length they became nimble , but he perceived none of these to befal himself . considering this in his mind , he was ignorant what was the cause thereof ; also he beheld the creatures where in was any fault or defect of members , nor did he find among them any like to himself ; considering also in the beasts the passages of the excrements which he saw covered , and that the passage which served to the grosser excrement , was covered with a tail , and that which served the thinner , was covered with hair , or something of that kind , and that their secret parts were more covered then his : all these bred grief and anxiety unto him , which when he he had long considered earnestly , and was now almost seven years old , he despaired of attaining that , the want of which troubled him . then he took broad leaves of trees , some whereof he put on the hinder-parts of his body , and some on the fore-parts , and having made a girdle of the leaves of palms and rushes , where with he girded himself , he hung them to him thereby ; but after a small time the leaves becoming dry and withered , fell off from him : therefore he ceased not to take others , adding others to others of them , in double plyes or folds , by which means they remained longer , but yet it was but for a short time . also he took unto him a staff off the boughs of a tree , and having made the ends of it handsome , and smoothed the middle of it , he began to threaten the beasts which opposed him , making an assault upon the weaker , and resisting the stronger . after this manner he somewat understood his own strength , and that his hand far excelled theirs , for it sufficed to cover his nakedness , and to make use of a staff for his own defence , so that now he needed not a tail , nor yet those natural darts which he first wished . things being thus , he grew up , and passed beyond the seventh year of his age , and when the frequent repairing of the leaves was troublesome unto him , wherewith he covered himself , he thought in his mind to take to him the tail of some dead beast , and hang it to him , but that he saw the living beasts of its own kind to shun the dead , and flee from them , so that it would not be fit for him to enterprize any such thing , until at length he found a dead eagle , whence he seemed to get his desire accomplished . therefore taking an occasion thence , when he saw that none of the beasts fled from that , he coming unto it , he cut from it the wings and the tail , whole as they were , and he smoothed the feathers that were spread ' forth , and then he pulled off what remained of the skin , and dividing it in two parts , he hung the one to his back and the other to his belly , and to the parts under the same : also he fastned the tail to himself behind , and both the wings to the upper parts of his arms : after this manner , he had that which both covered him , and warmed him , and also which struck fear into the hearts of all the beasts ; so that none of them contended with him , nor resisted him , nor came near unto him , but the goat which gave him milk and nourished him , for she never left him , nor he her , till she became old and weak ; and then he led her to the best pastures , and pulled sweet fruits , and gave her to eat : but weakness and languishing ceased not to prevail over her , and daily to approach , until death siezed on her , and all her motions became still , and all her actions ceased . but when the child saw that it was so with her , he was greatly struck , so that almost for grief he had expired ; and he called upon her with the same voice which she used to answer when she heard it , and he stirred her up , with crying as loud as he could , but he perceived no motion nor change in her : he began therefore to look to her ears and eyes , but found no visible hurt in them , and in the same manner considering all the members of her body , he found nothing amiss in them : but he greatly desired to find that place where the defect was , that he might remove it from her , that she might return to her former state : but nothing of this sort was in readiness , nor could he do it . that which moved him to this consideration , was , what he noticed in himself ; for he saw when he closed his eyes , or ▪ covered them with any thing , that he could see nothing , until that hinderance were removed : also when he would put his fingers into his ears , and stop them , he would hear nothing until he removed them : also when he pressed his nose with his hand , he could find no smell until he opened his nostrils , whence he gathered , that all his senses and actions were obnoxious to hinderances , which could impede them ; but these hinderances being removed , that the actions returned . when therefore he had viewed all the outward members , nor found any default in them , and he observed an universal cessation of the whole , which could not more be imputed to one member then another ; at length it came into his mind , that the hurt which had befallen it was in some member remote from his sight , and hidden in an inward part of the body ; and that that member was such , that without its help , none of the outward members could do their office ; and so some disease falling into it , that the whole was damnified , and the want of motion was universal . he desired therefore , if he could , to find that member , and to remove what had befallen it , so it would become sound again , and thence a good would redound to the whole body , and her actions would return to their former condition . but first of all he noticed the dead bodies of beasts and other animals , that all the members were solid , and without any hollowness , except the scull , the breast , and the belly . therefore he suspected that the member thus affected , was no where else but in one of these three places : but the opinion prevailed most with him that it was in the mid place of these three . when it was now fixed in his mind altogether , that all the other members needed this , and therefore it necessarily followed that its seat was in the middle . moreover when he considered himself , he felt some such member in his own breast , and when he thought on the other members , as the hands , the feet , the ears , the nose , the eyes [ or head ] he could suppose that these could subsist without them : and also he supposed the same of the head , and he thought that he could be without the head : but when he thought of that which he found in his breast , he did not see that he could subsist without the same for one moment . also when he did fight with any of the beasts , with great diligence he defended his breast from their armour , from the sense of the thing which was in it : when therefore he had certainly concluded that the member which this hurt had corrupted was in its breast , he determined to enquire and search into it , if perhaps he could find it , and when he had perceived the hurt that had befallen it , to remove it . but then he feared left this his endeavour should be worse then the hurt which first befel it , and whatever he did might be to its dammage : then he considered with himself , if he saw any of the beasts or other animals being once so affected , return to their former condition : but when he found none , hence it came to pass that he despaired of its returning to its former condition , if he should let it alone , but he had some hope that it might return to its former condition , if that member being found out , he could remove the disease from it : therefore he resolved to open its breast , and to enquire what was in it . unto this work he furnished himself with the fragments of hard stones , and splits of dry canes like unto knives , wherewith to make an incision among the ribs , untill the flesh being cut that is betwixt the ribs , he came unto that covering that is within the ribs , which when he found it strong , he much suspected that such a covering belonged to that member , and he was perswaded when he should get through that , he should find what he sought ; so he set about to dissect it , which was hard to him for scarcety of instruments , and that he had none others but them made of stones and canes . therefore when he had repaired his instruments , and sharpened them , he used his greatest art in boring through that cover , until at last he broke through it , and came unto the lungs , which at the first sight he thought was that member which he sought , and he ceased not to turn them over , that he might find in them the seat of the disease . but first he fell upon that half of the lungs , which was on the one side , and he perceiued it leaned to one side , but he had concluded formerly with himself that that member could not be but in the midst of the body , in respect of latitude as well as longitude . he did not omit therefore to enquire further into the midst of the breast , until he found the heart , which being covered with a very strong covering , and fastened with most strong ligaments , the lungs also compassing it on that part where he began to make an entrance to it ; he said within himself , if it be so with this member on the other side , as it is on this , it is certainly in the midst , and so without doubt is that i was seeking , especially with what i see of the fitness of the place , it hath such excellency of figure firmness and solidity of flesh , and is covered with such a covering as i find in no other member : so he searched into the other part of the breast , where when he had found the cover within the ribs , and that the lungs were after the same manner there as in the other part , he concluded that that was the member which he sought . so he set to work to remove its cover , and diffect the pericadium , which at length , having used his utmost endeavours , with some trouble and difficulty he got done , and having uncovered the heart , when he saw it was in every part solid , he viewed if he could find any observable fault in it ; but when he could find none , he pressed it with his hand , and so there appeared to him there was some hollowness in it : he said therefore , perhaps within this member is the last which i seek , and i have not as yet come unto it . so when he had opened it , he found two hollow places in it , one on the left part , another on the right ; that on the right side was full of a congealed blood , but that on the left was empty , and contained nothing in it . he said therefore , it cannot be , but the seat of that thing i am a seeking is in one of these two receptacles : then he said , as concerning that on the right side , i see nothing in it but that congealed blood ; but without doubt , that blood had not congealed , untill the whole body had come unto the state wherein it now is : ( for he saw the whole blood , when it flowed forth from the body and passed out , that it congealed and grew altogether , and that this blood was not unlike to other blood ) but i see , that this blood also is found in the other members , and cannot be appropriat to one member rather than another : but what i seek is not of this sort , for that is somewhat to which this place is peculiar , without which i feel that i cannot subsist for one moment , and this i sought from the beginning . but as to this blood , as oft as any of the beasts assaulted me and wounded me , it flowed from me in great abundance ; nor did it hurt me any thing , nor did it hinder me to perform any of my actions : therefore what i seek , is not in this receptacle . but as concerning this receptacle placed on the left side , i see indeed that it is altogether empty , but i cannot think that it is made in vain ; for i see that every member is appointed for some office proper thereunto ; therefore , how can this receptacle that i see is of so excellent a fabrick , serve for no use ? i cannot imagine , but that the thing i seek was placed therein , but that it hath departed from it , and left its place empty ; and by this means , that cessation hath happened unto this body , so that it is destitute of sense , and deprived of motion . but when he saw that which dwelt in this house , that now it had departed before the house was destroyed , and that it had left the same when it was whole , he thought it most probable , that now it would not return to the body after it was so torn and rent . in the mean time , the whole body seemed contemptible unto him , and of no worth , in respect of that thing , which as he was perswaded , did once inhabit that body , and had afterwards relinquished the same : therefore he applyed himself wholly to think of that thing , what it was , and after what manner it was , and what had joyned it to the body , whither it had gone , out of what gate it went when it passed out of the body , what cause had driven it away , whether it went forth unwillingly or willingly , and if it went forth willingly , what cause had made the body so odious to it , that it had departed therefrom . by all these things his thoughts were troubled , and all care for its body passed out of his mind , and he threw it away ; and he now felt , that the thing which was gone was the mother which did so indulge him , and give him milk , and that all its actions proceeded therefrom , and not from this unprofitable body , and that this body was wholly but in place of an instrument unto it , and like the staff which he himself used to fight with the beasts ▪ so now his desire was removed from the body , to that which governed the body and moved it , nor was his desire more to any thing , but to that . in the mean time , that body began to stink , and noisome smells to fume therefrom , so that he had the greate● aversion from it , and wished rather not to see it . afterwards it fell out , that he saw two ravens fighting against one another , untill the one had killed the other ; then the one that lived began to scrape the earth , till it made a hole wherein it covered the dead . then he said with himself , how well hath this raven done , in covering the carrion of its neighbour , although it did badly in killing it : how much rather should i do this unto my mother ? therefore he digged a pit , and having cast its body thereinto , he threw earth thereon . but he proceeded to think of that thing which governed the body ; but he did not apprehend what sort of thing it was , but that observing all the goats one by one , he saw them to be of the same figure and form with his mother ; hence it was fixed in his mind , that something like : unto that which moved and governed his mother , did move and govern every one of them : these goats he accompanied , and loved them for their likeness unto her . in this condition he remained for some time , beholding diverse kinds of living creatures and plants , and walking along the shore of that island , and seeking if he could find any like to himself , as he saw that every other living creature and plant had many like to one another , but he could find no such thing . but when he saw the isle every where compassed with the sea , he thought there was no other land but that isle . and it happened at a certain time , in some dry wood , that by the collision of branches one upon another , fire came to be kindled , which he beholding , he saw somewhat that did terrifie him , and being a thing he was not used unto , he stood long admiring it : nor ceased he by little and little to draw near unto it , and perceiving its radiant light and wonderful efficacy , that it took hold of nothing , but it converted it into its own nature ; therefore , in admiration of the thing , and from an innate boldness and courage , which god had put in his nature , he was induced to put his hand to it , and he would take hold somewhat of it : but when he felt it to burn his hand , and that he could not hold it , he essayed to take a stick which the fire had not wholly occupied , and taking hold of that part which was yet entire , when the fire was in the other part , he did the matter easily , and brought it to the place where he abode , and he withdrew to his den , which he had chosen for himself , as commodious for his dwelling ; nor ceased he to propagate the fire , nourishing it with stubble and dry wood , and frequented it night and day , for the delight and admiration of it . but that which encreased his converse with it at night , was , that in the night season , it supplyed unto him the vice of the sun , in respect of light and heat , so that he was held with a most great desire of it , and he esteemed it the most excellent of all things present with him . also , seing it alwayes to lean upwards and to ascend , he perswaded himself that it was one of those heavenly substances which he saw , and he tryed its force on all things , throwing them into it , on which it prevailed more or lesse , according to the disposition of the body which he did cast into it , as it was more or lesse fit to be kindled . among other things which he did cast into it , for the trying of its strength , there were some of these animals which live in the sea , which the sea had cast upon the shore , which being rosted with the fire , and the smell of them rising up , his appetite was stirred up , so that he tasted somewhat of them ; which when it was acceptable to him , he accustomed himself to the eating of flesh , and he used arts to catch them both in the sea and the land , untill he was skilful of them : and his love grew towards the fire , because by the means thereof , diverse kinds of good victuals were furnished unto him which he found not before . and when his affection was vehement thereunto , both for the good effects which he saw it had , and also for its great strength , it came into his mind , that that thing which had gone forth out of the heart of his mother the goat which nourished him , was either of the same substance therewith , or of alike nature . he was confirmed in this sentence , by the heat which he observed in all living creatures while they lived , and by the cold which happened unto them after death , both continual , without any intermission ; also by the great heat which he found with himself in his breast , anent that place which he had dissected in the goat . hence it came into his mind , that if he did take any living creature and did open its heart , and should look into that ventricle which he found empty in his mother ; when he opened it , it should come to pass , that in this living creature , he should find it full of that which dwelt there , and so he should be certain , if it was of the same substance with the fire , and if any light or heat was in it or not . therefore , taking a wild beast , he bound its shoulder , and in the same manner he dissected it as he had done the goat his mother , untill he came to its heart ; and having first medled with its left side , he opened it , and he saw the receptacle full of air , like unto a vapour as a white cloud ; then putting in his finger , he found it so hot , that it burnt him : but immediately that living creature died ; whence he certainly concluded , that that moist vapour was it which gave motion to the living creature , and so in all the living creatures of whatever kind , that there is somewhat like thereunto , which departing , the living creature dieth : then a great desire siezed on his mind to enquire into the other members of the living creatures , that he might find out their disposition and place , quantity and quality , and the manner of their mutual knitting , and how that moist vapour was furnished unto them , so that all things live thereby , how that vapour remaineth alive , how long it remaineth , whence it is supplied , and how its heat perisheth not . all these things he tried , dissecting wild beasts both living and dead : nor ceased he accuratly to enquire into them , and stretch his thought , until in all these things he attained unto the degree of the greatest mysticks of nature . and now it became manifest unto him that every particular animal , although it had many members , and diverse senses and motions , is yet one in respect of its spirit , which derived its origine from one center , whence its division into all the other members had its rise , and that all the members served unto that , or were furnished thereby . but that the office of that spirit in using the body , was like unto one who fighteth with his enemies with armour of all sorts , or who hunteth after a prey of all kinds , both in land and sea , and prepareth some instrument to every kind , whereby to catch it . but the armour whereby man fighteth , is divided into these , whereby he repelleth any evil offered unto him from others , and these whereby he offereth dammage unto others : and in the same manner the instruments of catching are divided into these which are fit to catch fishes , and these which are fit to catch other creatures belonging to the earth . also the things which he used for cutting , were divided into them that were fit for cleaving , and them fit for breaking , and them fit for bor boring . and although the body was one , yet he used it several wayes , according to the use of every instrument , and according to the obtaining the ends he proposed . after the same manner he judged that the animal spirit was one , the action whereof was the seeing , when he used the instrument of the eye ; and the action whereof was the hearing , when he used that of the ear ; and the action whereof was the smelling , when he used that of the nose ; and the action whereof was the tasting , when he used that of the tongue ; and the action whereof was the touch , when he used that of the skin and flesh ; and the action whereof was motion , when he used any member ; and the action whereof was nutrition and perception of the aliment , when he used the liver ; and unto every one of these actions there were subservient members : but none of them could do their office but by means of that which was derived into it , by that spirit by passages , which are called the arteries : so that how oft these passages were either broken off , or stopped , the action of that member should cease . now these arteries derive that spirit from the ventricles of the brain , the brain receiveth it from the heart : but there is great abundance of spirit in the brain , because that is the place wherein many partitions are variously divided : but if any member by any means be deprived of this spirit , its action ceaseth , and it becometh as an abject instrument , which none useth , and is altogether unprofitable : but if the spirit altogether depart from the body , or any way be consumed or dissolved , the whole body together is deprived of motion , and is reduced to the condition of death . thus far had contemplation brought him , when he had reached the third seventh year from his birth , that is the 21. year of his age . and within , that time mentioned he found out many inventions , and he cloathed himself with the skins of beasts , which he had dissected , and he made shoes to himself therewith , making threeds of hairs , and of the bark of the reeds of wild mallows , malve's , hemp , or plants of that kind , whose rinds were fit to be threed : and he had learned to do these things from the former use of the rushes ; and he made himself awles of strong briers , and canes sharpened on the stones : but he learned the art of building from what he saw done by the swallows : also he made himself a bed , and a place where to put the remnants of his meat , also he defended it with a door made of canes joyned togegether , that no beast should come thither when he was absent about any business . also he caught ravenous fowls , the help of which he used in fowling ; also he tamed fowls to himself , that he might have the profit of their eggs and young ones . he took also from the horns of wild bulls as it were points of spears , and fastning them to strong canes , and rods of the tree alzani , and others , and so by the help of the fire , and edges of stones , he fitted them that they were like spears . also he made a shield of skins with diverse plyes : all these things he did because he saw himself destitute of natural armour . and now when he saw that his hand supplied the defect of all those things , and that none of all the sorts of beasts resisted him , but that they fled from him , and overcame him by running , he invented some device whereby to remeed this , unto which thing he thought nothing more profitable to him , then to tame some of the beasts that were of a swift course , and to feed them with convenient food , until he could get upon them easily , and thereby might pursue the other kinds of beasts . now there were in that isle wild horses , and asses , whereof he choosing some as seemed fit unto him , he tamed them , untill by their means he obtained his desire : and when he had made of ropes and skins which sufficed for bridles , and other furnishing , he accomplished what he expected of getting hold of those beasts , which otherwise by no art he could attain . he discovered all these various inventions , while he was occupied in dissecting , and in the study of searching out the properties of all the parts of the animals , and wherein they differed one from another : and that in that space of time as we have declared , of twenty one years . then he began to expatiat further in contemplation , and to view all bodies which are in this world obnoxious to generation and corruption , as the diverse sorts of animals , plants , minerals , and diverse kinds of stones , and also the earth , and the water , the exhalations , the ice , the snow , the hail , the smoak , the hoar-frost , the fire and heat ; in which he observed diverse qualities and actions , and motions partly agreeing among themselves , partly disagreeing . while he gave his mind seriously to the contemplation of these things , he saw them to agree in part of their qualities , and in part to disagree , and that they were one in the respect of that wherein they agreed , but in the respect of that wherein they differed , that they were many and various . so when he looked into the properties of things , as distinguished from one another , he saw them so various and manifold , that they exceeded number , and that the nature of things was so largely diffused , that it could not be comprehended . also his own essence seemed manifold unto himself , while he considered that he had diverse members , every one distinct from another by some peculiar action or property . also viewing every one of these members , he saw it could be divided into very many parts , whence he concluded its essence to be manifold , and in the same manner the essence of every thing . then preparing himself to another contemplation , after a second manner , he saw all his members , although many , to be so connexed , that there was no discord at all amongst them , but were after a manner one , and that they differed not , but in respect of the diversity of actions ; and that this diversity proceeded from the force of the animal spirit , the nature of which by speculation he had first discovered : and that this spirit was one in essence , and that the true reason of the essence was the same , and that all the other members were but as instruments , and in this respect he saw his essence to be one . from this he turned himself to all the sorts of animals , and he saw that every one of them was one in this manner of contemplation : then particularly considering them as goats , horses , asses , and all sorts of fowls according to their kinds , he saw the individuals of every sort to be like one another , both as to their outward parts , and inward apprehensions , motions , and inclinations , and they differed not among themselves , but in some few things , in respect of these wherein they agreed : whence he concluded , that the spirit which was in the whole species , was one thing , and differed not otherwise , but that it was distributed into diverse hearts ; so that if it were possible that the whole of it , which is now scattered in those hearts , could be collected and put into one vessel , that the whole should be one thing : like on water , or liquor first dispersed into diverse vessels , and again gathered into one , which in both states , both of dispersion and collection was one thing ; but that multiplicity had befallen it in some respect . in this manner of contemplation , he saw the whole species to be one , and he concluded the multiplicity of individuals to be but like the multiplicity of members in one person , which are not indeed many . then he concluded to have all the species of animals present in his mind , and considering them , he saw them all agree in this , that they had sense , and were nourished , and did move themselves of their own accord , whither they would ; which actions now he did know to be the actions most proper to the animal spirit , but that other things , wherein they differed after this agreement , were not so proper to the animal spirit . from this consideration , it was manifest to him , that the animal spirit , in the whole kind of animals , was indeed but one , although there was some small difference which was proper more to one species then another , as of one water put into diverse vessels , perhaps one part may be hotter then another , resembling that which is in one degree of coldness , which is proper to that animal spirit in one species : and then , as that whole water is one , so also is the animal spirit one , although in some respect , multiplicity had befallen it : and so in this manner of consideration , he saw the whole kind of animals to be one . then also having observed the various sorts of plants , he saw the individuals of every sort to be like one another , as to the branches , leaves , flowers , fruits and actions , and comparing them with the animals , he knew , that there was some one thing of which all were partakers , which in them resembled the spirit in animals , and that they were all in respect thereof , one thing , and so viewing the whole kind of plants , he concluded them to be all one , in respect of the agreement which he saw in their actions , to wit , that they were nourished and did grow . then with one conception of his mind , he joyned together the whole kind of animals and plants , and he saw them all to agree in this , that they received nourishment and growth ; but that the animals exceeded the plants , and excelled in this , that they had sense and perception : and yet somewhat like thereunto seemed to be in the plants , as that their flowers turned themselves to the sun , and their roots moved themselves to that part which gave them nourishment , and other actions of this nature : whence it appeared to him , that both plants and animals were one thing , in respect of one thing common to both , which in one of them , was more perfect and compleat , but in the other was restrained by some impediment ; like to water divided in two parts , one parts whereof is congealed , another fluid . thus far he concluded , that the plants and animals were one thing . then he did contemplat the bodies which have neither sense nor nutrition , nor growth , such as the stones , the earth , the water , the air and the fire , all which he saw to be bodies having dimensions , viz. longitude , latitude and profundity , and that they differed not otherwise among themselves , then that some were coloured others without colour ; some hot , others cold , with other such differences ; he saw also such as were hot to become cold , and the cold to become hot : also he saw the water to be converted into vapours , and again that of the vapours , water came to be generat ; and that whatever was burnt , to be turned into cinders , ashes , flame and smoak , and that the smoak while it ascended , meeting with any stone-arch , there it stuck together , and became like to other earthly substances : whence it appeared to him , that all these things were one , although in some respect , multiplicity had befallen them , in the same manner as to animals and plants . then considering with himself , that wherein he perceived the plants and animals to be united , he saw , that necessarily there was some body like unto them , having longitude , latitude and profundity , and to be either hot or cold , as one of these other bodies , which neither have sense , nor receive nourishment ; but that they differed from them , in actions flowing therefrom , no otherwise , then in respect of the organs which belong to the plants and animals ; and perhaps that those actions were not essential , but derived thereunto from some other thing : so that if in the same manner , they were deferred unto those other bodies , those should be like unto this . therefore , considering this in its essence , as denuded of these actions , which at first view , seemed thence to flow , he faw it was no other thing , but a body of the same kind with them : from this contemplation it appeared unto him , that all bodies were one thing both these that had life , and these who had not , and these that moved , as these who rested ; but that it appeared , that actions proceeded from some of them , by reason of the organs , which actions he knew not whether they were essential , or otherwise derived unto them . in this state , he considered nothing in his mind but bodies ; and after this manner , he saw the whole fabrick of the creatures to be one thing , which at the first view he thought to be many , without number or end . and in this judgement and state he remained for some time : then he considered all bodies both living and without life , which once seemed to him one thing , at other times many and innumerable : but he saw , that every one of them necessarily had one of these two things in them , viz. that either they aspired upwards , as smoak , flame and air , when detained under the water , or that they moved contrariwise , i. e. downwards , as the water , and parts of the earth , and of animals and plants ; but that none of those bodies are free from one of these motions or rest , but when some impediment hindereth which stop their way , as when a stone descending , findeth the surface of the earth so hard , that it cannot pierce it ; which if it could do , it would not desist from its motion , as is manifest . therefore , if thou lift it up , thou shalt find it resisteth thee , from its propension whereby it is carried downwards , seeking to descend . in the same manner , the smoak in its ascending , is not reflected , unless it meet with a hard pend ( or arch ) which restraineth it , then it will decline to the right and left hand , but where it hath escaped that pend , it ascendeth , breaking through the air , which cannot restrain it . he saw also , that the air , where a bag of skins is filled with it and hard stopped , if thou put it under the water , it will endeavour to ascend , and wrestleth against what holdeth it under the water , nor ceaseth it to do so , untill it come to the place of the air ; i. e. when it hath come out of the water ; but then it resteth , that reluctancy and propension to move upwards which first it had , departing from it . also he enquired , if he could find any body , which at any time wanted both these motions , or the inclinations unto them ; but he found none among these bodies present with him : but this he sought , being desirous to find it , that from thence he might perceive the nature of a body , as it is a body , without any quality adjoyned , of these which induce multiplicity : but when this was difficult unto him , and having considered these bodies , which among others were less subjected unto these qualities , he saw them no wise to be destitute of one of these two qualities , which are called weightiness and lightness : he then considered whether weightiness and lightness agreed unto a body , as it is a body , or unto a notion superadded unto corporeity . but it seemed unto him that they agreed unto a notion , superadded unto corporeity ; for if they belonged unto a body , as a body , there should no body be found , in whom both of them were not : but if we find a heavy thing without all lightness , and a light thing having no heaviness : and these things without doubt are two bodies , in every one of which there is some notion , whereby it is distinguished from the other , that is superadded unto corporeity ; and that notion is the thing whereby the one differeth from the other , which if it were not , they should be one thing in every respect . it was therefore manifest unto him that the essence of both these , to wit , of a heavy and light thing , is compounded of two notions , in the one of which they both agree , and that is the notion of corporeity , the other is that , whereby the essence of the one differeth from the other : and that is weightiness ( or gravity ) in the one , and lightness ( or levity ) in the other : which notions ( whereby the one ascendeth , the other descendeth ) are joyned unto the notion of corporeity . also thus he did contemplat the other bodies of things , both having and wanting life ; and he saw the true reason of every ones essence to be compounded of a notion of corporeity , and of some other thing superadded unto corporeity : whether that thing was one , or manifold : and so the forms of bodies appeared unto him , according to their diversity . these were the first things which became known to him of the spiritual world , seeing these forms are such as are not perceived by sense ; but are perceived some way by intellectual speculation . and among things of this kind which appeared unto him , it appeared unto him that the animal spirit ( the seat whereof is the heart , and which we have above explained ) necessarily hath some notion superadded unto corporeity , whereby it was fit to do these wonderful works , out of the various manners of sensation , and diverse ways of apprehending , and the diverse kinds of motions , and that that notion was its form and difference , whereby it is distinguished from other bodies , and that is it which the philosophers call the animal , i. e. the sensitive soul : and so that thing which supplieth unto plants , the vice of the radical heat in animals , is somewhat proper unto them , which is their form , and that which the philosophers call the vegetative soul : and thus ▪ that there is somewhat proper unto all bodies of animat things ( and these are they which are found , beside animals and plants , in the world of generation and corruption ) by the power whereof every one of them performeth the action proper thereunto , as various sorts of motions , and kinds of sensible qualities , and that thing is the form of every one of them , ( and is that which philosophers signifie by the name of nature . and when out of this contemplation , it certainly appeared to him , that the true essence of that animal spirit , to which his mind was continually intent , was composed of a notion , of corporeity , and some other notion added thereunto , and that the notion of this corporeity was common to it with other bodies , but that the other notion joyned thereunto , was peculiar unto it . the notion of corporeity became of no esteem unto him , and he rejected it , and his mind did altogether cleave unto that second notion , which is expressed under the name of the soul ; the true reason ( or manner ) of which he desired to attain , therefore he fixed his thoughts upon it , and made the beginning of his contemplation , by considering all bodies , not as bodies , but as having forms whence the properties necessarily flow , whereby they are distinguished one from another : and instantly prosecuting this notion , and comprehending it in mind , he saw the whole multitude of bodies to agree in some form , whence some action , or actions proceeded ; but he saw some part of that multitude , although agreeing with all in that form , yet to have another form superadded thereunto , from which some actions slowed : also , he saw some classe of that part , although agreeing with that part in the first and second form , to be distinguished from them in a third superadded form , whence some actions flowed ; ( e. g. all earthly bodies , as earth , stone minerals , plants , animals , and all other heavy bodies , they make up one multitude which agree in the same form , from whence floweth their motion downwards , so long as nothing hinders them to descend , and when by any force they are moved upwards , and then are permitted to themselves , by the force of their own form they tend downwards ) but some part of this kind , as plants and animals , although they agree with the former multitude in that form , they have yet another form , from whom nutrition and accretion do flow . but nutrition is , when that which is nourished placeth somewhat in the room of that which hath been taken from it , by converting some matter having affinity with it , which it draweth unto it self , into a substance like to its own : but accretion is a motion unto the three dimensions of longitude , latitude and profundity , according to a just proportion ; and these two actions are common to plants and animals , and without doubt arise from a form common to both , and that is it which is called the vegetative soul : but some of this part , and particularly the animals , although they have the first and second forms common with that part , yet they have a third superadded form , from whence come sensation and motion from place to place . also he saw every peculiar species of animals , having some property whereby it is divided from other species , and is distinguished and different from them ; and he knew that it flowed from some form proper thereunto , which was superadded to the notion of its form , common to it with other animals , and so the same to befall all sorts of plants . and it was manifest unto him , that as touching these sensible bodies which are in the world , of generation and corruption , the essence of some of them is compounded of more notions superadded to the notion of corporeity , and that of others is compounded of fewer : and he knew , that the knowledge of the fewer , was more easie unto him then that of the more : and first he enquired to find the knowledge of the true reason of the form of some thing , whose essence consisted of fewer things . but he saw that the essences of animals and plants consisted of many notions , because of the diverse kinds of actions in them . so also as to the parts of the earth , he saw some more simple then others , and he proposed unto himself to contemplat the most simple forms of all things , as much as possible ; and so he observed , that the water was a thing not of a manifold composition , because of the fewness of the actions which proceeded from its form . the same he also observed of the fire and air : and now formerly it had come into his mind , that of these four , some were converted into one another , and therefore , that there was some one thing which all did participate , and that was the notion of corporeity ; but it behoved that thing to be denuded of those notions , whereby these four were mutually distinguished one from another , and that it neither moved upwards not downwards , nor was hot , nor cold , nor moist , nor dry , because none of these qualities is common to all bodies , and therefore it belonged not unto a body , as a body ; and if a body could be found , wherein were no other form superadded to corporeity , none of these qualities should be in it , and it were impossible that any quality should be in it , but that which agreed to all bodies , informed with forms of whatsoever kind . therefore , he considered with himself , if any one adjunct could be found which was common to all bodies , both animat , and inanimat ; but he found nothing that agreed unto all bodies , but the notion of extension unto the three dimensions which is found in all bodies , and that is it which they call longitude , latitude and profundity ; therefore he knew this notion belonged to a body , as a body . but the existence of a body did not offer it self to his sense , which had only this adjunct , so that it had not some other notion superadded to the former extension , so as to be void of all other forms . then as concerning this extension unto three dimensions , he considered whether that was so the notion of a body , as that no other was in it , or if the matter was otherwise . but he saw beyond this extension , another notion , which was that wherein this extension did exist , and that this extension could not alone subsist by it self , nor could that which was extended subsist by it self without extension . and the same he considered further with himself , in some of these sensible bodies indued with forms ; as ( e. g. ) the clay , and he saw , that when any figure was made of it , as spherical , that it had longitude , latitude and profundity , according unto some proportion ; then if that same sphere were taken , and were converted into a quadrat or oval figure , that the longitude , latitude and profundity came to be changed , and to have another proportion then formerly they had , but that the clay is the same and is not changed , but that of necessity it hath longitude , latitude and profundity , of whatsoever proportion it be , and that it cannot wholly want them : but that out of their successive mutation therein , it was manifest to him , that they had a notion different from the clay ; but because it could not be altogether destitute of them , it was clear to him that they were of its essence . so it appeared to him out of this contemplation , that a body , as a body , is really composed of two notions , the one whereof supplyeth the room of the clay in this example , as to its spherical shape ; the other sustaineth the place of the longitude , latitude and profundity in the spherical square , or any other figure ; and that no body can be understood , but what is made up of these two notions , and that the one of them cannot subsist without the other ; but that the form which could be changed , and successively put on various figures ( and that was extension ) did resemble the form in all bodies indued with forms : but that which remained in the same state ( and that was it , which in the former example supplied the room of the clay ) did resemble the notion of corporeity , which was in all bodies , indued with forms ; but this which is in the place of the clay in this example , is that which the philosophers call the matter , and the hyle , which is altogether naked of forms . and when his contemplation had reached thus far , and had somewhat departed from sensible things , and that he had now approached to the borders of the intellectual world , he was somewhat astonished , and he enclined unto that of the sensible world , to which he was accustomed : therefore he retired a little , and left the body in kind , because it was a thing which his sense could not conceive , nor could he comprehend it ; and he did take unto his consideration the most simple of the sensible bodies which he saw , and these were the four which his speculation had been formerly occupied about . and first , he considered the water and he saw , when it was permitted to be in that state which its form required , that a sensible cold appeared therein , and a propension to move downward , but when it was warmed with the fire or heat of the sun , that first the cold went from it , but the propension to move downwards remained ; but when it was vehemently heated , that then also its propension to move downward departed therefrom , and that it enclined upwards , and so both these qualities wholly departed from it , which alwayes flowed from it and its form . nor was there any thing further known to him of its form , but that from thence proceeded these two actions , and when these two actions had forsaken it , the reason of the form was altogether taken away , and the wotery form departed from that body , when actions flowed therefrom which were proper to arise from another form , and that another form did arise which was not in it before , and actions flowed therefrom , the nature of which was not to proceed therefrom , while it was endued with the former . but he knew that it was necessary , that every thing which is newly produced , needeth a producer , and from this contemplation , some universal and distinst impression was made in his mind , of the effector of that form . then he directed his speculation further unto these forms , the knowledge of which he had first attained , presenting them one after another . and he saw that they all existed of the new , and necessarily stood in need of an effector . then he considered the essences of the forms , and he saw them to be nothing else , then such a disposition of the body from which these actions flow ; e. g. in water , which when it is vehemently heated , it is disposed to move upwards , and is made fit thereunto , and that disposition is its form : for there is nothing here but a body , and somethings flowing therefrom , which are perceived by the sense , which formerly did not exist , as the qualities and motion , and the effector which produced them , after they did not exist . but the aptitude of the body to other motions more then to others , is its disposition and form : and the same appeared unto him of all other forms . also it was manifest to him , that the actions which flowed from them , did not really belong to them , but to the effector , who by those actions produced those attributes which are ascribed unto them : ( and that notion which appeared unto him , is that which is spoken by the messenger of god , i am his hearing , by which he heareth , and his seeing , by which be seeth ; and in the text of the alcoran , [ cap. al. anphal . ] you have not killed them , but god hath killed them ; and thou hast not cast them down , but god hath cast them down . ) but when he came to the knowledge of this effector ( or efficient cause ) which appeard to him generally and indistinctly , a vehement desire siezed on him to know the same distinctly . but because he had not withdrawn himself as yet from the sensible world , he began to seek after this voluntary agent among the sensible things : nor yet did he know whether it was one or many : therefore he considered all bodies present , to wit , these to which formerly his thoughts were fixed continually : and he saw that all of them were sometime generated , and sometime corrupted , and if he saw any of them not wholly corrupted , he saw parts of them corrupted , e. g. as to water and earth , he saw the parts of both corrupted by the fire , and also he saw the air so corrupted with the greatness of the cold , that from thence snow came to be generated , and that again from that came water : and also as to other bodies present , he saw none of them which did not exist of the new , and needed not a voluntary agent : therefore he rejected all these things , and turned his thoughts unto the heavenly bodies . thus far by his contemplation he had advanced , about the end of the fourth septenary of his age , that is , in the space of 28. years . now he knew that the heavens and all the stars therein , were bodies extended according to the three dimensions of longitude , latitude , and profundity ; and that none of them wanted this property , and whatever wanted not this property was a body ; therefore that they were all bodies . then he considered with himself if they were infinitly extended , and did proceed unto a perpetual longitude , latitude , and profundity , without end , or if they had periods , and were confined with limits , where they ended , so that there could be no further extension : but here he was a little astonished : then by the force of his apprehension , and sagacity of understanding , he saw that an infinite body was an absurd thing , and impossible , and a notion which could not be understood ; and this sentence was confirmed unto him by many arguments which occurred ; and that he so reasoned with himself , surely this heavenly body is finite , from that part which is nearest unto me , and obvious to my sense . this is without all doubt , because i perceive it with the sight ; but also from that other part which is opposed to this part , of which this doubt in me hath arisen , i know that it is impossible to be infinitly extended . for i conceive two lines beginning from this part which hath an end , which in the profundity of the body , according to its extension , should go forth infinitly , then if i should suppone , that from the one of these two lines a great part is cut off , on that side whose extremity is finite , and then take that of it which rmaineth , and let the extremity of it , wherein the off-cutting is made , be applyed unto the extremity of that line , which hath nothing cut off from it ; and let that line which hath somewhat cut off it , be made parallel to that line from which nothing is cut off , the understanding going alone with them unto that part which is said to be infinite : and thou shalt either find two lines infinitly extended , so that none of them is shorter then another , and so that line from which somewhat is cut off , shall be equal to the other from which nothing is cut off , which is absurd . or if it do not go forth continually with it , but be broke off of its progress on this side , and cease to be co-extended with it , then it shall be finite , and when that part shall be returned unto it , which was formerly cut off , which was finite , the whole shall be finite : then it shall not be shorter then that other line from which nothing is cut off , nor shall exceed it , therefore it shall be equal unto it : but this is flnite , therefore that also shall be finite : and therefore the body in which such lines are designed is finite ; for every body in which these lines can be designed , is finite ; but in every body these lines can be designed : therefore if we determine an infinite body , we determine that which is absurd and impossible . and when by his excellent ingine , which he had stirred up to excogitate such an argument , he was certain that the body of the heavens was finite , he would know of what form it was , and how it was bounded with the ambient surfaces : and first having contemplated the sun , and the moon , and the other stars , he saw that they all had their rising from the east , and their setting in the west , and that these which passed through by the vertical point described the greater circle , but these which declined from the vertical point , north-ward , or south-ward , he saw that they described a lesser circle in it : and that the circle of every one , as it was more remote from the vertical point , towards any of the parts , was less then the circle that was more near to the vertical point , so that the smallest circles , in which the stars moved , were two circles , the one of which is about the south-pole , to wit , the circle of the star sohail ( i. e. canopi ) the other about the north-pole , to wit , the circle alphazkadain . and whereas he dwelt under the aequinoctial circle ( as we first shewed ) as these circles were right ( or perpendicular ) to his horizon , and after the same manner both south-wards and north-wards , and both the poles together appeared unto him ; also he observed , when any star arose in a greater circle , and another in a lesser , so that they arose together , that their going down was also at the same time , and this so did fall out in all the stars , and at all times , whence it appeared unto him that the heavens were of a round figure ; which was further confirmed unto him from what he saw of the return of the sun , moon , and other stars unto the east , after their setting in the west , and also that they all appeared unto him in the same proportion of magnitude both at their rising , and when they came to the midst of the heavens , and at their setting : for if their motion were any other then circular , of necessity at some times they should be nearer to his sight then at other times , and if it were so , their dimensions and magnitudes should appear unto him different , and he should see that when they were nearer , they should appear bigger then when further off : but when it was nothing so , it was thence manifest to him , of the roundness of its figure : nor ceased he to observe the motion of the moon , and he saw her to be moved from the east to the west , and that the motions of the planets were the like ; until at last a great part of the science of astronomy was manifest unto him : it appeared also unto him that their motions were in many spheres , all contained in one , which is the supreme , and which moveth all the rest from the east to the west in the space of a day and of a night : but the way of his progress in this science were long to explain , and it is divulged in many books : nor is any thing more required to our purpose , then what we have brought . and when he had advanced thus far in knowledge , he found that the whole celestial orb , and whatever is contained , is as one thing , compounded of parts joyned together , and that all the bodies he had formerly considered , as the earth , the water , the air , the plants , the animals , and all the rest of such things were contained there in , and passed not its limits ; and that the whole of it , as near as could be , did resemble some individual animal , and the stars shining therein did answer unto the senses of the animal , and the various spheres in contiguous to one another , did resemble the members of an animal ( or living creature ) and what was in it , of the world of generation , and corruption , to resemble the things in the belly of the animal , as the diverse excrements and humours , of which also frequently animals are generat , as they are generat in the greater world . but when it appeared unto him , that all theseethings were indeed as some one subsistent , which needed a voluntary agent , and many parts of it seemed unto him one thing , in the same kind of contemplation , as the bodies in the generable and corruptible world seemed one : he proposed unto himself to contemplate the world generally , if it was any thing , which was generate of the new , after it had not been , and had come forth from privation into existence , or if it was a thing , which did ever exist , and which privation had no ways preceded : and he doubted greatly of this matter , and none of these opinions prevailed with him : and that because when he proposed to himself to believe an eternity , many objections came before him of the impossibility of an infinite existent , because the existence of an infinite body seemed impossible unto him ; and after the same manner he saw , that that which wanted not accidents produced of the new , is also produced of the new , for it cannot be said to be before them , but what cannot be said to be before the accidents newly produced , is also it self newly produced : also when he proposed to himself to believe a new production thereof , other objections came before him ; and that because he saw that the notion of a new production of a thing , after it did not exist , could not be understood , except he supposed a time that was before it , but that time is of the number of the things which are of the world , and inseparable therefrom , therefore the world cannot be understood posterior unto time : and so he also reasoned with himself , if the world be produced of the new , it could not be without a producer , but this producer who hath produced it , why did he now produce it , but not before ? was it for any thing that hindred him ? but there was nothing besides him : or was it because of some change that had happened to his essence ? if so , what hath produced this change ? nor ceased he to consider these things with himself for some years , and many arguments offered themselves unto him , so that none of those opinions did preponderate with him . but when this was difficult unto him , he began to think with himself what necessarily followed both these opinions : for perhaps the consequence of both opinions should be the same ; and he saw , that if he supposed the world to be produced of the new , and to have had an existence after privation , necessarily it would follow , that the world by its own power could not come forth into existence , but of necessity required an effector , to produce it into act , but that effector could be perceived by none of the senses ; for if it could be perceived by any of the senses , it should be some body , but if it were some body , it should belong to the things of the world , and so it should have existence of the new , and should need somewhat to produce it of the new , and if this second producement were also a body , it should need a third to produce it , and that third a fourth , and so it should proceed infinitly , which is absurd ; and therefore the world must of necessity have an effector , which is not a body , and it not being a body , there is no way to perceive it by any of the senses ( for the five senses apprehend nothing but bodies , or what adhere unto bodies ) but when it cannot be perceived by sense , neither can it be comprehended by imagination ( for imagination is nothing else but a representation of the forms of things perceived by sense , after the things themselves are absent ) and seing it is not a body , nor can any bodily properties be attributed unto it ; but the first property of a body is that extension into longitude , latitude , and profundity , but this is far from that , and from all the adjuncts of bodies following this property ; and seing it is the efficient cause of the world ; no doubt it hath power over the world , and knoweth it . shall not he know who hath created ? for he is most high in knowledge , and knoweth all things . he saw also , that if he believed the eternity of the world and that it ever was , as now it is , and that no privation went before , that necessarily it should follow , that motion was from eternity , without any period , as to its beginning , seing no rest went before whence to take its beginning : but every motion necessarily requireth some mover , and that mover shall either be some power diffused in some body , to wit , in the body of the thing moved , or in some other body without it ; or some power that is not diffused in any body , nor spread forth therein . but now every power diffused in any body , and dispersed through the same , is also divided by the division thereof , and is doubled by its doubling ; e. g. as heaviness in a stone which moveth it downwards , if the stone be divided into two parts , also the heaviness shall be divided , and if another part equal thereunto be added , also another part of heaviness shall be added unto it ; and if it could be that the stone could grow infinite , also this heaviness should grow infinite ; and if the stone should come to a certain measure of greatness , and should there remain , also the heaviness should come to a certain period , and should there remain . but now it is demonstrated , that every body is necessarily finite , and therefore every power inherent ( or insisted ) in a body , is also finite . but if we can find some power , which produceth some infinit effect , that shall be a power which is not in a body : but we find , that the heavens are moved with a perpetual motion , which hath no period nor cessation ; if we affirm that it is eternal , without beginning , therefore it necessarily followeth , that the power which moveth it is neither in that body , nor in any other body without it , and therefore that it is something abstract from bodies , and which can be described by no bodily adjuncts . but it was manifest to him , from his former contemplation of the generable and corruptible world , that the true reason of the existence of every body , is in respect of its form , which is its disposition to various motions , but that its existence which it hath , in respect of the matter , is very small , and which can hardly be conceived ; and therefore , the existence of the whole world is in respect of its disposition to the motion of this mover , which is free from all matter , and all bodily adjuncts , abstracted from every thing which the sense can apprehend , or unto which , imagination can find out any way : and seing he is the effector of the motions of the heavens , ( although differing in kind ) so that they are free from all difference , innovation ( as of themselves ) and cessation ; without doubt , he hath power over them , and hath the knowledge of them . and in this manner , his speculation reached unto the same butt , which it reached unto in the first manner : not in this respect was it hurtful unto him , that he doubted whether the world was anciently or newly , when on both parts , the existence of an incorporeal effector was manifest to him , and which was joyned to no body , nor separate from any , and which was neither within any body , nor without it : for conjunction and separation to be within or without , are all the adjuncts of bodies , whereof he is free . and seing the matter of every body needeth some form , whereas it cannot subsist but there by , nor really exist without it ; but that the form hath no existence really , but from this voluntary agent , it was clear unto him , that all things existent did need this agent for their existence , and that none of them had existence but by his help , and therefore , that that was the cause of them , and they were the effect ( or work ) thereof , whether they be new , by a privation going before their existence , or whether they have no beginning , in respect of time , nor that any privation went before them : for in both states , they were the effect , and needed an efficient from which they depend , as to their essence ; so that they can neither remain , if it remain not ; nor exist , if it exist not ; nor could be from eternity , if it were not from eternity , but that it needeth not them , but is free from them . and how should it be otherwise ? for it is demonstrated , that his power and vertue is infinite , but that all bodies and whatever adhereth unto them , or any way dependeth from them , are finite and terminated ; and therefore the whole world , and whatever is in it , whether it be the heavens or the earth , or the stars , and whatever is among them , either above or below , is his work and creation , and are posterior thereunto in nature , although they were not in time ; as if thou takest any body in thy hand , and then movest thy hand , that body necessarily shall move , consequentially at the motion of thy hand , with a motion which is posterior in nature unto the motion of the hand , although not in time , but that both begin together ; so this whole world is effected and created by this efficient without time , whose commandment is , when he would have a thing done , that he say to it , be thou , and it is . and when he saw all things existent to be his work , he considered them again having a respect unto the power of the efficient , and with an admiration of so rare a workmanship , so exact wisdom and profound knowledge , and of a few things of them which did exist , much more of many ; these prints of wisdom and marvels of workmanship were conspicuous to him , by which he was affected with great admiration , and he was sure , that all these things flowed not , but from a voluntary agent , which was of highest perfection , yea , above all perfection , to whom the weight of an atome could not be unknown , whether in the heavens or in the earth , nor any thing lesser or greater then it . then he considered all the kinds of living creatures , how he had given to every one of them the sabrick of the body , and then taught it to use the same . for if he had not taught the living creature to use these members he had given it , to find out the advantages unto which it was appointed , it should perceive no benefit thereby , but be burdened therewith : hence therefore he knew , that he was the most bountiful and most merciful of all . then when among the things that did exist , he observed any thing which had ought of form , or beauty , or perfection , or power , or whatever excellency it had , in the kind of excellency he considered it with himself , and he knew it proceeded from the influence of that voluntary agent of excellent glory , and from his existence , and by his operation ; therefore he knew that to be the greater , because it was therein by nature , and that it was more perfect , more absolute , more beautiful , more excellent , and more lasting , and that there was no proportion betwixt these things which are in him , and the things which are in others : neither ceased he to observe all the attributes of perfection , and he saw that they all belonged to him , and proceeded from him , and that we was worthy of them , above any other to whom they should be ascribed . also , he searched out all the attributes of defects , and he saw him to be free of them , and separate from them ; and how could he not be free of them ? for what other motion is there of defect , but meer privation , or what dependeth therefrom ? and how can he have any fellowship or mixture with privation , who is a simple beeing , of a necessary existence in himself , which giveth existence to every existent thing , and besides whom there is no existence ? for he is the existence , he is the absolution , he is the perfection , he is the beauty , he is the splendor , he is the power , he is the knowledge , and he , he , and all things perish beside him . thus far his knowledge had brought him , about the end of the fifth septenary from his birth , that is , in the space of five and thirty years : and the consideration of this agent was so fixed in his mind , that it hindered him to think upon other things beside him , and he did forget that contemplation of the natural existence of things wherein he was , and he ceased to enquire into them , untill he came to that , that his sight could not fall upon any thing , but presently he beheld in it some prints of the operation of this agent , so that presently he turned his thoughts to the worker , passing by the work , so that his study was exceedingly fixed upon him , and his heart was wholly abstracted from the inferiour sensible world , being wholly addicted to the superiour intellectual world . and when he had attained the knowledge of this supreme beeing , and permanent existence , of whose existence there is no cause , but that is the cause of the existence of all things ; he would know by what means this knowledge came unto him , and by what faculty he did apprehend this existent : therefore he searched into all his senses , which are the hearing , the seeing , the smelling , the tasting and toutching , and he saw , that all these apprehended nothing but the body , or what is in the body : ( for the hearing apprehendeth sounds , and these arise from the agitation of the air , by the collision of bodies ; the sight apprehendeth colours , the smell odors , the tast savours , and the toutch apprehendeth temperatures , and hardness , and softness , roughness and smoothness ; so also the phantasie apprehendeth nothing , but as it hath length , breadth , and depth , but these things which are apprehended are all the adjuncts of a body , and these senses apprehend no other thing , because they are faculties diffused through bodies , and divisible according to their divisions ; so they apprehend nothing , but the body subject to division : for this faculty , seing it is diffused through a divisible body , it is necessary , that when it apprehendeth any thing , it be divided according to its divisions ; therefore every faculty belonging to the body ( or incite in the body ) can apprehend nothing but a body , or what is in a body . ) but now it was clear , that this beeing of necessar existence , is free from all bodily adjuncts in any respect , and therefore , that there is no way of apprehending the same , but by something which is not a body , not a faculty inherent in the body , nor any way depending from bodies , neither in a body , nor without a body , nor joyned to a body , nor separate from a body . and now it was manifest to him , that he had apprehended it by its essence , and that he had a firm knowledge thereof : and thence it was manifest to him , that his own essence , by which he did apprehend that , was somewhat incorporeal , to which no bodily adjuncts agreed , and whatever corporeity he apprehended from his outward ( or exterior ) part , was not the true reason of his own essence , but the true reason of his own essence was that , by which he did apprehend that absolute necessary existent beeing . therefore , when he knew that his essence was not this bodily thing which he apprehended with his senses , and which the skin encompassed , his body seemed somewhat altogether contemptible unto him , and he addicted himself wholly to the contemplating that noble essence , by which he did apprehend that noble and necessary existent beeing , and by his essence he did consider that noble beeing , whether it could perish , or be corrupted and evanish , or were of perpetual duration : but he saw corruption and dissolution to be of the adjuncts of bodies , and to come to passe by putting off one form , and putting on another ; as when water becometh air , and when air becometh water , and when herbs become earth or ashes , and when the earth is turned into plants , ( for this is the notion of corruption . ) but that there can be no corruption supposed of that which is not a body , nor hath need of a body to its subsistence , but is wholly separated from bodily things . and when he was sure that his essence could not be corrupted , he would know what the condition of it was to be , when it should cast off the body , and be separated therefrom ; but now he knew that it did nto cast it off , untill it was no longer an instrument fit for it : therefore , considering all his apprehensive faculties , he saw that every one of them sometime was in power , sometime in act ; as ( e. g. ) when the eye winks , or turneth it self from a visible object , it is in power apprehensive ; ( but that is apprehensive in power , which doth not now apprehend , but can afterwards apprehend ) but when it openeth it self , and turneth it self to a visible object , it becometh apprehensive in act , ( but by that which is called apprehending in act , is signified that which now apprehendeth ) and every one of these faculties may be one time in power , another time in act ; and if any of these faculties never apprehend in act , as long as it is only apprehensive in power , it doth not desire to apprehend any particular thing because as yet it hath no knowledge of it ; as in him who is born blind ; but if it once apprehend in act , and be afterwards apprehensive in power , so long as it remaineth in power , it desireth to apprehend in act , because it knoweth that apprehensible object , and is intent on it , and leaneth towards it ; as when one hath at any time enjoyed his sight , and then becometh blind , for he doth not cease to desire visible objects ; and how much the more perfect , splendid and fair that is which is apprehended , its desire shall be still the greater , and the grief shall be the greater for the want of it : therefore , his grief who is deprived of the sight which he had , after he hath seen , is greater then his grief who is deprived of the smelling , because these things which the sight apprehendeth , are more perfect and beautiful , then the things which the smelling apprehendeth : therefore , if there be any thing which hath no end of perfection , of beauty , of comliness , of glory , nor no period , but is above all glory , and beauty , so that there is no perfection , glory , beauty or comliness which doth not proceed and flow from it , who is deprived of the apprehension of that thing after he hath had the knowledge of it , no doubt , so long as he is deprived thereof , he shall be affected with an infinite grief , even as he who perpetually apprehendeth it , shall thence perceive a continual pleasure , a perpetual happiness , an infinite joy and gladness . but now it was manifest to him , that unto that necessary existent beeing , all the attributes of perfection ought to be ascribed , and that he is separate and free from all attributes of defect : he was also certain in himself , that that thing by which man comes unto the apprehension of him , is a thing which is not like unto bodies , nor is corrupted with their corruption : and hence it appeared , that he who is endued with that essence which is not fit for such an apprehension , when he putteth off the body by death , or he who while he used the body , never knew this necessary existent beeing , nor was joyned unto him , nor heard any thing of him ; when he goeth out of the body , he is not joyned unto that beeing , nor is not grieved for want of him ( for as concerning all the bodily faculties , the body perishing , they cease , nor desire they these things , unto which these faculties are carried , nor encline they to them , nor are they affected with grief for want of them ; and this is the state of all the beasts whether they have the figure of a man , or not ) or he , who in the time while he used the body , did know this beeing , and had knowledge of how great perfection , greatness , dominion and power it was , but that he hath turned himself away therefrom , and hath followed the affections of his mind untill death took hold of him , while in that state , so that he be deprived of that vision , and yet laboureth with the desire of it ; & therefore , he remaineth affected with a continual torment & infinit grief , whether after a long weariness he is to be delivered from that grief , and to come unto that vision which he formerly desired , or is to remain for ever in these torments , as in his lifetime he hath been disposed to either of them , while he was in the state of the body : or he , who hath known that necessary existent beeing before he put off the body , and hath addicted himself wholly thereunto , and who hath his thoughts continually fixed upon the glory , beauty and splendor thereof , and hath not turned himself therefrom untill death seised on him , while he was in the state of beholding him , and in the act of perceiving him , and that he , when he shall go out of the body , shall remain in perpetual pleasure and continual felicity , and joy , and gladness , for the continued vision of that necessary existent beeing , and the integrity of that vision from all impurity and mixture , and that all sensible things shall depart from him , unto which these bodily faculties were intent , which in respect unto that state are torments , and evils , and impediments . and when the perfection of his own essence became known unto him , and that the pleasure thereof consisted in the vision of that necessary existent beeing , to wit , in the actual vision continued for ever , so as not to turn himself from it for one moment , and so death should take hold of him in that state of actual vision , whereby his joy should be continued , no grief making an interruption of it ( which is that which aljonaid , that doctor and priest of the supphii , being near unto death signified , when he said to his neighbours , this is the time when men should begin to say , god is the greatest , and that he admonished them to be exceedingly given to prayer , & know this . then he began to think with himself , how this actual vision might be continued , so that no turning from it might befall him ; and for some time he fixed his thoughts on that beeing , but he could not continue , but that some sensible object presented it self unto his sight , or the voice of some living creature pierced his ears , or some phantasm did occur unto him ▪ or some grief in some member seized on him , or hunger or thirst came upon him , or cold or heat , or he needed to rise to disburden his nature , so that his meditation was hindered , and he departed from the state wherein he was ; so that he could not but hardly , and after great difficulty , return unto that state of vision wherein he first was , and he feared , lest he should be prevented by sudden death , whilst he was in this state of aversion , and should fall into the eternal misery and grief of separation : and when this state troubled him , nor could he find a remedy , he began to consider all the kinds of living creatures , and to behold their actions , and to what things they gave pains , if perhaps he could observe , that any of them perceived this beeing , and moved towards it , that by them he might learn somewhat that might be for his safety : but he saw them all taken up in seeking their food , and fulfilling their desires of meat , drink and lust , and how they covered themselves with a shadow , or warmed themselves : and that they diligently gave themselves to these things both night and day , even to the time of their death , and going out of this life ; nor saw he any of them to decline from this design , or to be careful about any other thing at any time . and hence it was manifest unto him , that they knew not that beeing , or had any desire of it , nor sought any knowledge of it by any means , but that they did all tend unto privation , or some state like unto privation ; and when he concluded this of animals , he saw it was more fit that he should conclude the same of plants , who had not these apprehensions but in part , which the animals had ; for when that which is of a more perfect apprehension cannot attain this knowledge , much lesse can that attain it which is of a lesse perfection ; also when he saw , that all the actions of plants were nothing beyond nutrition and generation . then he considered the stars and spheres , and he saw that they had all motions that were orderly , and that they were all carried about with a course fitly disposed ; he saw also that they were bright and shining , and were far from undergoing any alteration , or corruption ; and he did exceedingly suspect , that beside their bodies they had essences , which might know that necessary existent beeing ; and that these intelligent essences were like to his own intelligent essence , and were neither bodies , nor insite in bodies : and how could they not have essences free from corporeity , when he also had an essence , who was so weak , and who had such need of sensible things ? for he was of the number of corruptible bodies ; but though defects of that sort were in him , yet this hindered not but that he had an essence free from bodies , and incorruptible ; and hence also it appeared unto him that the heavenly bodies were much more so , and he knew that they understood that necessary existent beeing , and did behold it in a perpetual act ; because nothing like unto these impediments ( which hindered him from continual vision , by sensible things falling in , ) was to be found in heavenly bodies . then he began to consider with himself , for what cause he of all the sorts of animals was indued with this essence by which he resembled the celestial bodies : but now it was formerly manifest to him how the elements were , and how they were changed into one another , that whatever was not above the surface of the earth , remained not in the same form , whereas generation and corruption continually succeeded one another , and that most of these bodies were mixed and compounded of contrary things , and therefore tended to corruption , but that nothing was found among them which was pure ; but what was nearest among them to purity and simplicity , without any mixture , that was furthest off from corruption ; as the body of gold , and of the iacynth ; and the heavenly bodies are simple , pure , and therefore furthest off from corruption : nor doth any succession of forms besal in them . here also it was manifest to him , that as touching bodies in the generable and corruptible world , some had the reason of their essence consisting of some one form super added unto the notion of corporeity , as the four elements , others whose essential reason consisted of more forms , as the animals , and the plants ; and that whose essential reason consisted of the fewest forms , had the fewest actions , and the greatest distance from life : but if a thing were altogether destitute of form , that there was no way in it to life , but it was in a state like unto privation : but that whose subsistence of the essential reason consisted of more forms , had the more actions , and a more ready entrance into the state of life , but if that form were so disposed , that there were no way of separating it from the matter to which it belonged , then its life should be very manifest , stable , and lively : but that which is destitute of all form is the hyle and matter , nor is any life in it , but it is like unto privation . and that which subsisteth by one form , is the four elements , which are in the first degree of existence in the generable and corruptible world , and other things are compounded of them , having more forms ; but these elements are of a weak life , seing they move but one way , also they are of a weak life , because every one of them hath a contrary , in manifest opposition to them , which resisteth them in that whereunto their nature incline , and laboureth to spoil them of their form , and therefore their essence is infirm and weak : but that the plants are of a stronger life ; and the animals are yet of a more manifest life then they ; and that because if there be any thing among these compounds , wherein the nature of one element hath dominion , that , because of the power it hath therein , doth overcome the nature of the other elements , and doth abolish their strength , so that the compound is in the power of that element which hath dominion , and therefore it is disposed but unto a small portion of life , as the element it self is : but when among these compounds there is that , wherein the nature of any one element hath not dominion , then all are of an equal temperament therein , and of equal vertue , so that the one doth not weaken the vertue of another , more then that other doth of that one ; but they work upon one another in an equal operation , nor is the operation of one element observable more then the operation of another , and it is far from being like unto any one of the elements , but that it is , as if nothing were contrary to its form , that in this manner becometh fit for life , and the greater that this equality be , and the more perfect , and the further from inclining unto the other part , it is so far the further from having a contrary , and its life is the more perfect . and whereas the animal spirit , the seat whereof is in the heart , is of a most equal temperature , ( for it is more subtile then earth and water , and more gross then fire and air ) it hath the manner of a midst ( or medium ) contrary unto none of the elements , in any observable manner of contrariety , and so it is disposed unto the form which doth constitute an animal : and that which followeth he saw to be this , to wit , that the most equal in temperature among these animal spirits , was disposed to the most perfect life , in the generable and corruptible world , and that it may near be said , concerning that spirit , that there is no contrary unto its form , and therefore that it is like unto these heavenly bodies , which have nothing contrary unto their form , and that therefore they are the spirit of that animal which hath the most perfect life , because it is indeed in the midst of the elements , neither simply moving it self upwards nor downwards : and if it could be placed in the midst of that space which lyeth betwixt the center , and that supreme place whither the fire reacheth , and that no corruption should befall it , there it should fix it self , nor should it desire to move either upwards or downwards , but if it were locally moved , it should be moved about the middle , as the heavenly bodies are moved , and if it were moved in one place , it should be moved about it self , and should be of a spherical figure , seing it could not be otherwise : and therefore that it was very like unto the heavenly bodies . and when he considered the properties of the animals , and saw not one among them , of which he could suspect that it had the knowledge of this necessary existent beeing , but that he knew that as to his own essence he did know it , thence he concluded that he was an animal that had a spirit of an equal temperature , like unto all the heavenly bodies , and it was manifest unto him , that he differed in kind from all the sorts of animals , and that he was made for another end , and appointed unto some great thing , unto which no other animal was fitted , and it was enough to signifie his nobility , that the vilest part of himself , to wit , his bodily part , was likest of all others unto the heavenly substances , which are without the generable and corruptible world , free from the accidents of defect , and change , and alteration . but that his best part was that thing by which he did know that necessary existent beeing ; and this intelligent thing behoved to be some heroick and divine thing , which changed not , and was not obnoxious to corruption , and to which is not to be attributed any of these things which are attributed unto the body , and that it cannot be apprehended by any of the senses , nor by imagination , and whose knowledge is not acquired by any other instrument , then by it self , but that it cometh unto it by its own help , and that it is the knowing , the knowable , and the knowledge , and the scient , the science , and the scibile , nor that in any of these was there any thing different , seing diversity and separation belong to the attributes of bodies , and are the adjuncts of them , but this was neither a body , nor any attribute of a body , nor any thing adherent unto a body . and when the way was manifest unto him , whereby it was proper to him to be like unto the heavenly bodies , he saw it did necessarily belong to him to resemble them , and to imitate their actions , and that with all his strength he should endeavour to be like unto them . and also he saw by his more noble part , by which he knew that necessary existent beeing , that there was in himself some similitude thereof , as he was separated from the attributes of the body , as that necessary existent beeing was separated from them . he saw also that it was his duty to labour to acquire the properties thereof , by what way soever he could , and to put on his qualities , and to imitate his actions , and to be diligent in doing his will , and committing his affairs to him , and to acquiesce in his heart in all his appointments , both as to the outward and inward , so as he might rejoyce in him , although his body should be afflicted with grief , and should hurt him , yea , although altogether he should lose his bodily part . he saw moreover , that he resembled other sorts of animals , in his vilest part , which was of the generable and corruptible world , to wit , in the obscure and gross body , which required diverse sorts of sensible things from him , as meat , drink , and marriage . also he saw that his body was not created in vain , nor joyned to him for no end , and that it belonged to him to provide for it , and fitly to keep it : but that he could not perform this care but by some action answering unto the actions of other animals . but the actions which seemed necessary unto him , had a threefold respect ; for they were either an action by which he did resemble the unreasonable animals , or some action whereby he did resemble the heavenly bodies or some action whereby he did resemble that necessary existent beeing : for the first assimilation was necessary to him , as he had an obscure and gross body , consisting of distinct members , and various faculties , and motions of diverse sorts ; the second assimilation was necessary unto him , as he had an animal spirit , the seat whereof was in the heart , and which was the beginning of the whole body , and of the faculties contained therein : then the third assimilation was necessary to him , as he was himself , i. e. as he was that essence by which he could know that necessary existent beeing . and this was first of all certain unto him , that his happiness and freedom from misery was placed in the perpetual vision of that necessary existent beeing , so as to be in that state , as not to be turned away ( or averted ) therefrom for one moment . then he considered the wayes whereby this continuation might be acquired , and his contemplation thence gathered , that he was to exercise himself in these three sorts of similitude . and as to the first similitude , that from the same he attained nothing of this vision , but that it rather drew him forth to another thing , and it was an hinderance to him , when he exercised himself in sensible things : for all sensible things are as a vail interposed unto this vision , yet this assimilation is needful to preserve the animal spirit , whereby the second assimilation is acquired , which is with heavenly bodies , and after this manner it is necessarily required , although it be not free from that hurt : but as to the second conformity , that thereby is acquired a great part of the continued vision , but yet such a vision as wherein there is a mixture , whereas every one who by that manner of vision continually seeth , seeth also together his own essence , and looketh into that , as shall be afterwards declared : but as to the third conformity , that thereby the perfect vision is attained , and the sincere attention , having no respect in any manner , but unto that necessary existent beeing , whereas his essence is absent from him who seeth this vision , and evanisheth , and becometh as nothing ; as also all the other essences , whether many or few , except the essence of that one , true , necessary , existent , great , high , and powerful beeing . and when it was manifest to him , that the sum of his desires consisted in this third conformity , but that this is not acquired but after exercise , and pains given for a long time , to the second conformity , and this space could not be continued , but by the first conformity , which although it was necessary , yet he knew , of it self it was an impediment , though it was an help by accident : he restrained his mind , that he permitted unto himself no part of the first conformity , but as much as necessity required , and that was in that largeness , as less sufficed not to the preservation of the animal spirit ; and he saw two things which necessity required to the preservation of this spirit ; one that whatever nourishment he took , it preserved the same inwardly , and refreshed it ; another that it preserved that which is external , and repelled from it diverse sorts of hurts , as of cold , and heat , and rain , and the warmth of the sun , and of hurtful animals , and the like : and he saw , if he did rashly and hastily take any of these things which were necessary , it might come to pass that he should be obnoxious to excess , and should take above what were fit , and work against himself , whence he did not consider ; therefore he saw he would do most advisedly , if he should appoint limits to himself that he should not at all transgress , and measures which he should not exceed , and it was plain to him that he should put this rule to himself , about the kind of the things which he should eat , and the quality of them , and about their quantity , and the time when to make use of them . and first he considered the kinds of these things which he did eat , and he saw them to be three , viz. either to be plants not fully ripe , nor attained to full perfection , such as the sorts of green herbs , which a man could eat : or the fruits of plants that were perfect , and which were ripe , and yielded their seed , that from thence others could be brought forth , ( and these kinds of fruits were both green and dry ) or to be some animal either belonging to the earth , or the sea , which used to be eaten : now it was certain unto him , that all these things were made by that necessary existent beeing , in the approach unto which he saw his happiness was placed , and to which he desired to be assimilate ; and that it could not be , but to eat of them would be an impediment unto him , from attaining his perfection , and should come betwixt him and the end proposed unto him ; which were to oppose himself to the operation of the agent , and that this opposition should be contrary to that propinquity and conformity unto that which he was seeking ; and so that he would do best ( if it could be ) to abstain from all food : but when this could not be , and that he saw an universal abstinence from food , should tend to the destruction of his body , which should be a greater repugnancy to his creator , then the former ; whereas he himself was nobler then those things , the destruction whereof was the cause of his duration : he judged it best , of two evils to choose the least , and he permitted to himself that which was least repugnant : therefore it seemed good unto him to take any of these kinds , which were at hand , ( if others were wanting ) in that measure , which afterwards should appear agreeable unto him : but if all were present , then he behoved to deliberate with himself , and of them to choose that , the taking of which should not occasion a great opposition to arise against the operation of the creator , such as the pulp ( or kirnel ) in fruits , which had greatest sweetness , and whose seeds were in them fit to the producing the like , so that he should keep the seeds , and neither eat them , nor destroy them , nor cast them into places that were unfruitful , as smooth rocks , salt , earth and such like ; but if he could not get such fruits which had a pulp fit for nourishment , as apples , pears , prunes , and such things , that then he was to take of fruits which had nothing fit to be eaten , but the seed it self , as wall-nuts , chesnuts and herbs , which had not come to full ripeness ; after this manner , that of both kinds , he might take them of which there was most abundance , and power to produce their like , but that he should neither pull them up by the root , nor destroy their seeds ; but if these were wanting , that then he should take of the animals , or their eggs : after this manner , to take such of the animals , whereof there is greatest abundance , so that he might not altogether destroy the sort of them : and these were the things which he judged fit to be observed , as to the kinds of his food . and as to the quantity he saw , he was to observe that which sufficed to satisfie hunger , so that he did not exceed it ; and as to the time that should come betwixt his males , he judged it best , that when he had taken as much meat as sufficed , he should remain content therewith , and should seek no other , untill some weakness should befall him , that might hinder him from performing any of these actions belonging unto the second conformity , which are these i am now to mention . but as to the things which necessity required to the preserving the animal-spirit , which might preserve him from without , it was a matter of no great difficulty unto him , seing he was covered with skins , and had a lodging that protected him from things that outwardly assaulted him , and these sufficed unto him and he thought it superfluous to take further care of them : but in eating he observed those rules which he had prescribed unto himself to wit , these as we have above declared . then he applyed himself to the second operation , which was a conformity unto the heavenly bodies , and an imitation of them , and that he might resemble their properties in himself : but when he had considered their attributes in his mind , they seemed unto him to be comprehended under a threefold kind ; the first was with a respect unto inferiour things in the generable and corruptible world , which was the heat which they imparted unto them by themselves ; and the cold , which was by accident , and light , and rarefaction , and condensation , together with other things which they produce in them , by which they are disposed to receive the influxes of the spiritual forms into them , from that necessary existing agent . the second sort of attributes which agreed unto them in themselves , was that they were bright , shining , and pure from dreggs , and free from all sorts of impurity , that they moved round-wise , some about their own center , others about the centers of others . the third sort of attributes was , which they had with a respect to that necessary existent beeing ; e. g. that they did behold the same in a perpetual vision , nor turned themselves away therefrom , but continually did contemplat it , and were occupied in what he did appoint , and were alwayes obedient in doing his will ; neither did they move , but of his will , and by his power . therefore , in every one of these three kinds , he endeavoured with his greatest pains to be like unto them : as to the first kind , the conformity thereof was placed in this , that he should so behave himself , as to see no animal or plant to want thing , or to have any hurt or dammage , or impediment which he could remove from them , but to remove it : and when he did cast his eyes upon any plant , which somewhat intervement did hinder from the sun , or to which some other herb did cleave that hurt it , or if it had too much dryness that did endanger it ; he would remove whatever was interposed , if it was such as could be removed , and take away from it that which hurted , in that manner as it did not hurt that which hurted another ; and oft he would water it , so far as he could : and when he would look upon an animal which some ravenous beast was pursuing , or which stuck fast in any lake , or had any thorn in it , or into whose eyes or ears any hurtful thing had fallen , or that hunger and thirst had seised on , all these things he did undertake to remove with all his power , and gave it meat and drink : and when he saw any water that flowed to water any plant or animal , if any impediment stopped its running , whether any stone that had fallen into it , or any thing carryed into it by the flood , all these things he removed : neither ceased he to go on in this kind of conformity , untill he attained great perfection therein . as to the second kind , his assimilation thereunto was placed in this , that he did keep himself in a continual cleanliness , by removing all impurity and filthiness from his body , and oft washing himself with water , and purging his nails and his teeth , and also the secret parts of his body , and smelling them with well-smelling herbs , as much as he could , and with diverse kinds of perfumes , and oft washing his garments and smelling them , untill with splendor , beauty and cleanness , he wholly shined : also , he used diverse kinds of circular motions , sometimes going round about the isle and the shore of it , and its utmost parts , and sometimes compassing his house , or some rock with various circuits , either walking or running , and sometimes whirling himself round about , untill a vertigo ( or giddiness ) took hold of him . as to the third kind , his assimilation thereunto was placed herein , that he might fix his cogitations upon that necessary existent beeing , and then that he might remove from himself all impediments of sensible things , and shut his eyes , and stop his ears , and by all his strength he might restrain himself from following his imagination , and that he should endeavour as much as he could , that he should mind nothing but him , nor should admit any other thing with him ; and in this thing he laboured to promove himself , by wheeling himself about , and stirring up himself thereunto : and it came to pass , as he did vehemently wheel himself about , all sensible things did presently evanish , and his phansie , with the other faculties that needed bodily instruments , did languish , and the action of his essence , which was free from the body , became strong , so that at some time his cogitation would be pure from mixture , and thereby he would perceive that necessary existent beeing : but afterwards , the bodily faculties again returning , did incerrupt this his state , and reduced him to the lowest condition , so that he returned to the first state . but if any weakness of body seised on him , which hindred him from his purpose , he would take some meat , according to the laws aforesaid , and then he would betake himself to the state wherein he was to assimilate himself to the heavenly bodies , in the three kinds above-mentioned , and he would continue intent in them for some good time , and would resist his bodily faculties , they also resisting him ; and in these times where in he overcame them , and had his thoughts pure from mixture , something appeared to him of the state of these , who have reached unto the third assimilation . then he began to seek after the third assimilation , and endeavoured to attain it , and he considered the attributes of that necessary existent beeing : but it was manifest to him , in the time of the theoretical speculation , before he set about the practice , that they were of two sorts , either affirmative , as knowledge , power and wisdom ; or negative , as freedom from bodily things , and from them which follow thereupon , and depend from them , though afar off : and that in the affirmative attributes , this freedom is required , that nothing be in them of bodily attributes , of the number of which is multiplicity , and therefore his essence is not multiplied by these affirmative attributes but that they all return to one notion , which is the truth of the essence . therefore , he prepared himself to consider , how he might be like unto him in both of these kinds : as to the affirmative attributes , when he knew that all things returned to the verity of his essence , and that there was no multiplicity in them in any manner , seing multiplicity is of the attributes of the body : and he knew , that the knowledge of his essence was not a notion superadded unto his essence , but that his essence was the knowledge of his essence , and the knowledge of his essence was his essence : it appeared unto him , that if he could know his essence , that knowledge by which he should know it , should not be a notion superadded unto it , but should be the very same . moreover , his assimilation unto him , in some affirmative attribute , seemed to be placed in this , that he might know him alone , admitting nothing with him of bodily attributes . therefore he gave his mind very earnestly to this thing ; but as to the negative attributes , that they all had this tendency , to denote a separation from bodily things : therefore he began to cast off all bodily attributes from his essence , and now he had removed many of them by his former discipline , where by he endeavoured to affimilate himself to the heavenly bodies , but that yet many relicts of them remained , as the circular motion ( which is one of the most proper attributes of bodies ) and the care of animals and plants , and the commiserating them , and the endeavour to remove the impediments from them , ( since these things also belong to the attributes of bodies , because he first saw them not but by the bodily faculty , and then he took pains to do these things concerning them by the same ) therefore he attempted to remove all these things from himself , seing they were all of these things which conduced not unto that state which now he sought ; nor ceased he so far to restrain himself , that in the lowest part of a cave , he sat quiet , his head bowed downwards , his eyes low , and averting ( or turning ) away himself from all sensible things and bodily faculties , he bended his mind and thoughts upon this one necessary existent , and did not admit any other thing : and when any other thing would offer it self occasionally unto his fancy , by his whole strength he would drive it back from his imagination , and reject it , and herein he exercised himself , and persisted long to do this , so that at sometimes , many dayes would pass over wherein he would take no food , nor would move himself . and while this vehement endeavour lay upon him , many times all essences but his own passed away out of his memory and thoughts ; but his own essence was not removed from him in that time , wherein he was deeply plunged in the vision of that first beeing , the true necessary existent , and this troubled him when he knew that this was a mixture in that simple vision , and an admission of another in that sight ; nor ceased he to endeavour that he might evanish from himself , and might be altogether in the vision of that true beeing , untill he attained it ; and that the heavens and earth , and all things among them , and all spiritual forms , and bodily faculties , and all faculties separate from matter ( which are those essences having knowledge of that beeing ) might be removed out of his memory and thoughts , and that among those essences , also his own essence be removed , and all being reduced to nothing , may evanish and become as scattered atoms , and that nothing remained with him , but him who is the true beeing , of perpetual existence , and so he spoke in this saying , ( which is not a notion superadded unto his essence ) to whom is now the kingdom ? to the one omnipotent god : which words he understood , and heard their voice ; nor did his ignorance of speech , nor that he knew not to speak , hinder him from understanding the same : therefore he deeply plunged himself into this state , and he saw that which neither the eye hath seen , nor the ear heard , nor came into the heart of man to conceive it . but now , do not thou bend thy cogitations to the description of that thing , which is not conceived by the heart of man : for many of these things which are conceived by the hearts of men , are expressed with difficulty , how much more that thing , to which there is no way for conceiving it in the heart , and which is neither of the world , nor within its limits ? but by the heart , i do not understand the body of the heart , nor the spirit which is in the cavity thereof ; but by the same i understand the form of that spirit , which diffuseth it self by its faculties in the bodies of men : for every one of these three is called the heart . but there is no way whereby that thing can be conceived by any of these three , nor can any explication be had , but of that which is conceived in the heart ; so that whoever desireth to expresse that state , seeketh that which is impossible , and he is like unto him who would taste dyed colours , as they are colours , and desire that a black were either sweet or bitter . yet , we shall not dismiss thee without some tokens , by which we may hint at what he saw of the wonderful things of that station , by way of similitude ; not so , as that we may knock at the gates of truth , seing there is no way unto the certain knowledge of what is in that place , but by coming thither . and now hear with the ears of thy heart , and see with the eyes of thy understanding , that which i am to declare ; thence perhaps thou shalt find a direction which may lead thee unto the right way ; but i make this condition with thee , that thou require not from me at present , a further explication in conference , beside what i deliver in these papers : for the field is narrow , and it is dangerous to determine in words , of a thing which is of that nature , that it cannot be expressed in words . i say therefore , when he was abstracted from his own essence , and all other essences , and did behold nothing else in the nature of things , but that one living , permanent [ beeing ] and had seen what he saw , and then had returned to behold other things different therefrom , when he returned unto himself from that state , which was like unto a drunkenness , it came into his mind that he had not an essence , by which he differed from the essence of that true excellent beeing , and that the true reason of his own essence , was the essence of that true beeing , and that first he thought to be his own essence distinct from the essence of that true beeing , to be nothing indeed , nor to be any other thing but the essence of that true beeing ; and that it is as the light of the sun , which falleth into thick bodies , and what thou seest to appear in them : for that , although it be attributed unto that body , wherein it appeareth , it is no other thing but the light of the sun , and the body being removed , the light thereof is removed and only the light of the sun remaineth , which is not diminished by the presence of that body , nor is it increased while it is absent ; and when a body happeneth , that is fit to receive such a light , it receiveth it , and the body being removed , also that receiving is removed and signifieth nothing . and this sentence prevailed with him from this , that it appeared manifest to him that the essence of that true , powerful , and glorious beeing , was no wise multiplied , but that his knowledge of the essence was the essence it self ; and hence it seemed unto him necessarily to follow , that with whom was the knowledge of that essence , that also the essence of the same was with him , but that the knowledge was present with him , and therefore that the essence was present : but that this essence was not present but with it self , and its presence was its essence , and therefore that it was the very essence ; and in the same manner , all essences separated from matter , which had the knowledge of that true essence which formerly he beheld as many , according to this sentence , they were one with him . and this doubt had altogether fastened it self deep into his mind , unless god had assisted him with his mercy , and had prevented him with his direction ; whence he knew that this doubt which he had , did arise out of the relicts of the obscurity of bodies , and the filthiness of sensible things . for that many and few , and unity and multiplicity , and collection and separation , were all belonging to the attributes of bodies , but as to these separated essences , which have knowledge of that true , powerful , and glorious essence , when they are wholly separate from matter , that they cannot be called many , or one , because multiplicity is of the distinction of other essences from others , and unity cannot be but by a conjunction , and nothing of these can be understood , but in composed notions , which are mixed with matter ; beside that the explication of things in this place is narrow and difficult : for if thou expressest what belongeth to these separate essences by way of multitude , according to the use of our speech , it should seem to denote in them a notion of multiplicity , but they are free from multiplicity ; and if thou expressest what belongeth unto them , by way of separation , that should seem to denote a notion of unity , which cannot befall them . and now i seem to behold some one standing in this place , ( who is of these batts , whose eyes the sun blindeth ) moving himself in the chain ( fetters or bands ) of his foolishness , saying , thou hast exceeded measure in thy subtilty , so that thou hast removed thy self from the state of understanding men , and hast cast off the reason of intelligible things : for of these things which are determined by the intellect , 2 thing is either one , or many : but let him hasten slowly , and remit somewhat of the sharpness of his speech , and let him consider himself , and the things which are in this sensible world wherein he is contained , in that manner , as hai ebn yokdan considered them , when viewing things in a certain manner of contemplation , he saw that they were many , in a multiplicity , which could not be comprehended , nor contained within any limite : then again viewing them in another manner of contemplation , he saw them to be one , and he remained doubtful in that thing , nor could he determine concerning it , unto one part , more then unto another : so it was , although this sensible world be the genuine place of multiplicity , and singularity , and their true nature is there understood , and therein is a separation , and union , and division into parts , and distinction and agreement , and disagreement : therefore what shall he think concerning the divine world ? wherein it is not lawful to say , all things , nor some , nor can any of the things belonging unto it be expressed in words , wherewith our ears are accustostomed , but that thou will have some conjecture , otherwise then the thing is , and which none can know but he who hath seen , and whose true manner is not perceived but by him who hath attained it . but as to what he saith , thou hast passed beyond the nature of intelligent men , and hast thrown away the manner ( or reason ) of what is intelligible : thus we grant unto him , and we dismiss him with his intelligent men ; for that intellect which he and such men doth mean , is the rational faculty , which contemplateth the individuals of the sensible things , and thence searcheth out an universal notion , and the intelligent men whom he meaneth , are these who use a speculation of that kind : but this sort of which we speak , is above all these things . wherefore let him stop his ears against it , whoever understandeth nothing beyond sensible things , and their universals , and let him return to his company , to wit , them who knew the sensible things of this world , taking no care about the other : but if thou art of them unto whom this sort of tokens and signs doth suffice , as to the divine world , nor dost thou fix another interpretation upon our words , beside that which usually is put on them ; then we shall declare unto thee somewhat further of that which hai ebn yokdan saw in that place of them who enjoy the truth , which we have above-mentioned : and that was this . after he was really plunged ( or sunk ) into these things , and was abstracted from all other things , and did truly comprehend those things ; he saw that there was an essence of a supreme sphere , ( beyond which there is no body ) free from matter , which was not the essence of that one true beeing , nor yet the sphere it self , nor somewhat different from them , but it was as the image of the sun which appears in some polite ( or smooth ) looking-glass , for that is neither the sun , nor the glass , nor yet any thing distinct from them ; and he saw that such was the perfection of that separate sphere , and such was the splendor and beauty of it , which is greater then can be expressed with the tongue , and more subtile then that it can be clothed with letters , or the voice ; and he saw that it was in the highest degree of pleasure , and joy , and exultation , and gladness , because of the vision of that true and glorious essence : also he saw the essence of the sphere next unto that which is the sphere of the fixed stars , to be free from matter , which was neither the essence of that one true beeing , nor the essence of the supreme separated sphere , nor the same , nor yet any thing different from them , but it was , as the image of the sun , which is seen in a looking-glass , upon which the image of the sun is reflected from another looking-glass opposite to the sun ; and he saw that this essence had a splendor , and beauty , and pleasure , like unto that which belonged unto the supreme sphere . also in the same manner he saw the essence of the sphere next unto that , to be separate from matter , and this was the sphere of saturn , which was none of the essences which he saw formerly , nor yet any thing diverse from them , which was as the image of the sun appearing in another glass , which is reflected from the image of the sun appearing in a glass opposite to the sun ; and he saw the splendor and pleasure of this essence to be like unto that which was in the former ; nor ceased he to behold every sphere , having its essence separate , free from matter , which was not any of the former essences , nor diverse from them , which was as the image of the sun reflected from one glass unto another , in the order digested , according to the disposition of the spheres : and he saw that every one of these essences had that beauty , splendor , joy , and pleasure , which the eye hath not-seen , nor the ear heard , and hath not come into the mind of man , until he came at length unto the generable and corruptible world , which is all that which is contained within the sphere of the moon ; and he saw also that the same had an essence separate from the matter , which was not any of the essences that he formerly saw , nor any thing diverse from them , and that this essence had seventy thousand faces , and every face had seventy thousand mouths , and every mouth had seventy thousand tongues , whereby it did praise and celebrate continually and did sanctifie the essence of that one true beeing : and he saw that this essence which he suspected to have multiplicity , although it was not manifold , had a perfection , and a pleasure , like unto that which he first saw , and that this essence was as the image of the sun appearing in water that trembleth , which hath that image reflected upon it , from the last of those glasses unto which that reflection did come , according unto the order aforesaid , from the first glass opposite unto the sun. then he saw that he himself had a separate essence , which if that essence of seventy thousand faces could be divided into parts we would say were a part of the same , and unless this essence had been produced of the new , after it was not existent , we would say it were the same thing , and if it had not been made proper unto its body , when it did first exist , we would say it had not been produced of the new . and in this order he saw also other essences like unto his , which were necessary , then they were dissolved , whatever things necessarily existed with him , and that they were as many as could not be numbred , if it were lawful to call them many , or that they were all one , if it were lawful to call them one : and he saw that his own essence , and those with him in the same degree had an infinite beauty , splendor , and pleasure , which neither the eye hath seen , nor the ear heard , nor hath entred the heart of man , and which they cannot describe , who describe other things , and which no man can understand , but he who hath attained it . and he saw many essences separate from matter , which were as rusted glasses , and defiled with uncleanness , which had their backs turned upon these po●ished glasses wherein the image of the sun was impressed , and he saw that such filthiness and defectiveness was in these glasses , which never came into his mind , and he saw them to be affected with infinite griefs and fighings , which could not be removed , encompassed , [ or inclosed ] within fatts [ or boyling cauldrons ] of pains , and burned with the fire of the vail of separation , and to be cut into pieces , betwixt the drawing unto them and beating off from them ; also he saw here other essences , besides those which were tormented , which appeared , and then evanished , and were connexed , and then dissolved . and here he restrained himself , and considered these things well , and he saw great terrors and huge matters , and a bufied company , and an effectual operation , and complanation , and inflation , and production , and destruction : and after some small time interveening , his senses again returned unto him , and he was awakened out of that state , which was as an extasie , and his feet did slide out of this place , and the sensible world appeared unto him , and the divine world departed from him : for these two cannot meet together in the same state : for this world , and the other , are as the two wives of one husband , the one whereof if thou dost please , thou shalt provoke the other unto wrath . but if thou dost say , that it seems from what thou hast said of this vision , that the separate essences , if they were in a body of perpetual duration , which is incorruptible , as the heavens , that they also would be of a perpetual existence ; but if they be in a body that tendeth unto corruption , as are the reasonable animals , that they also shall be obnoxious to corruption , and shall evanish and be reduced unto nothing , according unto the similitude which thou didst propose of the reflecting glasses ; for that image hath no duration , but for the duration of the glasse , and when the glasse is corrupted , also the image is certainly corrupted , and evanisheth . but i say unto thee , how soon hast thou forgotten thy covenant thou didst make with me , and hast transgressed the fixed limits ? hath it not been first told thee , that here the way of interpretation is narrow , and that the words upon one of the parts , make that men think otherwise , then the things are ? and what thou didst think hath made thee fall into this , to conclude , that that to which any thing is compared , and that with which it is compared , is of the same manner in every part : but that must not be in any kind of usual speech , how much less in this place , where the sun and his light , and his image , and his representation , and the glasses , and his conspicuous similitude , are all things which are not separate from bodies , nor have any subsistence but by them , and in them , and therefore need them as to their existence , and those being taken , away , they are removed ? but the divine essences and heroick spirits are all free from bodies , and from the things that follow them , and are very far distant from them ; nor is there any connexion among them , nor any dependence from them , that it is all one in their respect , whether the bodies be removed or remain , whether they exist or not : but their connexion and dependence is from the essence of that one true beeing , that doth necessarily exist , which is the first of them , and their beginning and cause , which maketh that they do exist , and giveth them duration , continuation , and perpetuity ; neither do they need the bodies , but the bodies need them , and if it could be that they were removed the bodies should also be removed , for they are their principles ; even as if it could be supposed , that the essence of that one true , high and most holy beeing , and removed from any such thing ( there is not a god beside him ) could be taken away , also all these essences should be taken away , and the bodies should also be removed , and this whole sensible world should evanish ; nor should any thing remain , seing all these things have a mutual connexion : but although the sensible world follow the divine world , as its shaddow , and the divine world needeth not it , and is free from it ; yet , to suppose its removing is absurd , because it followeth the divine world ; but in this consisteth its corruption , that it be changed , not that it altogether go into privation ( & of this did that excellent book speak , where this notion falleth in , of moving the mountains , that they may become as wool , and that men shall become as candle-flies , and concerning the obscuration of the sun and moon , and the breaking forth of the seas , in that day wherein the earth shall be changed into another earth , and the heavens also . ) and this is the sum of what i can declare unto thee at present , concerning the thing which hai ebn yokdhan saw in that excellent state ; neither ask thou , that any thing further of it be committed to words , for that is as impossible . but as concerning the finishing the history of him , that god willing , i shall afterwards declare . whereas he returned unto the sensible world , that is after he had digressed , whither he had digressed , he loathed the troubles of the outward life , and travelled with the highest desire of a further life ; and he sought a re-entrance into that place of speculation , in the same manner wherein he first sought it , untill he attained it , with less travel then formerly , and he remained in it the second time , longer then in the first time : then he returned unto the sensible world , then again he fitted himself to attain unto his place of speculation , the access unto which was easier unto him , then at the first or second time , and his abiding therein was of longer continuance : nor ceased the way of attaining unto that noble state , to become more easie unto him , and his remaining therein to be the longer from time to time , untill he arrived at this , that he could attain it when he desired , and removed not from it , but as he desired , [ or willed . ] therefore he cleaved unto this his place , neither departed he from it , but when the necessity of the body required , which he had reduced unto that scarcity , that a lesser could hardly be found : and among all these things he wished , that the powerful and glorious god would altogether remove him from his body , which called him away from that place ; and that he might wholly and perpetually attend unto his pleasure , and might be free from that grief wherewith he was affected , how ost he was turned away therefrom , because of the necessity of his body : and in this state remained , untill he passed the seventh septenary from his beginning , that is fifty years ; and then the fellowship of asal happened unto him : but the narration of his meeting with him is such , as god willing , shall afterwards follow . they report , that there is an isle near unto that isle wherein hai ebn yokdhan was born , according to the one of these two differing opinions of the manner of his birth , unto which a certain sect of these good sects of men did betake it self , which had for their author some of the old prophets of pious memory , viz. a sect which declared all things by composed parables , which might represent the images of these things to the fancy , and might fasten their impressions in the minds of men , as useth to be in discourses fitted for the vulgar . nor ceased that sect to spread it self , and to prevail in that isle , and to be made known ; so that the king thereof embraced it , and forced others to adhere unto him . now there were born in the same island two excellent men , and descious of that which is good ( the name of the one was asal , the name of the other salaman ) who meeting with that sect , embraced it in the best manner , and prepared themselves to observe all its precepts , and were continually exercised in the works thereof , and for that end , they did enter into a fellowship . but at sometimes they enquired into that which was delivered into the words of the law , of the description of the high and glorious god , and of his angels , and of the descriptions of the resurrection , and reward , and punishment to come . now as to asal , the one of the two , he searched more into the most inwards of things , and sought out more the mystical senses , and he was studious to interpret them : but salaman his neighbour did mostly observe the outward things , restraining himself more from interpretations , and abstaining from a curious search and speculation of things : in the mean time , both of them was diligent in outward works , and calling themselves to an account , and resisting their affections . but there were in that law , some sayings which seemed to exhort men unto a solitude and a solitary life , and to signifie , that felicity and happiness is placed therein ; but there were more sayings , which seemed to exhort men unto company , and to embrace the society of men : therefore asal addicted his mind to seek after solitude , and he preferred those sayings which tended thereunto , when by nature he was given to perpetual contemplation , and to seek out the explications of things , and search after their significations ; for , a great hope of attaining this thing offered it self unto him , out of a solitary life : but salaman was addicted unto company , and mostly regarded the sayings tending thereunto ; because of a fear which was in his nature of contemplation , and of a more subtile enquiry , and keeping of company seemed unto him , to be that which drived away evil thoughts , and removed opinions which did bear themselves in into his mind , and which did lead away from the instigations of devils . therefore , their disagreement , as to this opinion , was the cause that they departed one from another . and now asal had heard of that island , wherein it is reported that hai ebn yokdhan had his original , and he knew the fruitfulness and advantages of it , and the temper of the air , and that his departing into it , would accomplish what he desired : therefore , he determined to go thither , and there to withdraw himself from the fellowship of men , as to the remnant of his time . therefore , gathering all his goods together which he had , with a part of them he hired a ship , to carry him into that island , the rest he did distribute unto the poor , and taking his farewell of salaman , he committed himself unto the sea : and the mariners having transported him into the island , when they had landed him on the shore , they departed from him . and so asal remained in that island , serving the powerful and glorious god , magnifying him , and meditating upon his glorious names , and high attributes , nor was his mind hindered , nor thoughts troubled . and when he needed food , he took of the fruits of the isle , or of the things he catched in hunting , as much as sufficed unto his hunger : and in this state he remained for some time , and enjoyed great pleasure , and much tranquility , from the conference he had with his lord , and he saw daily , that from his benefits and most precious gifts , and from what he brought ready to his hand what he sought , and was necessary for his food , that the certainty of his faith was confirmed , and it gave him comfort . in the mean time , hai ebn yokdhan was taken up in sublime speculations , nor did he come out of his cave , but once in the week , to take unto him such food , as was most readily presented ; and therefore , asal at the first time did not fall upon him , but walking along the utmost parts of the island , and compassing its bounds , he neither saw any man , nor perceived the footsteps of any , whence he had gladness , and his mind being delighted in respect of what he had proposed unto himself , to wit , that chiefly he might seek after solitude and retirement , untill it came to pass at a certain time , that hai ebn yokdhan coming forth to seek his food , at which time asal had betaken himself unto that place , the one did cast his eyes upon the other , and asal doubted not , but that he was one of the religious men given to solitude , who had betaken himself unto that island , to be retired from the company of men , even as he had come thither . and he feared , left if he should meet him , and make himself known , he should be an occasion to trouble his state , and should be an impediment set betwixt him and his hope : but hai ebn yokdhan knew not what the matter was , because he saw him to resmble none of these animals that he had formerly seen ; and he being cloathed with a black coat of hair and wool , which he thought had been some natural cover , he stood long astonished : but asal turning himself from him , fled away , fearing lest he should detain him , from what he was occupied about ; but hai ebn yokdhan followed him , from an innate desire to search out the truth of the matter , and when he saw , that he fled from him with all his might , he with-drew and hid himself , so that asal thought he had departed from him , and gone further off from that part : therefore asal began to take himself unto prayers , and reading , and to invocation , and weeping , and supplication , and complaints , untill these things had turned him away from every other matter . in the mean time hai ebn yokdan drew near unto him by little and little , while asal did not observe , until he was so near unto him , that he heard his reading , and praises , and saw his humble gesture and weeping , whence he heard a pleasant voice , and letters digested into order , the like whereof he had never perceived by any sort of the animals ; also beholding his form and lineaments , he saw him to be of the same form with himself , and it appeared unto him , that the coat wherewith he was clothed , was not a natural skin , but an habit taken from some other thing , like unto his own clothing , and when he saw the comliness of his humble gesture , and of his supplication , and weeping , he doubted not but he was one of the essences , which had the knowledge of that true beeing , and therefore he was carried with desire towards him , desiring to see what the matter was with him , and what was the cause of that weeping and supplication . therefore he came nearer unto him , until asal observing it , he did hasten to run . but hai ebn yokdan with a great strength did follow after him , until he reached him , in respect of the strength and power which god had given him , both of knowledge , and body , and he took hold of him , and kept him , that he could not flee away . therefore when asal beheld him covered with the hairy skins of animals , and his hair so long that it covered a great part of his body , and saw that he was so swist in his course , and so excelling in strength , he was greatly afraid of him , and he began gently to entreat him , and to ask him in words which hai ebn yokdan understood not , nor knew what it was , but that he observed in him the tokens of fear ; he did therefore appease him with the voices which he had learned from some of the animals , and gently stroaking with his hand , his head , and the sides of his neck , he shewed kindly unto him , and gave a signification of his joy and gladness , until the fear of asal was settled , and that he knew he willed him no evil . now asal of old had learned most of languages , and was skilful of them , through his desire after the knowledge of the interpretation of things ; he began therefore to speak unto hai ebn yokdan , and to ask him of his condition , in every tongue that he did know , and he endeavoured to make him understand : but this he could not do . also hai ebn yokdan , in all these things wondered at what he heard , nor knew he what it was , but that he observed the fairness of his countenance , and his good-will . so every one of them admired the condition of the other . but asal had by him some relicts of food which he had brought with him from the inhabited island , which he offered unto hai ebn yokdan , but he knew not what it was , for he had never seen any thing of that sort before ; therefore asal eating somewhat of it himself , did signifie unto him that he might eat ; but hai ebn yokdan did mind those laws wherewith he had bound himself in the receiving of meat , and when he knew not the nature of that thing which was set before him , what it was , and whether it was lawful for him to take of it , or not , he restrained himself from eating ; but asal ceased not to desire him , and kindly to invite him ; when therefore hai ebn yokdan was held with the desire of him , he feared lest if he should continue to refuse , he should alienate him from him . therefore taking that food , he did eat of it , but when he had tasted it , and liked it , it appeared unto him , that he had done evil , in violating the covenant about the conditions which he had proposed to himself in taking meat ; and it repented him of his deed , and he willed to withdraw himself from asal , and to betake himself unto his state , seeking to return unto his sublime speculation : but that vision did not presently return unto him ; therefore he thought it best to remain with asal in the sensible world , until he was more certified of his condition , that no further inclination should remain in his mind towards him , that so afterwards he might return to his place , being distracted with no other thing . so he joyned himself to the fellowship of asal ; and when asal saw that he could not speak , he was certain that no hurt should besal his religion from him , and he hoped it should come to pass that he should teach him language , and knowledge , and religion , whence he should have a great reward , and a nearness unto god. so asal began to teach him to speak , first by pointing unto him at particular things , and then by pronouncing their names ; and repeating them unto him , he willed him to pronounce them again , which he presently did , until he had taught him all names , and so by little and little gradually carried him on , that in a short space he could speak . then asal began to ask him of his condition , and whence he had come into that island ; but hai ebn yokdan told him that he knew not what beginning he had , nor father , nor mother , but the goat [ or roe ] which brought him up , and he described unto him his whole state , and what progress he had made in knowledge , until he had come unto that degree of conjunction with god. therefore when asal had heard of him , of those truths , and those essences , which are separate from the sensible world , and have knowledge of the essence of that one , true , powerful , and glorious beeing , and had described unto him the essence of that supreme , powerful , true , and glorious beeing , in his glorious attributes , and had unfolded unto him how much he could , of that which he saw , when he had reached unto that conjunction of the joys of them who are joyned unto god , and the griefs of them who are separate from him , he doubted not but that all the things which in their law were delivered of the commandment of the powerful and glorious god , and his angels , and books , and his messengers , and the last day , and of his paradise , and the fire , are the similitudes of these things which hai ebn yokdan saw , and the eyes of his heart were opened , and his mind was enlightened , and that which he perceived by reason , and received by tradition , did well agree with him , and the manners of interpretation , were easie with him , nor was there any thing hard unto him in these precepts , which was not now manifest , nor any thing shut , which was not open , nor any thing which was not discovered unto him , and he became mighty in understanding ; and then he so admired hai ebn yokdan , that he had a great account of him , and he did reverence him , and it was certain unto him that he was one of the saints of god , to whom is no fear , and who shall not have grief . therefore he made himself ready to serve him , to imitate him , and to follow his admonitions , in the works which did occurr unto him , in those legal things which formerly he had learned in his religion . but hai ebn yokdan began to ask him of his matters , and of his condition , that he would unfold them unto him , and asal began to describe unto him the state of his island , and what kind of men was therein , what was their conversation before that religious sect came thither ; and how it was now after its coming unto them : also he declared unto him all things which were delivered in the law , of the description of the divine world , and of paradise , and the fire of hell , and the being raised up , and the resurrection , and the gathering unto judgement , and the account which was then to be given , and the scales wherein the actions of men should be weighed , and the way through which they were to pass . and hai ebn yokdan understood all these things , nor did he perceive that any of them was unsuitable unto what he saw in his sublime place , and he knew that he who had described those things , and delivered them unto men , was true in describing of them , and in his sayings , was a true messenger sent of god , and he believed him , and acknowledged the truth thereof , and gave a testimony unto his mission . then he began to ask him of the precepts which he had brought , and of the rites of the worship which he had ordained , therefore he described unto him prayer , and alms-giving , and fasting , and travelling , and such kind of outward works ; and he received these things , and embraced them , and took upon him the performance of them , in obedience to that command , being perswaded of the truth of him who delivered the same ; but there were two things remained fixed in his mind , which he admired , nor did he perceive any manner of wisdom in them , wherefore that messenger in his describing most things belonging unto the divine world , did use parables unto men , and abstained from a clear unfolding of them , so that men , in a great part , sell into that , that they affirmed it to be corporeity , and believed that to be something of the essence of that true beeing , from which it is far distant , and is free , and in the same manner , in the things belonging unto the way of reward and punishment . the other was , that he did not proceed beyond those precepts and rites of worship , and that he permitted that men should endeavour to seek after riches , and that as to their feeding , they might enjoy their liberty , so that they vainly gave themselves unto vain things , and turned themselves away from the truth , seing it was his own opinion , that nothing ought to be taken from any , but to sustain the reliques of the life : but as to riches , they were of no value with him : also he saw what was decreed in the law , concerning the things belonging unto riches , as to alms-giving , and distributing of them , and trading , and usury , and fines , and punishments , and all these things seemed strange unto him , and he judged them superfluous , and he said , if men judged the matter according unto truth , surely they would turn away themselves from these empty things , and follow the truth , and so all this would be superfluous , nor would any have that propriety in riches , that these dues should be exacted from him , or that his hands should be cut off , for these things secretly taken by stealth , or that lives should be destroyed for taking them away openly . but that which put this opinion in his mind , was , that he thought all men were of an ingenuous inclination , and a sharp understanding , and of minds constant unto themselves ; nor knew he what dulness of mind they had , what scarcity of spirit , what evil counsel , and what inconstancy of mind , and that they were altogether like beasts , yea furder erring from the way . therefore , when he had an exceeding great compassion upon men , and desired that salvation might come unto them by his help , a purpose of going unto them entered into his mind , that he might unfold and declare the truth unto them . therefore he made this known unto his neighbour asal , and asked of him , if he could think upon any way whereby he could come unto them : but asal declared unto him , the defect of their ingenuity , and how averse they were from the commandment of god ; but he could not understand this , and his mind was intent upon that which he hoped : asal also greatly desired , that god by his means , would direct some of his neighbours , who were easie to be guided , and were not so far from sincerity , and he promoved his endeavour . it seemed good therefore unto them , to betake themselves unto the sea-shore , and not to depart therefrom day nor night , if perhaps god should give them an occasion to pass over the sea ; and being intent upon this thing , they did supplicat with prayers the most high god , that he would direct them in their business . and it came to pass , by the commandment of the powerful and glorious god , that the motion of the wind and floods did carry a ship , which had gone out of her way at sea , towards the shore of that island ; the which coming near unto the land , they who were in the ship seeing two men upon the shore , they came unto them . then asal bespeaking them , desired that they would carry them with them ; and when they consented , and had received them into the ship , god gave unto them an easie wind , which carried the ship in a short space unto the desired island ; where having gone forth upon the shore , they entered the town , and there the friends of asal did meet him , to whom he made known the condition of hai ebn yokdhan : therefore they gathered about him earnestly , thinking great matters of him , and coming together unto him , they esteemed him much , and honoured him , and asal told him , that that sect of men did exceed all others in knowledge and sagacity , so that if he could not instruct them , much lesse could he instruct the vulgar sort of men . now the prince and chief man of that island was salaman , the friend of asal , who thought it best to joyn himself to the fellowship of men , and thought it unlawful to give up himself unto solitude . so hai ebn-yokdhan begun to instruct them , and to declare unto them the mysteries of wisdom ; but when he had proceeded a little beyond that which was plain , and began to explicat that , the contrary whereof had taken place in their minds , they began to withdraw themselves from him , and their minds abhorred from that which he spoke , and they were angry with him in their hearts , although before him , they carried a show of kindness , and honoured him so far , as he was a stranger among them , and out of their observance due unto their friend asal . but hai ebn yokdhan ceased not night and day to deal gently with them , and to manifest the truth unto them , both privatly and publickly ; but that had no other effect , but to encrease their enmity against him , and their flying from him , although they were lovers of that which is good , and desirous of the truth , but that from the defect of their nature , they sought not the truth in the due manner , nor did they apprehend it as it ought indeed to be ; nor did they search through what way the entry was open thereunto , but they sought the knowledge of it , after the manner of the vulgar sort of men , so that he despaired of reforming them , and lost all hope of bringing them unto a better condition , which was lesse acceptable unto them . and afterwards , observing diverse orders of men , he saw that every company rejoyced in that which was present with them , while they made their lusts their god , and had the same for the object of their worship , and destroyed themselves by gathering together the trifles of the world , the desire of gaining holding them deceived , untill they went to the grave : but that no counsel prevailed with them , nor did good words move them , nor had reproof any effect upon them , but that they proceeded more obstinately . but as to wisdom , that they had no way open thereunto , nor did any part thereof belong unto them ; foolishness had overwhelmed them , and what they sought after , had occupied their hearts as rust ; god hath sealed their hearts and ears , and a mist is before their eyes , and a great punishment abideth them . therefore , when he saw them encompassed within the fatts ( or cauldrons ) of punishment , and covered with the darkness of a vail , and that all of them , except a few , keeped their religion , no otherwise but with a respect unto the world , and did cast behind their backs their own works , although they were light and easie , and that they esteemed slightly of them , and that merchandising and trading had occupied them , and detained them from the remembrance of the most high god , and that they never were afraid , their hearts and eyes being taken up about these things ; it was manifest unto him , and certain , that it was impossible to speak unto them , in the manner of an open declaration , nor that it was expedient that works should be enjoyned unto them beyond this measure , and that part of the profit which came from the law , unto the vulgar sort of men , was placed herein , that it respecteth their life in this world , to wit , that the manner of their life therein be in good order , and that no man be injurious to another , in the things which he may call his own , but that they do not attain unto the felicity of another world , but some very few of them , to wit , these who prepare themselves for that world , and give right diligence thereunto , such as he who believeth the truth , but to him who erreth , and doth prefer the life of this world , hell shall be his place . and what greater labour is there , or what more grievous miseries then his , whose works if thou dost consider , from the time he riseth from his sleep , untill again he return unto sleep , there is none among them that shall be found , by which he doth not study to get the end of some of these sensible things , which are of no worth , to wit , either riches to heap up , or pleasure to take , or wrath , whereby to satisfie his mind , or power whereby to defend himself , or in the law of some work commanded , whereby he may show himself or may have a care of his neck : and all these things are darkness , others upon others in the deep sea ; nor is there any of you who doth not go in thither , for so the decree of the lord standeth firm . and so considering the state of men , and seeing the most of them to be in the degree of unreasonable animals , he knew that all wisdom , and direction , and amendment , were placed in that which the messengers of god had spoken , and the law had delivered unto them , and that there was no other possible , nor could any thing be added , and that there were men appointed unto every work , and every one was mostly capable of that thing unto which he was ordained by nature , and that the law of god was the same unto them who had gone away before , neither was there any change in the law of god. and so having returned unto salaman and his companions , he asked leave for the things which he had spoken among them , and desired them to have him excused , and he told , that he thought the same things with them , and did walk in the same way with them : and he exhorted them that they would adhere unto their institution concerning the ends of the law , and the observing the outward works , and that they should not meddle with things not belonging unto them , and that they should have faith in doubtful things , and give a ready assent unto them , and should be averse from new opinions , and bad affections , and that they should imitate their pious forbears , and leave novelties ; and he commanded that they would shun that which is seen among the vulgar sort of men , in the neglect of the laws , and the love of the world , and that he required them most of all to beware of . for both he and his friend asal did know , that there was no salvation unto this obsequious and defective sort of men , but after this manner , and if from that they should be carried away unto a curious search of sublime things , that things would be worse with them , and that it was not possible that they could attain unto the degree of those who were happy ; but that they should hang in suspense , and be tossed upwards , and downwards , and their end should be evil ; but if they remained in the state wherein they are , until death should take hold of them , that they should obtain salvation , and should be among them who are placed upon the right hand , but as to them who had gone before , that they had gone before , and that those came near unto them . so bidding them farewel , they departed from them and took occasion to return unto their own island , until at length the powerful and glorious god gave them a commodious passage . but hai ebn yokdan sought after his sublime state of speculation , in the same manner as formerly , until he recovered it ; and asal did imitate him , until he reached near unto it , or was not far from it . so they worshipped god in that island , until death siezed on them . and this is that ( god help thee and us with his spirit ) which we have received of the history of hai ebn yokdan , and asal , and salaman , making choice of such words as is found in no other book , nor use to be heard in vulgar speech , and is a part of that hidden knowledge , which no man receiveth but who hath the knowledge of god , nor is any man ignorant of it , but who hath not the right knowledge of god. but we have gone away differing from our pious forbears , as to the keeping secret these matters , and the sparingness of declaring them . but that which readily perswaded us to divulge this secret , and to break through this vail , was , these evil opinions which are risen up in this our time , which the vain philosophers of this world have commented , and sent forth unto the vulgar , so that they are dispersed into various regions , and an evil proceeding thence was common , that we might be careful of the weak ( who have cast off what they received by tradition from the prophets of pious memory , and have chosen what was delivered by foolish men ) lest they should think that these opinions are a secret to be kept up from them who are not capable thereof . and this should increase their desire after them , and for that cause should the more greedily affect them . therefore it seemed good unto us to give some light discovery unto them , of this secret of secrets , whereby we may lead them unto the parts of truth , and divert them from that path ; yet neither have we left those secrets committed unto these few leaves without a thin vail , which shall be easily unvailed unto them who are fit , but shall be thick unto him who is unworthy to go further on , so that he cannot pass through . and i desire of my brethren , as many as shall read this treatise , that they have me excused in these things which i have so easily declared , and so freely described ; for i had not done this , but that i was carried unto those hights whereunto the sight cannot reach , and i endeavoured to make my speech easie to be understood , fitly placing the same , that i might stir up in men a desire of entering into the right way . but i ask of the lord pardon and remission , and that he would bring us to the certain knowledge of himself , for he is bounteous and liberal . peace be unto thee my brother , whose promotion is decreed , and the mercy of god , and his blessing come upon thee . praise unto god alone . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a24063-e650 cultivated . is perceived . number . glancings . court or threshold . smoothed . acted . holy court. i. e. beyond nature . mediate . or manner . bodily . pure gold. aims . viz. with god. or , asali . a meer fabulous report , contrary to the truth , for all mankind is of adam . this is probable , seing famous history recordeth somewhat like to this of cyrus . leanness . rinds . sadles . this exercise of wheeling himself about , seemeth altogether unprofitable and hurtful , and he afterwards did forsake it . note . that he had now forsaken that unprofitable exercise of wheeling himself about . note , that afterwards he came to see this opinion to be a gross error and mistake , and that his own particular essence was distinct from the essence of god. note . this is conform to the doctrine of dionysius areopagita , de divinis nominibus . or , curtains . alc. cap. 3. altatfif . & cap. 2. or , curtains . alc. c. alnur &c. miriam . six philosophical essays upon several subjects ... by s.p. gent. of trinity colledge in oxford. parker, samuel, 1640-1688. 1700 approx. 212 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 69 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56399) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94057) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 725:23) six philosophical essays upon several subjects ... by s.p. gent. of trinity colledge in oxford. parker, samuel, 1640-1688. [8], 128 p. printed by j.h. for tho. newborough, london : 1700. dedication signed: sa. parker. errata: p. 128. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. (from t.p.) i. dr. burnet's theory of the earth -ii. wit and beauty -iii. a publick spirit -iv. the weather -v. the certainty of things -vi. the cartesian idea of god. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy. 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 rina kor sampled and proofread 2004-03 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion six philosophical essays upon several subjects : viz. concerning , i. dr. burnet's theory of the earth . ii. wit and beauty . iii. a publick spirit . iv. the weather . v. the certainty of things , and the existence of a deity . vi. the cartesian idea of god. by s. p. gent. of trinity-colledge in oxford . quid est praecipuum ? erigere animum supra minas & promissa fortunae . nihil dignum putare quod speres . quid enim habet dignum quod concupiscas ? qui à divinorum contemplatione quoties ad humana recideris , non aliter caligabis quàm quorum oculi in densam umbram ex claro sole rediere . sen. nat. quaest. lib. 3. london , printed by i. h. for tho. newborough at the golden ball in st. paul's church-yard . mdcc . to the reverend and most ingenious mr. jeremy collier . sir , by many titles you claim my poor endeavours , but by none more than that of the example you have given me ; on which account , how much soever the world is oblig'd to you , i , for my part , must acknowledge my self more especially indebted ; since of our moderns , none has afforded me a more perfect idea of genuine eloquence and reason than mr. collier . kindly therefore receive a creature thus in an inferiour sense your own ; encourage its address , and protect it from the censures and criticisms of a squeamish age : protect it , i beseech you , labouring under so great disadvantages , as its author's immaturity , the impediments of his present circumstances , and the burden of its own defects ; obstacles that must have prov'd insuperable , but for the benign influence and condescensions of that learned president and society under whose discipline i live , and by whose instructions and conversation i endeavour to improve . instead of troubling you with any occasions of my ensuing performances , i shall only inform you of the occasion of a remarkable omission , i mean my neglect of mathematical arguments , of which the world is become most immoderately fond , looking upon every thing as trivial , that bears no relation to the compasses , and establishing the most distant parts of humane knowledge ; all speculations , whether physical , logical , ethical , political , or any other upon the particular results of number and magnitude . nor is it to be question'd , but the dominion of number and magnitude is very large . must they therefore devour all relations and properties whatsoever ? 't is plainly unreasonable . in any other common-wealth but that of learning , such attempts towards an absolute monarchy would quickly meet with opposition . it may be a kind of treason , perhaps , to intimate thus much ; but who can any longer forbear , when he sees the most noble , and most usefull portions of philosophy lie fallow and deserted for opportunities of learning how to prove the whole bigger than the part , &c. i expect also some doctrines of that essay , which treats of the certainty of things , and the demonstration of a deity , will be disrelish'd by a party of men amongst us at this time not inconsiderable . but the author assures all such , that as he understands his inferences in that essay to be just and sure , however agreeable to this or that hypothesis , so he has neither taken advantage of any errors , nor from any acquisitions of mr. lock , having not read that gentleman's elegant essay of humane understanding , till some time after he had compos'd his own discourse , wherein he resolv'd to quit all authority for the simple evidence of his own naked reason . and here i cannot chuse , but hint , how much it were to be wish'd , your self , sir , would put an end to the dispute now prosecuted by that gentleman . i am confident a iudgment so penetrating , adorn'd with a rhetorick so powerfull , might easily decide that subtile controversie both to the satisfaction of the antagonists and their readers . but , i confess , i cannot handsomely urge this mòtion , when i recollect how vast a design you are already forming , a design which will redound as much to the credit of your country , as did once the athenian columns , the egyptian pyramids , or the roman registers to the glory of those states , and from the pursuit of which , to detain you longer , were altogether unpardonable in , good sir , trin coll ox●n . febr. 20. 1699. your most oblig'd , and most devoted humble servant , sa. parker . the foundations of dr. burnet's theory of the earth , consider'd in a conference between philalethes and burnetianus . phil. good morrow , sir , you look somewhat pale ; methinks , and heavy about the eyes this morning . bur. and so , philalethes , would i always contentedly , for such a surfeit of pleasures as i enjoy'd last night . phil. dry , sober , and philosophical ones , i suppose ; for a little of any other serves your turn . bur. philosophical if you please , but not dry . o thou prodigious , incomparable , divine burnet ! thou foiler of all philosophers , high-priest of nature ! phil. nay , if you 're there-abouts , i ask no more questions , but should be glad if you could govern your self so far as but to learn my prescriptions against your night-mare . bur. prescriptions ! i hope you will not undertake to do more than so many eminent mathematicians and vertuoso's have done yet . the sortress you would beleaguer is altogether impregnable ; and let the fate of others teach you , that whosoever attempts the theory , had as good strike at a spirit . phil. however , with your permission , i will venture the consequences , but shall premise this in your favour , that i think all characterizings and personal representations ought to be carefully avoided in the dispute . i 'm sure that will never confute a mistake , how much soever it may lessen the lapser . nor will i remind you of any thing hitherto urg'd by the learned and ingenious against your theory ; only give me leave to communicate a thought or two of my own , and be free to find what flaws you can . bur. very fairly proposed , and you shall be as fairly heard . phil. i thank you . then know in the first place , it has been my opinion all along , that the work might be cut much shorter . i was never a friend to multiplying problems and propositions . the theory is from first to last a plausible pretty chain of physical effects , wherein you need ruin but one link to ruin the whole . make but one breach , and your impregnable fortress is lost . compasses and slate may as well hang in their places , for a little good logick and natural philosophy are sufficient to make head against the mischief . yet because the surest way is to strike at the root , i shall examine your theorist's foundation , and presume if he be catch'd tripping there , you will easily give up his after-conclusions . bur. you may depend upon 't . phil. very good . then if i make it appear that the form of the ante diluvian earth was not different from the form of the present earth , you will no longer maintain that the deluge was brought to pass by the dissolution of any form of the earth different from the present . bur. no longer i promise you ; but yet i shall be at a loss for any better hypothesis to clear those difficulties , which otherwise the notion of an universal flood must necessarily carry with it . phil. as for that , further speculations may in time bring forth a satisfactory hypothesis : but if they should not , thus much we know , that the flood was either the ordinary effect of second causes , though the measures of their operation be hidden from us , or if it could not be such an effect , that it was the direct and immediate atchievment of omnipotence it self , and let that hush all your scruples . bur. that were self-resignation with a vengeance : what ? shall i be oblig'd to acquiesce in a miracle , because i cannot fathom nature's measures ? phil. mistake me not . i say fathom 'em if you can : if that 's deny'd , enquire whether the supposal implies any contradiction or absurdity in respect of nature's usual proceedings . if it does not , take it for granted 't was no more than the result of ordinary combinations : if it does , you may be confident 't was miracle all , and then trouble your head no further . bur. i submit , be pleas'd to proceed to your argument . phil. the theorist you know presumes it infallibly certain , that the earth rose out of a chaos at first , and that such a chaos as himself describes ( theor. book 1. chap. 4. ) a fluid mass , or a mass of all sorts of little parts and particles of matter mix'd together and floating in confusion one with another . and this supposition he lays down as a postulate , whereas i must tell you , it ought to have been offer'd with such restrictions as render it wholly unserviceable to his main design . for why must this chaos be a fluid mass ? why might it not be as well a drift or shower of atoms yet unamass'd , disorderly dancing one amongst another , and at various distances ? bur. but this is no better , man , than out of the frying-pan into the fire . you dread the pernicious doctrines of the theory , and therefore take sanctuary in those of epicurus . in good time i beseech you consider the poet's maxim , dum vitant ( you know who ) vitium in contraria currunt . phil. god forbid using of epicurus's terms should make me his . all that i would have amounts to thus much . that the chaos or material elements of our earth which were originally created by a divine power , and afterwards by the same divine power so dispos'd and compounded as to form this sublunary world , might as well be a company or chorus of atoms of divers kinds dispers'd and dancing in the great inane , without any just order or distribution , as a fluid mass of mixt particles . bur. what becomes then of the authority of the ancients ? who ( not to cite'em particularly ) understood by their chaos nothing but a mere hotch-potch of matter , a rude , undigested mixture or collection of the several seeds of things animate and inanimate . phil. 't is e'en as good as ever 't was , that is , in my opinion none at all ( sacred authority always excepted whereto my hypothesis is not that i know of any way repugnant ) for if the tradition of the ancients avails any thing in the present case , it therefore avails because they liv'd at a less distance of time from the chaos : but alas ! neither their earliness , nor the credit of their tradition qualifie 'em to be better judges than we of what neither they nor their fore-fathers could know more than the latest of their posterity : and 't is impossible they should be better acquainted with the chaos than their offspring , unless they and the chaos had been cotemporary . not to mention how much they are indebted to moses for their notions , as also that most of your authorities are either properly poetical , or else pure hypothesis , and theory like your own . bur. do you not believe then that the primitive inhabitants of the earth might at least give a better guess from the contemplation of it in its infancy , and most simple condition ( supposing even its first form the same as its present ) than we who behold it at so great a disadvantage , and almost in its ruins , what might be the constitution of the chaos ? phil. by no means , 'till you can prove harmony a good comment upon disorder : for whether your chaos or mine were the true , the first people of our world could , i suppose , see no farther into a mill-stone than their successors . no doubt they were equally strangers to all beyond the superficial parts of our globe as our selves ; consequently as much in the dark about the distribution of the chaos , much more about the state of it before that distribution . neither did the righteous man and his family , that we know of , make any remarks at the time of the deluge which might give us some light into the matter , or granting they left a tradition behind them relating thereto , and lost many ages ago , which however there appears no manner of reason why we should grant , still i say those remarks must be very imperfect , and contribute little enough to our knowledge of the distribution of the chaos , nothing at all to our knowledge of its constitution before that distribution — but i entreat you oblige me not to any longer digression upon this topick , which else will lead us very much out of our way . bur. i shall not , but pardon me if i observe to you that unless your dancing atoms will answer all the ends of our fluid mass , i shall hold it reasonable to pay some deference to the authority of the ancients which at least confirms the original state of nature to be such as is fairly solvable according to our hypothesis of the chaos . phil. with all my heart , when you can alledge a just cause why my dancing atoms as soon as they are gather'd into a body will not serve the true genuine purposes of a chaos as well as the theorist's fluid mass. bur. admitting therefore your conjecture , i cannot conceive of what use it will be to you in the present disquisition . phil. of singular use , believe me ; for the atoms or particles of my chaos being free and separate , and not sorted into distinct orders and species , nor allotted their proper distances from each other , 't is very probable many less detachments of them would unite distinctly from any greater combination , and being united into such smaller masses , would in time encounter the larger combination ( such an one as we may understand to consist of the grossest matter of all being the likeliest to reach the center soonest ) and by their accession render the superficies of it however spherical and regular in it self ( which according to our supposition it could scarce be to a nicety ) very uneven and mountainous . all this would be but a natural result , and yet requires a more immediate interposition of providence to frame the great ball of our earth so regular as it now appears to be ; as indeed all events in the natural world do , and ever did , and the deluge no less than the rest , notwithstanding the large province you would assign to second causes . thus we see what a doughty postulate your theory leans upon . bur. still we stand both upon the same bottom , and if i should assent to your hypothesis you cannot , i think , deny but you have as much reason to assent to mine . only this advantage i retain above you , that those conclusions which the theory infers afterwards from my hypothesis , are so just and apposite , and otherwise so perfectly inexplicable as to turn the scale on my side , and strengthen not a little the probability of our proposition . phil. as for the inexplicableness of those conclusions , i have spoke to it already , and need only admonish you to beware of such circular argumentations . the conclusion is good because the premises are so , and the premises are good because the conclusion is so . bur. to whom do you apply that ? phil. to no worse a friend than your self . the flood came to pass by the disruption of that crust of earth which inclos'd the abyss . how could that be , unless there was such a crust ? but there was such a crust form'd when the chaos was digested into order . why do you believe so ? because the floud which ensued upon the dis-ruption of this crust is best accounted for upon such a supposal . and yet bating this argument , i do not see but my scheme deserves to be as fairly receiv'd as that of the theorist , consideratis considerandis . but i am ready to quit my own notion of the chaos , offer'd only to shew the precariousness of the theorist's , and supposing the state of the tohu bohu to have been such as he describes it , i hope in the next place to convince you that the ditribution of its parts could not be such as he would have it , not that incrustation , upon which he builds so confidently , be effected after such a manner as he imagines . bur. heroically threatned ! make but your words good at last , et eris mihi magnus apollo . phil. you may remember the theorist having delineated his chaos , presently after , takes notice that from such a chaos 't is impossible should arise a mountainous , uneven earth , for that no concretion or consistent state which this mass could flow into immediately , or first settle in , could be of such a form or figure as our present earth , neither without nor within ; not within , because there the earth is full of cavities and empty places , of dens and broken holes , whereof some are open to the air , and others cover'd and enclos'd wholly within the ground . bur. and pray are not both of these unimitable in any liquid substance , whose parts will necessarily flow together into one continued mass , and cannot be divided into apartments and separate rooms , nor have vaults or caverns made within it ? phil. not at all unimitable , if i may be a judge , for let us but conceive the agitation of the parts of this liquid chaos to be pretty quick and violent , which why it should not i know of no better reasons you can give than i can why it should ; i say , suppose their agitation somewhat of the quickest , and your theorist's axiom will appear a plain mistake , unless he will please to exempt some of the main constituent principles of this sublunary world out of his chaos . bur. i cannot apprehend what you would drive at no more than why you should doubt of the comprehensiveness of our chaos . i know no reason why we ought to exclude either fire , or air , or earth , or water , i mean the constituent parts of them , and if you will consult the theorist's own description of his chaos ( book 1. chap. 5. ) you will see he is much of the same mind . phil. i am glad to hear it ; i was almost afraid the two former elements would get no house-room , at least that commodious utensil , fire ; and the more , because in that same description of his which you cite , he has forgot to reckon it amongst his principles of all terrestrial ( i suppose by that word he means sublunary ) bodies . bur. but do not you know the theorist is so liberal of that element , as to furnish out of the centre with it even to profuseness ? phil. with just as good a pretence as mr. hobbs himself has sometimes acknowledged such a thing as a law of nature , but yet by the constant tenour of his argumentations would abolish the very meaning of it ▪ thus the theorist tolerates a central fire , and at the same time forgets how upon the secretion of his chaos he tumbles down all the course miry rubbish directly thither . but this only by the by : so long as he is reconcil'd to any mixture of igneous and aethereal particles i am content , seeing the consequence runs thus , that these igneous and aethereal particles being driven , and put into motion in common with the rest may not unlikely occasion rarefactions , at least in concurrence with the sulphureous particles . this i presume may pass with you for a result natural enough . bur. not so very natural neither , 'till you can make out the necessity of your quick and violent motion . did you never see water and ashes mixt in a kettle before 't was hung over the fire ? if you ever did , i much question whether you could find a motion so brisk among the parts of that liquid , as to cause rarefactions . phil. pardon me , sir , if i think the case quite different in the chaos , not only because its parts are suppos'd to be ten thousand degrees more minute and mobile with respect to each other than the gross ones of common water and ashes , but also because in such a composition before 't is hung over the fire , there are no such ingredients as igneous particles , nor yet any sulphureous , at least at liberty . but upon the insinuations of the igneous particles you may behold how the more subtle parts of the mixture are easily rarefy'd , and the gross ones crowded one upon another . in like manner i cannot but believe the grosser and earthy parts of the chaos by the rarefaction of the igneous and aethereal would gather into cakes and masses around the spheres of rarefaction , which if practicable , then might the interior parts of the chaos be divided into apartments and separate rooms , and have vaults and caverns made within it , for the masses so form'd being unequal , irregular and disjointed , either of themselves or by explosions , when the rarefaction is violent and restrain'd , encounter and tumble upon one another , by that means falling into greater masses , and those greater masses being craggy and cliffy , and settling among one another no less irregularly , must necessarily leave within them those vaults and caverns , so little expected by the theorist . bur. very good . then it seems you fancy the chaos boyling up like a mess of frumenty ? phil. not so fast , my friend . but this i imagine that what an overproportion'd degree of heat ( to use again your own similitude ) prevents in a mess of frumenty , viz. the clotting or coalition of the grosser parts , that would a degree of heat proportionably less very naturally effect in the chaos . nor do i think it can be doubted but a concourse of principles , so contrary , will beget fermentations , and by those fermentations the more feculent parts must needs be separated from the finer and lighter into masses of various bulk and figure , which if granted upon your theorist's own terms his hypothesis unavoidably perishes . bur. as how , i beseech you ? phil. why if the grosser parts must be collected into masses before the descent of any of them towards the centre , as the case will stand if they were collected by and during the fermentation , then will they upon their descent lodge themselves so immethodically one upon another , and ruinously , as both to form hills and eminencies on their surface , and leave hollownesses within their substance , and so the primaeval earth will be e'ery whit as ill shap'd as that we poor mortals inhabit , even in spight of the theorist's lucky invention . nay further , i see no reason why , if we should excuse all fermentations whatsoever , the grosser particles should not either in their common state of fluidity , or in descending , gather into such masses of different form and size , according as larger or less numbers of 'em encounter'd , and according as their postures and modifications differ'd which circumstances , as they must be very various and uncertain in a mass so compounded as the chaos , and withall so disorderly in the motions of its parts , so they cannot but be the cause of horrible irregularities and deformities both upon and within the great collection of the pond'rous solid parts . within we shall have chasms , gulphs and labyrinths : a'top vast rugged cliffs and wide capacious chanels . bur. do not , dear friend , celebrate your triumph before you have conquer'd . how much soever you may flatter your self , i have yet a quere in reserve that perhaps may dispose you to lay down your arms at last . phil. what may that be ? bur. which way these masses are bound up and fasten'd together , so as not to be wash'd asunder again by the motion of the free parts of the fluid ? phil. either by hitching , and articulations , no matter how accurate , as it may frequently happen , or else by the astriction of that oily matter which the theorist assigns after the distribution of the chaos for the foundation of his great vaulted crust . bur. but is oil of so glutinous a nature ? phil. for the uniting of earthy particles , your theorist has thought it so upon another occasion as well as my self . bur. but he first took care to gather it into a body , and fetch it to such a consistency as might handsomely sustain the impression , and support the weight of that shower of particles which was to light upon it . phil. how unwarrantably he compass'd all that we shall presently evince . in the mean while i would gladly be inform'd why oleaginous particles meeting with earthy and gross in a common fluid may not couple and hold them together very tightly and effectually , especially if it be consider'd that it is the property of oily particles to concorporate when they encounter , and consequently that by their combinations they become so much the better capable to collect and retain such dispers'd particles of earth as come in their way . but this is certain , that during its state of fluidity the oily parts of the chaos when earthy occurr to them , must adhere pertinaciously to the earthy , so that in the distribution of the chaos they cannot disengage themselves , but are oblig'd to subside along with them , and what will you do now for a sphere of oil a' top of your water , when the parts of your chaos are to be digested into order ? yet without it you must utterly despair of a crust , and without a crust , of an universal deluge occasion'd by the disruption and dissolution of it . bur. i confess , philalethes , you have shock'd me a little , yet perhaps if you will give me leisure to weigh your objection more accurately , i may come to find out where the fallacy lies . phil. as much leisure as you please , only before you set about the matter , let me desire you to take another animadversion of mine along with you ; that however plausible or exact any physical system or hypothesis which varies at all from express accounts of the divine oracles may appear at first glance , when you have look'd a little deeper into it , you will find the philosophy of it very empty and incongruous . nor do i design this to the disparagement of the theorist , for whose excellent parts and learning i profess my self to have as profound a veneration as even his coràm vindicator . and now i ask your pardon for detaining you so long with a dispute which indeed the theorist himself has according to the rules of equitable interpretation determin'd before-hand in favour of me , for if for confirmation he so willingly appeals ( as he often does most willingly ) to the testimony of the sacred writings , 't is to be presum'd his pleasure that his cause should stand or fall thereby , and then i think 't is impossible for any body to read in genesis , but he must perceive that ingenious gentleman has fairly cast himself in his own court. your servant . that wit and beauty are naturally the concomitants of vertue . it has always surpass'd the skill of our wits to define their own excellency . what mr. cowley and mr. dryden have atchiev'd in the undertaking is perhaps better known and ( if i may dare to say so ) less considerable than to challenge the mentioning at present . it seems to be altogether as intimate an affection as even simple perceptions either of understanding or sense , and though very clearly known to it self , yet never can shine out beyond its head . i confess that numerous party of mankind , who are no more than qualified to listen and admire , may command a faint idea of it . they know there is something tickles in such a certain choice and order of words , but how the pleasure is first form'd , and by what art insinuated , they apprehend but very imperfectly . nor does the vanity of the polytheism of the ancients appear to me more surprizing and extravagant than their founding a whole college of gods and goddesses for the super-intendency of wit , seems ( with respect to polytheists ) consistent and reasonable . for besides its strange variety of feature , and the force of its influence , the manner of its presenting it self resembles not a little a divine impulse : it darts in upon the imagination unpremeditated , and often violently . its motions are rapid , and so capacious its embrace , that the farthest points of distance lie within its clasp , and every thing between 'em dances after its pleasure like a puppet to the strings . it amuses the understanding and checks it in the carreer of a sound or false reasoning . how often has the poinancy of a single proposition , or the quaintness of a reply determin'd life and death ? no more than o! solon , solon , rescued a monarch almost in the very article of fate , and snatch'd him from the pile already kindled , to the embrace and confidence of the victor . king athelstan's cup-bearer , at whose instigation amongst others , that prince had some years before murther'd his brother , at length became the instrument of divine vengeance against himself , and that by a pure lapsus linguae , for chancing to slip one day when he reach'd the ewer , but recovering himself on the other leg , that 's as it should be , cry'd he , designing only to out-jeer the miscarriage , one brother helps t'other ; but the words , it seems , made a far different impression upon the king , and easily admonish'd his conscience to do justice upon the person that utter'd ' em . kingdoms and states have sometimes been transform'd by an elegancy . almost a troop in season has taken towns , and routed armies . now so singular a privilege as this 't is certain it most especially concerns the great distributer to conferr critically . where events of such consequence depend upon it , both his justice and omniscience engage him to exactness . were it a light ordinary concern , he might sometimes seemingly recede from the direction of the plummet , and by an after-decree correct the deviation : but true wit is a gratuity too valuable to be put into the hands of those who are ready and resolv'd to pervert it when conferr'd to the worst purposes . like the sweetest and most volatile perfumes it becomes by abuse most offensive and pernicious , and diffuses as wide , if not wider than before . yet this reasoning will by no means hold universally . exceptions present themselves too frequently for such a comprehensiveness , and no where to our shame more frequently than at home , even to such a pass , that dissoluteness and irreligion are made the livery of wit , and no body must be conscious of good parts , but he loses the credit of them unless he take care to finish 'em with immoralities . however , as much as these examples crowd in upon us , there is this yet to be said , that the gloss is too slight to hold . they may ring the changes a while upon words , but the sense and the sound expire together , and the organ of hearing is no sooner compos'd again , but the minds of the audience recollect themselves , and nauseate the emptiness of the quibble . i dare say , no body ever yet read the obscenities of my lord rochester , or the omnis enim per se of lucretius , but upon cooling saw the cheat , and grew , at least in his heart , out of love with it . dactyl and spondee cannot take fast hold enough . the murmurs of a cascade may lull us in a grotto , but when we are once come abroad , any reliques of the noise in our ears serve only to disturb us . so that what providence might have prevented in the cause , it has utterly defeated in the effect , and our beau'sprits must think of giving warning to their licentiousness , and listing under vertue , if esteem is their scope . indeed the conditions of their depravity are such that the habit endangers the faculty . there is so much of the absurd in all irreligious notions , as is even apt to obscure and confound the fancy , or however reduces its pittance of elegancies to oxymoron and hysteron-proteron . a civil war presently breaks forth between the judgment and imagination , the former will be continually bearing down upon the latter , continually bearing down upon the latter , continuall mortifying its pertness , and disappointing its motions . but then if intemperance goes hand in hand with prophaneness , 't is a desperate case . for wit is no more proof against the fumes of luxury and indigestion , than a feather against smoak ; in spite of fate they waft it all away , and 't is out of reach before you think on 't : quin corpus onustum hesternis vitiis animum quoque praegravat unà , atque affigit humo divinae particulam aurae . some genius's , 't is true , retain their alacrity longer than others . some can hold out a trojan siege ; others perhaps scarce a twenty-years course of bestiality shall effectually reduce , and there are of a third sort that are almost obnoxious to one bottle extraordinary . nay i have generally observ'd , that the more refin'd the genius , the more suddenly extinguish'd . many acute persons instead of being elevated , find themselves rather doz'd by the operation of wine . many again grow bacchanals in an instant , and had need only clap spurs to their imagination to make it run away with them . a few tempers 't is confess'd are masters of the medium ; but none always . assiduity in the practice will effect at long run what circe compass'd with a single charm. 't is recorded of alexander the macedon , that he was a man of stratagem and singular acuteness , and the progress of his arms declares him no worse a politician than commander , but when for some time he had abandon'd himself to sensuality and supineness , he not only lessen'd his authority amongst his soldiers , but soon became guilty of the grossest follies 't was possible for him to commit , destroying his best friends , burning his own cities , crowning his own captives , insomuch that had he liv'd a few years longer , instead of weeping for want of a world to conquer , he might have whimper'd for the loss of that he had conquer'd already . and much better it is , never to have had , than at length to have forfeited an eminency of understanding . he who was born with common intellects , neither knows the worth of wit , nor the want of it . he 'scapes all notice , and takes none . he values no character like that of a downright dealer , and prefers a shop beesom to the bays . whereas he that makes ship-wrack of his talent meets with a destiny much severer ; he carries his ignominy in his forehead , and sinks from a father of jests into the matter of ' em . there 's not half the inconvenience in being beggar'd or cashier'd . they are misfortunes common to the wit with the blockhead , and where circumstances and conditions do or may jump , the multitude behave themselves towards a sufferer the more candidly for their own sakes . but they never have any mercy for him whose losses are foreign to all of their own capacity , especially if he has brought the calamity upon himself , and that by methods only befitting them . this they think a just occasion for triumph , and therefore insult without measure upon such a proselyte to stupidity . d' you see that poor dog there ? ( cry the journey-men and prentices as you walk the street ) since i remember him , he was a modest , sober , gentile , pretty gentleman , and moreover a man of as clear a head , and as clever a tongue as any within forty miles of him , 'till we got him into our club , fox'd him ev'ry bout for a twelve-month together , and now we 've drunk the bastard out of his wits , we are e'en resolv'd to drink him out of all his money too , and then turn him over to the boys and the bailiffs . besides , no wit is so lively as that which is accompanied with a complacency and lustre of mind . their bosom-monitor will be troublesome to rakes of railery . remorse never fails to balk all their good things . good wits , as plutarch has observ'd , and before him aristotle , are the most subject to melancholy of any people in the world , but loose ones lie under a double shagrin , and till they reform , are like to play their parts but very awkardly . the same is to be said of beauty as of wit : all the difference is , the one engages by the ear , the other by the eye . but beauty is a charm of a more universal sway . a fourth part of mankind , i believe i may safely say , are , if not utter strangers to the notion of wit , yet little affected with the gallantry of it . and in general those who are without it themselves , are apt secretly to envy their neighbours too much to be generously and heartily delighted with it . but in beauty the case is far otherwise . nothing of that seems acquir'd ; and we may admire without reproaching our selves that excellency in another which is perfectly fatal to him . not that i think wit altogether an acquir'd excellency . for my present purpose , it is enough that those who want it at home so often mistake it for such abroad . ideots and infants experience the force of beauty , nay better perhaps than philosophers . the peasant takes the infection assoon as the prince . in a word , the dominion of beauty reaches to both the poles , and 't is withall so despotick as often to endanger the great charter of our reason . therefore providence will be sure to interest it self more remarkably in the assignment of this property than of the other . but how does this argument comport with the daily testimony of our eyes ? have not traytors , high-way-men , and prostitutes complexion and feature as taking as saints ? yes verily , more taking than those of one sort of saints . nay we generally incline to fancy a padder in the cart , or a curtezan without her mask , singularly handsome . and sometimes too , yet not so often , a rebel shall carry an attracting countenance , though in our country , i believe , more instances might be brought of the contrary . but here we ought to make ample allowances for compassion , presumption and prejudice . we hope to mitigate the prisoner's fate by helping out the blemishes of his defects by our illustrations of his good qualities . again , we understand to what violent and frequent temptations a blooming beauty is expos'd ; and thence infer the women of the town cannot be ugly . and then as for traytors , god knows they too usually pass with the multitude for either the messengers of heaven if they prosper , or if otherwise , for the martyrs of its cause , not to appear at least angelical . whereas these false opticks laid aside , we shall fairly discern an air very disobliging in each of these lewd master-pieces . guilt , discomposure , and depravity pass the pores of the cheeks , and tarnish all their genuine lustre . for it must be remember'd that all the irregularities of passion and appetite are equally a distemper of the body as of the mind , and imprint their foul characters in the countenance as well as in the conscience . the soul after its fall cannot rest till it has involv'd the body in its forfeiture , and resents it at a high rate that the servant should fare any better than the mistress . yet these acquir'd deformities are most visible in sudden and violent cases . indignation does the seat in a trice , and creates a new face as readily as a mirror represents it . the forehead gathers , the eyes flash , the cheeks whiten , the teeth are set , the mouth trembles , and the foam boils at each corner of it , and thus the fair medusa's metamorphos'd into a gorgon . nor is lust less active : the blood overflows the face , the eye flames , and dances , the postures of the body are light and various . all grace and decency fly off , and the man personates the monkey without looking so well . of intemperance the consequences are little better . it entails a ridiculous inflammation upon the cheeks and nose , and fastens a perpetual small pox upon the countenance . it scares a man from all use of his own looking-glass , and renders him one to every body else . envy poisons the visage , but the poet may interpose not unseasonably upon this head , pallor in ore sedet , macies in corpore toto , &c. paleness intense besets her meager face ; her strutting ribs extend their vellum case : her eyes obliquely cast their noxious rays , while on her heart an inbred venom preys . perish'd her teeth , and gangreen in her tongue , nor smiles , but when with indignation stung . a very exquisite beauty indeed ! and yet as much as here seems to be of fiction , the vizard is no more than natural . avarice very much favours envy . 't is a famish'd raw-bon'd vice , and happier only in this single respect , that it is ever so sollicitous about the dust , as to remain utterly unconcern'd for any thing else . prodigality makes a fine show for a little while , appears bright and gay , and keeps its colour so long as it keeps a support in the pocket , but makes a wretched figure in rags , with fallen cheeks and a lank belly . instances innumerable might be tack'd to these , if they were not notorious enough of themselves . yet one more i must not omit , the dissembler . and 't is plainly impossible for him to have , or at least to preserve any good looks from forehead to chin , and ear to ear. 't is a mere posture-master : and artificial convulsions ruine a good set of features sooner than natural . the most pliant parts of the face , which are the eyes and the mouth , carry a great sway in its symmetry , and are the principal organs of dissimulation . these are turn'd , and wreathed , and modell'd sometimes different ways at once , that to me it seems a miracle that all hypocrites don't squint , but come off without inverted pupils , sparrow-mouths and blubber'd lips , especially , whenas it happens sometimes , two opposite species of dissimulation concenter in the same person , at one time pretending himself worse than he is , at another time better . but the first of these , which theophrastus has incomparably characteriz'd is much more easily practis'd , much more compatible with comely features , altho' less in use than the other . but old men , i have observ'd , have the slight on 't beyond all else , the philosophy whereof i cannot understand , for where , i wonder , should they have a modicum of spirits active and subtle enough to vary countenance and complexion ? such an atchievement , if i mistake not , requires strength of nature . to create faces , and ( if i may so speak ) counterfaces , implies vigorous blood and a skin yet supple . however 't is certain we play our parts best in the last act , except down right dotage overtake us , although that too 's dissembled often enough . but to return to the main argument , and summ up the evidence ; i know of nothing that can encourage the great endower to conferr or continue these excellencies of the second magnitude so much as a right use of them ; nothing that can provoke him to with-hold or remove them so much as a perverse one . it asks no extraordinary energy of omnipotence to make a man either a fool or a thersites . a slight alteration in the brain , blood or nerves brought about by a natural course will do the business . if this be so , 't is best looking to our selves , for when the genuine brightness is lost , borrow'd lines and bought charms expose more than recommend . at last to turn dry-nurse to the children of other people's brains argues both impotence and indigence spanish-wool upon the wreck and ruins of beauty sits worse than fresh vermillion in an old rusty head , though an original of some eminent master's . but vertue infallibly conveys to us both wit and beauty . 't is confest indeed socrates had a flat nose , and st. paul a contemptible presence , yet no question the effulgency of the proto-martyr's face descended to a sufferer so eminent as st. paul. and as for socrates , we know his repenting country-men soon after his death erected a statue in honour of him , which but for the vertues of the original had been only a most severe aggravation of his sentence . not that i imagine good manners make a new face , but what then ? may they not brighten a native coarseness ? may not the serenity and transport of the mind add life to the eyes , and smiles to the mouth , and colour to the cheeks ? and not only so , but elevate and prompt the imagination ? 't is no less than a necessary effect , and he that thinks otherwise , may perhaps retain the graces of his phiz , but has foregone t'other thing already , that 's certain . yet at last , as the most ingenious mr. collier says , no man's face is actionable ; and i may add , nor his dulness outlawry . let it suffice that the observation holds true in the main . when the odds are so considerable , 't is a madness to venture , and the more so , because when the cargo is once sunk , there 's no diving for 't ever after . however the broken merchant may in time rig out again , but a wit or a beauty bankrupt remains a bankrupt at least to the day of judgment . the brain untun'd very rarely and very late , if at all , settles to rights again , and faded beauty must be acknowledged all the world over a desperate case . in short , we mistake vertue , when we conceive her homely and rough-hewn , disaffected to all the race and ornaments of wit , and more injurious to a man's person , than dislocations or diseases , whereas on the contrary , nothing can so fairly merit , nothing so certainly provide , nothing so effectually , and to so long a period preserve both quickness of parts and comeliness of form as vertue . of a publick spirit . there cannot be a clearer confession of the heinousness of offences against the publick , than every catiline's pretending to be a patriot : 't is true their own interest often , if not always counsels it , for what blunder so unpardonable in the politicks of those men who aim at the subversion of government and laws as to practise nakedly and without a gloss . but still as they vaunt and pride themselves in appearing instrumental to the common good , they evidently bear witness to the dignity of the vertue , and expose the monstrousness of their own proceedings : so that one would admire not so much how the plebeian world comes to be impos'd upon by the sophistry , as how such pestilent assertors can dextrously manage the matter between their words and their actions . however these incendiaries , at least if they chance to be understood before they have crown'd their enterprize ( for if they can once grasp the end of their hopes they are sure of a good title ) in the proper notion of 'em are odious and detestable every-where . yet at the same time whole thousands may lie in a common wealth mere mortify'd limbs , and as unnecessary as lap-dogs . men of ample capacities and fortunes may without any disparagement lurk in their soft retirements , and when a storm gathers or breaks upon the state , when tyrants and invaders are pillaging and proscribing , 't is but a commendable and sober caution , forsooth , to keep close and supinely contemplate the destruction , or rather to make ones self even not so much as a spectator . but should the retirer exert the strength of so much as his little finger in the service of his country , should he run the risque of having the crusts of his cheshire cheese , or the drippings of his march beer confiscated , he 'd presently suspect he had forfeited his patrimony for a fool , as if to be wanting to his country were not an indirect kind of sedition , and not to abett her cause , to strengthen and animate that of her enemies . what opinion , i wonder , of piety to his fellow-citizens must such a man have embrac'd ? how must he look upon political duties as mere platonick ideas ? a sort of pretty , airy , fabulous , romantick whimsies , and nothing but brats of the imagination , obligatory upon none but superstitious and hypocondriacal consciences ? thus therefore he argues , what , am i indebted to my country more than my country 's indebted to me ? so long as my interest is wrapt in hers , i thing my self bound to expose my self for us both , but when the posture of publick affairs does not immediately affect mine , ev'n let my neighbours shift for themselves , and the people at the helm steer just as they please . for what 's the king and his council to me ? and how can i help it , if constitutions will change ? alas ! omnium rerum vicissitudo . providence decreed it , and 't were impious to resist its decrees , and so for my part , i 'll not trouble my head with the justifiableness or unjustifiableness of matters , but study my own convenience and repose , and let the world rowl on as it pleases . behold sir sociable self-love in epitome , a little nasty inconsiderate drone , without courage enough to put him upon action , and yet without sense enough to frame his excuse . and then how discreet the resolution ! for a powder-monkey to talk of enjoying himself under hatches , when he knows the pilot's about to drive him upon a rock , because indeed he knows himself to be a powder-monkey . but does he believe his insignificancy will be his security in the common danger , a pass-port through the waves ? such a decree of providence , i 'm sure he has no reason to depend upon . or does he fansie his hammock will serve him for a long-boat , and that he alone shall swim to shore upon his back without striking ? 't is a jest to talk of solacing at home and indulging genius in the midst of publick distractions and confusions . every individual must be a party in spite of his teeth , and obscurity of condition instead of exempting , makes a man more the object of rage and oppression , and i dare say , if your suburb-gentlemen would but carry along with them this maxim , that he whom at first a publick evil least respects , in the conclusion becomes most obnoxious to it , although then least of all able to divert it , we should have them bestir themselves in the first place . they would scowre up the old muskets and head-pieces in the hall , shake off the delicious lethargy , and take the field before the veterans . the first alarm would fetch 'em out of their quarters , and self-preservation would work miracles . and certainly nothing can be more obvious than that an innovator will be tempted to lay the severest burthens upon them , of whose pusillanimity he has had such experience , and whom he very well knows to be always unprovided against his encroachments . nothing can sollicit an usurping power so much to exercise its violence more upon one man than another , ( excepting in the case of competition ) as meanness of spirit joyn'd with littleness of condition . be it so , yet these neutrals are prepar'd to gratifie the publick , and establish their own reputations some other way . one perhaps by laying out the cash he knows not how to dispose of , upon publick edifices and endowments . 't is but erecting an hospital , a country-school , or a chapel of ease , and then he counts so highly of his merit , that heaven , he presumes , may very well compound for a thousand tergiversations and compliances : as if , like the masons of babel , he hop'd to build his way up thither . another sets so much by his intellectuals , that he thinks the fruits of his understanding may expiate for the perverseness of his will and affections . upon this presumption he veers to all points , deserts a cause , or espouses it , as he holds most convenient , and thinks if his volumes of arts , sciences , languages , and antiquities keep pace with the black volumes of his trespasses , he bids fair for future glorification . and if he can dandle some mens curiosity , and perhaps do a little serious good in the opinion of others , instead of seeming a cypher in his generation , he looks upon himself a main prop of the state , and in the high road to preferment and esteem . a third pitches upon a different method , distributes his money , his loaves , and his small beer ev'ry market-day ; and whether he be a guelf or gibelline , for turk or pope , monarchy-man , fifth-monarchy-man , or no monarchy-man , whig , tory , or trimmer , all , or some , or none , he has made such friends both in this world and in the next , that he need not question , but he shall have very good usage here , and no uncomfortable reception when he leaves us . such refuges as these give birth to that abjectness and indifference of temper so universally both affected and applauded . now the summ of all is this , they don't much care , if they benefit the common-wealth a little , when they are to receive the interest of their own benefaction , provided also they may take their own measures : but if any mortification's to be undergone , if the prick of a pin must be endur'd , fire and sword may consume a whole continent before they 'll stir a foot from their dormitories . now for my part , i think these men might as well declare openly and ingenuously against a government , as remain thus reserv'd and unactive , for as silence in general is interpreted consent ; so in a publick cause , it may justly pass for an approbation of the worst practices , since 't is not to be doubted , but he who has not courage enough to assert and suffer in the interest of the community , has not integrity enough to be trusted in its concerns ; although perfidiousness and disingenuity more than enough to make its enemies depend upon him . on th' other hand , what spectacle so glorious as a generous maintainer of his country's true liberties , courting all hazards and embracing all misfortunes for her preservation and advantage , quitting the little dirty satisfactions of life , loathing and deriding the dull empty excuses and alleviations of deserters , yet never to be brow beaten out of his modesty , good humour or chearfulness . he receives the worst indignities with a smile , indulges and caresses the very enemies of his cause , and will do any thing but take their example : for complacency and orderliness ever accompany the generosity of a publick spirit . then too the shyest part of mankind will readily repose a confidence in him , who relinquishes all present enjoyments and conveniences , rather than the greatness and constancy of his mind . no secrets but those of traytors in their proper trade shall escape his hearing ; so safe a repository is his breast , that how much soever the sentiments of those who know him may differ from his , they had rather disburthen their minds to him than to one another . nor is he only master of their thoughts , but often works them insensibly into a concern and esteem , if not for his cause , yet however for himself , at least so far , as to have his necessities reliev'd , and his principles valued , for providence never omits to preserve such a force of humanity in the bosoms of most revolters , as may sollicit a provision for perseverers . but then what inexpressible exultations does the brave man conceive within , when he calls over his principles and practices , while his conscience entertains him with such musick as this ? happy hero ! whom no allurements of riches , pleasure , and parade ; no tumults of faction , no menaces of tyrants , no inflictions of those threats can prevail upon to renounce thy regard of the publick ! triumph , for ever triumph within thy self , and commiserate the weakness of those wretches , who either want judgment and consideration enough to learn the momentousness of that duty , or ( which is worse ) have not the heart to perform it . 't is true , they deserve thy indignation and contempt , and have too much charity for themselves to have almost any just title to any body 's else : yet deny them not thy pity and good wishes ; nay condescend even to familiarity and respect . but be sure remain proof against all their gay promises and all their stupid satyr . let curtius , cocles , and the horatii haunt thy imagination , and refine upon their vertues with the more excellent principles of thy own religion . thus reign as perfect as the stoicks pattern , and wanton in the glorious transports of thy noble soul. o ravishing harmony ! what mind so frigid , but at this would sicken for further opportunities to signifie its zeal ? or in case , even the main and last stake of all must be parted with , the gallant man collects his vigour , redoubles his fortitude , calmly submits to the pleasure of heaven , bequeaths his friends and family to its protection , receives the fatal blow , forgets on a sudden his past calamities , and feels himself divine . of the weather . about three months since , invited by a friend to share the pleasures of his rustication , and enjoying a short respit from a knotty concern , i scorn'd to decline the proffer , but was attended all my journey long , and the best part of my stay at his house , with a most uncomfortable season of weather , enough to have made me repent my forwardness , but that the good coversation of the family , and some parlour-diversions we found out amongst us , diverted the spleen , till such time as matters mended , which fell out , i remember , one night at eleven of the clock , when my companions had all betaken themselves to their repose ; but i resolving the moon should not shine so seldom to so little purpose , e'en took a solitary walk of a mile , and at the mile's end arriv'd at a large stump of a tree , by some honest lazy hind , hatcheted into an elbow chair . here i squatted , and after a little blessing my self for my being once more restor'd to the open air , fell to meditating upon the past dismal scene , when from an hollow tree , just over against me , starts forth a person of a sage and serious countennace , wrapp'd in a morning-gown , with a large ruff round his neck , a broad-brim'd , high-crown'd hat upon his head , under his right arm a terrestrial globe , and under his left a load of books . this appearance did not a little terrifie me : my hair bristled , my blood curdled , and nature had for certain done a diskindness to my breeches , unless i had been animated in the nick by the courteous address of my visitant , who entreated me not to fear , for that he presented himself with no other design than to assist me in my contemplations . i was , said he , formerly your country-man , in an age when letters and ingenuity , which are now so coldly encourag'd , were amply honour'd and rewarded , as well as plain-dealing and honesty , and for my own part , as i always lov'd the latter ( though i know what some people have thought of me ) so i made it my business to promote and improve the former . who i am , these volumes will teach you ; and at the same instant he display'd the title-page of the uppermost , wherein was in capital letters to be read , novum organon . but to pass directly to the present business , continued he , which by what i overheard of your soliloquy , i understand to be the unaccountableness of the weather , i must first entreat you to dismiss all fear , and in the next place , know that notwithstanding by that nearer admission to physical secrets which since my retreat from this neather world , i have obtained , it might suffice , should i simply relate the measures nature has taken in bringing about these unusual events , yet because i am to discoutse with such a being as can draw no inferences , but upon sight of their connexion with premises , and because by that being , the matter is to be signified and publish'd amongst others of the same species , i shall not only make appear the reasonableness of my assertions by their just dependance upon one another , but give you the liberty of interposing , when any scruples arise . i confess , when i carry'd flesh and blood about me , being much inclin'd to amplifie the several parts of philosophy and learning , i introduc'd a considerable number of obscure terms , especially in my book of the copiousness of the sciences , but then i always expounded their meaning , and am now as desirous both to express my self intelligibly , and maintain my arguments rationally . nay more , to make appear with what candour and condescension i design to treat you , before i lay down any hypothesis of my own , i request from you a concise account of the sentiments of your vertuosi upon this point , which we departed philosophers seldom trouble our selves about ; not that they lie beyond the sphere of our apprehension , but our own illuminations are so great , that all the acquisitions of mortals , as extraordinary as you imagine some of your latter to be , are less valued by us than poor aristotle , and the schoolmen by the generality of you . here he paus'd , expecting my narrative , toward which i thus set forward : in the first place , i would not have your lordship presume my catalogue of opinions compleat , for since no one vertuoso , that i know of , has hitherto communicated his sentiments upon this question to the publick ; a shrewd sign they are little interested in acres or orchards , i can answer your demands no otherwise than by enumerating the several private conjectures , which , as my friends tell me , have been made by sundry of the learned . indeed one would almost conclude either life or fortune lay at stake ; else in despite of the itch of curiosity , that next these , has the powerfullest influence upon our latitudinarian vertuoso's , they could as soon have kept lent , or invented an hypothesis for transubstantiation , as left this argument untouch'd . besides , these violent and frequent alterations in the weather serve for a perpetual monitor , by discomposing their constitutions , blunting their inventions , and splenetizing the poor gentlemen all-over , like quevedo's necromancer in the bottle , they 're loath to uncork and come abroad for fear of the mischiefs reigning without , although too , most of them are evils of their own brooding . there , they think , they may lie snug , and swim daintily in metaphysicks , which once reckon'd the dyet of philosophick camelions they have now , if you 'll believe 'em , beat up to a consistency , and render'd more substantial and solid than the creed it self . i am unwilling to particularize persons ; though if i were to name any , it should be the dull bogtrotting abstractor , that by a worse bargain than the foolishest hag in all lapland , pawn'd his soul in prospect of reputation , and in the conclusion lost his purchase . but i beg your lordship's pardon for my digression , and now pass to the conjectures that have already been made amongst friends about the question we are upon . the first and most common is , that by some unlucky shove , our globe of earth has been justled out of its primitive position ; that the north pole has suffer'd no inconsiderable declination , and that to this declination is owing all that excessive cold rain and wind which we on the northern side have felt for so long a succession of years . nothing but this , as the defenders of the hypothesis maintain , could possibly beget such wonderfull changes , and rather than forego the least matter that may advantage their cause , they pretend to trump up the device of the old astronomers , who having by means of an accurate tradition learn'd that the fix'd stars had shifted their site within a certain term of years , ascrib'd it to such an unheeded jogg . but methinks , what was objected to those sages then , may as reasonably be thrown in the dish of these : which way such a thing might happen without being perceiv'd , and whether they thought all mankind were in that minute so fast , that the jolt could not wake them ? i was proceeding , but his lordship cry'd , hold ; and setting down his globe upon the seat , look you , says he , it is evident i cannot depress the north-pole of this globe , which now exactly answers our elevation , but the position of it , with respect to the fix'd stars and the courses of the planets will be necessarily chang'd ; so that if the depression were of thirty degrees , the stars , which before were vertical to the twentieth degree of northern latitude , would be manifestly remov'd twenty degrees southward : nothing like which appearing in the face of the heavens , that alone refutes the assertion . neither could sun and moon rise and set as they us'd to do ; whereas these speculators must have lost their eye-sight by the great improvement and use of their glasses , unless they have observ'd the contrary . presumers indeed ! that fancy 't is but giving the earth a kick , and the whole difficulty's solv'd . i would also know from what causes this convulsion should arise . nature is not given to starting : her motions are equal , orderly and gentle . all things circulate by an insensible transition . there is no surer sign of inconstancy and irregularity than abruptness . the cap'ring of a beau , and the catchings of a dying man , though effects of opposite principles agree in this , that they are alike the symptoms and consequences of distemperature . the celestial bodies are all constant to the same degrees and lines of motion , and the spiral progress of the sun was never to be charg'd hitherto , unless on the score of a miracle , with interruption or deviation . be pleas'd , therefore , to proceed to the second . i shall , reply'd i , acknowledging you have more fully convinc'd me than i had my self of the absurdity of that opinion , the next , to which is , in my judgment , ne'er a jot a more rational , being chiefly adapted to the extravagancies of the cardanists , men that value no other solutions than those fetch'd from the postures of the stars , or conjunctions of planets : not that they have yet erected a scheme , or particularly examin'd the state of the heavenly bodies : but they are sure the whole matter may be illustrated this way , and care not a straw how the heavens are accommodated , as long as they can accommodate their notions to them : as for example , are mars and venus in conjunction ? 't is a sure signification of an extraordinary wenching-season at venice and naples , because , forsooth ! the familiarity of those two planets is so very notorious ; in hungary , of success to the turks , denoted by mars superiour to venus ; or of the contrary , venus expressing the effeminacy of the sultan , and mars the power and vigour of the emperour . in england , a peace , a plot , or any thing that falls out . but i ought not to forestall your lordship , considering you , since your manumission from mortality , may have taken a voyage , as by a late author we understand of monsieur des cartes , through the regions of the upper worlds , and learn'd what their correspondence and mutual impressions are . be that so as you suspect , or otherwise , said he , 't is sufficient that by knowledge atchievable in this world , you may learn the ridiculousness of their pretensions , who would make you believe they can interpret the language of all revolutions and aspects over their heads , as easily and certainly as the pythagoreans undertake to prick down their harmony ; a crew that do no more than disgrace all humane learning and philosophy , but infest and undermine the common-wealth . thus ephemerides and almanacks are become a political poison ; a man cannot look what day of the month 't is , but seditious dogrel stares him in the face . nor will ever any conjunction be more auspicious , than of such miscreant heads with pillory or halter . besides , what order or disposition of the heavenly bodies will these men pitch upon , as effective of such consequences ? or how will they prove such a disposition so effective : since they themselves have not done it , much less will i , sir , trouble your head with examining particularly what have been the motions and postures of the heavenly bodies for these dozen years past . in general , i know of no such extraordinary conjunctions as such extraordinary effects require . have orion and the pleiades been in trine with aquarius ? or has virgo been troubled with a diabetes so long ? proceed , i beseech you , sir. others , answer'd i , seem rather inclin'd to believe that the last comet was the parent of all our unseasonable weather ; and this comes from very judicious persons , who not unjustly suspect , that the main effects of a comet are late and rarely to be perceiv'd till a considerable time after the appearance . and for my own part , i do not only think this conjecture probable , but further believe , that instead of civil , they always portend natural changes . battles , rebellions , and state-revolutions seem to have very little affinity with their fiery streamers , unless in the destructiveness of the element , and the irregularity of the motion . your judgment of comets , reply'd his honour , is very apposite ; but i am sorry your men of such a singular sagacity should link an effect to a cause before they have discern'd the dependance of one upon the other . 't is venturing too far , and laying a brat to the next comer . we ought to be cautious in pronouncing so near relations , especially when they succeed one another at so long a distance of time ; from which circumstance we may pretty securely gather , that if a cause , comets are however a remote cause of such innovations , and if naturalists will solve effects by remote causes , at that rate a man may be said to be the effect of beef and mutton . comets may indeed have miraculous influences , but who can be confident of their aptness to produce those events , much less , of their begetting them immediately , and without the intervention of other causes . though least of all , methinks they should be the cause of abundance of rain , as rather suited to dissipate all collections of moist bodies , and proving too often the fore-runners of excessive heats , and those epidemical mischiefs which are thence deriv'd . once more i therefore return to your self , and demand the next hypothesis . there remain yet , said i , some behind , but i desire another may content you ; and that such as is by some contended for with no less vehemence than any of the rest . however , 't is but a partial solution , and reaches no further backward than last christmas , about which time you may remember the czar made us a visit , and brought along with him all the winter and bad weather in muscovy . then could not , cry'd verulam , experiment convince this sect , for i dare say , had any of them approach'd within breath shot of that mighty prince , they would soon have perceiv'd he had brought them over more heat than cold. however if he brought it , yet since he has not carry'd it back again , 't is fit we make a further enquiry into the reason of its continuance : and because you say you are cloy'd with other people's notions , avoiding preambles , i shall now begin to you my own lecture , your kind attention first bespoken . you have heard , i make no question , and read much about central fire , and may have observ'd that notwithstanding philosophers disagree among themselves as to the material causes , the means of perpetuation , and several other circumstances , so far they all consent , that there certainly is such a thing . and indeed the existence of any part of nature is perhaps the ultimate object of natural philosophy . essences and forms are an intricate sort of concern , and will never be effectually unriddled till matter may be reduc'd to an indivisible , yet discernible minuteness . this is the only sure method to come at them ; they lie more closely immur'd , than gems in the foundation of a rock , and nothing less than a total dissolution of their subject can bring 'em to light . this i speak with respect to you mortals , for i am not to tell you what advantages the casting my carcass has brought me , least you should follow old empedocles's steps , and caper out of the world the better to come acquainted with it . the experiment indeed look'd brave , but central fire is no such lambent flame that a wise man should like to wallow in 't . elementary or not elementary , gray beards will singe by 't . and therefore of the many vertuoso's who have exercis'd their wits upon this subject , none have been since so frolick some as to make such a desperate proof of those flames . instead of sensible demonstration all rest satisfied with their own rational inferences . plato for his part troubles himself with no more than the confession of its being . aristotle persues the matter further , and tells you in his second book of meteorologicks ; the eighth chapter , the cause of this fire , which he takes to be the accension of spirits upon violently encountring one another in air very much attenuated . lucretius in his account of aetna speaks much to the same purpose , and counting from even thales , that trusty friend of the element of water , down to father kircher and burnet , you will find the number of those who deny central fire to be very inconsiderable . some , 't is true , have plac'd water in the room on 't , and others adamant , but upon no other account than to support an hypothesis , for which your peremptory systematist boldly distorts nature , and stuffs her inside with any thing that may best serve his turn . thus when a great ox is made to bear up the world , a tortoise must be added to sustain the ox. not that i advise you to lay too great a stress upon authority , especially in cases which admit of a better proof , as does the present . the system of things , when we behold it , at first view suggests as much , and that very remarkably . vesuvius , aetna , hecla , the philippine , molucca , canary islands , and a thousand other places besides in the several quarters of the world are evident and unexceptionable arguments . those inexhaustible sources of fire cannot but have a deeper root than is ordinarily imagin'd , even borellu's arguments notwithstanding . add to this , how necessary such a common stove must be for the propagation and preservation of all beings animate and inanimate . the sun , 't is true , is a great cherisher , but he plays only above-board , and seems rather to consummate and polish , than primarily generate . so cold a birth-place as the surface of the earth , especially for plants and trees of a tender constitution , would be apt to chill the embryo , unless a moderate warmth rose from beneath as well as descended from above . and the fruits , those sweet-meats of nature , as a certain bard very elegantly sings , must be utterly spoil'd in the confection , should the dame be too sparing of her fewel , which yet why she should , seems very unaccountable , seeing she is so plentifully furnish'd with it : as i could shew at large by an induction of particulars , but choose rather to refer you at your leisure to dr. burnet's second part of his theory . though father kircher's remark being short , i shall here give you , because he was eminently acquanted with the lower labyrinths of the earth , and had in a great measure anticipated purgatory e'er he left the upper . how is 't possible , says he , such an abundance of sulphur , bitumen , naptha , and all sorts of minerals should be found so commonly , and that in the cold confines of horror and darkness , quite beyond the reach of the sun's influence , unless the womb of nature supply'd a secret invigorating warmth ? the observation 's good , and as we cannot conceive for what end she should lay in such a vast stock , unless for the sustenance of this mighty flame , so the readiest and most likely course of preparing and concocting these large portions of matter seems to be by the action of central fire . not to mention the gradual increase of heat , which the illustrious mr. boyle in his treatise of the temperature of the subterranean regions has taken notice of . nor need i send you further for proof than to the common news-papers , which have been daily full of terrible relations about aetna and vesuvius ; how violent their late irruptions have been , and what vast quantities they have discharg'd of stones and ashes , laying utterly wast all the adjacent parts , and frighting the neighbourhood out of their houses and wits . the poor unkennell'd fryars thereabouts i dare say are ready to bear me out in my assertion , and convinc'd to their cost of the reality of central fire : which being by this time made good , i have yet farther to explain , how this fire not only lasts , but encreases . how it should be continually fed is a question somewhat difficult in appearance . it must have continued so long , and consumed in that time so great a portion of aliment , that you will be apt to wonder with your self which way the stock should last out till this time ; a riddle as perplexing as that of many a beggarly beau's living up to the condition of a peer of the realm . and indeed if that matter which sustains the central fire were as suddenly to be consum'd as such a ones fortunes , the central fire of necessity had been extinct long ago , for it cannot live upon tick , and no sooner misses its usual food but vanishes . hence it is easie for some to infer , that the aliment already dissipated by the flame , must according to the laws and order of nature's revolutions be converted again into matter suitable to maintain the fire as it did before ; yet what may be done without these transmutations i shall presently discover , but before i attempt this discovery , must desire to hear your scruples about any thing already offer'd , that i may , as 't is but just , endeavour to remove ' em . i made answer , that what he had said carry'd in it a great deal of probability ; that i was sufficiently satisfied of the central fire , and did not at all doubt of his being able to state the measures of its conservation : yet notwithstanding that i had these two queries to propose , first , why the centre of the earth might not be solid and of stone : next , why if not solid , it might not however be a pool of water ; about which two points i thought his lordship had discours'd more sparingly than he needed . the arguments , said he , which i have already brought to confirm your belief of a central fire suffice without any other to answer both your queries , no more being requisite to prove the centre of the earth neither water nor stone , than evincing it to be fire : but because you may be more fairly satisfied , i shall not decline to bring some further evidence of the supposition . and i am sorry it is my misfortune that the argument i shall now urge is of that kind , against which i my self have so strenuously inveigh'd . however , now i am become sensible of my error , and declare that i think the tendencies and ends of things contribute mainly to the knowledge of their natures . accordingly i would gladly know to what purpose the centre should have been either a rock or a puddle . if indeed this mighty globe could have been fashion'd no otherwise than a snow-ball , or had been destin'd to the office of a water-bottle , something like it might be presum'd . for as for any further use of one or t'other , i can by no means understand what it should be . those inmost regions ought mu●h rather to be the seat of the first springs of motion and vertue , than a mere dead pond●rous quarry . perhaps you 'll tell me 't is sixt there for ballast . but how it should serve for such , is to me as unintelligible , as if you should say it 's there for a rowling-stone . instead of poizing , i look upon such a mass as rather fitted to unpoize , and break those mystick chains upon which the body of the earth hangs . i grant indeed that of whatever matter we constitute the centre , we shall be equally puzled to find out a stay . that fine ethereal gulph in which the earth swims , is of so yielding a temper , that waters far more capable of supporting gold than that its treasure . however if any one species of matter be more convenient than another , fire being the lightest and the most active should certainly be it . you have , i presume , been often an eye-witness of its power to carry heavy bodies through the air. your bombs , which have been invented since my halcyon days , are a singular specimen of this . and that element which forces such pond'rous matter so rapidly through the air , cannot but most suit with its hanging in it . then as for the use of water , that 's acknowledg'd to concern more immediately the provisions of life , and a pool situate so low , could neither furnish us with fish , if it entertain'd wholesome , nor serve for the sun to exhale vapours from , or us to sail upon . to those who would make it a cistern for the supply of ocean and rivers , i need only hint that natural property of all water never to transgress the level of its own superficies , unless when violence is offer'd it . thus your two questions are , i hope , satisfactorily answer'd , and if you have any other doubts remaining propose 'em , or expect me to proceed . i thank'd his lordship for his fair dealing , and acquainted him i had no more objections to enter , for as for what some surmiz'd that there is nothing but a large cavern at the centre fill'd with mists and exhalations : the grounds of their belief appear'd to me so slight , that i would not trouble his lordship to discuss them . then his lordship thus again put forward , according to that which i lately offer'd , i shall next instruct you in what manner the aliment of this fire is perpetually provided : and this i cannot better do , than by beginning at the operation of the fire it self , which penetrating the pores of the matter lodg'd next to it , and severing the various particles of it , devours as many of 'em as are light and manageable , but sends up the moist and phlegmatick through chinks and passages of its own creating into regions nearer the earth's superficies , or where it can obtain a vent , quite out of it . the order of which analysis exactly corresponds with that of the chymists , for first of all rise their two mercuries and phlegm , and then their sulphur and salt. the only difference is , that the chimist's fire being much less vehement than the central , and the inclosures of the central confining the sulphureous , implicated , and heavier parts , that they cannot rise as in an alembick , such sulphureous and heavier parts are by the power of the flame so broken and intermixt , as to become constant nourishment for it . and thus , as is evident , it does not merely sustain it self , but propagates too , and diffuses upon the ruins of its neighbours . by what stated degrees it prevails , is hard to guess , there being no mover in the world more undisciplin'd and inconstant : besides that the aliment it self is variously and unequally digested . sometimes a large vein of nothing but pure sulphur occurs , and then the fire becomes most furious on that side . afterwards perhaps succeeds a more phlegmatick sort of earth , and then again it slackens and languishes , at the same time , perhaps , gaining ground on another more unctuous part , ( in consideration of which , we may now very reasonably expect , after so tedious an extreme of wet and windy weather , the contrary extreme of calm and dry , at least for some time , and in some of the northern climates : ) and in a word , as it encounters matter more or less obnoxious to its force , it becomes more or less violent . thus it is likely that within these twelve or fourteen years past , it has met with larger magazines of the more combustible kind under the northern regions of the earth , by the accension and advantage of which it is nearer arriv'd , and with much greater vehemence , to the superficial part of the northern world , where causing those moist and phlegmatick particles , which it has from the beginning drove up before it , together with what others were properly and of course allotted to those superficial regions themselves , and also a large quantity out of the ocean and rivers to exhale , it easily produces those events , of which i shall now give you a particular account . and first , the perpetual and amazing showers of rain which of late have , for instance , water'd our island , arose primarily , we may presume from this cause , in as much as by its situation it is peculiarly liable to the inconveniencies of vapours discharg'd from the ocean as well as of others from it self . hence it comes to pass , that the markets every where abound with complaints and sighs no less than the hospitals ; that a vine leaf is as rare a thing as once the grapes ; that green passes for the most fashionable complexion amongst so many ladies ; that physicians , of all people , gather most money next to the collectors of the taxes ; and that the apothecaries get more by the fruiterers than of old by the wine-coopers . for it is hardly conceivable what a flight of vapours daily issues from under and about great britain , which either being collected into clouds , immediately and directly fall in showers , or else by the sun at the short intervals of his appearance and action are rarified and deflected to the pole , whence when once gathered to a preponderous body they return , and become the material cause of our extraordinary showers of rain , and storms of wind. nor does it follow hence that no other wind could blow besides the north , for the collection of vapours in revolving is broken and parted into a great many lesser clouds , which as they variously actuate one another , and are actuated by the heat of the sun , impel and move the air differently , and often oblige it to change its course , especially where high rocks and mountains obstruct its passage . it is no wonder therefore if the sun be grown such a stranger , when fogs and gloominess interpose so impregnably , that 't is as much as he can do to make a peeping-hole through 'em once in a month , and instead of fructifying barely satisfie his curiosity . nor is this the fate of great britain only , though no climate has had a larger share on 't : france , the low-countries , germany , poland , denmark , swedeland , and almost all tracts of europe to the north have felt the same calamity . the vintages on one side seldom answering expectation , nor the crops on th' other : but over and above all excesses of rain and wind they have suffer'd very remarkably by terrible tempests , thunder , and lightning , &c. to the destruction of cattle , houses , men , besides frequent and dreadfull earth-quakes . and these may be justly ascribed to dry exhalations , the matter of which abounds under those regions , and is expell'd along with the moist vapours by the approach of the central fire , through which means it fortunes often that lightning and hail fall in the same tempest . for that heat which is deriv'd from the accension of the dry exhalations in thunder and lightning cannot prevent the congealing of the cold vapours , which perhaps are so intimately confederated and congeal'd before-hand , that the sudden and violent accension of the exhalations , instead of melting or dispersing 'em serves only to precipitate their descent . accordingly , without the blind salvo of antiperistasis many a funking boor may have had his pipe lighted by a flash this minute , and beat out of his mouth by a pellet of frost the next . in violent cases the concurrence of two contrary extremes ought not always to be look'd upon as a paradox . indeed without repugnancy the very notion of violence ceases . thus have i brought you acquainted with my hypothesis relating to the strangeness of the seasons for so many years past in most of the northern climates , but shall not desert the argument yet , till i have mention'd an observation or two confirming my opinion : first , that the eruptions of vesuvius and aetna have within our last twenty years been more violent than ever . to give you a punctual history of them down from that time would neither be edifying nor entertaining , especially to one , who , i make no doubt , is inquisitive at least after the more general occurrences of the material world. and many say the pope has been so miserably scar'd , that in order to their pacification , he 's delegating half a dozen cardinals to turn all the tuscan sea into holy water . however what dreadfull effects such enormities may have wrought , is easie to be guess'd by recollecting only the ancient accounts that have been left us of the latter of those mountains , at a time when 't was far less furious , and amongst others , that incomparable one of virgil : — horrificis sonat aetna ruinis , &c. — near the shoar with lowd convulsions aetna's bowels roar . oft from its iaws in tow'ring vollies rowls thick sooty night , with show'rs of livid coals . bright spouts of wavy flame it belches high , which with a lambent summet court the sky . from earth's deep womb its rushing fire ascends , and off the noisy sides vast rooted masses rends . oft it disgorges with a deaf'ning groan ribs of it self in oar of scalding stone . this very description seems enough to shock an ordinary courage , but i am afraid even so vast a genius of poetry , of whose memory i ask pardon for my injurious translation , would have found it exceed his power to form a just design of it , as its condition is now . i cannot tell what surer proof you would have of the predominancy of central fire , unless you were to feel it your selves . another observation that not a little strengthens my hypothesis is this , that although a small share of your fruits have ripen'd to a due perfection , yet you have had as great or greater shows in your fields and gardens about the beginnings of the summers as formerly . the blades have rose , and the ears multiplied most successfully . the trees for some autumns have been almost over-loaden ; and abroad the vineyards thick-hung . but the main thing of all , a just maturity has never or very rarely follow'd crude and green they have prov'd at the best , and the reliques of 'em continue so upon the boughs till the next hard frost mortifies the stalks . much the same fortune , or rather a little better has come to the harvests . but how should your springs and summers prove so promising , and your autumns so treacherous , unless the central fire were become now more capable of assisting the sun's influence during the two first seasons , and invalidating it upon the return of the latter . a third observation , and that my last of this kind may be , that the frosty seasons are much longer and severer , ( the present winter excepted ) than of old . it may look perhaps paradoxical that the predominancy of the central fire should be the cause of this : and yet it seems to be so , though remotely ; for the heat of the sun being by the means aforesaid excluded , the frosts on the surface of the earth must commence earlier , continue more intense , and end much later , especially penetrating a great deal deeper into the collection of moist vapours retir'd upon the central fire's approach toward the earth's surface . thus , what with rain and floods one part of the year , and ice and cold the rest , you may expect in time to see your country holland compleat , and the next generation , believe me , shall all be scaters . then perhaps the physicians and apothecaries may blow their fingers , and the surgeons , grown so poor since your civil wars , come once more into play . but i have already been too tedious upon the efficient causes of your unseasonable weather , and shall now directly pass to the moral occasions of it , in all respects as extraordinary as the other , in the consideration of which i shall not be so particular as i might , my term of absence from a better place being almost expir'd : and besides the generality of mankind had rather hear the natural history of such calamities than any rebukes for deserving them ; that is , they would have their curiosities satisfied without awakening their consciences , which indeed neither ought , nor in questions of this nature can be done . the bare recollection of such evils will necessarily beget horrour in those that procur'd 'em , especially where the provocations have been universal , as among you of this island , which , i believe , can vie with any continent under heaven for vice and impiety . i could be very prolix upon this topick , but i know 't will be in vain , and i should purchase nothing else by my admonishments , but to be call'd a preaching , canting shadow , and dismiss'd for a damn'd foolish apparition , stop their vitals . if i were to cry , repent , you 'd answer me , 't is time enough : if i tell you you 're harden'd , ye excuse your selves by saying , 't is then too late . thus most ambidextrously ye keep on the old pace ; and to stop you in your career makes ye but the more impatient to be upon the wing again . the practical part of religion , i confess , had been laid aside long before my time , yet our faith stuck by us , and though we too often made a may-game of the ten commandments , we retain'd a sincere veneration for the creed . yet that , in process of time is , it seems , gone after the other , even from i believe in god , to the life everlasting . in short , ye are once again as true saxons as austin first found you , bating the business of idolatry : for yeare by this time better vers'd in the argument à majori , than to trouble your pates with any other , after ye have deserted the true god. and were but your actions a little more saxonick , 't would be something however of a palliation . but ye scorn it . rapine , oppression , fraud , rudeness , and treachery were detestable names to the generality of them : and now a' days forsooth ! these are british virtues . he that would live must be eminent in one of them , and he that would thrive , in all of them . then here 's the jest on 't i' th' upshot , that all these foul crimes must be wrapt up in hypocrisie ; for ye dote so wretchedly on your wickedness as to turn ev'n impolitick in 't , and keep the old trade of dissimulation on foot , when ye desire your villainies should be proclaim'd . heretofore fine plausible pretences were of mighty use , because then there was at least so much integrity abroad as might often baffle and confound an open opposition ; but now 't is high time , one would fansie , to lay aside the cloak , when a rascal 's sure to be a loser , should he be mistaken for a fair-dealer . — but hark ! the cocks crow , and day-light spreads . i must away ; however let me leave this one truth more behind me , that you must never expect the weather should mend till your selves do . and thereupon back stept his lordship into the hallow tree , and i directly to my lodgings . a demonstration of the certainty of things , and of the being of a god. as there is not a more valuable privilege bestow'd by the gracious donor of all good things upon any part of his creation than that which the possessors of it call by the name of right understanding or reason , so could there not have been a greater curse inflicted on rational beings than if what they term right reason were nothing but delusion and infatuation : for beside that principle , which is unalienable from a rational nature , of eschewing all error as such , the consequence would have been either , that we must have pursu'd false ends through sincere means , or real ends through false means , or lastly false ends through false means ; and the effects of either of these had prov'd intolerable , the more because the inconvenience would not have attended two or three counsels of our lives only , but all our motions and endeavours whether of greater or less importance : nay so miserable had been our state , that if we could have been sensible of it , no more comfort could have been had than remedy ; and if insensible , the whole drudgery of the delusion must have been first entirely finish'd , e'er we could so much as know we had taken such pains to be disappointed . annihilation were certainly more eligible , or at least not to be is as good as to be in vain , for if an end is unattainable , it is all one in the effect , as if there were no pursuant to attain it . it nearly concerns us therefore , as many as are conscious to our selves of possessing this principle , to examine the pretences of it , and whether it is infallible in all its determinations or only in some , and if but in some , which they properly are : to inform himself whereof i do not think it by any means necessary for a man to strip off flesh and blood , to benumb himself all over , to give his person the lye , to close up his eyes and forget his faculty of feeling . for this is endeavouring to reduce himself to that sleeping state in which the great advisers of this method suppose the most subtile delusion . 't is a mere waking dream , and nature must undergo many a bitter pang before she can wreath her self into the monster . when with half the trouble i can state a principle or an axiom in my mind that shall be never the worse for my being in my senses , which therefore if they may not be credited , may however be decently neglected . and although in the formation of abstracted ▪ ideas they often divert and interrupt us , yet they are undoubtedly a far greater hinderance when so much violence is offer'd them . if lest to themselves they might perhaps sometimes retard , or bring us out of the way : they might interpose their gross compounded objects , and mix again those simple conceptions which the understanding has with much labour refin'd and sorted : they might confound notes of discrimination with notes of identity , reverse general ideas , and detain us with the sensible properties of individual . nay further , they might counterfeit the species of objects , and surprize and perplex us with their incoherences : yet if we attempt to discipline and restrain them , much more utterly to discard and null them , they grow twice as troublesome , and instead of diverting the mind by fits as before , perfectly distract it , and find it so much trouble in subduing and governing them , that unless it were capable of more operations than one at once , it cannot pursue the contemplation of those notices and ideas , for the more accurate perception of which it relinquishes all the benefit and instruction of the senses . thus for instance , when i take upon me to abstract the individuating properties whereby this man differs from that , and he again from a third , and so forward , in order to constitute an idea of such a number of properties as are common to the whole college of individuals , which is the idea of a species , the presence of any of those individuals before our eyes may solicit the soul to return to a compound contemplation of it , or else the imagination may of a sudden re-unite what the intellect had separated , may perversly range the concretes before it , and so retard the operation : but then if all these individuals are to be reduc'd to the state of a species , and at the same time our faculties must be continually upon the watch , continually suppressing and chastizing the insolences of sense ; if the intellect must look two ways at once , mark out her lines and form her planes , while she repulses a sally ; this would be hard service indeed , and she would find her self at last necessitated to attend altogether one of the two , or atchieve but half of either . and of this the cartesians appear eminent examples against themselves , who endeavouring to form an hypothesis in despite to their senses , meet with so violent an opposition from them , that while they are disputing the field with them , and subjecting the rebels to the understanding , the work of ratiocination halts , and many times as soon as one premise is handsomely plac'd , a sudden strife of the senses for liberty shall commence , against which the understanding must make head , and after the fray is a little over , forgetting her self , she presumes she had before laid down two premisses , and in that assurance demurs not to draw a conclusion : or perhaps , when she has stated both her premisses , the senses begin to heave , and she must correct them , upon which she loses the judgment she had pass'd upon the ideas of her premisses , and so fetches a wrong inference from them . thus in essaying to demonstrate the immateriality of the soul from the essence of it , as being contradistinct to that of the body , they propose to prove , that the body may not exist , but the soul must , and from thence infer , that the souls essence cannot be the same with the body's , and that therefore the soul cannot but be immaterial : now the possibility of the non-existence of their bodies , which at first they barely propos'd they presently after presum'd , which such curious and scrupulous reasoners could hardly have done , but that by the untractableness of the senses their intellect was so disturb'd and annoy'd , as upon recollection to look upon that as warrantably presum'd , which was but gratis suppos'd : accordingly it is made a foundation for a further conclusion , that the soul is immaterial because its essence is distinct from the bodies which is material : and here again a short skirmish with the senses seems to have interven'd between the premisses and conclusion , else it could never have been , that such cautious philosophers should derive the evidence of the latter from the former , because if they had carry'd it along with them , that at most they had but evinc'd the possibility of their body 's not existing , and the certainty of their soul's existence , they could never , unless for the reason i have now given , have alledg'd it as a necessary consequence from such premisses , that the essence of the soul and body are contradistinct ; since 't is obvious to every one who will faithfully connect these premisses with this conclusion , and that in their full and proper sense and extent , that if the body as truly exists as the soul , they cannot differ on the score of existence , and that untill the existence of the body can be prov'd utterly false as well as questionable ( not that i think there are any grounds for attempting the latter ) it cannot be necessarily concluded from possible premisses , that the essences of the soul and body are contradistinct , nor from that conclusion as founded on such premisses , that the soul is immaterial . the occasion of which and many more mistakes in men so diligent and jealous could be no other than the many advocations and diversions they received from their senses , and therefore they ought to be a warning to us not to pick any quarrels with our senses in order to the stating solid principles , nor to hold for an axiom , that the corruption of the senses is the generation of reason . and yet on the other hand it were not safe with epicurus to confide wholly on the senses , to yield an implicit assent to all their informations , and to be directed either in the search of truth or good solely by their conduct , although i think there is no harm in being so much a stoick , as to impute those errors which result from the impressions of the senses so long as they keep their natural disposition and tenor ) not to the organs , but to the objects : however as long as between the one and the other we are in some cases liable to be deceiv'd , a wise man would use their assistance warily , and be sure to look upon them as bare instruments , not free agents : for we are naturally dispos'd to commit our selves to all determinations indifferently of a free agent , and no less ready by reason of so near a relation between them to confound the senses with the intellect , being very prone to be guilty of the same metonymies in the common cases of life . thus the painter himself will tell you that his pencil will draw a small line , and such drugs will make a good colour if mixt together ; the countryman that his plow-share cuts the glebe ; and the shepherd that his crook pulls his sheep : and this way of speaking being familiar to us when we talk of the instruments of mechanicks , we have unfortunately contracted a habit of expressing our selves by the same figure when we discourse of those instruments of our understanding , the senses : which we are also the more easily inclin'd to through our not observing what i mention'd before , the true nature and just bounds of the relations between our senses and understanding . but when we consider them as instruments only , we regard them proportionably , we decline all assent to them till such time as circumstances are weigh'd , and all those conditions answer'd , without which their testimony is exceptionable ; such are the suitable site and distance of the object , the due temperament of the organ , the thickness or rareness of the medium , and the like . so when a mountain appears a cloud , the distance of the object is to be enquir'd ; when the colour of the plumes varies on the neck of the dove , the nature of the medium , when the snow seems yellow , the disposition of the organ : and when all these conditions are duly examin'd , we shall learn what grounds we have to assent , and by becoming acquainted with the defects of our senses be able to form judgments as certain from them in cases wherein they are faulty , as in cases wherein they are faithfull : for if we can tell what is wanting to the perfection of a thing , we cannot but know withal the true state of that thing while under such an imperfection as clearly as if that imperfection were away , we should know the state of the same thing in its perfection ; an instance of this is that choice one among the academicks of an oar half under water , of whose real figure , notwithstanding so plausible an appearance , i can as confidently judge as if the whole were out of the water , seeing i know my eye to be in that case incapacitated to represent to my mind the true state of the object , and withal understand how far and wherein its representation deviates from a just one : whence i can deduce sure inferences either in relation to that appearance which i know to be false , or to that state of the object which i know to be real . but beside this , another discipline no less pernicious has obtain'd as generally almost among the learned as the former among the plebeians , of confounding the senses one with another , a miscarriage occasion'd by that admir'd theorem , that all the senses are concluded in that one of feeling , which by an easie consequence disposes us to believe it necessary that whatsoever affects us by one sense , would , if in like manner apply'd to the organs of our other senses , affect them also , and that therefore when an object has past the test of one , there is no further need to examine it by the rest , because all are affected after one manner , so that if any thing acts upon my faculty of seeing , it ought to be a sufficient evidence , that it is in the power of the same to act as effectually upon my faculty of hearing , &c. till at length we come to imagine that whatsoever our eyes represent to us under the figure of a palpable substance , is in it self such . thus while some philosophers have beheld the azure of the sky , they have been mov'd to fansie it a solid arch compacted as it were of blew stone , or some such kind of matter , whence arose that wild system of solid orbs , by which the ancients made a mere paper-mill of the heavens ; although i confess we are not so often by this means deceiv'd in the general intrinsick properties of substances , as in their external modifications , in the discerning of which we should not behave our selves so like infants , if we would not so often rely upon the authority of one sense for the certainty of that which can only be prov'd by another sense . how often have we known wise people scar'd with the lustre of phosphorus , rotten wood , and stinking fish , only because they suppos'd such an affinity between the senses , that if one receiv'd such an influence from its object as is proper to that sense , the other would also upon trial receive those influences from the same object which are proper to them ? now where these two rules are observ'd , that we look on the senses as bare instruments , and that we do not confound them one with another , i think we may safely trust to and rely upon them , for the first will prevent our assenting too soon , and the latter will be a means of knowing when it is time . but the most simple way of reasoning is certainly the best ; for although the authority of the senses is not to be utterly rejected , nay , although it is for the most part to be receiv'd ; yet if more simple evidence can be had , the understanding is doubly gratified , and the will by far more plyant ; for evidence is as precious to the one , as it is prevalent upon the other : the first is not capable of any clearer information , nor the latter of a stronger impression . whence it comes to pass , that it is impossible for a man to be a sceptick . he may indeed affect the name , but cannot be the thing : because when he would seem to deny an axiom , he must be understood to want evidence , and to have it at the same time : to want it , because he says so , and to have it , because he can bring no other argument for his not having it than a bare denying of it , which is none at all . 't is true indeed , every man knows best how he feels himself affected at any time , but if his neighbour find it out of his own power to evade the force of such and such a proposition , he may assure himself that the same proposition can be no more evaded by the pretender to scepticism than by himself , unless he believes that pretender's understanding and will to be of a quite different constitution from his own , or else that such a pretender is endow'd with neither , or deny'd the use and liberty of them , or last of all that the pretender's faculties transcend his own , and that by vertue of a more sublime apprehension he understands that to be false , which to another appears necessarily true . in one of these three conditions the pretender must be , if he can really within his own breast deny the truth of an axiom that is properly such : for if his faculties be exactly of the same kind and extent with his neighbours , it is impossible but what affects those of the latter in such a certain degree , must affect those of the former in the same degree , seeing where the cause is one , and the patients on which an effect is to be wrought by that cause are the very same in kind , the effect must also be the same : for else two different effects could be produced , caeteris paribus , by the same cause , which in a cause suppos'd to move at least one of the two patients fatally and inevitably as soon as addressed to that patient ( and such is the self-evidence of a proposition to the faculties of the pretenders neighbour in our case ) cannot be , because if address'd to one of the patients it unavoidably begets in it such an effect , it must as unavoidably , when address'd to another patient , perfectly the same , beget in it the same effect : otherwise its effect would be necessary and yet not necessary , which the pretender's neighbour knows of himself cannot be true , nor can the pretender's faculties be of a different kind , provided they be of the same extent as his neighbour's , ( for if they are larger or narrower , we are to consider them as supposed to be such afterwards ) because there can be no species of rational faculties distinct in essence and nature from his own , for whoever has a power of apprehending , of judging , of concluding coequal with his , must apprehend , judge and conclude as he does , for if he have distinct powers equivalent to these , he must apprehend , judge and conclude by the help of those powers in the same degree as his neighbour , and if he cannot , his powers are not equivalent , and are therefore to be consider'd , when we shall speak of them as suppos'd less . do his faculties therefore differ from ours only in order ? that is , does he judge before he apprehends ? or conclude before he judges ? in that respect again , his rational powers will be inferiour to his neighbour's , and therefore they cannot be of a different kind from those of the latter , and equivalent to them . neither may they be superiour , since if they surpass the believer's either in alacrity of perception , strength of judgment , or security of ratiocination , which is what i mean by superiour , instead of disbelieving what his neighbour cannot but assent to , his knowledge of it must be more clear and ample , and his conviction much fuller than his neighbour's , who assisted with that poor capacity that he is endow'd with , finds himself oblig'd to acknowledge the truth of manifest axioms , and plainly perceives that they cannot be false : how much rather then must the pretender be sensible of their evidence , being assisted with faculties so much larger and perfecter , in as much as that which approves its own certainty to faculties less capable of apprehending it , must approve it no less , for the reasons already alledg'd , where we demonstrated it impossible , that faculties exactly of the same kind and extent should be alike affected by the same impressions , to faculties more capable of apprehending it ? nay , must over and above approve it self so much the more effectually to them , as they are degrees more apprehensive of it than the less capable : for carrying in it self the unquestionable tokens of truth , so that as soon as it reaches the apprehension , it convinces the judgment , it cannot offer it self to a more eminent apprehension , but it must be more intimately known to it , nor convince at the same time a clearer judgment , but with a proportionably greater evidence . for notwithstanding that evidence which convinces the assenter be to him so clear , that nothing can be clearer , yet it is not to be doubted but that faculties more exquisite can more readily conceive and easily entertain such evidence . however it is sufficient for us , if the evidence but equally convince both . but may not the pretender's faculties be inferiour ? may they not be fewer ? may they not be less perfect ? and indeed it seems a difficult matter to prove him a master of right reason , who declares himself proof against the first principles of it . in this security it is that the pretenders hug themselves . it looks like an errant impossibility , that their faculties should lie thus naked and expos'd to every body 's else . but they are deceiv'd , and as little able to conceal their own abilities as they are averse . the disguise will not stick on long enough for them to enter upon their part , but betrays them e'er the very first act . for the assenter knowing by himself that first principles or axioms exercise only the judgment or second operation of the mind , and terminate in it , may resolve himself , that if that operation is in the pretender's power , he cannot but apprehend the certainty of those axioms which of themselves and antecedently to any ratiocination imprint a security of their truth , and that this operation is in the pretender's power , himself evinces , when he forms that proposition by which he declare himself unaffected with the evidence of those axioms ; for he who denies that this thing can be predicated of that thing , is oblig'd to such an act of examining the relation between one idea and another , as we call judgment , and furthermore by exerting this act demonstrates himself to have the power of assenting or dissenting , seeing he that denies such a relation to be between one idea and another , or affirms that there is no such relation between them , expresses by that very act an assent to the latter proposition , or a dissent to the former . nor matters it any thing whether this act be called an act of assent or dissent , for either of them consists in a persuasion of mind , be that persuasion either of the one kind or of the other . he therefore that pronounces a proposition in which he denies the truth of another proposition , at the same time signifies his persuasion , and no more than both these capacities is requisite to the being such a patient as the assenter's first principles or axioms when offer'd , necessarily affect in such a manner and degree . but suppose the pretender is not persuaded of what he pronounces . if he is not , then he is either persuaded of the contrary , and so becomes one with the assenter , or is altogether unaffected , or at best but dubiously with either proposition , and neglects or discredits no less what himself pronounces than what the assenter pronounces . but this he cannot do , as being qualified to pronounce such a judgment , for in pronouncing it he unites and divides ideas according to his own choice , and choosing to unite this idea with that , or divide it from it , is an act of assent or distent . unless therefore the pretender , when he pronounces his judgment is suppos'd to be acted by a blind principle , and his words to be no more than sounds form'd by a fatal motion of the organs of speech , not the interpreters of an intelligent being , ( which being suppos'd , we make the pretender uncapable of being a sceptick as much as before , for if he is only a blind unintelligent nature , he cannot perceive in himself an indifference to the force of the proposition in which consists his scepticism ) the whole extravagant mask drops off o'course . not that if he could keep it on ever so long , the assenter is concern'd to force him to common sense against his will so long as himself is sincerely satisfied of the truth of such undenyable propositions , and upon propositions of this kind , we now purpose to proceed . the propositions which i shall expect to be granted me , are these two , whatsoever affects , has a being . whatsoever is affected , has a being . nor will i yet dare to assume them , although clear enough by their own light , without assigning just reasons for so doing . the truth of the first is no way to be question'd , if that which assects can affect only by application of it self to that which is affected , and this it must necessarily do either immediately to that which is immediately affected by it , or by communication of other intermediate afficients . and more certain nothing can be , than that that which is nor cannot so apply it self . as necessarily also must every thing that is affected in any manner exist , because that in order to be affected , it must be such a patient as is capable of receiving and sustaining the afficient when it applies it self , which a mere negative cannot be . and this without reducing the matter to any axioms of the schools cannot but be so far convictive . seeing therefore i am conscious to my self of being in the number of those things which find themselves affected , i am certain , that i truly and really exist , and that not only as to that part of me which is a judge of the reality of my being affected , but as to that part also which is only capable of being affected , not of being a judge of it , because whether the latter part , by which i design the purely sensitive part , is or is not consummated but by the former or purely cogitative part , a question which might admit of a long dispute if it were necessary , it is certain , that i am truly and properly affected in both parts . that i am affected in the first , the very doubting of it evidently proves , much more , as i have already shewn , the denying of it ; it being impossible , but that he which suspends his judgment , must find himself no less affected by the matter of his suspense , than if it were become the subject of his assent or dissent , for although it does not affect him so as properly in the event to dispose or determine his will , yet it makes him equally sensible of the presence and application of such matter , as the same would do , if become a subject of his assent or dissent : which it does , as has already been evinc'd when such matter passes once into an affirmation or negation . and because that operation of the cogitative part , by which it conceives the certainty of its being affected , is indeed a judgment consisting of an idea of affection either in general or special , the thing affected , and the act of affecting , for whoever conceives thus much of himself , i am affected , must apprehend such a thing as affection implied in the word affected , something also affected declar'd by the person i ; and lastly , the application of the former to the latter : and seeing that there is no man , whether he doubts , affirms , or denies , ( and one of these three every man as to his cogitative part must do ) but conceives or feels the certainty of his being affected , it necessarily follows , that that portion of the cogitative part truly exists , which exerts the act call'd judgment , and not this only , but because ( which has been prov'd above ) in all acts of judgment is compriz'd an assent or dissent , and these appertain to the will , that the faculty of the will no less truly exists . and as for the imagination and memory , the first of them consisting in simple apprehension is so contain'd in the faculty of judgment , that it is evident he who is possest of the latter , must be as truly endow'd with the former , but whether those sensibles about which this faculty is conversant be true and sincere , we shall presently examine . the memory is indeed all consciousness , being no more than a power of restoring the perception of affections already past , but so far as it is distinct from simple apprehension or judgment , it is no more than a bare security of having receiv'd such and such impressions ; which security where ever it is lodg'd , is its own testimony , and he that has it cannot but know he has it , because if he denies he has it , he must form to himself such a judgment , as will evidently shew that he has it , for in forming such a judgment , he must , in the first place , consider himself as the subject of which he denies such an attribute to be predicable , then the attribute it self ; and lastly the extent of relation between them , so that unless he can conceive all these together , he must have it , which yet he cannot conceive together , because if he could , a due order of succession in the terms of such a judgment were not absolutely necessary , both the relatives and the relation between them being so to be conceiv'd at the same instant as any one of them : whereas such a judgment cannot be form'd as shall consist of fewer terms than these , nor the dependance of these terms pronounc'd , unless they be dispos'd in a certain due order and succession . the necessity therefore of such a succession being thus evinc'd , it appears , that he who denies himself to have memory , must consider himself being the first term in such a judgment , not with the other terms in the same instant of conception , but as the first of the line and the others in their order distinctly afterwards , and when he has reflected upon each of them , must to perfect the judgment compare and weigh the relation of the predicate with the subject , which is not to be effected without restoring that perception or apprehension of the subject wherewith he was affected , when in the order of his reflections he first consider'd that subject as the first term of the judgment , and this is memory . the same argument will hold , if instead of denying he pretends to doubt whether he has memory or not , for i cannot conceive within my self thus much , i doubt of such a thing , but by a judgment , in which the case is all one as before : thus the certainty of the existence of all the faculties or portions of the cogitative part of me is demonstrated upon the foregoing principles , and consequently of the whole . many more arguments might be fetch'd to inforce these now alledg'd ; but perhaps one is more than necessary , nothing being more out of the power of a thinking being than in good earnest to persuade it self that it is no being . nay even supposing it possible that it should be verily persuaded that it has no being , it cannot but when it feels it self so persuaded , be at the same juncture assur'd that it really is ; so that while i suppose such a thing possible , i must suppose it impossible , and that being a direct contradiction cannot be true ; therwise the principles so lately granted might be true and not true , and whatsoever affects or is affected be and not be . we are therefore next to examine whether there is the same security of the real existence of the sensitive part , and this upon the same principles . certain it is that i perceive my self affected as well in this part as in the other , but whether or no this perception is intirely owing to the cogitative part , or cannot be wrought without the intervention of organs external to that and corporeal , may by some scepticks be offer'd as matter of dispute , because if such perception can be effected without such external organs , those organs may be no more than mere phantom , emptiness and delusion ; and on the other hand , if it cannot be effected but by such external organs , those organs must be both distinct from the thinking part , and as properly existent as that . to proceed therefore regularly , it is necessary that we contemplate what those affections are which are proper to the sensitive part , and whence they arise . in themselves they are such as can only inhere in , and arise from beings extended ; of which we shall hereafter prove that by the laws of its nature it cannot be other . nor is the consequence of this demonstration to be evaded , for if these affections of the sensitive part can only inhere in an extended being , and arise from the essential properties of an extended being ; and if all extended beings must be real , the sensitive part must therefore be real and truly distinct from a being uncapable by it self of receiving immediately those impressions unless in a far more imperfect manner , which it ultimately receives and consummates by vertue of the affections belonging to that external being which constitutes the sensitive part , provided it be also demonstrated , that that being which constitutes the cogitative part is indeed uncapable by it self of receiving immediately those impressions , unless in a far more imperfect manner . and this i question not but to perform in its proper place . in the mean while to prove that the affections of the sensitive part only inhere in , and are proper to an extended being : i think the first thing to be done is to enquire what they are , and that by particulars according to the vulgar division of them , by which they are distributed into the five external senses , and the common internal : where yet it ought to be remembred that external is not oppos'd as before , to a being incorporeal , seated within the external , but to an extended one ( extended so far as it is properly sensitive , as shall be hereafter shewn ) more external with respect to the incorporeal being than what is here call'd internal . the first of these is the power of perceiving the dimensions and complexions of objects , both which are proper to no beings but what are extended , for all dimensions whether incompleat , as a point , line , or superficies ; or compleat , as prosundity in conjunction with the former , cannot be conceiv'd but in a subject capable of such dimensions : not but in more abstracted speculations those dimensions may be contemplated without particular regard had to the subject of them , but if we consider them in the relation which they bear to a being extended , we shall easily learn how inseparable they are from it , and therefore how necessarily that being wherein such dimensions are found is extended ; and again it is no less evident that objects carrying complexion or colour must be also extended , because all colour , whether it arises from the modification of the superficial parts of a body ; or whether it be what the aristotelians call a form , ( if indeed they are to be distinguish'd ) or whatever its essence is , must be co-extended with a superficies , insomuch that when the intellect abstracts it from a real superficies , it cannot be conceiv'd any otherwise than circumscrib'd and expanded to certain bounds and limits on all sides as a superficies , and because it cannot be conceiv'd without the dimensions of a superficies , nor a superficies out of a being extended , supposing , as i said before , we consider both the former , in the relation which they bear to the latter ; we cannot but conclude that colour or complexion , where-ever it is found , must be in a body truly and really extended . i say therefore , as dimension and complexion are proper to no beings but what are extended , and from these inseparable ; so we are also sure , that the sensitive part , by which we obtain the perception of these properties is it self extended , because thus much is certain , that either the intellect by its intuitive faculty does immediately obtain these impressions of dimension and colour , or if not , either it must receive them from the objects themselves without the interposition of any other extended being , or by the conveyance of some other , unless it be granted that some other incorporeal being is the author of this communication ; and then that as being an afficient or operator must exist , if a finite , independence on , and by vertue of an infinite , as the sequel shall demonstrate ; if an infinite , so much therefore of our argument is made good without further study . now the utmost our intellectuals can archieve by their intuitive faculty of it self , is to feign an object to be , and to be present , not to perceive it properly as real and present . it can form an idea of dimension in general , or any one kind of dimension , as also of colour in general , or any particular sort of colour , but then this idea shall be variable at pleasure ; the dimensions shall be larger or less , of this form or that form , and the complexion of this kind or that kind , as the soul pleases ; whereas the figure and colour of those objects which affect us , as to what we call sight , are not in our power nor subject to that faculty which can vary those particular dimensions and colours it self has form'd at discretion . these latter affect us without any antecedent counsel or resolution of the soul , whereas the faculty of imagination cannot set to work without being first determin'd by a plain act of the will : so i cannot beget in my self the perception of any figure without a motion first made in my soul to form such a conception , and a tacit consent also to pursue that motion , whereas we often find that figures and colours too surprize us , and are not , as in other cases , to be remov'd or chang'd at the decree of our will. seeing therefore they affect us , and not by our own procurement , and seeing the variation of them does not depend on our own faculties , 't is evident they must so far , as things are so and so figur'd and colour'd , be distinct from them , because whatsoever is figur'd and colour'd , must , as has been shewn above , be extended ; and that the faculties of the soul cannot be , as shall be shewn hereafter : altho' if they could , it would avail nothing against us , as shall be also shewn hereafter . nor matters it as to the question in hand , whether that which appears to be just so and so figur'd and colour'd , really is so , but whether it only appears in such a manner to be so figur'd and colour'd as that by the power of my intellectual faculties i cannot make it otherwise , and as that it offers it self unsought and unlook'd for so dispos'd . esse and apparere in this case are one , and if we are not able to vary these dimensions and colours which affect us , though they may not perhaps truly and properly , as they are of such a particular kind belong to such a subject , it is demonstration as they are dimensions and colours in general , they exist in some extended being distinct from my intellectuals . and by this principle it is easie to solve those difficulties which may be started concerning dreams and lunacy , for although those difficulties , if admitted , are not , as the cartesians and malbranchians have surmiz'd , any valid objections or exceptions to general rules of certainty of the senses , it being very sufficient , if they are at such certain times , and on such certain occasions true , when by particular attention they have been found to be so , because indeed , any one instance for us justly pursu'd to the consequences we fetch from it , is of force to confirm all that we shall contend for , yet because no room for cavil should be left ; i think upon these terms it is apparent , that as to the general properties of the objects of sense , they are as faithfully represented to our senses in our dreams as at other times . the subjects of those properties , 't is true , are not in reality present , but those impressions which were a little before made upon the organs hold good , and affect the soul when no longer diverted by impressions , which though weaker , and therefore unable to destroy the more durable , do , nevertheless , while an entrance is open for them , prevent the soul's being affected with any other . now it is absolutely necessary that these impressions of such long continuance made upon the sensitive part , be either made by that , of it self , or else by objects of the sensitive part ; if by it self , and it be prov'd , as it shall , extended and distinct from the thinking part by arguments undenyable in themselves , and fetch'd from different instances , the objection leaves us as to this part of it in the same place where it found us : if by objects of the sensitive part , no more is requir'd than to prove from instances more certain and unquestionable , and indeed most certain , that all objects of the sensitive part must be extended , which leads us again back to our general rules . and indeed , unless the objection evidently carry'd in it such a repugnancy to our general rules , as that it could not be solvable upon the suppositions made by us in them , let it be never so difficult to be accounted for in it self , it avails nothing against the force of those general rules : for granting it be solvable upon those suppositions , as to what we are concern'd for in it the possiblity of its being so is equally consistent with our general rules of certainty , as they are principles from which such and such conclusions are to be brought ; as if the objection had been ever so easily solvable in those questions which may be started about it consider'd in it self , so that it is to no purpose to urge , how do i know but my senses may deceive me , when i 'm awake , as well as when i 'm asleep ? because , although perhaps the true and real manner of their so affecting and disposing us as we find they or their objects , or something like what we mean by them does , is unknown to us , yet i can assure my self , that for ought i perceive of them ( and i can judge nothing at all of them beyond that , unless by general rules of certainty ) that we should be affected after such a manner by them , is not only consistent with our general rules of certainty of the senses , but altogether conformable to them , and more than a probable argument of that which we are presently to evince , that the organs of sense are distinct from the thinking part no less than the object . indeed we cannot say , but the objection may prove that for such objects to be just then present , when as in a dream , we really imagine them to be so , is not absolutely necessary ; but it cannot infer that objects properly and truly such , at least with respect to their general properties , such as we in such circumstances take them to be , need not at one time or other to have been really present : perhaps too , these general properties might not then have been united as in my dream , suppose of a chimaera ; but one in one object might have made deeper impressions than any other in the same object , and another in another , but that alters not the case supposing , as we experience when awake , the soul has a power of joyning and mixing these selected parts and properties . and all this , according to the common notion of the origin of dreams , which , as i have said already , whether consonant to these or those physical principles or not , most certainly suffice to account for all those difficulties which at present concern us with relation to certainty of the senses , and therefore the objection grounded upon those difficulties stands no longer in the way of our general rules . and as for the manner how the impressions of objects are so fasten'd upon the organs , as to affect them after so long a time , we are as much excus'd from searching into that , as into the manner of objects moving our organs when we are awake . it is enough , if by our general rules we become sure that at both times they truly act so upon us . and indeed since only bodies have obtain'd those general qualities which the soul perceives herself affected with , as from those bodies ; and since , as we shall prove hereafter , the soul herself is a being unextended , it cannot be , that the soul should be so affected , as to the perception of those general qualities , unless by such beings as have only obtain'd them , and those are bodies : i say , as to the perception of those general qualities , as colour and dimension in general , not the particular dispositions or sorts of them , as whether the object wherein i am sure is colour and dimension in general be red or green , &c. crooked or streight . for here , though not often , we sometimes may err , as in the particular colours of a prism or the figure of a stick half under water . wherein yet we may know by the rules of certainty already laid down , that there really is colour and dimension in general , and that therefore their subjects are beings truly and properly extended : so that whether awake or asleep , those general properties of extended beings which affect us must be lodg'd in beings truly and properly extended , which is as much as serves for our present purpose , although even supposing the soul to be material , if it be one solid piece of matter , it cannot be affected , as by properties of extended beings , unless by the application of a being truly extended to its own superficies ; or if it consists of many parts of matter , either each part ( whether it be mov'd or not mov'd ) must be endow'd with the power of perceiving such properties , or only certain of them : if each part , the same application either of some other part of it , which in respect of the perceiving part , is no more than its object ; or of some extended being distinct from all parts of the soul is still necessary to affect in such a manner because no part of matter can be affected with such qualities as are proper to matter , but by receiving the impressions of them from some other portion of matter . and this must be , ev'n supposing such matter to perceive by a perceptive quality unknown to us , for if it be a perceptive quality at all , it must be such an one as we make the soul to have , supposing it immaterial , and consequently subject to the same laws as are proper to the other . nor shall we , i hope , need to say any more as to this objection in our examination of the other senses . to proceed then , as the soul cannot by her intuitive faculty alone , so perceive these objects of sight , as she finds she does perceive unalterable by and independent on her faculties ; so cannot the immediate application of the object to her faculties effect those perceptions without the commerce of extended organs : and here we have two things to prove , that the soul cannot perceive those general properties of extended beings distinct from her self , but by the intervention of extended instruments united to her by the most intimate union , that an unextended and extended being are capable of , and that these objects are by no means so united : from whence it plainly follows , that there are other extended instruments by intervention , of which the soul perceives those general properties , and these we shall prove to be the senses . now the most intimate union that can be between unextended and extended beings is of composition ; for that which is extended , allotting it never so many occult properties , cannot be unextended while 't is extended ; and the most intimate union of composition is , when one of the beings united cannot be affected , but the other must be affected also ; supposing the beings united to be consider'd as passive which we have already shewn the soul , when she perceives the general properties of objects , as in the objects must be , and therefore whatever is united to her by a most intimate union of composition , if such an union , as i understand , be a most intimate , must with her be passive too . and indeed those things which cannot have one being in common , can be no nearer united than necessarily to affect or be affected in common ; since whatsoever is not essentially united to any thing else , must be essentially distinct from it , and whatsoever cannot be conceiv'd without its extension , as all extended beings ( whether in that extension consists their essence or not ) must be essentially distinct from whatsoever cannot be conceiv'd with extension , which we have promis'd already to prove hereafter of the soul ; and whatsoever is essentially distinct from any thing else , can obtain no nearer an alliance than that of acting and suffering with it : so as that in the latter case , the one cannot be affected but the other must be affected also , unless when one is passive , the other may be active : but that cannot be , for in order to this , they must be so far disunited as that one , viz. the extended being must , in cases of sensation already specified , affect the other by an extrinsecal impression , or such an impression as must imply , that that which impresses is no more united to that which is impressed upon , than the object of sense is to the perceptive faculty of the soul , and that 's not at all , for the properties of dimension and complexion in those objects could not be perceiv'd , as in a distinct and separate state from that which perceives them , in which yet , for reasons lately alledg'd , they cannot but be , unless they were at least so far divided from it , as that it should not be united to their superficies , which it is impossible for it to be , while it plainly perceives that superficies to be extra se , and withal , that it cannot be ty'd nearer to any superficies , with the perception of which it is as distinctly affected , as with that of an object , than at most , barely to be surrounded by it , which is far from any union of composition . not yet can the application of the object 's superficies to the perceptive faculty , without the intervention of extended organs united to the perceptive faculty by the most intimate union of composition , produce such a perception , because the utmost that the imagination of her self can effect , is , as was observed before , to feign objects real and present ; nor can the superficies of the object , by approaching only , dispose that faculty which is not else dispos'd to take any notice of it ; for unless that object can so affect the perceptive faculty , as to procure in it that real perception of it self , which the faculty is no more than able to feign , it 's approach conduces not at all to the begetting such a perception : and thus much it is certain it cannot , unless there be , at least , in this extended object , a power of exciting , which power must either subsist in it independantly of it , or as an accident move and operate only in conjunction with its subject : not the first , because this power being on such conditions , an unextended being must beget still that perception , either by the approach of that extended being , which is its subject , or by it self : the one it is no more able to do , than the extended being approaching the perceptive faculty without any such assistant , nor yet by it self , because unless it has in it self the notices or perceptions of such general properties of an extended being , it cannot by a mere confus'd and blind sollicitation cause our perceptive faculty to acknowledge such general properties , which consider'd ( as we consider it now ) in it self , it has not , and consequently cannot move us to take notice of them , and therefore the perceptive faculty does by other means receive those distinct and clear impressions of dimension , colour , &c. than by that which has them not in it self , nor yet effects those impressions by the means of that which has such properties in it self . but then , supposing it only an accident , it 's effect cannot exceed that of its subject , viz. a bare brute extended being ; and by the mere accession of this , which yet is all the operation conceivable in a bare brute extended being , the immaterial faculty can be no more affected , than if the extended being had not approach'd , no more being in the faculty , as has been prov'd above , than at most to feign the object real and present ; nor any vertue in the immediate impression of the extended being , by which alone it can procure a perception of its own general properties in the perceptive faculty . because therefore the accession of the object cannot produce a perception of its general properties in the faculty ; nor the faculty by her-self form those independant and distinct perceptions which she has of objects , some other extended instruments more intimately united , are requisite to the begetting such a perception , and these are the organs of sense , which are more sensibly and closely united , than that those general properties , by which we know objects to be distinct from the faculty , are so by the faculty to be perceiv'd in them . and the same security we have for the rest of the externals , hearing , tasting , smelling , and feeling , of the last more especially , because in it we are affected after such a manner , as to perceive those general properties peculiar to the sensation of this sense , as dimension , ( which is common with this sense to that of seeing ) hardness , softness , roughness , smoothness , and the like ; and which are not to be found , but in a truly extended being , as in two distinct superficies , that of the organ reaching the object , and that of the object pressing the organ , an evident demonstration upon those principles we have already laid down , as well of the certainty of both their extensions , as of their being distinct from each other . but this , with the other three externals , i shall leave ( for brevity sake ) to be examin'd by the discipline of certainty already offer'd , and therefore offer'd in general terms ; declining particularly the discussion of the three other senses , because all the objects of them are primarily objects of the other two ; and as to those general properties which are assignable to them , as tast in general , sound in general , odour in general , fall under the same doctrines with the former ; only this may be necessary to observe once again , that the surest means of escaping error , is to try and judge only of those properties which the judgment shall , by due methods understand to be appropriated to each sense , by that sense . what these methods are may easily be collected from what has been said before . as little occasion have we also to add any thing of the internal , common sense , which by aristotle and others is call'd so , because conversant about sensible objects , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , arist. de animâ li. 3. cap. 2. ) not as being corporeal ▪ as follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( see beside the comment of the coimbra doctors ) by whom it is defin'd , that sense , by which we distinguish the several properties , which we acquire a perception of by the five externals , and can be no other than that perceptive or apprehensive faculty which is to be prov'd immaterial , for there is no distinguishing one thing from another , but by a clear and distinct apprehension of each . what we are next to prove , is the reality of extended beings , and the immateriality of that being which perceives or apprehends and judges of them . whenever we conceive an extended being as able to affect us in the manner lately mention'd , we must conceive something more than length and breadth alone , because they cannot alone affect us with those general properties which we perceive in objects long and broad , for if they affect , they must really be , and yet they cannot really exist , unless they have also depth as well as length and breadth , a proposition of it self so evident , that it admits of no further illustration . and indeed it is high time to desist from this demonstration of the truth of the senses , which i have not drawn out to such a length , as believing any just scruples are to be raised about them , but to remove those unjust ones , which other have begot in the minds of many . in order to prove the latter , viz. the immateriality of the apprehensive and judicious part , i will not pretend to define all the properties that may accrue to a being extended , and boldly to exclude cogitation from among them , but shall make it my business to evince from what we certainly know of an extended being , that cogitation cannot appertain to it . now thus much we plainly know of an extended being , that it cannot be such , unless it have three dimensions , length , breadth , and depth ; and nothing long , broad , and deep can move it self , unless by virtue of some other power lodg'd in it ; which power , as it is to be the inciter of its extended subject , cannot but be so far independant of it , as to be able to move without it , because the motion of that is antecedent to the motion of its subject , and if it be so far independant , it must necessarily subsist in a state distinct from its extended subject , since it is a most gross absurdity to suppose , that faculty whereby the being in which it rests is incited to move , should be incapacitated to move , unless with that being wherein it rests ; and yet if it is not , it is plain it must subsist distinctly from it , because all properties , the foundation of whose existence is their subject , cannot but move along with their subject ; for indeed , to suppose such to move without their subject , is to set them free either more or less from their subject , and to allow them to move only in proportion to the degree of such their liberty and alienation . now every act of perception , if it proceed from any thing extended , must be wrought by motion , for all alteration must be the effect of motion , and whether that which properly perceives , be extended or not , the condition of it is in some degree alter'd , it being conscious to it self of a different state from what it had before : as when it has perceiv'd a triangular body , or ( suppose ) none before , and afterwards perceives a round one . if that from whence therefore this alteration arises is lodg'd in a being extended , motion is lodg'd in it , and if motion , it must be either that independant power discours'd of before , or an accident only concomitant with extension : granting the first , by what has been so lately offer'd , we prove it to be distinct from the being extended , and so immaterial , but if you will have it to be an accident only concomitant with extension ; upon this supposition again , it cannot move or be mov'd , but along with its extended subject , and in the same species of motion , that is , it can only change site and place , since an extended substance in motion differs from one at rest no more than relatively , or with respect to something without it self . for we will suppose a cube divided into ten thousand cubes , and every one of these subdivided into twice as many more , till of one solid cube it becomes at last a heap of atoms ; and next let us suppose these atoms so dispos'd to play amongst one another , that each of them shall ( if you please ) have a quite different motion from all the rest . what changes would ensue in this cube of matter ? none certainly intrinsecal . but that portion of the cube , which before its division lay continuous to one certain angle of it , upon the intersection would relinquish the superficies whereto it was continuous before , and apply its own naked superficies to another ; suppose that of the instrument , or in what part it might not be contiguous to the instrument , to the superficies of any intermediate matter whatever . the division and subdivision thus atchiev'd , and all the particles thrown into motion , what other alterations are like to arise ? still none , for every of the mov'd particles continues intrinsecally the same ; and the relative difference too is the same as it was in the division , this single circumstance excepted , that in the division the changes of each particle's site might be fewer and slower , which in the commotion they shift oftner and quicker ; so that a body mov'd , and a body at rest , are materially and intrinsecally the same ; but by reason of motion , one body looses that relation of vicinity which it had to another body , and renews it with a third . but beside , the power of perception must be essentially united to that of judgment ; for as it is evident , that those ideas of things , which the judgment compares , are the very same with those which we receive by simple apprehension , only more in number , and parts so mainly constituent of every operation of judgment , that there can be no such operation effected without them , so cannot that power , whereby single ideas are barely contemplated , be indeed distinct from that which contemplates them in the same manner , only in greater numbers , and under their mutual relations : seeing where the operation is essentially one , the operant cannot be more ; for altho' two distinct efficients may concur to the producing one effect , yet that effect must necessarily be compound , so as that the portion of the effect wrought by one efficient , may be distinct from the portion of the other efficient , but every act of judgment is simple , and one portion of it , viz. that of comparison , cannot be separated from the other of ideas without being lost . the unity of the efficient therefore being thus prov'd from the unity of the effect , all that we have to prove is , that every act of judgment must be truly and properly motion ; and every act that has in it succession must be motion , not that of bodies out of one place or position into another , which yet is analogous to it so far as it is successive , but the continuation of a complex act through all its parts , or that transition which in every judgment we make from one simple idea to another : and this power of motion , if seated in matter , must be independent of it , as acting without it , because before it , for the other brute properties of matter are of necessity perfectly unactive and montionless , till agitated by this power independent of them . but there might yet another argument , as well as a further confirmation of this be fetch'd à posteriori , from the wisdom of god , when that and his other perfections have been first prov'd from the existence of even the smallest particle of matter , which according to the method we shall now pursue , may be clearly and directly prov'd . having therefore thus demonstrated the existence and general properties of all beings immediately affecting either our sensitive or thinking faculties , as also the certainty of the existence of those faculties , and difference of their nature , we come next to enquire how they obtain'd this existence and these properties ; whether they gave them to themselves , or receiv'd them from some other cause . most evident it is , that they exist according to a certain line , succession , or course of moments , and that as to order of time as they now are , so a little before they were ; which line or course being trac'd by the moments whereof it consists to the utmost length that our or any multiplication of such moments can reach , will at last terminate in some certain point , beyond which moment the existence of such beings is not to be referr'd , and in which they first began to be . and this beginning it is impossible they should have had from themselves , because they could not affect till they were ; and if not affect , not effect ; whence it follows , that they had some primary distinct cause subsisting from eternity , not extended , because a successive existence is inseparable from extension , for we can no sooner perceive an extended being , but we must conceive it as existing in time , because every extended being is apt for , or capable of being mov'd along the parts of a line , the measure of motion , by which we thus demonstrate the succession of its existence . let ( a ) be the being extended ; ( f ) ( l ) a a line along which ( a ) may be mov'd , while ( a ) exists upon the space of the line ( f ) ( l ) between ( f ) ( h ) , it cannot exist also upon the space between ( i ) ( b ) . and yet seeing it is capable of being mov'd along the line ( f ) ( l ) , till arriv'd to the space between ( i ) ( b ) , it is no less capable of existing upon the space between ( i ) ( b ) , but not till it has left off to exist upon the space between ( f ) ( h ) : and yet it could not be capable of existing upon the space between ( i ) ( b ) , after it had existed upon the space between ( f ) ( h ) , unless it had existed before between ( f ) ( h ) , and so many moments of existence after its existence between ( f ) ( h ) , as its motion should last through the several spaces , till it might arrive at that between ( i ) ( b ) , which succession of existence being trac'd back to the utmost extent that any multiplication can attain , will at last terminate in some certain point , and therefore beyond that require a cause which might subsist from eternity . beside , without motion , this extended being could effect or affect nothing ; and yet this first mover , if an extended substance , could not have self-motion by the demonstrations already offer'd upon that argument . and this prime unextended cause must be also infinite , not only possessing perfections equal to those of its own effect ; but all others whatsoever , or all perfection possible , and that because its existence is necessary and eternal , for to all manner of perfection there accrues , at least , a possibility of existence . so that whatsoever perfection is missing in the effects of this prime cause , cannot but exist in the cause it self ; seeing , as we observ'd before , all perfection carries in it at least a possibility of existing , which yet it could not , unless it may exist in the prime cause , in case it cannot in its effects . there is no absurdity at all in affirming , that whatsoever is a perfection may exist ; so far from that , that it is impossible to feign any perfection wanting such a possibility : but if it may neither exist in the effects nor prime cause , ( supposing that to be single ) it is an absurdity to say that such a possibility is essential to all perfection ▪ and although in the effects of the prime cause , whatsoever is possible may not be found , and indeed cannot , for they are all notoriously limited , the extended by their superficies , and the unextended by the defect of their powers ; and whatsoever is limited either way , must be capable of univocal additions ; and when those are obtain'd , still of greater ; so that something of perfection will ever be wanting to them : yet in the prime cause it self , whose existence is necessary , all manner of perfection must , because of its possibility of existence , truly and really exist ; for it could not be in its own nature apt to exist , unless it had been so either from eternity or from a certain period of time : now although the perfections of the effects of the prime cause are in their own nature capable of existing only within a certain period of time ; yet whatsoever perfection may possibly exist in the prime cause , whose existence is necessary , cannot but truly and really exist in it : now all perfection whatsoever carries with it such a possibility ; as for instance , the power of creating a new world out of nothing , or a new order of effects answerable to that already created is such a perfection , as may possibly be in the prime cause of those effects already extant . but yet it could not possibly be in this prime cause , unless co-eternal with it ; seeing if it were temporary , it must be only the effect of this prime cause , and not of the essence of it , nor co-eternal with it , unless it necessarily existed , because all eternals exist by necessity . neither is this to say , that what is most perfect , must therefore exist , because existence is one of the perfections of that most perfect , whereas indeed it is inseparable from even the least perfection . no , all that i contend for amounts to no more than , that in a being of necessary existence , and in such an one only , all perfection possible must as necessarily exist . not but from the consideration of the nature of the effects already in being the infinity of the prime cause , is no less conspicuous , supposing it no derogation , as indeed it is not , from the majesty of the prime cause , to say , that it cannot create more kinds of beings than what are already created . kinds , i say , which are these , a spirit and a body ; and in truth it implies a mere contradiction , to say there can be more kinds of beings than these ; for whatsoever is , must either be extended or not extended ; if the former , 't is a body ; if the latter , 't is either an intelligent spirit , or a blind , unintelligent energy . and by these , i mean a spirit in general . now more sorts of beings than these there cannot be ; and a contradiction , i say , is the effect of supposing there can ; because admitting a third kind , it must be of such beings as are neither extended nor unextended , which 't is evident cannot be any beings at all . but of these kinds the cause that first produc'd 'em , can , at pleasure , produce new qualities and numbers , since it is perfectly , and in all respects the same that it was from eternity ; it being impossible , but that whatsoever exists from eternity must be immutable , because its existence is necessary . nay further , all quantities or numbers of substances anew created , be they never so great , a cause of eternal subsistence can produce in one act , because it does not operate according to the succession of the parts of time , although to us it may seem so to do , whose comprehension is so narrow , in comparison of it , as not to collect any manner of existence or operation , but what is successive , either from the notice of our own existence or , operation , or those of other beings falling under our observation . so soon as such substances are created , they cannot , 't is true , exist , but according to such a succession ; but the act of creation , as it is the act of the creator , is no more concern'd with any order of time than the agent : so that if a thousand worlds not yet created were to be created with respect to the creator , they must be created together with that world already created . all which is no other than consonant to the principles of those many philosophers who define eternity a possession at once of all past , present , and to come . to be sufficient therefore to create all substances that can be created without a contradiction , and this at once , certainly appertains to no less than a power infinite ; for although the quantities and numbers of the substances created , let them be never so great , must be finite , yet the power of creating as many more remains in the creator . nor seems it any diminution of the creator's perfection , that the quantities and numbers of the substances created must be finite ; since if they might be infinite , they might not only rival their cause , but oblige him to confer that upon beings not existing from eternity , which only accrues to beings existing from eternity ; for nothing can be infinite as to continuance , unless a necessary existent ; and nothing infinite on other accounts unless infinite as to continuance , because every thing else must be the effect of a being of infinite continuance , and that effect must be less perfect than its cause , as partaking , even of substantially and essentially the same as the cause , of but a portion of its cause , which yet a temporary being cannot of an eternal , because whatever is eternal in such a being , is in its own nature incommunicable to a temporary being : and yet no effect of an infinite cause can be less perfect than its cause without being finite , by which it appears , that to suppose the quantities and numbers of the substances created may be infinite , is to suppose the cause of them may be guilty of a most gross absurdity and contradiction ; and not only so , but that it may likewise be mutable , though of necessary existence . what i have said of substances , holds equally of their properties . and this argument it self might suffice to demonstrate the infinity of each perfection in the creator , which may be found in a more imperfect degree in the things created . the eternity of the all perfection , and particularly of the omnipotence of this prime cause being thus evinc'd , we are yet to reflect a little upon the necessity of all those possible and eternal perfections being united in that one prime cause ; and here it must be remember'd , that if they are not united in the same infinite , they must either as to one part or kind of them be finite or infinite : not infinite , for what can be a bolder contradiction , than that one share of such perfections should be infinite , when there remains a great deal of perfection not united to it . finite therefore . if finite , in some measure defective ; if defective , wanting that principle , which , where ever it is found , constitutes that being altogether perfect , viz. a necessity of existing , the want whereof must be therefore the foundation of imperfection , because perfection is constituted of reality , being only a plenitude of existence , so as that , for instance , the perfection of a body is no more than the real existence of its extension , and of whatever else goes to the constituting of a body ; and the perfection of its extension , &c. consists in its being real or positive , for nothing is further perfect than it is positive ; nor whatever composes the essences of things any otherwise consummate , than as those constituents are true and genuine existents . it cannot therefore exist necessarily , and if not necessarily , not from eternity ; whence it is clear it must be essentially united to all other possible perfection , that is of eternal existence ( essentially , i say , because there can be no union of composition between two beings , unless each is in its own nature able to subsist by it self . ) so that all perfection , whose existence is from eternity , must be collected and essentially united in one eternal , most perfect cause of all other beings whatsoever . i know not whether i need particularly insist upon any further eviction of the omniscience of this prime cause , that being inclusively prov'd by the general argument so lately handled in proof of his all-perfection : but yet because this attribute is a proper foundation for the demonstration of his providence , it may not be amiss to consider it in it self . so slight is the acquaintance we have with spiritual beings of a limited nature , and much more with that of an unlimited one , that what we learn concerning them , we acquire partly by general rules of entities , partly from certain general properties of the spiritual beings themselves . that the prime cause must in it self have intelligent faculties , there needs no other evidence than that certain effects of it have . that part of its productions which is call'd and known to be the rational and thinking , have receiv'd of it considerable abilities in that kind . we apprehend , we know , we think , and are admitted not only to the contemplation of our selves and fellow-creatures , but even into the sanctum sanctorum , to the contemplation of the prime cause it self : yet not without great restrictions ; it being the prudence of the prime cause to bestow but a scanty portion of that upon its creatures , which as it would be in them the similitude of it self , so it would tempt them to presume upon their own dignity , and consequently to be forgetfull of his . ( not to mention here the event of our first parents lapse . ) however such a portion of understanding we can boast of as serves to signifie the donour an intelligent being also : and as the intelligent part of his creation bespeaks him intelligent , so that with all the other parts of it bespeak him infinitely so , because indeed they could not have been at all , unless that which gave them their being had thoroughly and most intimately known the ends and essences of them , because a being independent , existing from eternity , and therefore necessary and immutable , could not be mov'd to exert the act of creation , unless by more than a brute principle of motion , which motion must either have continu'd from eternity , and so the effects of it have been eternal , the absurdity of which we have already refuted , or have been an arbitrary or voluntary motion arising from a principle of intelligence . nor can it be , but that these two principles should operate for ends ; seeing this voluntary motion could not have proceeded from the intelligent principle , unless the intelligent principle upon notice or conception ( if i may so speak ) of things , found , at least , some end to urge that voluntary motion ; so that as every the least effect of that motion must have been for an end ; so must it also have issued from an intelligent principle in the arbitrary mover : whence it is evident this arbitrary mover or cause must have a perfect and absolute knowledge of all its own effects . but here i would not be understood either to define the intellectual powers of the first cause , or the manner of their operations ; when all i attempt , is to shew , that the least effect of the prime cause must flow from a voluntary motion ( to which although infinitely more perfect , that imperfect one of our wills is somewhat analogous ) arising from an idea of that which is to be the effect of that voluntary motion , and that idea also infinitely more perfect than any of ours . and as this arbitrary cause cannot but have the most entire and absolute knowledge of all its own effects , so must it be no less acquainted with whatever is possible besides , because it comprehends in it all such possibilities ; and whatsoever it so comprehends it must it self be conscious of , seeing those principles of intelligence and voluntary motion already mention'd , cannot be , as perhaps in inferiour and finite rationals , distinct from the other faculties and attributes , but on the same account that such principle are asserted at large to be in the prime cause , they must also be annex'd to whatsoever of it is found to be of eternal existence ; seeing whatsoever is found to be so , is alike independent of any foreign impulsor as the prime cause understood at large , alike necessary and immutable , and accordingly a being alike intelligent and arbitrary . again , as this prime cause is infinitely powerfull and wise , so it must be infinitely just and mercifull too , and that because its effects are the objects of its love , as well as the off-spring of its power , for so long as they exist , they are certainly precious in its esteem , and not only when they were first created , but even as long as they continue in being , it cannot but repute them good . in truth , unless they were so , their all-wise cause would fall under the imputation of acting in vain , and be oblig'd in its own justification to annihilate the universal system , or at least such portions of it as were of no value in its sight ; by which rule , as we may be assur'd of its general concern for all , so of that concern's being proportionable to the particular value of each member : so that every such member in its particular station is consulted , and provided for according to its dignity , the measure whereof is best to be learn'd by examining how large its capacity is of being benefited by the first cause , for there is nothing more certain , than that the first all-wise cause rather than act in vain and to no purpose , will benefit it and bless it to the full measure of that capacity : yet not without conditions too , where and so far as the effect is qualify'd for entring , or has actually enter'd into them . wherefore in cases even of degeneracy in such an effect , the small remains of that perfection which it receiv'd at first from its cause , are still valu'd by its cause , nay even when it seems good to the cause , that its effects should undergo any severities , it cannot but either compensate for them afterwards , which for the reasons already given , it is oblig'd to do , when conditions are observ'd ; or if it consigns over the violators to a perpetual punishment ( not to insist upon any other defence of its justice therein ) i know not why we may not believe that the effects even by the laws of their nature , decline through degeneracy into such a state of misery , and acquire such a disposition , that upon being translated according to the ordinary course of things into a new station and condition , they necessarily become miserable , partly thro' those defects which they owe to themselves , and partly from impressions from without , which could not affect them , if the nature of the effect had undergone no change by its degeneracy . lastly , nothing is a more easie demonstration than of the providence of the first cause from the certainty of its justice and mercy . indeed it is most conspicuous in every part of its great work , wherein the whole contrivance appears so admirable , the subserviency of this to that so regular , and the distribution of properties so just , that of all miracles , the order of nature , which we daily behold , is certainly the greatest . nor does there seem to be any necessity of betaking our selves to the more simple methods of demonstration , when if we would never so fain , we cannot extricate our selves from evidences of such a providence . and when democritus had modell'd his atoms , and epicurus had , as he fansied , put them in a right way to gather into a body , what did it avail them ? they neither could be atoms till they were made so , nor move a point on , till the first mover set them forward . but then what if the beauty , structure , and order which ensu'd , could not arise from any such principles , as it is plain they could not ? for supposing never so great variety in the figures of the atoms , that one species of motion , viz. casus declivis , could not by any means beget such a multiplicity of forms , but only generate a solid , flinty mass ; solid and flinty , i say , because no manner of concourse could so strongly compact the atoms as that . indeed it must have fasten'd all of them so close together that nothing could have broken so many free distinct bodies off the rock , but the supervention of an almighty arm : nor yet could each such frustulum have been so modify'd and temper'd as we find , unless by the same : so that the founders and maintainers of these principles , instead of mending the matter , only made more work for themselves , and brought their particles so fairly together at last , that when they should have been got asunder again , nothing but a superiour agent , being that which they made sure of escaping , could separate them . for alas ! chance has not strength enough . if she might bring them together , she could do no more afterwards , but leave them together . besides , what is this chance at last ? so far from being a cause , that it never can be any thing but a coincident . for granting these atoms fell thus together ; did they chance , i beseech you , to fall together before they did fall together ? and still it 's all the same thing , whether these atoms encounter in one kind of motion or in many ; for if in many , so as that they gather into many distinct bodies , each of those bodies must be superlatively compact , seeing that motion , which is to bring them together , will bring them as close together , as they can be brought , when there is nothing to interpose . but what shall at last animate some of these lumps , and temper all of them ? let the atomist therefore take his choice , whether he will have one great mass , or many little ones . but i digress too far , it being my present design not so much to confute error as demonstrate truth ; although indeed the latter is much at one with the former , especially in the dispute before us . yet the reigning sottishness of that opinion so star'd me in the face , while i would discourse upon the providence of the prime cause , that i could not handsomely forbear a rebuke , the continuation of the effects of the prime cause being no better accounted for by this barren , childish hypothesis than their original ; for as they could not give themselves a being , but must necessarily have receiv'd it from an all-perfect cause ; so ( not to mention the necessity of perpetual creation , in order to the subsistence of such effects , sufficiently evinc'd by others ) from the nature and attributes of this prime cause , i think i have clearly demonstrated , that it certainly governs and is concern'd for all , even the smallest of its effects , and this all-perfect first cause is god. but now where appears that little half animal the atheist ? no longer , i hope , setting up for a philosopher , when for ought i know , the brutes even of the slowest apprehension may claim pre-eminence in the schools before him : the brutes , whose every motion betrays a consciousness of a truth , which nothing but the darkest blindness of soul can escape . the brain must be clouded thick on all sides , or so dazling a lustre could not but strike it . is this then the penetrating man ? the subtile inventive , verè adeptus ? a prodigy in good earnest ! if he could raise effects without causes , and begin to build his houses from the tiles . but alas ! there is not one phaenomenon in all nature to be so much as plausibly interpreted , but upon the confidence of a first cause . those accounts of meteors which we have receiv'd , are perhaps the fairest and easiest on all hands of any other physical notices , whether we consult cartes , gassendus , aristotle , or the stoicks , ( comets only excepted ) and yet no vapours could be so much as exhal'd , or any condens'd or rarefy'd , but by the interposition of the first cause ; for if transmutations analogous to those in the alembicks of our vertuosi require such peculiar and most exquisite instruments ; how much rather do they require an omnipotent author and cause to give an efficacy to these instruments ? and indeed the first blunder of the atheistical philosopher has ever been his mistaking instruments for efficient causes ; for not discerning the difference between that which acts only necessarily , and that which acts arbitrarily , the poor beetles have all along excluded a deity by confounding the first with the latter . yet there 's the mischief of it , these people cannot but be lost to all sound reason and sense , before they straggle into such unaccountable delirious notions ; and how is it possible to correct error , when instead of any candour and judgment , you have nothing to treat with but obstinate conceitedness , profound ignorance , and desperate indocility . de cartesianâ dei ideâ epistola , ad v. cl. d. antonium le grand , quâ respondetur ad cap. xiv um apologiae ejus pro ren. cartesio contra s. parkerum , archidiaconum ( tunc temporis ) cantuar. ornatissime domine , perlectâ haud ità pridem apologiâ tuâ sermonis nitore pariter ac moderatione conditâ , imprimis studium quo incalueram veritatis , exigere visum est , ut instituta tua , maxime verò quae de cartesianâ dei ideâ tradideras , pro virili refellerem ; cum scilicet nihil praestet amicum aliquem male consultum veritatis basin primitivam demoliri ut suam substerneret , quàm apertè ipsos adversarios ariete sua conquassare . quinimò me tandem in certamen planè arsisse fateor cum causam veritatis defendi non posse perspexerim quin desideratissimi parentis memoriam manesque simul vindicarem , quos non vindicasse adolescentis ignavi degenerisque sit . itaque cum ad omnia tua respondere nondum vacet , accipe benigno quaesumus animo quae de capite apologiae tuae decimo quarto scribenda habuimus , quo cartesium tuum divinae substantiae ideam obtinuisse contendis , quae aliunde profiscisci quàm ab illo cujus sit idea nequiret . priusquam vero ista discutiamus , paucis investigemus oportet quid per vocem ideam nos intelligere debemus . platonem in usum introduxisse constat , de quo d. augustinus in octaginta quaestionum libro — ideas primò appellâsse plato perhibetur , non tamen si hoc nomen antequam ipse institueret non erat ideò , vel res ipsae non erant quas ideas vocavit , vel à nullo erant intellectae , sed alio fortasse atque alio nomine ab aliis atque aliis nuncupatae sunt : quae quidem eminentissimi viri conjectura verisimilior ab una parte videtur , ab altera minús . nam philosophorum antiquissimas familias de rebus id intellexisse quòd varias suas formas seu species habeant , quarum unaquaeque genus certum aeternâ necessitate constituat , nos neutiquàm dubitemus : num verò eodem quo platonici modo intellexerunt , nimirum prout in divinâ intelligentiâ delitescunt , haud immeritò controvertamus . neque tamen hinc ita inferendum puto quasi maxima pars veterum philosophorum omnesque ferè quos graecia barbaros esse voluit , magi , gymnosophistae , druides , deum aliquem extare inficiarentur . atqui tanta erat de deò apud hos opinionum varietas & pugna , siquidem m. tullium amimadvertisse memini lib. 1. de nat. deorum , cui vero esse ( deos ) dixerunt , tantà sunt in varietate ac dissensione constituti , ut eorum molestum sit dinumerare sententias ; ut ejusmodi species tanquam in divinâ intelligentiâ conversantes apprehendisse , cum notitia quam attributorum divinorum habuerunt adeò imperfecta ac dimidiata esset , non ita facilè credendum sit . quomodocunque autem rem istam se habuisse existimemus , platonem terminum ipsum adinvenisse liquet . mentem volebant platonici rerum esse judicem , ( ait cicero academ . quaest. lib. 1. ) solam censebant idoneam cui crederetur , quia sola cerneret id quod esset simplex , & uniusmodi & tale quale esset . hanc illi ideam appellabant jam à platone ita nominatam , nos rectè speciem possumus dicere . sensus autem omnes hebetes & tardos esse arbitrabantur , nec percipere ullo modo res eas quae subjectae sensibus viderentur , quae essent aut ita parvae ut sub sensum cadere non possent , aut ita mobiles & concitatae ut nihil unquam unum esset constans , nec idem quidem , quia continentèr laberentur & fluerent omnia . itaque hanc omnem partem rerum opinabilem appellabant ; scientiam autem nusquam esse censebant nisi in animi motionibus atque rationibus qua de causa definitiones rerum probabant , & has ad omnia de quibus disceptabatur adhibebant . in oratore etiam in eandem sententiam haec idem ; ut igitur in formis & figuris est aliquod perfectum & excellens , cujus ad excogitatam speciem imitando referuntur ea quae sub oculos ipsa non cadunt , sic perfectae eloquentiae speciem animo videmus , effigiem auribus quaerimus . has rerum formas appellat ideas , ille non intelligendi solùm , sed etiam dicendi gravissimus autor & magister plato , easque gigni negat , & ait semper esse ac ratione & intelligentiâ contineri . eademque prorsùs ab ipso alibi , quin & à suidâ , hesychio , apuleio , alexandro ab alexandro , ficino in platonem , aliisque testibus quàm plurimis accepimus . atqui quamvis is sit hujusce idearum disciplinae fructus , ut d. augustinus neminem absque eâ philosophum esse posse asseveraret ; nihilominùs proximi à platone philosophiae magistri illiusque ex parte institutorum haeredes , aristoteles & xenocrates , hic generales ideas in genera ac species , ille in exemplarium disciplinam convertendo laeserunt , adeò ut mox plurimum nativae authoritatis amitteret . quid quòd idearum ipse venerabilis autor de iis tam incertè & allegoricè differeret ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( inquit laertius ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . neque verò multò pòst , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( intellige 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) : tantâ siquidem terminorum ambiguitate gestire videbatur ut insomnium moribundi platonis per quod in cygnum migrâsse , aucupesque ex arbore in arborem transvolitando defatigare sibi visus est , enarrans olympiodorus simmiae socratici explicationem satis lepidam apposuerit , scilicet interpretum turbam quam aucupes referre judicavit nunquam aliquando deprehensuram , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad haec nonnulli forsan istam idearum naufragii causam subnexuri sunt , aristotelem acerrimè seipsum opposuisse ; non levi profectò injuriâ : etsi enim xenocraticis ideis hostis insensissimus esset , attamen , sive quòd honorem habere magistro●videri voluerit cum praesertim contempsisse adeò exprobrârant illi xenocratici , seu quòd suae generum & specierum doctrinae quam expolitius idearum doctrinae genus esse censebat aut inservire aut saltèm satis aptè convenire perspexerit , longè humaniùs excepisse videtur : at quamvis hanc aristotelis & xenocraticorum litem multùm officere contigit , optimo tamen illius usu hominum recentiorum industriâ revocato & illustrato , penitùs delere nequivit . idearum hanc definitionem d. augustinus instituit , sunt principales formae quadam vel rationes rerum , stabiles atque incommutabiles , quae ipsae formatae non sunt , ac per hoc aeternae & semper eodem modo sese habentes , quo in divinâ intelligentiâ continentur . cum quâ & aliorum consentiunt definitiones . veruntamen id insuper adnotandum sit quòd platonici de divinâ ipsâ essentiâ esse docuerint , cujus rei cum alcinoum qui ideam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 defiinerit , themistiumque ideam cum dei naturâ confundentem ; tum plotinum in libro de pulchro , ubi de deo disseruerit , quòd sit ipsa omnium idea universalis ; nec non proclum , jamblichumque autores recepimus : imò etiam ipse plato in timaeo & parmenide istue disertè tueri videtur . has autem ideas , si d. augustino credamus , anima negatur intueri posse nisi rationali eâ sui parte qua excellit , id est , ipsâ mente atque ratione quasi quadam facie vel oculo suo interiore atque intelligibili . cum jam compendiariam hancce idearum historiam conscripsimus , deinde considerandum subit quid suas esse ideas designavit cartesius ; quem etiamsi utpote virum definiendi peritissimum , claram & dilucidam significationem tradere expectandum esset , nihil tamen aliud ex illo quàm platonicas allusiones ac descriptiones percipimus , eo scilicet viri acutissimi consilio , ut cum suum super iis judicium obscurum & ambiguum reliquisset , exortis subinde objectionibus , ad sensum sibi commodissimum interpretari liceret . quam conjecturam ne injuriâ ac invidiosè proferri existimares , non abs re fore videtur , si nonnullas ex illius idearum definitionibus colligemus , collectas inter se comparabimus . tertia meditatio haec habet , nunc autem ordo videtur exigere ut priùs omnes meas cogitationes in certa genera distribuam , & in quibusnam ex illis veritas aut falsitàs propriè consistat , inquiram . quaedam ex his tanquam rerum imagines sunt , quibus solis propriè convenit ideae nomen , ut cum hominem , vel chimaeram , vel coelum , vel angelum , vel deum cogito : aliae verò alias quasdam praetereà formas habent , ut cum volo , cum timeo , cum affirmo , cum nego , semper quidem aliquam rem ut subjectum meae cogitationis apprehendo ; sed aliquid etiam amplius quàm istius rei similitudinem cogitatione complector , & ex his aliae voluntates sive affectus , alia autem iudicia appellantur . iam quod ad ideas attinet , si solae in se spectentur , nec ad aliud quid illas referam , falsae propriè esse non possunt ; nam sive capram , sive chimaeram imaginor , non minùs verum est me unam imaginari quam alteram . atque paulo inferiùs isthaec ; quae omnia satis demonstrant me non hactenùs ex certo judicio , sed tantùm ex caeco aliquo impulsu credidisse res quasdam à me diversas existere , quae ideas sive imagines suas per organa sensuum vel quolibet alio pacto mihi immittant . ecce pictorem , & imagines ! quibus nec angelos ipsumque deum accensere dubitavit . nonne enim ( teipsum appello ) tripartitam ille intellectualium operationum divisionem instituit ? nonne primo in divisione membro ideas illas tanquam rerum imagines attribuit ? nonne ipsum imaginationis opisicium primasque simplicesque rerum repraesentationes judicium praecedentes , easdem esse decrevit ? nunc verò pictorem factum tandem philosophum audiamus . ego passim ubique ac praecipuè hoc in loco ostendo me nomen ideae sumere pro omni eo quod immediatè à mente percipitur , adeò ut cum volo & timeo , quia simùl percipio me velle & timere , ipsa volitio & timor inter ideas à me numerentur , ususque sum hoc nomine quia jam tritum erat à philosophis , ad formas perceptionum mentis divinae significandas , quàmvis nullam in deo phantasiam agnoscamus . quaecunque nunc denuò nostrae apprehensiones simul in ideas evaserunt , hac ipsa etiam de causa quòd nullus phantasiae locus esse debeat , ad quam , ut ideae propriè pertinerent , ab eximio philosopho , dum pictor esse voluit , sancitum est . cum itaque haec omnia tam confuse & obscurè philosophus , siquid philosophi defensor apertiùs & enodatiùs ellcuerit , videamus . habes , cartesi , ( ne tantae tuae felicitati non gratularer ) eruditissimum ac perspicacissimum apologistam qui diligentiâ summà omnia magistri sui defendat . quomodo autem in hac re defensu●us , quomodo tantâ sua solertiâ illustraturus est ? per ideam ( ait ) id omne intelligitur quod alicujus perceptionis est forma , adeò ut idea aliud non sit quam mentis conceptus , sive res mente concepta & intellecta . alibi vero idem ad hanc rationem , quandoquidem idea sit id ipsum quod ratione evincitur , ut & alia quae quolibet modo percipiantur . eôdem itaque denuò relabimur , altera siquidem definitio quae quò formaretur idea , non solùm ut res perciperetur , verùm etiam ut intelligeretur , requirit , quanquam nonnihil ab illa magistri dissideat quâ imaginatio jus idearum obtinuerat , clarior tamen & sibi convenientior erat , donec altera tandem superveniens subitò supplantavit , quippe nunc idea non amplius tantùm esse persistit , quicquid ratio evincat , sed & quaecuque praetereà volueris quae quolibet modo percipiantur . spatiosum sanè exercendi campum ! primùm quippe idea fuisse perhibetur tanquam rerum imago , deinde fit res quaelibet quam ratione intuearis & cognoscas , denique res quaevis , quocunque modo istam percipias . nullâne itaque de causa theologum interrogâsse magistrum putas , nôsti quid sit idea , quas latini rerum formas , graeci 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocant ? vel si putas , an à vobis propulsare potestis quod ille mox objectavit , et tamen quid sit idea , saepius lacessitus , aut quae & quales suae ( cartesii ) sunt , nunquam quâvis descriptione explicare vellet ? quid enim faceret theologus ? num secundùm priscam vocis significationem , an secundùm novam aliquam vestram intelligeret ? atqui secundùm priscam vocis significationem intelligere certè non potuit , ni ●artesianam & platonicam de ideis opinionem unam esse cognôsset ? quam nec esse abundè liquet , siquidem platonicae solâ mentis attentione , vestrae & mentis attentione & quolibet alio modo percipiantur . quinetiam plato , ut existunt in divinâ intelligentiâ contemplatus est ; vos autem , ut vobis à rebus immittuntur , quarum sunt ideae . quantò igitur illo quam hoc nomine puriores sunt , tantò quidem , quantumvis à sensibus abhorreas , praejudiciorum quamvis tyrannidem planè extinxeris ideae platonicae vestris justiores erunt ac simpliciores . theologo igitur juxta genuinum vocabuli sensum interpretari ne licuit ; qui verò res secùs interpretabuntur quàm alii solent interpretari , pro iis , ut ipse submonuisti , nunquam possumus satis . neque verò ille proptereà disquisitionem istam intermitteret ; nam quem novum sensum veteri termino magister imponeret , apertissimâ ratione definiturum expectârat : quocircà cum in tantum definitionum allegoricarum ac incertarum cumulum offenderit , è quibus aliae aliis latiores , nec duae quaevis eâdem vi normâque essent , aegriuseulè tulisse quid mirum ? nôsti ergo , inquit , quid sit idea ? quoniam saepiùs iacessitus , quid sit idea , nunquam dicere , aut quae & quales tuae sunt , nunquam quâvis descriptione explicare velles . quî , tu respondes , explicaret ? reverâ ideae nomen adeò simplex est , omnibusque ita evidens , ut per alias voces magis perspicuas vix explicari posse videatur . quî ver insignissime , evenit , ut postquàm jam tres quatuorve vestras definitiones in medium eduximus , idea tandem adeò simplex conceptus sit , ut definiri non ferat ? quae res ne tibi cederet in opprobrium , aliqualem saltem hanc definitionem exarâsti ; ideae sunt formae uniuscujusque nostrarum cogitationum cujus immediatâ perceptione earundem cogitationum cognitionem habemus . ergo nonne idea plusquàm nota recognitionis esse videtur ? quippe quòd idearum munus sit naturam genusque rerum quarum sunt ideae exhibere , ad unum omnes consentiunt ; quin tu nudam tuarum cogitationum identitatis notationem distinctam rerum , de quibus cogitas , naturae & affectionum delineationem esse contendes ? recognitio illa sanè indicio sit conceptus nostros esse tales quales sunt ; non verò esse ideas rerum quarum esse concipiuntur . quid enim ? si contemplando animae ideam , ideam istam id esse quod de illius essentiâ concepisti tecum recognoscas ? ni tamen vera sit animae idea , archetypon suum malè exhibebit , ideóque idea esse nequibit , cujus naturam magister statuit , quòd sit imago rei . atqui nihilominus apologistam malè habent ista theologi cum philosopho expostulantis , tu igitur quâ formâ quâve specie sit immensa numinis majestas , intelligis ? si intelligere te ais , cur figurâ quâdam non descripseris , aut fando explicaveris ? enimverò quis deum ( tu reponis ) sub aliquâ figurâ aut sibi aut aliis unquam repraesentare potest ? atque profectò te opinari quòd ita repraesentari non possit , mihi omninò arridet : quodsi magister non minùs apertè sententiam suam exposuerat , theologo in istam ulteriùs inquirere nihil opus esset . cum verò ideas suas tanquam imagines rerum descripserit , cum inter has tanquam imagines rerum , homines , chimaerae , coeli , angeli , etiam numinis imaginem reposuerit , nos quaeso quâ praerogativa excipiemus ? quâ de communi picturarum apparatu tollemus ? at posteà contra quendam objectorem profitetur renatus se per ideam dei nihil intelligere , nisi quam divinorum attributorum notitiam inter contemplandum assequamur . ergò quanta & cujusmodi sit ista-notitia , in sequentibus ostendemus . intereà quaeramus quo obsecro consilio tam vehementèr theologum id in cartesio castigantem , quod tu in theologo , redarguis : cui quemadmodum cartesium omnium idearum dignitatem exaequare , sic tibi theologum puram intellectionem ab imaginatione non distinxisse minimè complacuit . si verò in eundem , in quem tuus cartesius , errorem devenerit theologus , vel te neutrum horum , vel non hunc magìs quàm illum corripere omninò decebat . en verò cujusmodi specimen quo differentiam idearum intellectùs & imaginationis aperires , ipse adduxisti ! dum triangulum imaginor , non tantùm intelligo illam esse figuram tribus lineis comprehensam , sed simùl etiam istas tres lineas tanquam praesentes mentis acie intueor , & illud est , quod propriè imaginari appellamus . si verò de chiliogono cogitare velim , equidem bene intelligo illud figuram esse mille lateribus constantem ac intelligo triangulum esse figuram constantem , tribus ; sed non eodem modo illa mille latera imaginor , sive tanquam praesentia contemplor : quasi aliquis , quin intellectûs & imaginationis ideae longè inter se discrepent , quin illae quàm hae multò magis sint perspicuae , dubitaret : quid autem est , quòd imaginationem tam parvi ducas , quasi minùs in isto actu eliciendo quàm in alio quocunque mens versaretur ? quippe cum mihi , inquis , siguram trianguli proponam , non modò intelligo triangulum esse figuram tribus lineis comprehensam , sed & has tres lineas tanquàm praesentes intueor . quòd si rem sic habere tueberis , vel actus intellectionis & intuitionis in unum confundes , cum tamen idem distinctos esse subinnuas , vel si sunt plures , necesse est hic post illum exeratur , quemadmodum etiam chiliogonum seu myriogonum apprehendi poterit , eo duntaxat apprehensionis discrimine , quòd alterum per imaginationem citiùs atque faciliùs quàm alterum effingamus ; cum tres trianguli lineae primo intuitu , anguli autem myriogoni gradatim perlustrentur . quòd si corpus animo conciperes , conceptique superficiei partem unam post aliam ita distribueres ut mille angulos prae se ferret , integram tunc ipsius myriogoni picturam per imaginationem tibi exhibuisti . quid verò demùm absurdi foret , siquidem actum quo apprehendamus triangulum esse figuram tribus lineis contentam , & actum quo quasi tribus lineis constitutam intueamur , unum esse judicaremus ? quàm primùm enim triangulum talem figuram esse apprehendamus , nobismet ut talem imaginationis operâ repraesentemus . sed de hac re plus satìs ; ad summam j●m definitionem deveniamus , quae , ni falleris , ideae tantae tuae quanta sit summi ipsius numinis , miraculum liquidò evincat ; dei nomine intelligo substantiam quandam infinitam independentem , summè intelligentem , summè potentem , & à qua tum ego ipse , tum aliud omne si quid aliud extat , quodcunque extat , est creatum . atque sanè omnia ista rectè intelligis , attamen nos s●e deludimur , cum enim effulgentissima tam immensae ideae repraesentatione beares , quid hoc , nisi deum , ut verè est , rem non definiendam definire , & cujus proptereà , si vobis fidem habebimus ideam adipisci nequimus ? nec certe est , quòd de terminis negativis conqueratis , siquidem amplissima nostra positiva conceptio ad rem ipsam minimè quadret . animae , si placet , jam cunctas simul sacultates exercebo ; intellectum vehementissino nisu delassabo ; voluntatem sensusque penitùs submittam : at infinitum aliquod amplexu meo suscipere prorsùs negatur . myriogoni quidem species mihi tanquam ipsius repugnantiae . idea suit , diuturnâ tamen attentâque dispectione verum & accuratum de illo conceptum elaboravi : cùm autem demens easdem rationes inirem quò cujusdam infiniti notionem nanciscerer , nullum planè initium , nullam reperiendi spem reperire possum ; quinetiam reperiendi studio meipsum ferè tandem derelinquo . nae certò certius esse cognovi quòd infinitum quoddam existit ; cùm verò tantam naturam describere mihi sumam ignorantiam ipse meam in propatulo deridendam eloco : cum infinitam , independentem esse definio , non esse concipiendam , non comprehendendam agnosco . annon igitur theologus istud quandam summo jure reprehendit ? quid enim hoc est , quàm quae fuerit ( ista substantia ) te omninio nescire ? at nisi obscurus esse vellet cartesius omittere non licuit . cur , quaeso , non licuit ? quid enim ? deum esse substantiam quandam respectu generis , vel numericè voluit . atqui istud tantam quidem viri imprudentiam argueret ut nobismet nullo pactò suspicari permittamus ; cùm tamen adeò supervacaneum foret si numeri notam esse designavit , ut magistrum illum definitorum coryphaeum in hanc definitionem ingessisse videns etiam oculis vix mihi persuadeam . enimvero si unitas necessario in infinitate seu infinitâ excellentiâ includatur , adeò ut infinitum id quod tu definire audes non nisi unum esse possit , quid signis pluribus individualitatis opus est ? suffecerant isthaec , dei nomine intelligo substantiam , infinitam , independentem , &c. ergo tu videsis quò demùm absolutissima , quam jactâras , idea recidit . at modo mihi tantum spatium temporis assignes quo maximam rerum officinam oculis pererrem , nec incertiora autoris indicia me percepturum confido quàm si adesse operanti ipse potuissem . itaque ne tu sodès imposterùm notae nescio qualis operi impressae mentionem facias . phidias aut zeuxes imaginum solâ excellentiâ opificem indicari expectaret . oculos animumque , venerabilis antagonista , circumvolve . nil nisi venustas , ordo , utilitas ab omni parte salutant . vulgare aliquid elige . en ! terra succum gramini largâ sui erogatione ministrat , gramina vice propriâ alimentum bovi , bos & se & operam suam villico , villicus de frugibus uberrimoque proventu sundi domino , deinde uterque tantae felicitatis largitori deo. unaquaeque mundi materialis profectò omnibus caeteris inservit aromus , quae nisi extaret , locumque suum teneret , universa fortasse peritura esset oeconomia . plurimae etiam istae commotiones & translationes quae rerum quotidiè cernuntur , nisi omnipotenti intelligentissimáque providentia regerentur , mille abhine saeculis rerum naturam in chaos multò magis turbulentum ac soedum resolvissent quàm ex quo emerfisse perhibetur : te●uissima quippe materiae mica siquidem se movere posset , nisi tamen ille motus artificio divino temperaretur , rebus anarchiam universalem inferret , ut nullus sanè dubitem quin si una oceani gutta quae consilio dei in superficie esse debuit , in imo subsideret alveo , systema mundi nitidissimum penitùs interiturum sit . imò ut pars quaeque toti , sic cuique parti reliquae omnes juvant . haeccine ergo parùm sufficiunt indicia artificis artificisque infinitae excellentiae . obliviscere aliquantisper innatarum idearum ; prodi ex musaeo & thecarum umbrâ , in hortis deambulato , singulum florem sensibus mentique ità elocutione tacitâ praedicantem attende , deus existit , etenim me produxit , qui idem sapientissimus est , optimus , omniscius , me etenim quàm suaveolentem , quàm formosum , quàm delectabilem effinxit ! filiola mea explicuit , coloribus depinxit , ordine disposuit , à primis usque incunabilis eduxit , teneriora stamina mitissimè fovit . quid nunc mihi dicis , antoni plurimùm colende ? annon ista floris plus valent quàm vestra idea ? nae magister tuus à re suà longissimè aberravit , cum clauderet oculos , aures obturaret , avocaret omnes sensus : quos quidem multò potiùs omnes exercere debuisset ; nec si duplò totidem haberet , eorum opem in tanto negotio menti invidere , unde multò felicius atque opportuniùs quam ex istâ cerae liquefafactione ( scomma procul absit à verbis ) proficere licuisset . habes à me quid ego de vestrâ numinis ideâ sentiam ; quin & for sàn aliquando quid sentiam de reliquis apologiae tuae theorematibus habebis , siquidem veritatis atque parentis autoritas animos addiderit , sine quâ nec jam ulla mearum virium fiducia effecisset ut in d. antonium le grand insurgere auderem , cujus & acuminis & eruditionis fama me multò faciliùs quàm joannis austriaci nomen infantes belgicos deterruisset . intereà autem , ne plus aequo lacessere nunc viderer , vivere rectéque valere jubeo . finis . the reader is desir'd to correct with his pen the following errata , and to excuse any other litteral ones that may occur . pag. 2. lin . 23. for that read they . ibid. l. 24. for it r. they . p. 5. l. 1. dele of . p. 10. l. 2. for nor . any : ibid. l. 19. for out of the centre r. out the centre . ibid. l. 26. for central r. centre of . p. 8. l. 30. r. as fairly to be receiv'd . p. 17. l. 29. for troop r. trope . p. 21. l. 16. dele gentile . p. 22. l. 19. after beauty r. no less . p. 23. l. 23. for all the r. all p. 24. l. 26. for than natural r. than what 's natural . p. 25. l. 8. for good looks from , &c. r. good looks from forehead to chin , and ear to ear , 't is , &c. ibid. l. 19. for whenas r. when as . p. 29. l. 19. after ideas r. ia logick . p. 31. l. 26. for expiate for r. expiate . p. 48. l. 3. for irruptions r. eruptions . p. 99. l. 35. for from r. within . p. 101. l. 13. for qualities r. quantities . p. 102. l. 26. for of r. if . p. 106. l. 30. for principle r. principles . p. 107. l. 24. for benefited r. benefitted . p. 111. l. 33. for people r. persons . summum bonum, or, an explication of the divine goodness in the words of the most renowned boetius translated by a lover of truth and virtue. de consolatione philosophiae. english boethius, d. 524. 1674 approx. 246 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 110 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28549 wing b3434 estc r7385 11899008 ocm 11899008 50573 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28549) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50573) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 55:15) summum bonum, or, an explication of the divine goodness in the words of the most renowned boetius translated by a lover of truth and virtue. de consolatione philosophiae. english boethius, d. 524. elys, edmund, ca. 1634-ca. 1707. [12], 207 p. printed by h. hall, for ric. davis, oxford : 1674. translated by edmund elys. running title: the consolation of philosophy. the first-[fourth] booke. reproduction of original in yale university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy, ancient. 2005-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-04 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion summum bonum , or an explication of the divine goodness , in the words of the most renowned boetivs . translated by a lover of truth , and virtue . oxford . printed by h. hall. for ric. davis . 1674. imprimatur rad. bathurst acad. oxon. vice-can : march. 6. 1673. / 4. to the nobility , and gentry of england . sirs ! i here present you the most profound meditations of one of the bravest spirits , that was ever cloath'd with flesh , and bloud , viz. the consolations of the most honourable boetivs in the midst of his greatest sufferings ; with my earnest desires that your selves , and your posterity ( escaping his misfortunes ) may ever follow the high example of his heroick virtues : which virtues whosoever shall attein unto , he certainly will be more than conquerour in all the changes and chances of this mortal life , which both in sacred and prophane writt is term'd a warfare . that famous apophthegm of socrates in defyance of his bloud . thirsty enemies , might well have been spoken in the like case , by a greater philosopher than socrates , the renowned boetivs : they may kill me , but they cannot hurt me. though he does not make any express mention of jesus christ in this philosophical discourse ; yet 't is well known , how zealously he contended for the truth , against those execrable haereticks that deny him to be god , whom thevniversal church ( according to the scriptures ) acknowledgeth to be god of god , light of light , very god of very god , begotten , not made , being of one substance with the father , by vvhom all things were made . i pray god we may all hold the mystery of the faith in a pure conscience : as did this excellent man , whose thoughts of the nature of true happiness ( though in a style , i must confess not answearable to his great wit , and eloquence ) i have endeavour'd to express in the english tongue ; which has been no less adorn'd by those admirable writings of our late soveraign , than the latine tongue by those which the learned boetivs compos'd in his solitudes , and sufferings . he , and boetius , and all the noble martyrs , give testimony to this truth , so elegantly exprest by his royal pen : the assaults of affliction may be terrible , like sampson's lion , but they yield much sweetness to those that dare encounter , and overcome them ; who know how to overlive the withering of their gourds without discontent , or peevishness , while they may yet converse with god. wishing you al the experiences of the unspeakable sweetness of the onely true honour , and virtue , i rest your affectionate humble servant to the reader . after i had perfected the translation of all i intended to translate of boetius , i receiv'd from a learned friend the notice of a very good translation of all his five bookes consolationis philosophiae , which was publisht 1609. the author has given us the knowledge but of two letters of his name , i. t. though i have not taken so much as one expression from this excellent person , yet i think it my duty to pay this acknowledgement to his memory , ( for i suppose he was in heaven long since ) that his booke affords me an abundance of the purest delight , and satisfaction , whilst i double as it were mine own notions of the soveraign good , by their complication with his. i do not appropriate these notions to boetius , and his translators , and those others , who have been addicted to the study of this incomparable booke ; they are common to us with all those that love the lord jesus in syncerity : for this love essentially implies a deep sense of gods all-sufficiency , and of the vanity and dissatisfaction of all things under the sun. i requested my ever honour'd dear friend mr. h. h. to send me some of his reflexions on boetius's discourse of the soveraign good , and he was pleas'd to oblige me with this answear . " dear sr ! i receiv'd both your letters , with the copies of the latin tractate , you published ; wherin you endeavour to bring men to a right understanding of the soveraign good of humane minds ; a glorious employment in it selfe , and never more useful than in this our age. for your desire that i would say something by way of praeface to your translation of boetius , though i am sensible you may much better , and with greater advantages recommend it to the world , than i , yet to assure you of that great affection , and service i have for your person , i have sent you my present thoughts . when mankind was at first created , they lived , and acted under the divine life , and nature , freely injoying , and participating of the communications of the first , and vniversal good ; but being lapsed into a state of sin , indigency , and penury , they quickly lost sight of those glorious formes , and the influences of heaven were sealed up . but yet though their case was sufficiently deplorable , the deluge of iniquity , and vice , had not so far defac'd the beauteous structure of virtue , but that the remaining ruines shew'd the glory of the ancient fabrick , and men still knew god , and searched after the author of their beings , and the reason of their natures led them to a pursuit of happiness . hence it came to pass that the wise men of the world were divided in their opinions concerning the vniversal good , and happiness of humane nature ; some placing it in the bare , and naked pleasure resulting from the exercise of virtue ; others in a perfect apathy , insensibility , and deadness to all passions whatever ; and others again in a full gratification of all the corporeal faculties . but we , who through the gracious bounty of god , live under a more radiant , and refulgent light , than that of nature , have a perfect sight of that which they through the clammy mists of ignorance , and darkness did but feele after ; and we know that the happiness of humane nature consists in it's vnion , and conjunction with the eternal good. which being the highest , and vtmost perfection of our soules ought certainly to awaken our drowsy , and stumbring minds to a vigorous prosecution of so transcendent a state of life : a life , so full of solid , and substantiall joy , and pleasure , that if we did not take false measures , and estimations of things , we could not but think it infinitely beyond the fairest and best of all sublunary felicities . and indeed the mind of man is then in a wrong state of position , when it's appetites , and desires are fixed , and terminated upon terrestrial good , such as is so far from any harmony , or agreeableness with our intellectual frame , that it vilifies , and degrades it , and sets it at a vast disproportion to it's true , and proper object . and this is that false , and adulterate beauty , that so often cheats us into a liking , and approbation of it : a meer shadow of happiness , which we possess only in our fancies , and imaginations . for if there were really any substantial felicity , or good in riches , honors , worldly glory , and corporeal pleasures , the mind of man would then be full , and at rest : it would then have no more passionate thirsts , and aspirations , when once it were possest of it's true object . but we finding still a perfect dissatisfaction , and inquietude amidst the largest measures , and fullest comprehensions of sublunary injoyments , it is very easy to conceive that there is something else yet required to perfect , compleat , and fill the capacities of the soule of man. and this can be no other than that eternal , and immortal good , which has left some signatures , and impressions of it selfe upon every thing in the whole creation : from whence it is that men beholding some shadowes , and adumbrations of the absolute good , are ready to catch at , and embrace it in the things below ; not considering that all the fine shows and splendid appearances of the corporeal , and visible world , are but so many powers full charmes , and inescations to allure , and draw our minds from a steady contemplation of that holy one , in whose presence is life , and felicity , truly so call'd . and that we may not fright our selves from so desirable a condition , as our vnion , and conjunction with god , nor our endeavours after this immutable good coole , and flag by drawing a scene of humane life full of miseries , and calamitous circumstances , and representing unto our selves the black side of providence , wherin innocent virtue is afflicted and oppressed , and iniquity , and vice prosperous and triumphant , we may consider that that almighty being , who perpetually interesseth himselfe in the affairs of mankind , will at last settle righteousness , and truth in it's just throne , and government of the world ; and thereby redress , and heal all the evils humane nature is obnoxious unto ; which are for the most part made so to us by our unjust apprehensions , and estimations of them : for what are fetters , and imprisonment , but clogs of the corporeal life , while the mind may converse with god , and the whole creation , and be as free , as the air we breath in ? what is death it selfe , but only the awakening of our nobler faculties to the participation of a freer , and more enlarged life ? all which put together do not only depreciate the most glorious satisfactions of the animal life , but convert our minds to their own genuine happiness ; that is , to an vnion , and conjunction with the blessed author of all things which is the grand design of this treatise . dear sir if by this ( which i think is the summ , and scope of boetius's booke ) i may gratify you , i shall please my selfe , in being your most affectionate friend and servant henry hallywel . from i feild in sussex . june 3. 1672. da , pater , augustam menti conscendere sedem , da fontem lustrare boni , da luce repert● in te conspicuos animi defigere visus . o righteous father , shine upon us in the face of jesus christ , the brightness of thy glory ! shed abroad thy love in our hearts by the holy ghost , that we may meditate day , and night on the infinite goodness of our creator , redeemer , and sanctifier , in whose presence is fullness of joy , at whose right hand there are pleasures forevermore . to the reader . abused mortals ! you who think y 'ave all , when you have that which some men riches call ; and you vain youths , who think that all is yours when you 'ave your sports your hawkes your hounds and — you gallants too , brave boys , and sons of fame who think y 'ave all when you have gott a name read here and know , that all your fancy'd joyes your wealth and honours are meer childish toyes . and you blest beggars , brothers of the cross , whose very life seems death , and gain seems loss , who breathe out nought , but love , and honesty , aspire to nought , but pure simplicity , possessing nought , but what kind nature gave , and loosing nought , but flesh when laid in grave , read here and know , that you have all , and more , infinit all , is your eternal store . p. g. the first book of the consolation of philosophy . the first verse . wherein boetius bewaileth his estate . i , who was wont to make such chearfull verse , must now ( alas ! ) sad notes rehearse . the wronged muses teach me what to write : my tears true elegies enaite . no terror could them keep from following me ; they fear not my calamitie : they of my sprightly youth the glory were , of my sad age the comfort are . old age comes on me hasten'd by my cares , an hoary head suits with my tears . griefe makes white hairs spread o're mine head , and chin ; on my dry flesh hangs shriv'led skin . o happy death , which takes not men away in joyfull times ! nor , call'd , doth stay when they are sunk in woe ! alas , she flies . and will not close our weeping eyes ! whilst fortune did her flattring goods bestow , i hardly ' scap'd a fatall blow : now that her great inconstancy she showes , life unregarded sticks more close . friends , why did yee so oft me happy call ? he stood not firm , who could not ' scape this fall. the first prose . containing the description of philosophy . whilst i revolv'd these thoughts in my mind and began to pen my complaint , there seem'd a woman of an (a) awfull countenance to stand over my head , her eyes were very (b) sparkling , and lively beyond the common strength of men , her colour exceeding fresh , and vigorous , though there was somewhat that discover'd her to be of so great age , that it could not be thought but that she was in being long before our times . 't was impossible to discern what stature she was of : for sometimes she shrunk her selfe into the common (c) stature of men ; sometimes she seem'd to touch the skies with her head : and when she lifted it up somewhat higher , she thrust it into heaven , so that it was in vain to look any farther after her . her (d) garment was curiously wrought with the (e) finest threads , the cloath was so (f) strong that it could never be worn out ; which garment , as i understood afterwards by her own discourse , she made with her (g) own hands . time had somewhat sullyed the colour of it with such a kind of (h) duskiness , as we may observe in pictures that have been hung in some smoaky roome . in the nethermost hem of this garment was woven π [ that signifieth the life practical , or active ] in the uppermost θ [ that signifieth the life theoreticall , or contemplative ] and betwixt these two letters was a kind of (i) ladder , by which a man might ascend from the lower to the higher letter . this garment the hands of some violent men had cut , and carried away such (k) pieces of it , as every one could get . and she had certain books in her (l) right hand , and a scepter in her (m) left . when she saw these poetical muses standing about my bed , and dictating words agreeable to my tears , she was somewhat mov'd , and with an angry countenance , who , sayes she , has permitted these wenches , that belong to the stage to have to doe with this sick man ? they are so far from applying any remedy suitable to his distemper , that they very much encrease it with their delicious venome . for these are they , who with the unfruitful thorns of divers passions , destroy the good ground that abounds with the fruits of reason ; and they do not free the minds of men from their disease , but rather make it by custome to become pleasing unto them . but if your flatteries should take from me any inconsiderable person , as your common practice is , i should bear it with less indignation . for my main design would suffer no dammage in the loss of such a one . but this man , who had so long addicted himself to the (n) eleatick , and (o) academick studies ! but be gon ye sirens , that please men to their destruction , and leave him to my muses to be cur'd , and reduc'd to his perfect health : this company , being checkt after this manner , cast their eyes on the ground , and confessing their shame by their blushes , they depart very mournfully out of the room . but i , who had made my self allmost blind with weeping , so that i could not discern who the woman was , that exercis'd such authority , was quite astonisht , and looking stedfastly on the ground , speaking not a word , i began to expect what she would do next . then she came neer , and sate down on my beds side , and observing the sadness of my countenance , she complains of the perturbation of my mind in these words : the second verse . philosophy bewayleth the perturbation of boetius his mind . ah , how the mind sunk in deep woe growes blind , and leaving her own light out to darkness she bends her might , when th' winds of earthly cares do blow ; and th' waves of grief roule to , and fro ! this man sometime did freely tread the high paths of th' aetherial plains ; he saw unspotted phaebus's head , and could discern the moons dark stains : he held fast in sare reckoning those stars , which often change their course ; he searcht those causes deep , that bring such storms to th' ocean : and what force makes that bright star go down i' th' west which riseth in the ruddy east . he studied to find out what 't was that made the spring bring flowers , and grass : whence 't is that in autumn we see grapes come to their maturitie . those causes which nature did hide from others , his quick thought espie'd . this man now wants the minds clear light , his neck 's prest down with chains : the weight that he lies under , and the pain makes him looke down to th' earth again . the second prose . philosophy enquireth of boetius his disease . but , sayes she , this is a time to apply medicines , and not to make complaints . then looking very earnestly on me , thus she speaks . art thou he , who being nourisht with my milk , and brought up with my stronger meats , didst arrive to the strength of a manlike understanding ? but we bestow'd such (a) armes on thee which if thou hadst not wilfully thrown away , would have serv'd for thy defence against any opposition whatsoever . dost thou know me ? why holdest thou thy peace ? is it shame , or stupidity that hath seized on thee ? i had rather it were shame ; but , as i perceive , stupidity hath made thee silent . and when she observ'd that i was not only silent , but in a manner quite dumb , she layd her hand softly on my brest , and , ther 's no danger , sayes she ; he 's in a (b) lethargie , the common disease of deluded minds . he hath forgot himself a little ; hee 'll easily come to himself again , if he shall once understand , who i am . which that he may do , let us clear his sight a little , that has been dark'ned by the thick dust that arises from his intention on earthly things . when she had spoken these words , with a (c) part of her garment , folding it in her hand , she wip'd the tears from mine eyes . the third verse . how boetius began to recover his knowledge and memory . then did that darkness from me fly : at length mine eyes regain their wonted strength : just so , as when the boystrous winds arise and stormy showers disturbe the skies , the sun 's obscur'd , and whilst no stars appear , night 's spread or'e all the hemisphear ; if boreas sent from th' thracian cave display his speedy force and free the day from darksome clouds , sol's beams straight pierce the skies , and strike with wonder our glad eyes . the third prose . how the persecution of wise men is no new or strange thing . even so the clouds of my excessive melancholy being dissolv'd i recover'd the sight of heaven , and came to my right mind again , so that i saw plainly who she was that had begun to worke such a cure upon me . when i had fixt mine eyes on her , i perceiv'd that she was my nurse philosophy , in whose house i was brought up from my youth : and what , quoth i , art thou , the mistress of all virtues , come from on (a) high to the uncomfortable place of mine exile ? hast thou a mind to undergoe such false accusations , as have been brought against me ? what , quoth she , should i forsake thee my son , and not bear a part of the burthen , that is lay'd on thee for my sake ? but it cannot be that philosophy should deny her company to an innocent man , wheresoever he goes . should i be affraid of any false accusation , and startle at it , as if some strange thing had happen'd unto me ? for , is this the first time that wisedome hath been brought into danger amongst wicked , and pervers manners ? even in ancient times , before the dayes of our plato , have we not fought a great fight against the rashness of folly , and ignorance ? and whilst he lived , did not his master (b) socrates obtain a glorious victory , over an unjust death , by my assistance ? whose inheritance whilst the epicureans , and stoicks endeavour'd to seize on , every one for his own party , and lay'd hold on me , as a part of their prey , though i cry'd out , and strove against them , they cut this garment , which i had woven with mine own hands ; and having thus taken some pieces of it , they went their way , each of them conceiting that he had gotten the whole to himself . some of them , because they seem'd to goe in my (c) habit , were overborn through the error of the prophane multitude , being judg'd to be of my family . if so be that thou art ignorant of the banishment of anaxagoras , the poyson of socrates , and the torments of (d) zeno , because they were not of thine own country ; yet thou couldst not but have heard very much of (e) canius , of (f) seneca , of (g) soranus , and other such like excellent men , whose memory is very fresh to this day , and full of renown : whom no other thing brought to their destruction , but that through a punctual observance of my discipline , they allwayes shew'd an aversion from the designs of wicked people . therefore ther 's no reason it should seem strange unto thee , if we are tost with a continual tempest in the sea of this world , whose principal aim is , to do those things , which are most displeasing to the worst of men : whose army , though it be exceeding numerous , yet is it very despicable ; because it has no (h) leader ; but they run to , and fro according to the motions of their own foolish , and erroneous conceits . if at any time this army come against us with all their strength , our (i) leader draws all her (k) forces into her (l) castle ; they in the mean time are wholly intent upon their (m) plunder , loading themselves with things of an inconsiderable value . but we looke down from on high and laugh at them , whilst they carry away those contemptible things , being out of all danger of their rage , and fury , in that place of defence , which folly , and ignorance can never approach unto . the fourth verse . how we may resist the persecution of the wicked . whoso his life from passions storms keeps free , and over fate has got the victory , holds fast to that which he doth rightly choose , and with an vnchang'd looke both fortunes views : this man the rage of the tempestuous seas , when from the bottome they their waters raise , can ne're dismay ; nor yet vesuvius's ire , which tosses up to th' skies it's smoak , and fire ; nor burning thunderbolts that strike high towers . why are stern tyrants , who soon lose their powers admir'd by mortals ? cast off hopes , and fears , and thou breakst all the bloody tyrants spears . but be that wishes ought , or dreads his foes , sith he 's not fixt , and in his own dispose , has thrown away his shield , has lost his ground , and made the chain wherewith himself is bound . the fourth prose . boetius discovereth the causes of his griefe . hast thou any perceivance of these things , sayes she , and do they make any impression upon thy mind ? what , art thou (a) asinus ad lyram ? why weepest thou ? why dost thou flow with tears ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , speak out , disclose thy mind . if thou expect any good from the physician , thou oughtest to lay open thy wound . then i tooke courage to my self , and spake thus : and hast thou need yet to be told what aileth me , is it not apparent how cruelly fortune deals with me ? art thou not mov'd at the sight of this (b) place ? is this the library , which thou didst choose for thy constant seat in my house ? where thou didst so often sit , and discourse with me , touching the knowledg of things both divine , and humane ? was mine habit , and my countenance such , as now thou seest , when with thee i searcht into the secrets of nature , when thou didst shew me the course of the stars , and didst form my life , and conversation according to that order which is in the heavens ? and is this the (c) reward i must have for being so observant of thy instructions ? but thou didst confirm this sentence by the mouth of plato : that common-wealths are happy , where philosophers have the government , or where the present governors begin at length seriously to apply themselves to philosophy . thou by the mouth of the same plato hast taught me that this is a necessary cause why wise men should undertake the administration of publick affairs , that the government being left to men of crooked , and pervers dispositions , they would be a perpetual plague to all persons of true honor , and integrity . therefore in submission to this authority , what i learnt from thee in my private contemplations , i desir'd to bring into practice , in the due management of publick affairs . god , who hath fixed thee in the minds of the wise , is my witness , that no other inclination brought me into any publick office , but to be serviceable to all good men. hence it was that i had so many (d) occasions of grievous , and irreconcileable discord with wicked , injurious people ; and , such is the liberty of a pure conscience , in the prosecution of justice , i ever despis'd the displeasure of great men. how often did i oppose (e) conigastus , when he would have seiz'd the fortunes of all persons uncapable of defending themselves ! how often did i disappoint triguilla , the controuler of the kings household , in his injurious designs ! how often did i protect by my authority those distressed people , whom the avarice of the (f) barbarians , that went allwayes unpunisht , did vex with infinite calumnies , and false accusations ! i was never drawn aside from right to injustice by any man whatsoever . when i saw the fortunes of those that liv'd in the provinces so rackt and torn , both by private rapines , and publick taxes , i griev'd no less than those very men , who suffer'd such great oppressions . when in a time of extream scarcity of corn there was a most grievous coemption establisht , which in all likelyhood would have impoverisht the province of campania , i strove against him , who was next in authority under the king , for the common good , and disputed the business with him touching the coemption , the king himselfe hearing the debate and i prevail'd , so that it was not exacted . paulinus , a worthy person , that had been consul , whose estate those palatine dogs had already devour'd in their hope , and ambition , i drew from their jaws , whilst they gaped on him . that albinus , who also had been consul , might not suffer by an accusation , to which he was never call'd to make his answear , i expos'd my self to the hatred of cyprianus , his accuser . do i not seem to have heaped up matter enough of strife , and contention against my self ? but i ought to have found the greater regards amongst other men , having so acted upon the principles of justice , and integrity , that i deserv'd nothing for my selfe among the courtiers , whereupon i might repose the least confidence in any of them . (g) but by whose accusations are we ruin'd ? one of them , basilius , being turn'd out of the kings service was compell'd by the debts he had contracted to forge an accusation against me. but when the king had decreed that opilio and gaudentius should suffer banishment for their innumerable , and manifold deceitful-dealings , and when they refusing to obey the decree tooke sanctuary , and the king had notice of it , he gave commandement that if they did not go from ravenna within a certain day , they should be mark't in their foreheads with an hot iron , and driven out of the city : how could there be a greater act of severity ? yet that same day the accusations of those same persons were taken against me. what then ? did our studies deserve this ? or could my condemnation fore determin'd qualify those men to be my accusers ? was not fortune in the least asham'd of innocence accus'd , or of the baseness of the accusers ? but wouldest thou know the (h) matter that is lay'd to my charge ? it is affirm'd that i would have sav'd the senate from great danger . wilt thou hear the manner of it ? my crime is to have hind'red an informer from impeaching the senate of high treason . o mistress , what thinkest thou ? shall i deny what i am accus'd of , that i be not a shame to thee ? but indeed i did wish well to the senate , and shall never cease to desire their safety . shall i confess it ? but so that endeavour to hinder the informer will become ineffectual . shall i call that an offence to have desir'd the safety of that order ? they have indeed made it an offence by their decrees against me. but ignorance that is allwayes false to it selfe , cannot change the merit of things ; neither do i think it lawful , being of socrates's judgement , to conceale the truth , or give way to a lye. but be it how it will , i leave it to the judgement of wise men. the truth of this affair that posterity may not be ignorant thereof , i have endeavour'd by writing to keep in remembrance . for as touching those forged (i) letters , whereby i am accus'd to have hoped the romane freedome , to what purpose should i speak ? their fraud should have been lay'd open to all men , if it had been granted me , but to use the confession of mine accusers , which of all matters of this nature is of the greatest importance . in which affair sorrow has not so dulled my senses , as that i should complain that wicked men attempt such horrid things against virtue : but i am quite astonisht to see that they bring their designs to such effect . for to will unrighteous things were perhaps but a part of humane frailty ; but that every villain should be able to accomplish the mischief he has conceiv'd against a person never so innocent , (k) god looking on , seemeth monstrous unto me . whence one of thy family thought he had just cause to raise these questions : if there be a god , whence come evil things ? but whence come the good , if there be none ? but be it so , that those ungodly fellowes , who thirst for the bloud of all good men , and of the whole senate , should have the will to destroy me , whom they saw so earnestly endeavouring to defend good men , and all the senate . (l) but what , did i deserve the same hard measure even from the senatours also ? thou dost remember , i believe , that when ever i was about to say , or do any thing , thou wast allwayes present to direct me. this , i say , thou dost well remember : at verona , when the king intending a common destruction , would fain have transfer'd the accusation of treason brought against albinus , upon the whole order of the senate , with how great a disregard of mine own particular safety i defended their innocence . thou knowest that what i say , is true : and that i was never wont to praise mine own actions . for it doth in a manner lessen the secret approbation that conscience gives unto itselfe , when any man by declaring what good he hath done , receives fame for his reward . but thou seest to what my innocency hath brought me. instead of the rewards of true virtue , i undergoe the punishment of such wickedness , of which i am falsely accus'd . (m) and what horrid villany , so evident that it could not but be confest , did ever ingage the judges in such unanimous severity , that neither the sense of humane nature , so inclin'd to error , nor of the condition of fortune so uncertain to all mortals , should soften the hearts of any of them . if i had been accus'd to have design'd the burning of temples , the murthering of the priests , to have plotted the destruction of all good men , yet sentence should have been given against me being present , either upon mine own confession , or the conviction of mine accusers . (n) now being remov'd frome rome allmost five hundred miles , and having no liberty granted me to make my defence , i am condemn'd to death and proscription , for studying the safety of the senate . o excellent men , that well deserve that none should ever be convicted of the like crime ! the dignity of which offence , even they who impeach me of it knew full well : that they might darken the lustre of it with the mixture of some real wickedness , they faign'd that i had defiled my conscience with the guilt of (o) sacriledge , whilst , did aspire to places of honor. but thou who dwellest in me didst drive out of my mind all desires of perishing things , and sacriledge could never have leave to be in thy presence . for thou didst dayly instill into mine ears , and into my thoughts that saying of pythagoras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( follow god ) . neither did it become me to seek the assistance of the vilest spirits , whom thou didst make capable of such an excellency , that i should be like god : and besides by the unstained reputation of mine house , the company of my worthy friends , and also my father-in-law , a person of the greatest integrity imaginable , and venerable like thy self , i am defended from all suspition of any such crime . but , oh malice , and ignorance ! they take occasion from thee to make men believe that i am guilty of so great wickedness , and for this very cause shall i seem to be skill'd in the most prodigious impiety , that i have been instructed in thy discipline , that i have been endued with thy manners . thus it is not enough that the reverence due unto thee has profited me nothing , but thou also dost suffer (p) reproach through the hatred they have conceiv'd against me but this is a great addition to my calamities that the judgement of most men does not respect the honor , and virtue of our vndertaking , but the success of our actions ; and they conceive that fore-sight , and true wisedome are only in those things which are commended by a prosperous event . thus it comes to pass that a (q) good esteem in the first place leaves the unfortunate . 't is irksome to me to think of the various reports of the people , how many absurd , and disagreeing opinions men declare concerning me. i shall only say this that 't is the heaviest load that fortune layes on the oppressed , that when calamitous persons are charg'd with any crime , they are thought to deserve what they suffer . and i being remov'd from the conversation of all good men , being depriv'd of my dignities , wronged in my reputation , have suffer'd most grievous punishment for well-doing . and now methinks i see the (r) companies of the wicked flowing in mirth , and jollity : every leud fellow thinking how he may frame the most pernicious false-accusations : good men cast down by the terror that falls on them at the sight of my ruine : every flagitious fellow being excited to attempt the most horrid injuries by impunity , to finish them by rewards : innocent men being not only depriv'd of security from accusation , but also of all capacity of making their defence . therefore i cannot but cry out . the fifth verse . boetius complaineth , that all things are governed by gods providence , beside the actions and affayres of men . o thou , through all the world renown'd , father of lights , who sitting still on thy throne turn'st the hea'vns around , and makst the stars obey thy will : now thou command'st the moon to shine meeting with all her brothers beams , makeing the lesser stars repine that she doth so obstruct their streams : now she 's depriv'd of that great light , lookes pale as through such loss forlorn , and that (a) same star that brings the night attends bright phaebus in the morn . in that cold time when trees are bare , thou dost cut short th' unpleasant day : when daies are warm , and fields looke fair , thou makst the nights to fly away . the course of times thy power doth guide , so that the leaves which were all torn , and thrown away by boreas's pride mild zephyrus makes to return . the dod-star burns the corn full grown , which coole (b) arcturus would have sown . ther 's nothing free from th' antient law ; thee all things in their stations serve : thou keepst them in such constant awe , that from thy rule they never swerve : why dost thou men alone neglect as if they were not worth thy care ? why dost thou not their works respect , so that just men no harms may fear ? why should we thus see justice rent , and broken on wild fortunes wheele , so that such grievous punishment , as felons merit , good men feele ? but wicked manners sit on high , and splendid thrones : they tread on those , who hold fast their integrity , and all base wayes will still oppose . black fates obscure bright virtues face : the vpright man bears that disgrace , which his vile foes deserve . no perjury , or base deceit brings them to ruine : when they please to use their strength , with armies great , they conquer kingdomes , lands , and seas . whoe're thou art who rul'st the wind , dost all things in their stations hold , looke down at length , and see mankind in troubles , and confusion rowl'd . of thy great worke a part are we that may not be neglected . lo , how we are tost in fortunes sea , vpon the waves of various woe ! o master , let this tempest cease ; and as thou makst the heav'ns above to follow thy commands in peace , so bind the earth with th' bonds of love. the fifth prose . philosophy sheweth that boetius is the cause of his owne misery . when i had breath'd forth these complaints in the anguish of my soule she with an undisturbed looke not at all mov'd with those expressions of my sorrow , delivers these words : when i saw thee sad , and pouring forth tears , presently i understood that thou wast miserable , and remov'd from thine a own country , but at what distance i could not judge till i found it out by thine own discourse . but the truth is , thou art not remov'd from thine own country , but hast wandred from it . but if thou wouldst rather have it said that thou art violently removed , or expell'd , thou thy selfe art the author of thy expulsion . for truly no other man could ever have had that power over thee . for if thou dost remember the country from whence thou camest , it is not govern'd , as the athenians sometime were , by a multitude : but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : there one commands alone , there is one king ; who rejoyceth in the great company , and not in the exile of his citizens : to be restrain'd by him , and kept in subjection to his righteous will , is the greatest freedome . art thou ignorant that it is a law of thy country , that none shall be banisht , who would rather abide in it ? for he that loves to dwell there can have no fear least he should deserve to be an exile . but he that ceaseth to be willing to have an habitation there , ceaseth also to be worthy of it . therefore i am not so much mov'd at the lookes of this place , as i am at thine : neither do i find the want of a library adorn'd with ivory , and with glass ; but of the seat of thy mind . in which sometime i put not books , but that which makes books to be of any value , to wit , the sense of my books . and indeed the things that thou hast spoken touching the merit of thine endeavours to advance the common good , are very true : yet 't is but little that thou hast said , in respect of those many actions , thou hast perform'd upon this account . as concerning the truth , or falsehood of the objections that have been made against thee , thou hast spoken things known to all men . thou hast done well in that thou hast but lightly toucht the many-fold frauds , and wickedness of thine accusers , sith the same things are better , and more copiously discourst of by the mouths of the common people , who well remember all these things . thou hast also reflected with great severity on that fact of the unjust senate : and thou hast exprest thy sorrow for the blame that has been lay'd upon me , and thou hast with tears lamented the loss of the good opinion that men had of thee : at length thy griefe brake forth into indignation against fortune , and thou didst complain that she does not deal with men according to their deserts : in the conclusion thy raging muse exprest her desires that the same peace , which governs heaven would govern the earth also : but because so great a tumult of disorderly affections hath seiz'd on thee , and grief , and anger so vex , and distract thee , whilst thy mind is so distemper'd thou art not fit to receive the stronger sort of remedies : therefore let us use lenitives a little while , that what has been hardn'd into a tumour by a flux of sharp humours , may be fitted by the softer kind of applications for the most quick , and searching medicines . the sixth verse . philosophy proveth that order is necessary in all things . when cancer with sols rayes doth burn , then whoso trusts his ground with seed , of which it makes him no return ; deceiv'd , he may on akorns feed . if purple violets thou wilt find , goe not to th' wood when snow , and frost are thither brought by th' north-east wind , and th' fields have all their beauty lost . press not the branches of the vine in spring-time with a greedy hand , if thou desire to have good wine , or pleasant grapes at thy command . till autumn bacchus never brings his gifts to peasants , or to kings . to sev'ral times our god above their sev'ral duties hath assign'd : courses distinct hee 'l not approve should ever be together joyn'd . ev'n so what is done in such hast that order due we cann't forecast , it will not come to good at last . the sixth prose . philosophy discovereth the inward causes of boetius his griefe . wilt thou permit me to try the state of thy mind by proposing a few questions , that i may understand what course to take for the cure of thy distemper . i shall answer , quoth i , to whatsoever thou shalt be pleas'd to aske of me . then she spake thus : dost thou think that this world is hurried on in it's course by the agitations of chance , or meer casualty , or that it is govern'd by reason ? but , quoth i , never could i entertain such a thought , as this , that such certain and orderly motions can proceed from chance and uncertainty . i know that god , the maker of the universe sits on high , and overlooks his own worke ; neither shall that day ever come that may enforce me to forsake this truth . thou sayst well , quoth she ; for what thou didst sing a little while since suits well with thy present speech : and thou didst deplore mankind , as neglected by god , whilst all things else are under his providence . thou didst not seem in the least to doubt of those things ; but that they are govern'd by reason . but truly i cannot but wonder very much that thou shouldst still labour under such a distemper having attain'd to so great a measure of the most wholsome doctrine . but let us search deeper ; i conceive that something , i know not what , thou lackest yet . tell me , since thou dost not doubt but that the world is govern'd by god , dost thou consider also by what rule he governs it ? i hardly understand , quoth i , the meaning of this question , much less am i able to give an answear thereunto . was i mistaken , saith she , in that i thought there was something wanting , through which defect , as through an hole these perturbations have crept into thy mind ? but tell me , dost thou remember what is the end of things ? or what it is that the whole course of nature tends unto ? i have heard what it is , quoth i , but sadness has much weakned my memory . but how knowest thou from what all things derive their being ? i know from what , said i : from god. and how can it be that sith thou knowest what is the begining of things , thou shouldst be ignorant of their end ? but this is the custome of these perturbations , and distractions of mind , such is their strength , that they unsettle , and discompose a mans thoughts , but cannot alienate him from the proper sentiments of a rational nature . i would have thee give an answear to this question ; dost thou remember that thou art a man ? how is it possible , quoth i , that i should ever forget this ? art thou able then to tell me what man is ? is this the sense of thy question , whether i know my selfe to be a living creature rational , and mortal ? i know , and confess that i am . and dost thou not know , quoth she , that thou art somewhat besides that ? no. now , quoth she , i come to understand another , and that the greatest cause of thy distemper , thou failest of the knowledge of thy selfe . wherefore i have plainly found out the grounds of thy disease , or rather the way to recover thy health . for because thou art in such confusion of mind , by reason that thou forgettest who thou art , thou fallest into this extream anguish , as if thou wast exil'd , and depriv'd of thy proper goods . forasmuch as thou art ignorant what is the end of things thou judgest that lawless , and ungodly men are in great power , and felicity . and forasmuch as thou hast forgotten by what rule the world is govern'd , thou art so apt to conceit that the manifold changes of humane affairs are not within the compass of any government . great causes indeed not only of sickness , but of death itselfe . but thanks be to the author of health that reason has not as yet wholly forsaken thee . we have very good grounds to undertake thy recovery , in that thou retainest this truth touching the governance of the world , that it is not subject to the temerity of chance , but to the divine wisedome . therefore set thy heart at rest . we perceive ther 's vital heat in thee by this little spark . but because it is not yet a fit time for stronger remedies , and such is the nature of our minds that as often as they cast away the truth they habituate , themselves to false opinions , from which there arise such fumes of disorderly affections , which darken the eyes of our understanding : these fumes i shall endeavour to extenuate with the most soft , and gentle remedies , that the darkeness of the deceitful love of earthly things being done away , thou mayst be able to apprehend the brightness of the true light. the seventh verse . philosophy declareth how the perturbations of our minds do hinder us from the knowledge of truth . the stars cann't yield their light , when clouds keep them from sight . if stormy winds do blow , and make seas ebbe , and flow , that water which lookt fair as brightest dayes , and clear as christal , foul'd with mud , rais'd by the boystrous floud , obstructs our sight . and so the river that doth flow from th' hills is oft made stay by rocks that lye i' th' way . and if thou verity with a clear eye wouldst see ; if thou wouldst find th' right way , and from it never stray , cast off fond joyes , and fears , and hopes : wipe off thy tears . the mind 's with clouds o're cast , and with a curb held fast , where these our powers do wast . the second book of the consolation of philosophy . the first prose . of the deceits and inconstancy of fortune . after this , she held her peace for some time ; and when she had gather'd in my attention by a sober , and grave silence , thus she began : if i throughly understand the causes of thy distemper , and the condition thou art in , thou dost languish , and pine away for want of thy former fortune : 't is her change , as thou makest thy selfe to believe , that hath overthrown the high state of thy mind . i understand the manifold deceits of that prodigy , and that she is wont to shew the greatest dearness , and familiarity to those , whom she hath a mind to delude , 'till she confounds them with intolerable anguish , whom beside all expectation she hath forsaken , and left destitute . if thou wilt call to mind her nature , manners , and diserts , thou shalt understand that thou didst neither enjoy , nor lose any excellent thing in her presence , or departure . but , as i judge , i shall have no hard taske to bring these things to thy ▪ remembrance . for whilst she remained with thee , and flatter'd thee continually , thou wast wont to speak manfully unto her , and to persecute her with sentences brought from the (a) secret place of my temple . but a sudden change of things happens not without some wavering of minds . so it comes to pass that thou art gone a little from thy wonted peace , and tranquillity . but 't is now time that thou shouldst drink some pleasant , and delicious thing , which being receiv'd will prepare thee for stronger potions . therefore let us have the perswasives of sweet rhetorick , which then only proceeds in the right way , when she forsakes not our instructions : and with her let musick , who is one of our house-hold servants sing notes sometimes light , and sometimes grave . what is it then , ô man , that hath cast thee into so deep sadness , and discontent ? i believe thou hast seen something new , and unusual . dost thou think that fortune is changed in her disposition towards thee ? thou art mistaken . these are her manners : this is her nature . she hath rather kept her own constancy in the mutability she hath shown towards thee . she was no other than now thou seest her to be , when she flatter'd , and deceiv'd thee with the enticements of false felicity . thou hast found out the deceitful pretences of this blind goddess . she that covers her selfe with a vaile from the sight of other men has suffer'd thee to take a full view of her : and to be fully acquainted with her disposition . if thou likest her , use her manners , do not complain . if thou dreadest her perfidiousness , scorn , and reject her , that sports her selfe thus in doing mischiefe . for she that hath brought thee into so great sorrowes should have been the cause of thy tranquillity . for she hath left thee , of whom no man can be secure , but that she will leave him also . but dost thou think in good earnest that that felicity , which thus passeth away , is any thing worth ? and can any present fortune be dear unto thee , which gives thee no assurance of her stay , and when she shall depart , will certainly involve thee in great anguish , and vexation ? if we cannot keep her with us as long as we please ; and if when she flyes from us she makes us miserable , what is she else , being so ready to take her flight , but a sign of future calamity ? for it is not sufficient to consider that which is lay'd before our eyes . prudence measureth the end of things ; whos 's mutability in either state , should make us neither to fear the threat'nings of fortune , nor regard her pretences of friendship . finally thou oughtest to bear with a patient mind , whatsoever is done within the jurisdiction of fortune , now thou hast submitted thy neck to her yoke . if thou wouldest impose a law on her , whom thou hast freely chosen to be thy mistress , to stay , or be gone at thy pleasure , wouldest thou not be injurious , and by thine impatience encrease the bitterness of that condition , which thou art not able to change ? if thou shouldst commit thy sailes to the winds , thou shouldst not be carried whither thou wouldest arrive , but whither they will drive thee . if thou wilt sow thy ground , thou must make account that some years are barren , and some fruitful . thou hast submitted thy selfe to the government of fortune , 't is but requisite thou shouldst comply with the humours of thy mistress . but dost thou endeavour to put a stop to the turning of her wheele ? but , o foolish man , if she begins to be constant , she ceaseth to be fortune . the first verse . philosophy discribeth the conditions of fortune . when mighty things she turns about (a) euripus like she swiftly flowes ; she doth most dreadful armies rout , and potent monarchs overthrowes : and heads cast down she lifts on high : she hearkens not to sighs , and groans of men plung'd deep in misery , she tortures them , and scorns their moans . these are her sports , thus doth she try her strength ; and 't is a wondrous feat , if in that houre a man shall lye i th' dust , in which his power was great . the second prose . fortune sheweth , that she hath taken nothing from boetius , that was his . but i would discourse with thee a little in the words of fortune . observe if she speaks not right . o man , why dost thou thus complain of my carriage towards thee ? in what have i injur'd thee ? what goods , that thou mightest justly call thine own , have we taken from thee ? let any man be judge betwixt us , whilst thou contendest with me touching the possession of riches , and dignities : and if thou shalt prove that any of them do properly belong to any mortal whatsoever , i will readily grant that those things , which thou desirest should be restor'd unto thee were thine indeed . when nature brought thee out of thy mothers wombe , i tooke thee being naked , and destitute of all things , i cherisht thee with my riches , and , which makes thee now so impatient against me , i gave thee the most tender , and delicate education , and encompast thee with the abundance , and splendour of all things , which are in my power . now i think fit to withdraw my hand ; be thankful as one that has had the use of things that are not thy proper goods . thou hast no just cause to complain , as if thou hadst lost that which was thine own . why then dost thou sigh , and groan ? riches , honors , and all such like things are in my power : they acknowledge that i am their mistress : they come , and go with me . i boldly affirm , that if those things had been thine , which thou complainest that thou hast lost , thou hadst not lost them . shall i only be hind'red from the exercise of my power ? 't is lawful for the heavens to bring forth clear dayes , and to shut up those daies in dark nights . 't is lawful for the year now to adorn the face of the earth with flowers , and fruit ; now to cover it with frost , and snow . 't is the right of the sea , now to looke mild , and calm ; now to grow rough with waves , and storms . and shall the unsatiable desires of men oblige me to constancy , which is so contrary to my manners ? this is the part i am to act : this is the play i play continually . i turn round a wheele , and make the lowest , and uppermost things to change their places . go up , if thou thinkst fit , but on that condition that thou do not take it for an injury , if thou be made to go down again , when the play requires it . hast thou never been made acquainted with my manners ? hast thou not heard how craesus king of the lydians , but a little before very formidable to (a) cyrus , being brought to the fire , a most doleful spectacle , was sav'd by water , pour'd down from heaven , from the devouring flames ? dost thou not remember that (b) paulus wept at the calamity of king (c) perseus , whom he had taken captive ? what is the loud complaint of tragedies , but that fortune disregards , and overturns the happiest kingdomes ? didst thou not learn when thou wast a boy , that in (d) jupiters entry there are two large vessels , one holding evil things , and the other good things ? what if i have not wholly withdrawn my selfe from thee ? what if this very inconstancy of mine be a just cause why thou shouldest hope for better things ? however do not repine at thy condition , and being seated in a kingdome , which is govern'd by lawes common to all , do not entertain any vain desires of living by a right peculiar to thy selfe . the second verse . fortune complaineth of the unsatiable desire of men . if so much wealth , as th' ocean casts up sand , men could at length obtain : or had so many gemms at their command as heav'n doth stars contain ; all this would not suffice , but they would still complain , and covet more . and if it were our great creators will to adde unto their store , and make their names with glorious titles shine , yet they would seem to want , through their voracious lusts they would repine , their thirsty soules would pant , and gape for more , and more . what curbe can now their appetite restrain , sith whilst they in so great abundance flow , of want they still complain : he is not rich , who doth himselfe deplore , and thinks that he is poore . the third prose . philosophy proveth , that fortune had been more favourable , than contrary to boetius . if fortune should speak to thee after this manner , certainly thou wouldst hardly find a word to say for thy selfe . or if there be any thing , whereby thou mayst defend the complaint thou makst against her , thou oughtest to produce it ; thou hast liberty to declare thy mind . then said i : truly the things that thou hast spoken have a fair shew , and carry with them the hony of sweet rhetorick , and musick ; they delight us only so long , as we attend to their sound . but men in misery have a deeper sense of the evils that oppress them . therefore when such things cease to affect the ear , that anguish which is settled in the mind becomes more grievous . and saith she , 't is so indeed . for we do not as yet administer the remedies of thy distemper , but these things are to asswage the violence of the pain , which will not admit our chiefest medicines . for we shall apply such things , which will pierce into the roote of thy disease , as soon as it shall be seasonable . but that thou mayst not reckon thy selfe in the number of wretched men , what , hast thou forgotten the measure of thy felicity ? to say nothing of this , that persons of the highest quality tooke care for thee in thy fatherless condition ; and that thou being chosen into the affinity of the principal men of the city didst first begin to be dear , and then to be near of kin unto them , which is the most excellent kind of alliance . who has not applauded thee , as a most happy man , upon account of the splendor , and nobleness of thy father-in-law , the chastity of thy wife , and the towardly disposition of thy sons ? i pass by this ( for i like not to speak of common things ) that thou didst receive in thy youth those dignities which few old men can attein unto : it delighteth me to come to the singular hight of thy felicity . if there be any true , and solid happiness in the most pleasant fruit of humane affairs , can the memory of that day be blotted out , with never so great an inundation of over-flowing evils ? when thou sawest thy sons being made consuls , to be brought from thy house with so great a company of senators , the people discoveing so much joy , and gladness ; when those thy sons sitting in the senate-house on their ivory-chairs , thou didst make an oration in prayse of the king , and deservedst the glory of wit , and eloquence : when thou sitting between thy two sons being consuls in the place call'd circus , didst satisfy the expectation of the multitude , crowding about thee , with a triumphal largess . thou didst flatter , and deceive fortune , i beleive whilst she fawned on thee , and cherisht thee , as her darling . thou didst gett from her such a gift , as she never bestowed on any private man. wilt thou therefore come to a reckoning with fortune ? this is the first time that she ever cast a froward looke on thee . if thou considerest the number , and the measure of things sad , and things joyful , thou canst not deny but that thou art happy still . if therefore thou judgest that thou art not fortunate , because those things which seemed to be joyful are past , and gone ; ther 's no cause why thou shouldst think thy selfe miserable , sith those things also , which thou apprehendest to be so sad , and grievous are passing away . what , didst thou come forth but lately upon the stage of this life ? dost thou think ther 's any constancy in humane affairs , whereas 't is often seen that an houres time makes an healthy man return to the durst ? for though the goods of fortune should remain with us , which seldome comes to pass , yet the last day of our life would be as it were the death of such constant prosperity . what matter is it therefore , whether thou goest from it , or it from thee ? the third verse . philosophy declareth , how all worldly things decay and fade away . when phaebus , vanquishing the night , or'e th' skies his lustre spreads : the stars , abasht at such great light , grow pale , and hide their heads . now zephyrus with his soft breath the roses hath full blown : the cloudy south wind blustereth , and straight their beauty 's gon . sometimes the sea 's still , like the shore , and radiant , like the skies : sometimes the stormy winds do roar , and boystrous waves arise . sith all this world is like the dust , that 's driven with the wind , why wilt thou to mans fortunes trust , which none shall constant find ? this is a constant law , can't alter'd be , that nothing here shall have true constancy . the fourth prose . philosophy proveth , that boetius is still fortunate , and that no man hath complete happiness in this life . then said i , thou speakst the truth , o nurce of all vertues , neither can i ●…y the swift course of my happy daies . but this doth most vehemently torment my soule , when i reflect on it , for in all adversity whatsoever 't is the most unhappy kind of misfortune , to have been happy . but , quoth she , what thou sufferest by thy false opinion , thou mayst not impute to the nature of things . and if thou art mov'd with the empty name of that felicity , which is in the power of fortune , thou mayst account with me how much thou dost still retein of it . therefore if that , which thou didst ever esteem as most pretious in the whole treasury of thy fortune , be still by the divine providence kept safe , and free from all harme , can'st thou have any cause to say that fortune deals hardly with thee , whilst thou reteinest the more valuable enjoyments ? but that most pretious ornament of mankind , thy father-in-law symmachus is still alive , and in good health ; and ( which thou wouldest readily purchase with the price of thine own life ) he , being a man wholly made up of wisedome , and vertue , regardless of the wrongs that are done unto himselfe , bestowes his complaints on those , he sees thee to suffer . thy wife is still living , a woman modestly ingenious , excelling in all the perfections of chastity , and , that i may briefly comprehend all her endowments , she 's like her father . she lives , i say , and keeps her breath only for thee , being weary of this life ; and , which , i confess , is a lessening of thy felicity , she pines away with tears , and sorrow for want of thy company . what should i say of thy sons , that have been consuls , in whom , as in youths of their age , there shines the resemblance of the wit of their father , and of their grand-father ? sith therefore it is our chiefest care to preserve our lives , o happy man that thou art , if thou didst but know how to value thy condition , who to this very day hast so great abundance of those things , which no man doubts but that they are more pretious than life it selfe ! wherefore wipe off these tears from thine eyes . fortune has not as yet shown her utmost spight against thee ; neither has an over-violent tempest falled on thee , whilst thine anchors hold fast , which do not permit thee to want consolation for the present , nor hopes to see better times . and i pray , quoth i , they may hold fast ; for whilst they are fixed , however the matter goes , i shall have hopes to overcome the storme . but thou seest how my honors , and dignities are diminisht . and saith she , we have advanc'd somewhat in our design if there be any thing in thy condition , with which thou art not displeas'd . but i cannot away with this that thou art so nice , and tender , who makest such grievous complaints that there is some thing wanting , which thou wouldest have to compleat thy happiness . for where is the man that hath attein'd to such a state of ease , and satisfaction , that he is not in any regard discontented with the quality of his present fortune ? for the condition of the goods of this world is full of anxiety , and vexation , and such that it never comes whole , and entire , and never can be made stable , and permanent . one man abounds in wealth , but is asham'd of his ignoble birth . another being nobly born is well known throughout all the country , but wanting an estate answearable to the greatness of his name , he would rather be hid in obscurity with persons of the meanest rank . this man is both rich , and noble , and bemoans himselfe for want of a wife . that man hath a good wife , but hath no children , and afflicts himselfe with the thoughts that he must leave his wealth to a stranger . another rejoycing in his issue turns his joy into mourning for the ill carriage of his son , or of his daughter . so that no man can easily suit his mind with his own condition . and let us moreover consider this , that the sense of every man that has been most us'd to prosperity is exceeding soft , and delicate , and unless he can have all things at his beck , being unaccustom'd to any adversity , is cast down with every little thing , that goes across to him : of such small moment are such matters , which detract from the perfection of the happiness of those men , on whom fortune has bestowd her choicest favours . how many are there thinkest thou who would conceit themselves to be advanc'd almost as high , as heaven , if they could have but a part of the remains of thy prosperity ? this very place that thou callest exile is the country of the inhabitants . thus nothing is a misfortune , but when thou deemest it so to be : and on the contrary every condition turns into prosperity to those , who know how to dispose themselves in it . what man is there so happy , but he would be desirous to change his estate , if he should once give way to impatience ? what bitterness is the sweetness of humane felicity sprinkled with ! which if it seem joyful to him that possesteth it , yet it cannot be secur'd to him for a moment . 't is evident therefore how wretched that happiness is which consists in the enjoyment of perishing things , which neither remains with those that are contented , nor is wholly delightsome to persons of anxious , and disturbed minds . therefore , o ye sons of men , why do yee seek for true happiness without , which is plac'd within your selves ? you are confounded with ignorance , and wrong opinions . i shall in a few words shew thee what is the soveraign , and onely true happiness . is there any thing more dear , and pretious to thee , than thy selfe ? nothing , thou wilt say . therefore if thou canst have the full dominion of thy selfe , thou shalt possess that which thou wouldest never part with , and which fortune shall never be able to take from thee . and that thou mayst clearly perceive that true happiness consists not in those things that are in the power of fortune , consider this argument : if bliss , or true happiness be the soveraign good of intellectual nature , neither is that soveraign good which can by any means be taken from us ; because that excells it , which we cannot be deprived of : 't is manifest that the instability of fortune can never bring us into the waies of true happiness . moreover he that is puft up with this unconstant felicity either knowes , or doth not know , how changeable it is . if he knowes it not , what happiness can there be in ignorance , the blindness of the soule ? if he knowes it , he must needs be in fear of losing , what he doubts not but may easily be lost . wherefore the dread he is in continually suffers him not to be happy . or else he cares not if it be lost : thus also it appears to be a matter of small moment , whose loss can be so easily born . and because thou art one of those who know , and are assur'd by many demonstrations that the soules of men are immortal ; and sith it is so clear , and unquestionable , that such happiness , or prosperity , which is in the power of fortune has it's period by the death of the body ; it cannot be doubted , but if death be able to deprive us of our bliss , all mankind must at length become miserable . and sith we know that many a man hath earnestly pursu'd , and endeavour'd after bliss , or true happiness , not only by death , but also by great pains , and torments ; how can it be that this present life should be able to make men happy , the end whereof makes them not miserable ? the fourth verse . philosophy commendeth a meane estate . who so intends to get a firm , and lasting seat , that he may safety find from roaring angry wind , and scorn proud neptunes threats when all the shores he beats ; let him not build on high , from loose sands let him fly . when stormy winds do blow , high houses they o'rethrow ; an house can never stand vpon the sliding sand. if thou wilt fly the great dangers of a brave seat , build thy house very low , and on a rock : although the winds their forces raise , and trouble lands , and seas , thou mayst their noise endure in thy low seat secure , thy lookes will still be clear though stormes disturbe the aire . the fifth prose . how riches are neither pretious , nor our own . but because these soft , and gentle reasonings , or fomentations of the mind begin to sink into thee , i think it would now be seasonable to use some stronger medicines . well then : though the gifts of fortune were not so fraile , and transitory , what is there in them that can ever be truly , and properly your own , and which being throughly discover'd what it is in it selfe , would not appear to be most vile , and despicable ? are riches to be priz'd in regard of your nature , or of their own ? what is the best kind of riches ? is it not gold , or great heaps of mony ? but these things make men to be sincerely esteem'd when they are given away , rather than when they are kept in store : for covetousness makes men odious , bounty glorious . if that cannot remain with any man , which passeth from him to another : then is mony pretious , when , being confer'd on another , by the exercise of bounty , it ceaseth to be in our own possession . but if one man had all the wealth in the world , it would leave others in the greatest poverty . and indeed a voice comes whole , and vndivided to the ears of a multitude of people at the same time ; but your riches , unless divided into many small parts , cannot be communicated to divers persons . and hence it is , that of necessity they expose such men to poverty , from whom they come into the possession of others . o then , how narrow , and contracted , how beggerly are those riches , which 't is impossible that many men should have whole , and entire ; and which cannot come into the hands of any one , without the impoverishing of others ! art thou taken with the splendor of gemms , or pretious stones ? but if there be any worth , or excellency in their brightness , that is the light of those stones themselves , not of men : which gemms i cannot but wonder exceedingly that men should have in such admiration . for what is there that wants a soule , and a fit composure of members , and features , which should seem beauteous and amiable to a rational nature ? which , although , as they are the worke of our creator , and in their own rank they carry with them some of the lowest kind of beauty , yet sith their quality is so beneath your excellency , do in no wise deserve your admiration . are you delighted with the beauty of fair , and fruitful fields ? why not ? for it is a fair part of the fair worke of the creation . thus we delight also to see how pleasantly the sea lookes in a calme , and clear day : thus we admire the heavens , the stars , the sun , and the moon . what , doth any of these peculiarly appertain to the ? darest thou to boast thy selfe in the brightness of the heavens ? art thou adorn'd with the various colours , of the flowers , that come forth in the spring , and the begining of summer ? or are those fruits thine that come forth so plenteously in their seasons ? why art thou ravisht with vain joyes ? why dost thou embrace external things , as if they were thine own ? fortune can never make that to be thine , which the nature of things has alienated from thee . the fruits of the earth indeed are without all doubt for the nourishment of living creatures but if thou wilt satisfy thy need , which is all that nature requires , ther 's no reason why thou shouldst desire that fortune should make thee to abound . for nature is contented with a few , and with very small things : whose fullness if thou wilt oppress with superfluity , that which thou dost force upon her , will become either unpleasant , or hurtful . and dost thou think it a brave thing to shine in rich apparel ? which if it be pleasant to looke on , i shall commend the matter of which it is made , or the wit of him , that made it . art thou happy in that thou hast a long train of servants to wait on thee ? who , if they be vitious , are a burthen to the house , and a plague to their master : but suppose them to be vertuous , how can it be that the goodness , and vertue of other men should be reckon'd amongst thy goods ? by all that we have spoken it is clearly prov'd that not one of those things which thou accountest to be thy goods is thy good indeed . in which things if there be not any beauty to make them so desireable , what reason is there that thou shouldest either be griev'd for the loss , or delighted with the possession of them ? if they are fair , and beauteous in their own nature , what is that to thee ? for upon this account they might be as pleasing , though thou couldest not pretend to have any particular interest in them . for they do not therefore become pretious , or valuable , because they are a part of thy riches ; but because they seemed to be pretious thou didst desire to get them into thy possession . but , what would ye have , that yee make so much adoe about the things that are in the power of fortune ? i suppose ye would have such plenty , that yee might not stand in need of any thing . but the case is quite contrary with you : for you have need of more helps to keep the riches , you have gotten : and true it is , that they stand in need of many things , who have many things in their possession ; and on the contrary they want very little , who measure their abundance by the necessity of nature , not by the superfluity of ambition . but are you so void of any proper , and internal good , that you should seeke your goods without , in things remote from your own nature ? is the course of things so monstrously chang'd , that a living-creature deserving to be esteemed as divine upon the account of reason , should not seem unto himselfe to be shining , and illustrious , but by the possession of things without life ? and indeed other things are satisfyed with what they have in themselves : but you , creatures made after the image of god , would fain adorn your selves being of so excellent a nature , with the basest , and lowest things ; not considering how great an injury ye do to your creator . for he would have mankind to excel all earthly things , but ye advance the very lowest of them above your own dignity . for if it be a truth unquestionable that what ever is the good of another thing , is more pretious than that thing , whose good it is ; sith ye conceit that such contemptible , and unworthy things are your goods , ye make your selves by your own judgement to become inferiour to them : and indeed ye deserve that so it should be . for such is the nature of man , that then only he excells all other creatures , when he knowes himselfe : but he becomes more vile than the beasts that perish , when he ceaseth to retein this knowledge . for 't is but the nature of other creatures here upon earth , not to know themselves : but in men 't is vice , or the corruption of their nature . but how great is your error , who conceit that any thing can be adorn'd with ornaments that are not it 's own . that cannot be . for if any thing looke bright , and glorious with that which is put on it , that which is put on , is praysed : but that which is cover'd therewith nevertheless remains in it's own filth , and vileness . i deny that any thing is good , which may become hurtful to him that possesseth it . am i out in this ? no surely , thou wilt say . but riches have often been hurtful to those that have had them , sith every one that is extreamly wicked , and so the more desirous of external things , as gold , or pretious stones , thinks him only , who hath such things , to be a most worthy person . thou then who art now so sollicitous , and fearful of the spear , and of the sword , if thou hadst enter'd into the path of this life with an empty purse thou mightest sing in the presence of a robber . o blessedness of perishing riches , which when thou hast obtein'd thou ceasest to live in safety ! the fifth verse . philosophy commendeth the former age , which was free from covetousness . " o the' too happy fathers of old , " whose wealth was the plough , and the fold ! " base luxury ne're could destroy 'um , " whose fare couldne're surfeit , nor cloy ' um . " an akorn , or chesnut at best " with them was an excellent feast . " sack , and sugar their throats ne'ver knew , " nor their backs the tyrian hue . " on th' grass they found innocent dreams , " and nectar in sweet sliding streams . " then th' pine served only for shade , " and not for the mariners trade . " the chinoise had no traffick with spain " for their trifles as strange , and as vain . " then men might sleep whole in their skins " not affrighted with warlike dins : " and america thought not upon " the greedy , and merciless don : " for who could have thought 'em worth killing , " when they had not one poore shilling " to pay for the wounds should be made ? " then warr was a pityful trade . " would god that our saints , and wise men , " would be but so holy as then ! " but a fire more cruel than hell , " love of wealth , is mixt with our zele ; " oh , what was their bloudy zele , who " sought out the long hidden peru , " and brought home that dangerous ore " by the murther of so many score , " to make pay for the murthring of more ? p. g. the sixth prose . of dignity and power . but what shall i say of dignities , and power , which you , being ignorant of the true dignity , and power , do so highly extol ? if they fall to the lott of wicked men , what (a) aetna with all the flames , it belcheth forth ; what deluge that rageth never so horribly , did ever make so great desolation ! verily , as i suppose thou dost remember , the government of consuls , which was the begining of the roman liberty , for the pride of consuls , your ancestors had a desire to abolish : who for the same pride had formerly banisht the name of king out of the city . but if at any time , which is very seldome , good men are invested with power , and dignities , what is there in them , that may give any satisfaction , but the vertue , and integrity of those that use them ? thus it is that honor doth not accrue to vertue from dignities , but to dignities from vertue . but what kind of power is that which you so prayse , and desire ? do you not consider , o ye earthly creatures , what your selves are , and what they are , whom you are set over ? for if amongst the mise thou shouldst see one to assume to himselfe a power over the rest ; wouldest thou not break forth into laughter ? but if thou considerest the body , what canst thou conceive to be more weak than man , whom a little fly may have strength enough to destroy ? and in what respect can one man be said to exercise his force on another , but only in respect of the body , and that which is beneath the body , i mean , fortune ? what canst thou enforce upon a soule that has attein'd to it's proper freedome ? canst thou remove a mind settled upon the firm principles of truth , and virtue , from the state of peace , and tranquillity ? when a (b) tyrant thought by torments to constrain a (c) couragious man , to discover those who were privy to a conspiracy made against him , he bi tt off his tongue , and spit it in the face of that cruel tyrant . thus did that wise man make those pains the opportunity of exercising his fortitude , whereby the tyrant exercis'd his cruelty . but what is there , which any one can do against another , which he may not suffer from another ? we have heard how (c) busiris who was wont to kill strangers , was slain by hercules , a stranger . many carthaginians had regulus lay'd in chains : but not long after he 's bound himselfe by those very men , whom he had formerly conquer'd . and dost thou think that such a man hath any true power , who is not able so to defend himselfe , that none shall prevaile against him , as he doth against others ? moreover if there were any natural , and proper good in dignities , and powers , they could never be the portion of wicked men . for things so repugnant will not be brought together . nature forbids that contraries should be in one , and the same subject . thus , sith it is unquestionable that very often leud , and ungodly men have the management of dignities , 't is also manifest (d) that these things are not good in their own nature , which adhere to persons so void of goodness . which indeed we may judge of all the gifts of fortune , of which the most wicked men in the world have the greatest share . here let us also consider that no man doubteth but that he is valiant , in whom he seeth any valour , or fortitude : and 't is manifest that he is swift and active , in whom there is swiftness , and activity . thus musick makes musicians , physick physicians , rhetorick rhetoricians . for the nature of every thing acts according to it's property , nor doth it mix it selfe with the operations of contrary things , and it drives away whatsoever is repugnant thereunto . but neither can riches extinguish the desires of the covetous man ; neither can power make a man able to overcome himselfe , who is bound , with the chains of his lusts . and dignity confer'd on persons of base inclinations doth not only not make them worthy men , but discovers them rather , and shewes them to the world , as such who deserve the greatest scorn , and indignity . you take pleasure to call things by false , and improper names , which are easily confuted by the effect of the things themselves : therefore neither can those riches , nor that power , and dignity be truly so call'd . and we may conclude the same of all that comes from fortune , in which 't is manifest ther 's nothing that we should absolutely desire , nothing of native goodness , since it neither joins it selfe allwayes to good men , nor doth it make those good , to whose lot it falls . the sixth verse . philosophy declareth by the example of nero , that dignities or power , do not make men better . how did (a) he wast with fire , and sword the city , and the senators , who to his (b) brother could afford no safety from his bloudy force ! who likewise his own (c) mother slew , and in that horrid slaughter joy'd ; he did her naked body view , and prays'd the beauty he destroy'd ! yet this man did all nations sway : they trembled at his dreadful name . could nero's power make him obey his reason , and his fury tame ? o grievous fate ! abiss of woe ! what poyson cann't , the sword must do ! the seventh prose . of glory . then quoth i , thou knowest that i have never been enslav'd to the desires of perishing things : but i was desirous to have some matter for my virtue to worke on in publick affairs , that it might be made known to the world. this indeed , saith she , is one thing , which some generous minds , but such as have not yet attein'd to the highest pitch of virtue , may be much taken withall , to wit , the glory or fame that appertains to persons that have deserv'd well of the common-wealth : which fame , or glory , how small a thing it is , and of no importance at all , thou mayst understand thus : thou hast learnt by astronomical demonstrations that all the compass of the earth is but as it were a point , or the least thing imaginable in comparison of the large space of the heavens : that is to say , if it be compar'd to the greatness of the celestial globe , it would be judg'd to have no space at all . and of this so small a region of the world 't is about the fourth part as thou hast learnt from ptolemy , which is inhabited by such creatures , which are known to us . if thou shalt substract from this fourth part what the seas ▪ and marrises take up , and the utmost extent of the dry sands , and desarts , there will be left but a very narrow space for the habitations of men. being then encompast , and shut up within the least part of this extream little part of the vniverse , do you think of enlarging your fame , and making your name great ? but what hath that glory of amplitude , and magnificence that is straitned with such narrow limits ? moreover i would have thee to consider that in the habitable part of the world most nations differ very much one from another in their language , and in their dispositions , and their whole kind of life : so that by reason of the difficulty of such journeyes , or voiages , and the diversity of languages , and the want of all traffick , or commerce , not only the fame of particular men , but even of great cities may never come to some nations . in the daies of marcus tullius , as he himselfe (a) somewhere shewes , the fame of the roman common-wealth had not yet past beyond the mountain (b) caucasus , and at that time rome was so great , as to be a terror even to the (c) parthians , and the other nations therabout . and dost thou not see then how narrow , and strait that glory is , which you labour to spread , and dilate ? shall the glory of a roman go thither where the name of rome could never arrive ? the manners , and institutions of divers countries do not agree ; so that what with some men deserveth prayse , with others is accounted worthy of the greatest punishment . hence it comes to pass that if any one delight to be well spoken of , it is in no wise convenient for him that his name should be carryed to many people . therefore every man must be contented with the glory that is propagated amongst those , who are govern'd by the same lawes with himselfe : and that fame , and lasting renown , which they call immortality , shall be confin'd within the limits of one country . but how many persons of great eminency in their time had their names omitted by the historians of that age ! and what doth it profit a man to be mention'd in histories , which at length together with their authors fall into oblivion ! but you seem to your selves to have gotten a kind of immortality , when you think that your fame shall endure in the generations to come . if thou dost but compare that duration to eternity , thou wilt find that thou hast no cause to rejoyce in the long continuance of thy name . for if we make comparison of one moment with ten thousand years , because both spaces have their bounds , it carries though but a little yet some proportion therunto . but this number of years be it multiplyed never so much , can in no wise be compar'd to that duration , which shall never end. for between things finite there is some proportion , but infinite , and finite can never have any . thus it comes to pass that the fame which endures for never so long a time , in comparison of eternity , will not only appear to be very little , but as nothing at all . but you care not to do well , unless for the prayse of people , and the empty noice of vulgar applause , and disregarding the excellency of your own conscience , and vertue , you expect your reward from the talk of others . observe how ingeniously a certain man reproves this kind of folly. for when he saw a conceited person , that had through vain glory assum'd to himselfe the false name of a philosopher , to be assaulted with many sharpe contumelies , and revilings , and he had told him that now he should know him to be a philosopher indeed , if he would bear those injuries with meekness , and patience ; for a little while he tooke on him a kind of patience , and boasting as it were in the contumelies he had receiv'd ; dost thou not understand at length , sayth he , that i am a philosopher ? then replyes the other very bitingly , i had understood it indeed , if thou hadst held thy peace . but what is fame to excellent men ( for of such is our discourse ) who seeke for glory in the way of virtue ; what , i say , is fame , or the glory of this present world to them , when their bodies return to the dust ? for if death seize on the whole man , which my doctrine will not suffer you to believe , ther 's no such thing , as glory : sith he who is said to be the owner of it , is depriv'd of his being . but if the soule that is cleansed from all impurity , being deliver'd from this earthly prison , ascendeth into heaven ; will she not despise all that is done here upon earth , whilst she , being an inhabitant of heaven , rejoyceth that she is exempted from all earthly concerns ? the seventh verse . of the smalness and shortness of fame . whoever thinks that earthly glory is the thing that brings true bliss : let him comtemplate the large skye , and see earths small capacity : sith that such narrow space exceeds his fame , hee 'll blush at his great name . why do proud men in vain desire to be free'd from mortality ? though their fame pass through people far , and near and make whole nations hear ; and though their house toth ' highest titles rises , this glory death despises ; it spares not humble heads , the lofty neither ; layes high , and low together . where lye the bones now of (a) fabricius ? wher 's (b) cato , or (c) brutus ? some letters after death preserve their fame , that is , their empty name . but may we know men long since dead , and gone because those words are known ? you surely ( turn'd to dust ) we cannot know , fame can't your persons show . if you conceit that 't is a life to be mention'd in history , when time deprives you of the peoples breath , that is a second death . the eighth prose . adversity more profitable than prosperity . but that thou mayst not think me to be an irreconcileable enemy to fortune , ther 's a time when she deserveth well of men , though she be so deceitful . to wit , then , when she shewes her selfe , and discovers what disposition she is of . perhaps thou dost not yet understand what i mean. that which i vehemently desire to tell thee is a wonderful thing , so that i have much adoe to fit words to the thoughts i have of it . for i judge that adverse fortune is more profitable for men , than prosperity . for the one allwayes cheats us with the empty shew of felicity , whilst she seems to be very kind : the other is allwayes true to us , whilst by her change she demonstrates her instability . the one deceives , the other teaches , and instructs us : the one fetters the minds of those that enjoy it with the allurements of false goods ; the other sets them at liberty , by making them to understand the vanity of all earthly happiness . therefore thou mayst observe that the one is windy , loose , and allwayes void of the knowledge of her selfe : the other is sober , strict , and encreasing in prudence , by the most profound exercise of wisedome , in the conquest of all perturbations . lastly prosperity enticeth men , and drawes them away from the true good : adversity drawes them back to it , as it were , with an hooke . and dost thou think this but a small thing that this sharpe , this horrible fortune makes thee know who are thy faithful friends : she hath distinguisht the certain , and doubtful countenances of thy companions : at her departure she carryed her own friends away with her , thine she hath left with thee . at how high a rate wouldest thou have purchac'd this , when thou seemedst to thy selfe to be a fortunate man ? cease now to looke any longer after the riches , thou hast lost : thou hast found the most pretious kind of wealth , viz. true friends . the eighth verse . philosophy praiseth true love and friendship . that the world so constant is in alternate variety , that so many contraries observe their league so faithfully , that the sweet day , queen of light , sol in his golden chariot drawes , and that (a) hesperus brings night , that night is rul'd by (b) phaebes lawes , that the greedy sea's restrain'd least it 's proud waves should seiz the land : things thus to each other chain'd are held by loves almighty hand who rules the heav'ns , earth , and seas . if he let goe the reins , they run straight from the safe way of peace , and perish by dissention . he keeps men in vnity , he joyns in league far distant lands : he confirms by chastity the sacred force of nuptial bands : he shewes true friends how to prove that to love is the greatest gain . happy men , if that same love which raigns in heav'n did in you raign ! the third book of the consolation of philosophy . the first prose . philosophy promiseth to explicate true felicity . she had now ended her song , when the sweetness of the verse had fixed me in the deepest attention . therefore after a short pause thus i spake : o soveraign consolation of wearied minds , how much hast thou refreshed me both with the weight , and importance of the sense of this excellent song , and the pleasantness of it's aire ! so that for the future i shall not looke on my selfe , as one that wanteth strength to grapple with any kind of fortune . therefore i am not only not afraid of those remedies , which thou saidst were somewhat more sharpe , and piercing , but i vehemently desire that thou wouldest impart them unto me . then quoth she , i thought so , when thou didst so greedily receive my words in such profound silence , and with such earnest attention ; and i expected that thou shouldest have this temper , and disposition of mind , or ( which indeed is rather the very truth ) i wrought it in thee . such are the things , that remain to be spoken of , that when first we do but touch them with our tongue , they are very tart , and biting , but being receiv'd , and swallow'd down , they become exceeding sweet , and delightsome . but since thou sayst thou art so desirous to hear what i have to say , how wouldest thou be enflam'd if thou didst understand whither i design to conduct thee ? whither quoth i ? to true felicity , said she , which thy mind apprehends as it were in a dream ; but it 's sight being employ'd about images , and phantasms , it cannot have any clear prospect therof . then quoth i : do , i pray thee , as thou hast said , and shew without delay what is that true felicity . i will do it , quoth she , most willingly : but first i will lay down in plain words that state , and condition with which thou art most acquainted , that casting thine eye the other way , thou mayst clearly discern the nature of true happiness . the first verse . false felicity must be forsaken , that true happiness may be embraced . whoso will sow his ground first he ( free , that ground from stons , and thorns must that ceres may find a plain way . most sweet's the hony , that comes next when tasts unpleasant have us vext . we joy to see the stars appear when wind , and rain have left the aire . how lovely is the youthful day , when lucifer hath chac'd away the dismal shades ! thou , whose dull eye could never yet true good descry , lift up thine head : thine eye-sight shall be clear , and thou shalt see that instantly , to him that seeks for truth , truth shall appear . the second prose . how all men desire happiness , but many mistake it . then with a stedfast looke , recollecting all her thoughts into the depth of her mind thus she began : all the care of mortals , which is exercis'd in the labour of various studies , and designs , proceeds in divers wayes ; but yet it tends to one , and the same end , viz. to true happiness . and that is such a good , which when any man , hath attein'd unto , his desires can go no further . which indeed is the chiefe , and soveraign of all good things , and conteineth in itselfe all the good that is , or ever can be . to which if any thing were wanting , it could not be the soveraign good , because some thing would be left our of it , which migh be wisht or desir'd . 't is manifest therefore that bliss , or true happiness is a perfect state consisting in the collection of all good things into one. this state , as we have said , all men desire to attein unto by divers wayes or means : for there is naturally in the minds of men a desire of the true good , but error draws them aside to things that have but the meer shew , or appearance of good. some there are who believing that it is the soveraign good , to want nothing ▪ endeavour with all their strength to heap up riches : but others , judging that to be the soveraign good , which is most worthy of veneration , endeavour by the getting of honors , or illustrious titles , to render themselves venerable to their own country-men . others there are that hold the soveraign good to consist in the greatest power , or dominion . these men would either raign themselves , or they endeavour to be next to him that holdeth the scepter . and it seemeth to others that glory , or renown is the soveraign good. these make all possible speed to get a glorious name by the arts of war , or peace . but the greatest number of men measure the fruit of good by joy , and mirth . these think it the most happy state to overflow with pleasure . and some there are that exchange the ends , and causes of these goods ( viz. why they desire them ) one for another : as they , who desire riches that they may attein to power , and dignities , and have all the means of enjoying such carnal pleasures , to which they are most inclin'd : or they , who would fain be in power that they may get money , or a great name . to these , and such like things is the bent , or intention of humane actions and desires : nobility , and the favour of the people seem to procure an illustrious name : a wife and children are desir'd for the pleasure , and delight men hope to receive from them . but as for friends , which are the most sacred kind of goods we do not judge of them as apperteining to fortune , but to virtue . but now 't is easy to apprehend how the goods of the body are refer'd to the things above mention'd . for strength , and greatness of body seem to make us capable of the most manlike exercise ; beauty , and activity bring large prayses ; health fits a man for the pleasures of the body . by all these things 't is manifest that true happiness is that which men chiefly , and principally aim at . for that which every man desireth before all other things he judgeth to be the soveraign good. but we have concluded the soveraign good to be bliss , or true happiness . wherefore that state , or condition which every man desireth before all other things , he judgeth to be his bliss . therefore thou hast now lay'd before thine eyes allmost the whole form , or model of humane felicity , riches , honors , power , glory , pleasure . which things epicurus considering severally , and apart one from another , he judged the soveraign good to be pleasure , because all those other things seem to bring pleasure , and delight to the mind . but i return to the studies , and endeavours of men : whose mind notwithstanding , though their memory be so weake , and dull , strives to regain the possession of the soveraign good , but it is like a drunken man , who mistakes the path that leadeth to his house . for what , do they seem to be in an error , who would fain arrive to such a state , that they may no longer stand in need of any thing ? but there is nothing that so much perfects true happiness , as the abundance of all good things , which wants not any thing foraign , and extrinsecal to it's own nature , and is in itselfe all-sufficient . are they mistaken who judge that the chiefe good is that , which is most worthy of veneration ? in no wise . for that is not vile , or contemptible , to obtein which , is the aim , and intention of all mankind . is not power to be reckon'd in the number of good things ? what ? is that feeble and without strength , which is unquestionably to be prefer'd before all things whatsoever ? is glory , or renown nothing-worth ? but it cannot be but that whatsoever is most excellent should be also most glorious . to what purpose should i say that true happiness cannot be anxious , or sad , or subject to any kind of sorrowes , and perplexities ; sith in the least things that is desir'd , the having and enjoying whereof is delightsome . for this reason do men desire riches , dignities , kingdomes , glory , and pleasures , because they believe that by them they shall attein a state sufficient , venerable , powerful , illustrious , and full of pleasure , and delight . 't is good therefore which men aim at in their various studies , and designs : the force of nature we may perceive in this , that although the opinions of men are so various , and disagreeing , yet they all consent in choosing good , as the end of their actions . the second verse . how nature cannot be wholly changed . " how the strict reins , of all things guided are " by powerful nature , as the chiefest cause , " and how she keeps with a foreseeing care " the spacious world in order by her lawes , " and to sure knots , which nothing can unty , " by her strong hand all earthly motions draws : " to shew all this we purpose now to try " our pleasing verses , and our musick 's sound . " although the lybian lions often lie " gentle , and tame in willing fetters bound , " and fearing their incensed masters wrath " with patient lookes endure each blow , and wound : " yet if their jawes they once in bloud do bathe , " they gaining courage with fierce noyse awake " the force , which nature in them seated hath " and from their necks the broken chains do shake ; " then he who once thought he had made them tame " falls the first prey unto their raging flame . " the bird shut up in an unpleasing cage " which on the lofty trees did lately sing , " though men her want of freedome to asswage , " should unto her with careful labour bring " the sweetest meats , which they can best devise : " yet when on tops of houses fluttering " the pleasing shadowes of the groves she spies , " her hated food she scatters with her feet , " and discontented to the woods she flies , " and there delights to tune her accents sweet . " when some strong hand doth tender plant constrain " with his debased top the ground to meete , " if it let goe , the crooked twigg again " vp toward heav'n ti selfe it streight doth raise . " phaebus doth fall into the western main , " yet doth he back return by secret wayes " and to the east doth guide his chariots race . " each thing a certain course , and lawes obeyes , " striving to turn back to his proper place ; " nor any settled order can be found , " but that which doth within itselfe embrace " the birthes , and ends of all things in around . the third prose . that true happiness consisteth not in riches . o earthly creatures , ye have some kind of perceivance of that from which you deriv'd your being , and of the end for which you were made , though it be very dull , and confus'd as it were in a dream ; and therefore the aim , or intention of your nature leadeth you to the true good , and many errors carry you out of the way to it. for consider whether those things , by which men think they shall attein to true happiness , will ever bring them to the end they design , and propose to themselves . for if mony , or honors , and those other things afore mentioned could put us into a condition , to which no good thing could seem to be wanting , we would grant that a man might be happy by the obteining of those things . if they cannot performe that which they promise , wanting many good things , is it not manifest that they have but the false shew of felicity ? in the first place therefore i aske . thee , who not long since didst abound with riches : in the midst of that abundance didst thou never feele any anguish , or disturbance of mind arising from a sense of the injuries thou didst suffer ? i cannot remember , quoth i , that i was ever in so comfortable a condition , but that i had allwayes some trouble , or other . and was it not either because somewhat was wanting , which thou wouldest not should be wanting ; or that somewhat was present , which thou wouldest not should be present ? this is the case , quoth i. therefore thou didst desire to have the one , and to be free'd from the other . 't is confest , quoth i. but every man lacketh that which he desireth . he doth so , quoth i. but whoso lacketh any thing , has he attein'd to a state of sufficiency ? in no wise , quoth i. therefore whilst thou didst most abound with riches , didst thou sustein this insufficiency ? what else , quoth i ? riches therefore cannot bring a man to such a state that he shall not stand in need of any thing ; and it was this , which they seem'd to promise . but i think that this is most worthy of consideration ; that mony hath nothing in it's nature of such power , and efficacy , that it may not be taken away from those that possess it . i confess it , quoth i. how shouldst thou not confess it , sith we see it so frequently that the possessors are depriv'd of their wealth ? for what is the ground of so many complaints that are made before the judges , but that men endeavour to regain the mony that hath been taken from them by force , or by fraud ? 't is so , quoth i. every man therefore , said she , will stand in need of some aid from without , by which he may possess his mony in safety . that cannot be deny'd , quoth i. but he would have no need of any such aid , or assistance , if he had no mony that might be taken from him . that is unquestionable , quoth i. the matter then falls out quite contrary to what vain men expect : for those riches , which were thought to make a man sufficient , render him the more necessitous , making him to stand in need of such external aid , or assistance , which otherwise he might well be without . but how can riches drive away indigence ? do not rich men suffer hunger , and thirst ? do not the limbs of mony'd men feel cold in the winter ? but rich men thou wilt say have wherewith they may satisfy their hunger , wherewith they may ease themselves of thirst , and cold. but thus they may have some consolation in their indigence , but they cannot be wholly free'd from it . wherefore if wealth cannot remove indigence , and doth in many respects encrease it , can there be any reason that you should believe that all the riches in the world can produce sufficiency ? the third verse . how riches afflict their possessours in life , and forsake them in death . though he that loves the world 's vain wealth had all the gold that (a) tagus yields , and had an hundred oxen in his stall to plow his ample fields : yet whilst he lives care would bow down his head : nor would his wealth availe him when he 's dead . the fourth prose . that true happiness consisteth not in dignities . but dignities render a man venerable . is there that power , and efficacy in magistracy , or civil authority , that it may engraft virtue in the minds of those that use it , and drive away vice ? but it is wont not to drive away wickedness , but rather to make it more conspicuous . hence it comes to pass , that our indignation is so often stir'd , to see the most wicked men invested with power , and dignities . for which cause (a) catullus calls (b) nonius though sitting in the consuls chair ( strvma ) an impostume . seest thou not how great disgrace dignities bring upon persons of base , and unworthy dispositions ? but their unworthiness would less appear , if they had no honors to make them eminent . couldst thou be so wrought on by so many dangers , as to be willing to bear office with decoratus , when thou didst discover in him the mind of a base fellow , and an accuser of honest men ? but if thou shouldst see a man endued with wisedome , is it possible thou shouldst not think him worthy either of reverence , or of the wisedome with which he is endued ? 't is not possible . for virtue has dignity of it's own , which it cannot but transfuse into those , which join themselves unto it . which because popular honors cannot perform 't is manifest they have not in them the beauty of true dignity . this ought to be very much thought on : for if every man be more abject , and despicable for being contemn'd by a greater number of persons , sith dignity makes not wicked men reverend , 't is manifest that shewing them to more people ; it makes them to be more despis'd . but wicked men are reveng'd on dignities , by defiling them with their own impurities , by which they are so expos'd to disgrace . and that thou mayst acknowledge that true reverence cannot be obtein'd by these shadowes of dignity ; if any man that has been never so often consul should come amongst forraign nations , would his honor render him venerable to those strange people ? but if it did appertain to the nature of dignities to make men reverend or venerable , they would not cease to perform this office in any nation whatsoever . as fire throughout the whole world never desists from it's heat . but because this doth not appertain to their nature , but is fastned on them by the false opinion of men , they vanish presently , when they come amongst those , who do not esteem them to be dignities . but this amongst forraign nations . but amongst those , with whom they have their begining , do they allwayes endure ? the office of a praetor was in times past a great power , but now it is but an empty name . in times past he that was to provide corn for the people was esteem'd to be a great man. now what is more contemptible than such an office ? for , as i said a little before , that which hath not any beauty in it selfe , hath sometimes a kind of lustre , sometimes none , according to the opinion of those that use it . if therefore dignities cannot make men venerable , if when wicked men are invested with them , they become sordid , and odious ; if by the change of times , they lose their splendor ; if by the estimation of people , they become vile , and nothing-worth ; what beauty is in them that they should be desir'd ? much less have they any to bestow on others . the fourth verse . how nero being most wicked , was in greatest dignity . though nero vaunt his royalty with scarlet , and with pearles adorn'd , yet in his pompous luxury is he of all men loath'd , and scorn'd . the consuls chairs ( hereby disgras'd ) this man so full of vice had in his own dispose : who then will ever think that honor can make happy , which so vile a wretch bestowes ? the fifth prose . of kings and their favorites . but may kingdomes , and the favour of kings make a man powerful ? how not , when their felicity endures for ever ? but antiquity is full of examples , and so is our present age , how the felicity of kings has been turn'd into calamity . o glorious power , which proves so unable to preserve itself ! if the power of kingdomes be the cause of happiness , doth it not lessen felicity , or bring in misery , if in any part it be defective ? but although humane empires be stretcht never so wide , every king must acknowledge that there are many nations without the compass of his dominions . but where that power can reach no further that makes men happy , there entreth that want of power which makes them miserable . thus kings of necessity have a larger portion of misery , than of felicity . a certain tyrant , that had experienc'd the danger of his estate , set forth the fears that are incident to crowns , and scepters by the terror of a sword hanging over a mans head. what kind of power then shall we account this , which cannot drive away the most biting care , and sollicitude , which cannot avoid the continual prickings of dread and horror ? they would fain live securely , but cannot , and yet they boast of their power . dost thou judge that man to be powerful , whom thou seest so unable to do what he would ? dost thou judge him to be powerful , who is encompast with a guard ? who is continually in fear of those , whom he keeps in awe ? who depends upon his servants to make him seem to be mighty ? for what shall i say of the favourites of kings , sith i shew that the state of kingdomes is so weake , and tottering ? who sometimes fall by the displeasure of their kings , sometimes their kings , and themselves are involv'd in the same ruine . nero enforc'd his favorite seneca from whom he had receiv'd so many good instructions , to make choice of his own death . papinianus who had borne great sway a long time amongst the courtiers antoninus caus'd to be slain with the swords of his souldiers . but both these men would have relinquisht their power : seneca endeavour'd to deliver up all his riches to nero , and to betake himselfe to a retired life . but whilst their fall is hasten'd by their own weight , neither of them could accomplish his design . what shall we say then of such power , as this , of which they are afraid that have it , and when thou wouldest retein it , thou art not safe , when thou wouldest lay it aside , thou knowest not how to be rid of it ? canst thou expect safety from such friends , whom fortune not virtue has given thee ? but that man whom prosperity has made a friend , adversity will make an enemy . and what more pernicious plague can there be , than an enemy that has gotten into an intimacy with us ? the fifth verse . true power consisteth in conquering our owne passions . he that will great , and powerful be let him obtein the victory or'e the fierce motions of his mind , to peace , and gen'rous love inclin'd : and let him manfully disdaign to yield his neck to cupids chain . for though both th' indies were his own , and all the world admir'd his throne , yet 't is not power , that cannot free the mind from black anxiety enlarging it from all restraints , and put an end to all complaints . the sixth prose . that true happiness consisteth not in glory . but glory , many times how deceitful , and base is it ? so that the tragedian had just cause to cry out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ! o glory , glory , thou art such a cheat that thousands , who are nought by thee seem great . for it often comes to pass that many men get a great name only by the false opinions of the people , than which what can we ever conceive to be more base , and despicable ? for they who are praysed without their desert must needs blush at their own prayses . and if their applause proceed from their merits , yet what can it add to the conscience of a wise man , who measures not his good by the rumour of the people , but by the soundness , and integrity of his own conscience ? if it seem a brave thing to spread , and enlarge a mans name ; it followes that it must be judg'd a base thing not to enlarge it . but sith , as i said a little before , there must needs be many nations , which the fame of one man can never extend unto , it comes to pass that he whom thou esteemest to be glorious , in regard of the greatest part of the earth , is obscure , and inglorious . amongst these things i do not think the favour of the people worthy to be mention'd , which neither proceeds from judgement , nor ever becomes firm , and unalterable . and now who does not see that the name of nobility is vain , and insignificant ? which if ye refer to glory , or renown , it must be consider'd that it is not thine own . for nobility seems to be nothing else but the prayse of ancestors procur'd by their merits . if it be prayse that makes renown , or an illustrious name , they must needs have the renown , who are the persons praysed . wherefore the renown of others make thee not illustrious , if thou shinest not with the brightness of any merit of thine own . if there be any good in nobility , i judge it to be only this , that it seems there is a necessity impos'd upon those that are nobly born not to degenerate from the virtue of their ancestors . the sixth verse . how all , but wicked men , are noble . all sorts of men from the same stock arise , all things have one original : the lord of lords , who dwells above the skies , did make them , and preserves them all. those beams , wherewith the sun hath ever shin'd , he gave , and on the moon confers those splendid horns : and to the earth mankind he gave , to th' firmament the stars . he did shut up within these clods of earth the soules , which he brought from on high. we see then that all men derive their birth from th' only true nobility . why do you boast of your large pedigree ? if men consider whence they came , that their descent is from the deity , none ought to suffer the least shame , as if he were ignobly born , sith all may boldly call god father , but those , who deny that he is so by their impiety . the seventh prose . that true happiness consisteth not in pleasure . but what shall i say of the pleasures of the body , the desire whereof is full of anxiety , the full-filling of such desire brings the greatest anguish , and remorse ? what grievous diseases , what intolerable pains do those pleasures bring to the bodies of those that enjoy them , as the fruit of their iniquity ! what joy may be had in such motions , as they call pleasures , i know not . but whosoever will remember luxurious , and dissolute practices , shall understand that the issues , and events of such impure delectations are very sad , and deplorable . if such motions of the body could be the cause of happiness , there is no reason , why beasts also might not be said to be happy ; sith their main bent , and intention is to satisfy the appetite of the body . the delight that ariseth from the enjoyment of wife and children is indeed a most honest , and commendable thing : but it hath been said that a certain man , i know not who , found it was natural to his sons to beat their father . how biting , and vexatious the condition of children is for the most part , thou hast need to be admonisht , sith thou hast not had experience thereof , neither art thou at this time in any anxiety upon that account . i approve the judgement of my euripides , who said that he who hath no children is happy in his misfortune . the seventh verse . that there is no pleasure without paine . this 't is , that sensual pleasures do they make men joy in their own woe , and like the bee , that soon takes wing , whoever sucks their sweets , they sting , and fill the heart with pains , that last , when all those foolish joyes are past . the eigth prose . how all temporal goods are mixed with evil , and are small in themselves . it cannot be doubted then , but that these are not the right wayes to true happiness , neither can they bring any man thither , whither they promise to bring him at last . but with what mischiefs they abound i shall shew thee in a few words . for what ! wilt thou endeavour to gather riches ? thou must take them from him that hath them . art thou desirous of dignities ? thou must make supplication to such a one , who can bestow them ; and thou who strivest to go before others in honor , wilt become vile , and contemptible by shewing thy selfe to be a person of so low a spirit as to beg for it . is it power , that thou wouldest have ? by the treacheries of those whom thou keepst in awe thou shalt be expos'd to many dangers . is it glory that thou aimest at ? thou shalt be hurried through all manner of hardships , and never be in safety ▪ wouldst thou lead a voluptuous life ? but who does not scorn , and despise one , that is a slave to that most vile , and fraile thing , the body ? they that boast of the goods of the body , how small , how weak a possession do they rely on ? can ye ever be greater , than elephants , stronger than bulls ? swifter than tygers ? behold the large space , the firmness , or durability , the swiftness of the heavens , and cease at length to admire things so vile , and contemptible . which heavens are not rather to be admir'd for those qualities , than for the rule , and method by which they are govern'd . as for beauty how vain and transitory is it , how swiftly doth it pass away , more fading than flowers in the spring ! if , as aristotle saith , men could see with eyes of a (1) lynx , and their sight could pierce through all obstacles , would not that body of (b) alcibiades , whose outside appears so beautiful , it's bowels being lookt into , be found to be no other , than a most filthy thing ? 't is not therefore thy nature , but the infirmity of the eyes of those that looke on thee , which render thee so beautiful in the sight of men . but esteem the goods of the body , as highly , as ye list , so that ye consider that whatsoever ye admire may by a fiery feaver within a day , or two , be dissolv'd , and turn'd into ashes . from all that has been said we may collect thus much : that those goods , which can neither performe what they promise , nor are perfect by the gathering-together of all that is good , do neither make a man truly happy , nor any way conduce to true happiness . the eigth verse . how men are wise in seeking for things of little value , and foolish in finding out their soveraigne good . ah , wretched blindness ! which thus makes mankind the right way to decline ! gold , or rich gemms , you do not hope to find on trees , or on the vine : on mountains high you do not lay your snares that you may fishes take : nor when you would persue the roes , and hares , go you to th' tyrrhene lake . they know the crekes , and windings of the sea , where purple does abound , or pearls : they know what of kind fishes may on ev'ry coast be found . but whilst they see not what would feed their soules this blindness they endure , and that which is beyond the starry poles from earth they would procure . what shall i wish to such deluded men ? rich , honor'd let them be , and when false goods they have heap'd up , even then the true good let them see. the ninth prose . why true felicity cannot consist in temporal things . hitherto i have been giving thee a description of false happiness : it followes that i should now declare unto thee wherin the nature of true happiness properly consists . i see plainly , quoth i , that sufficiency may not be gotten by riches , nor power by kingdomes , nor reverence by dignities , nor true renown by glory , or popular applause , nor true joy by transitory pleasures . and hast thou found out the cause , quoth she , why it is so ? indeed , quoth i , i have a glimpse of it , but i would fain that thou shouldest give me a clear sight of it . the reason is very easy to be known . for that which in it's own nature is simple , and vndivided , the error of men has divided into sundry parts , and withdrawes their mind from that which is true , and perfect to that which is false , and imperfect . can that , thinkest thou , which hath need of nothing , want power ? no surely , quoth i. right , quoth she : for if there be any thing , which in any respect failes in it's ability , in that respect it hath need of the assistance of some other thing . 't is so , said i. therefore the nature of power , and of sufficiency is one , and the same . but dost thou think that what includes sufficiency , and power in it's own nature may be despis'd ? or that on the contrary it deserves the greatest veneration ? this , quoth i , cannot be doubted . let us add therefore reverence , or veneration to sufficiency and power , that we may judge these three things to be one. we must do so , if we confess the very truth . what then ? quoth she : dost thou suppose that it is obscure , and ignoble , or that it shines with the brightness of the greatest glory ? consider whether to that which hath need of nothing , which is most powerful , which is most worthy of honor , as has been prov'd , glory can be wanting , which it not being able to give unto it selfe , it may seem in some respect to be poore , and despicable ? i cannot but confess , quoth i , that it is most glorious . it followes then that true glory , or renown does not differ from the things above mention'd . it followes indeed , quoth i. this then , quoth she , which hath need of nothing , which can do all things by it's own strength , which is venerable , and renowned , ye must grant also to be full of joy , and durable pleasure . i cannot imagine , quoth i , how any sadness , or discomfort should ever get entrance into it. wherefore if the former positions remain firm , we must of necessity confess that it cannot but abound with all manner of joy. and this also necessarily followes from what has been said , that the names of sufficiency , power , veneration , glory , joy , are indeed divers , but they do not differ in their substance , or nature . right , quoth i. this therefore which in it's own nature is one , simple , and vndivided , the perverseness of men divides into sundry parts , ( as hath been said ) and whilst they endeavour to get a part of that , which hath no parts , they neither obtein any portion thereof , for there is no such thing , nor that one , simple , and indivisible it selfe , which they do not in any wise affect , or endeavour after . how is that , quoth i ? whoso desireth riches through an aversness to want , or penury , takes no care how to become powerful : he chooseth to be vile , and obscure , and deprives himselfe of many natural pleasures , that he may not lose the mony he hath gotten . but thus he failes of the sufficiency he aims at , being void of all power , encompast with many troubles , obscure , and inglorious . but he that desireth power above al things scattereth his riches , despiseth pleasures , and accounteth that honor , and glory , that is not accompanied with power to be nothing-worth . thou canst not but see that many things are wanting to this man. for sometimes it comes to pass that he wants necessaries , that he suffers much anxiety , and disturbance of mind : and whilst he is not able to put off his troubles , and vexations , 't is manifest that he has not the power , which he so much esteems . we may reason in like manner concerning honors , glory , pleasures . for sith every one of these is the same with the other , whosoever endeavours to get one of them , without the other , misseth even that , which he desireth . but what , quoth i , if any man should desire to have all of them together ? such a man indeed would fain have that wherin the true felicity doth consist : but shall he ever find it in those things , which we have demonstrated to be unable to perform what they promise ? no surely , quoth i. then , quoth she , true felicity is not to be sought in those things , which men believe to contribute severally to the satisfaction of our various desires . i grant it , quoth i , and a greater truth could never have been spoken . thou hast then the description of false happiness , and the causes of it . looke now on the other side ; for there thou shalt see the only true happiness , as i have promis'd thee . verily quoth i , it may easily be seen , and thou didst shew it a little before , whilst thou didst open the causes of that , which men falsely call happiness . for , if i am not mistaken , that is the true , and perfect happiness which makes a man perfectly sufficient , powerful , venerable , renowned , joyful . and that thou mayst understand that i have a deep apprehension of the truth , thou hast deliver'd , what one of these , sith they are all one , and the same , has the power verily , and indeed to give unto us , i certainly know to be this full , and perfect happiness . o my dear child , quoth she , happy art thou in thy judgement , if thou add this there unto ! what , quoth i ? dost thou think that any of these fraile , and perishing things can bring a man to this estate ? no surely , quoth i , and as for that matter what we are to think thou hast so demonstrated , that there needs no more to be said . these things therefore seem to be but shadowes of the true good , or to give certain imperfect goods to men in this mortal life : but they cannot bestow the true , and perfect good. i heartily assent , quoth i , to what thou sayst . sith then thou art come to the knowledge of true happiness , and of such things which deceive the world with the empty shew of it , now it remains that thou shouldst understand how thou mayst attein to this true happiness . that is the thing , quoth i , which i most earnesly expect to hear from thee . but , saith she , as our plato hath declar'd in his booke entitled timoeus , even in things of the least importance the divine assistance ought to be implor'd , what dost thou think should be done now , that we may become fit to find the seat of the soveraign good ? we must invoke the father of all things , quoth i ; unless we make our addresses unto him , no undertaking can begin well . right , quoth she , and forthwith thus she sings : the ninth verse . philosophy craveth gods assistance for the discovery of true happiness . o thou , who dost with boundless wisedome hold the world in order , didst th' foundation lay of heav'n , and earth , at whose command time rowl'd in circles from one everlasting day , and who , vnmov'd dost cause all things to move ; whom no external cause could urge to frame these various shapes of changing things , but love and boundless good , fit for this boundless flame . from that fair model in thy mind thou drawst the formes of all things made . — o father , grant our thoughts may reach thy throne , grant we the fountain of all good may see , grant that , this blisful light to us once shown , we may for ever fix our eyes on thee . scatter this darkness , and these clogs remove , and let thy beams appear . for thou art light , thou art true rest to those that do thee love , begining , end , both way , and guide : the sight of thee is all thy creatures can desire : 't is this alone , to which our soules aspire . the tenth prose . that there is some true happiness , and where it is to be found . sith therefore thou hast had a description of imperfect and also of perfect good : it is fit that i should now demonstrate where the perfection of felicity is seated . and here we must first make inquiry , if there be any such good , as that which thou didst even now define , least we should be deceiv'd with a vain imagination , there being indeed no such thing , as that which we make the subject of our discourse . but that it doth exist , or is actually in being , and that it is the fountain , from whence all good things do flow , this is certain , and unquestionable . for whatsoever is said to be imperfect , by diminution of that which is perfect it is call'd imperfect . so it comes to pass that if there be any thing imperfect in it's kind , in the same kind there must needs be something perfect . for if ye take away perfection , it cannot be conceiv'd from whence that which we call imperfect should have deriv'd it's being . for the nature of things tooke not it's begining from that which is in any respect faulty , or defective , but proceeding from that which is sound , and free from all imperfection , it descends at length to these low , and weak things . if there be a certain imperfect happiness , as we have already shown , it cannot be doubted but that there is an happiness entire , and perfect . this conclusion , quoth i , is firm , and irrefragable . but where it 's abode is , think with thy selfe thus . that god , who hath the governance of all things is good , this is natural to the minds of men to conceive . for it is impossible that our thoughts should fix upon any thing better than god : and who can doubt but such a being is good , which nothing can surpass in goodness ? but so doth reason demonstrate god to be good , that it doth also evince the perfection of goodness to be in him. for unless he were such a one he could never have the governance of all things . for some thing , that hath the perfection of goodness , would be more excellent , than he , in as much as it would be found to have the priority of being . for it is manifest that all perfect things have their being before those things , which are unsound , and imperfect . wherefore that we may not be endless in our reasoning , it must be granted that the most high god is full of the highest , and perfect good. but we have concluded that perfect good is bliss , or true happiness . therefore it must needs follow that true happiness is no where to be found but in the most high god. i heartily assent , quoth i , to what thou sayst , neither is it capable of any contradiction . but , i pray thee , quoth she , see how thou mayst prove soundly , and irrefragably that the most high god is full of the highest , or soveraign good. how , quoth i ? thou mayst not suppose that this father of all things hath receiv'd that soveraign good , of which he is said to be full , from without , or that he has it by nature in such a manner , that thou mayst think that the substance , or essence of god having , and of the soveraign good had , is not the same . for if thou dost conceit that it is receiv'd from without , thou mayst judge that which hath given , to be more excellent than he which hath receiv'd it. but we most worthily confess him to be the most excellent of all things . and if this soveraign good be in him by nature , but may be conceiv'd to be not altogether the same with him , sith we speak of him , who is acknowledg'd to have the governance of all things , let any man imagine , who it was that join'd together these divers things ? lastly that which differs from any thing is not that thing , from which it differs . wherefore that which differs in substance , or essence from soveraign good is not soveraign good : and 't is the greatest impiety to have such a thought of god , than whom there can be nothing more excellent . for it is impossible that the nature of any thing should be better than that from which it receiv'd its being . wherefore that from which all things receiv'd their being i may firmly conclude to be in its own nature the soveraign good. 't is most certainly so , quoth i , as thou sayst . but it has been granted that the soveraign good is true happiness . very right , quoth i. therefore , quoth she , it must needs follow that god is true happiness . there can be no reason , quoth i , to deny the premises , and i clearly perceive that this is their true , and proper consequence . see , quoth she , if the same thing may not be more firmly prov'd by this argument , that there cannot be two soveraign goods , differing one from the other . for 't is manifest that one of those goods , which are different from each other , cannot be that , which the other is : for which cause neither of them can be perfect , sith one is wanting to the other . but that which is not perfect cannot be highest or soveraign . the things then that are soveraignly good cannot be different from each other . but we have prov'd that both true happiness , and god are the soveraign good : wherefore it must needs follow that soveraign happiness , and soveraign divinity is one , and the same thing . nothing , said i , could ever be concluded more true , as to the matter ; more firm , as to the way of proving it ; or more becomming the divine majesty . upon these things then , quoth she , as geometricians having demonstrated their propositions , are wont to inferr certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or corollaries , as they call them , so shall i give thee a corollarie . for sith men become happy by the acquiring of true happiness , and true happiness is divinity it selfe , 't is manifest that they become happy by the acquiring of divinity . but as men become just by the acquiring of justice , wise by the acquiring wisedome , so it must needs be that having gotten , or acquir'd divinity , they become gods. every one then that is truly happy is a god : but indeed by nature there is but one god , yet nothing hinders but that there may be very many by the participation of divinity . and this , quoth i , is a fair , and pretious corollarie indeed . but there is nothing more fair than that which reason perswades should be annext to the things that have been spoken . what is that , quoth i ? sith true happiness , said she , conteins many things , whether all these things make up one body with a certain variety of parts , or whether there be any one of them , which compleats the substance , or nature of true happiness , the rest being refer'd therunto ? i would thou stouldst explain what thou sayst by rehearsing those several things . do we not judge true happiness , quoth she , to be good ? yea , said i , the soverain good. add this , said she , to all the rest of the things aforemention'd . for the same bliss or true happiness is judg'd to be soveraign sufficiency , soveraign power , and also veneration , renown , and pleasure , or delight soveraign . what then ? are all these things as so many limbs , or parts of true happiness , or are they refer'd to good , as that , wherein the nature of them all is contein'd ? i understand now , quoth i , what thou dost propose , as the subject of our inquiry , but i would fain know how thou dost determine the question . thus. if all these things were as so many parts of true happiness , they would differ one from the other . for this is the nature of parts , that being divers they make up one , and the same body . but it hath been already prov'd that they are all but one thing . ther 's no doubt of that , quoth i , but i expect what thou wilt say next . this is manifest quoth she , that all those other things are refer'd to good. for therefore is sufficiency desir'd , because it is judg'd to be good , for the same cause is power desir'd , and so veneration , renown , delight . 't is good then , which is the cause , for which any thing is desir'd : sith that which retains not any thing in it selfe either really , or apparently good , can in no wise be desir'd . and on the contrary those things , which are not good in their own nature , yet if they seem to be so , are desir'd , as if they were truly good. whence it comes to pass that goodness is rightly judg'd to be the cause , why any thing should be desir'd . but that for which any thing is desir'd is the chief object of the desire . as if a man have a will to ride for his health , 't is not so much the riding , as health that he desires . sith therefore that all things are desir'd for the obteining of good , good is the chief , or principal object of all desires whatsoever . but it has been granted that true happiness is that , for which any thing is wisht , or desir'd : wherefore it is evident that true happiness is the only thing requir'd , or sought after . and thus it cannot be deny'd , that the substance , or nature of good , and of true happiness is one , and the same . i see not how it is possible for any man to dissent from this . but we have prov'd that god , and true happiness is one , and the same thing . right , quoth i. therefore we may safely conclude that the nature of god consists in goodness , and in nothing else . the tenth verse . philosophy exhorteth men to embrace true happiness . come hither all , yee wearied soules , whose high aspires base lust controules , and holds you fast in her dire chains . here is a cure for all your pains , here doth the safest harbour lye , a refuge from all misery . not tagus , which abounds with gold , nor all that (a) hermus's banks do hold of that bright metall , nor rich inde , where men such pretious stones may find , can clear our sight : yea they add more darkness to soules made blind before . that , wherewith men are ravished earth in her lowest caverns bred . the brightness that 's above the skye , from darksome , ruin'd soules doth fly . whoe're perceives this light , he sayes , " phaebus lookes dull with all his rayes . the eleventh prose . that goodness is the end of all things . i assent , quoth i. for all these things hang one to another by a chain of the strongest reasons , that were ever produc'd . then said she , at how great a rate wouldest thou value it , if thou couldest know what goodness is ? at an infinite rate , said i : for thereby i shall know god also , who is goodness it selfe , or soveraign good. but this i shall shew thee with the greatest evidence , only let those things remain as granted , which have been concluded already . they shall so remain , said i. have we not prov'd , said she , that those things , which are desir'd by the generality of men , are not truly , and perfectly good , because they differ one from the other , and sith eace of them is wanting to the other , that they cannot produce full , and absolute good ? but that then they become true good , when they are collected as it were into one form , and efficiency , so that what sufficiency is , the same is power , veneration , renown , delight ; and unless they are one , and the same thing , that they have nothing in them , for which they may be numbred amongst things that are to be desir'd ? it has been plainly demonstrated , quoth i , neither can it be doubted in the least . is it not by the acquiring of vnity that those things become good which are in no wise good , whilst they differ , but become good , when they are vnited ? so it seemeth , quoth i. but dost thou grant that whatsoever is good , is good by the participation of the soveraign good ? i grant it . thou oughtest therefore to grant likewise that one , and good is the same . for the nature of those things is the same , whose natural effect is not divers . i cannot deny it , quoth i. and dost thou know , said she , that whatsoever is , does remain , and subsist , so long , as it is one ; but that it perisheth , and is dissolv'd , as soon as it ceaseth to be one ? how is that ? as in animals , or sensitive creatures , whilst the soule , and the body remain together , we call it a sensitive creature . but when this unity is dissolv'd by the seperation of one from the other , 't is manifest that it loseth the being of a sensitive creature . and our very body , whilst it remains in one shape by the conjunction of it's limbs reteins the resemblance of a man. but if the parts of the body be disunited it ceaseth to be what it was before . and in like manner every other thing will be found to subsist , or remain in being so long , as it is one : but when it ceaseth to be one , it perisheth . i cannot think but that it must needs be so . and is there any thing , quoth she , which so far as it acts according to nature , can cease from all inclination to retein it's being , and become desirous of it's own destruction ? if , quoth i , i consider animals , or sensitive creatures either rational or meerly sensitive , which in some sort may be said to will , or to be unwilling , i find not any thing , which ( unless it be constrain'd from without ) leaves the desire to continue it's being , and of it's own accord hastens to destruction . for every sensitive creature labours to keep it selfe in safety , and does all that it can to avoid destruction . but i know not what i shall think of herbs , and trees , and of things neither sensitive , nor vegetative . but , quoth she , neither is there any reason why thou shouldest doubt of this , sith thou mayst behold herbs , and trees to grow first in places most convenient for them , where they may not dye away , as long , as their nature is capable of any further subsistence . for some spring up in fields , some on mountains , some the marishes bring fourth , some grow on rocks , some are produc'd by the barren sands , which if any man endeavour to transplant in other places , they will wither , and dye away . but nature gives to all things that which is convenient for them , and takes care that they may not perish , whilst they have any possibility to subsist . do not all herbs and trees thrusting their mouthes as it were into the earth draw nourishment by their rootes , and diffuse their strength , and rinde through their pith , or marrow ? does not every such part , which is most soft , and tender , as the pith , lye hid in the inmost seat , but without it is cover'd with that which is firm , and solid ; but the outmost part of all is the rinde , which is seated there to be a defense against the violence both of the sun , and of the wind ? and thou seest how careful , and diligent nature is that all things may be propagated by the multiplication of seed . which things have these engines , as we may call them , not only to preserve their being for a time , but to make their duration , as to their several kinds , perpetual . and do not those things likewise which are thought to be neither sensitive , nor vegetative , desire that , which properly belongs to them ? for why doth lightness carry up the flames , and the earth is prest down by it's weight , but that these places , and motions properly belong to each of them ? that which is agreeable to any thing preserves it's being , as those things , which are contrary therunto , destroy , and corrupt it . those things , which are hard , as stones , cleave fast to their parts , so that it is very difficult to divide them . but liquid things as aire , and water , yield presently to the impressions of that which would divide them , but ( that which kept them asunder being remov'd ) they instantly return into those things , from which they are seperated . we treat not now of the voluntary motions of a knowing soule , but of the natural intention . thus we digest the food , we receive , though we think not of it ; thus we draw our breath , whilst we sleep , though we know it not . for even in living-creatures the love they have to their own being does not proceed from the animal inclinations of their soules , but from the principles of nature . for it is often seen ( great causes constraining therunto ) that a mans will , or rational appetite embraceth death it selfe which nature abhors : and on the contrary that by which alone the kinds of mortal things are perpetuated , to wit , the worke of generation , which nature allwayes desires , the will very often most earnestly refrains from . thus the love which things have to themselves doth not proceed from their animal motion , but their natural intention . for providence hath given this even the greatest cause of preserving their being , that they naturally desire to subsist , as long , as 't is possible . wherefore there is no reason thou shouldst doubt in the least , that all things that are , do naturally desire to retain their being , to avoid destruction , i confess , quoth i , that i do now most clearly perceive those things , which awhile since seem'd very uncertain . but that , said she , which desireth to subsist , and continue in being , it desireth to be one. for if this ( being one ) were taken away , no essense could remain to any thing whatsoever . 't is true , quoth i. all things therefore desire one . i consent . but we have demonstrated that one , and good is the same . you have so . all things therefore have a natual propensity to good : which indeed thou mayst thus describe : good is that , which all things desire . a greater truth , quoth i , could never be conceiv'd . for either all things are refer'd to nothing , and being destitute of one head they waver to , and fro without a ruler to keep them in their due course , or if there be any thing , which the vniverse , and every part therof has a natural propinsity unto , that must needs be the chiefest , or soveraign of all things , which are rightly term'd good. o my child , quoth she , how do i rejoyce to hear these words ! for by them i clearly perceive that thy mind has receiv'd a full impression of the very truth : but in what thou hast now said that is most evidently imply'd , which but a little before thou didst tell me thou wast ignorant of . what quoth i ? what is the end of all things . for certainly it is that , which all things desire : which because we have found to be good , we must of necessity confess that good is the end of all things . the eleventh verse . how we may attein to the knowledge of truth . he that would search out truth with care profound , and fain would fix allwayes upon sure ground , the rayes of 's inmost sight let him turn in vpon himselfe : let him revolve , and spin his thoughts to th' vtmost length : and let his mind know this , that she within herselfe may find whate're she seekes without : that which did lye in a thick cloud of error shall outvye the sun in brightness : for the minds clear light the darksome flesh has not extinguisht quite . ther 's sure some seed of truth lies deep within which soon-springs up by solid discipline : for how could you such speedy answears give . but that tke truth , though hid , does in you live. if it be so , as plato's muse defin'd , whate're we learn we do but call to mind . the twelfth prose . how the world is governed by god. then said i , i do most heartily assent to plato in this matter : for this is the second time that thou hast call'd me to the remembrance of these things . first when i lost my memory by the conragion of the body , and then by the dullness , and stupidity which my mind had contracted being opprest with such a weight of immoderate sorrow . then she spake thus : if thou lookest back to the things that have been already granted , it will not be long before thou shalt come to the remembrance of that , which awhile since thou saydst that thou hadst no knowledge of . what quoth i ? by what rule , said she , is the world govern'd ? i remember , quoth i , that i did confess my ignorance of this : but though i do in a manner foresee what thou art about to say , yet i desire to hear it for my further instruction . thou didst diliver thine opinion , said she , but a little before , that it could not be doubted in the least but that the world is govern'd by god. yea , quoth i , and i am of the same mind now , and ever shall be that this is most certain , and unquestionable : and by what reasons i am induc'd to this judgement , i shall declare in a few words . this world consisting of so divers , and contrary parts could never have been brought into one forme , if there were not one who did join together such divers things . and the diversity of their natures , which are so repugnant to one another , would seperate , and disunite them being join'd together , if there were not one , who did hold together the things , which he has united . for the course of nature could not proceed in such certain , and never fayling order , neither could it make such a shew of well-disposed motions , by places , times , efficiency , or operation , spaces , qualities , if there were not one , who being himselfe immutable did order , and dispose this variety of changes . this ( one ) whatever it is , on which all things depend both as to their being , and motion , i call god , which is a word us'd by all people . then spake she thus : sith thou hast so deep a sense of these things , i suppose the remaining part of my labour is not great , to bring thee safe into thine own country , where thou shalt enjoy the only true , and perfect happiness . but let us reflect on those things , which we have already discust . have we not agreed upon this that sufficiency is included in the nature of true happiness : and that god is true happiness it selfe . and therefore , quoth she , he will not need any helps , or instruments from without to govern the world ; for if he had need of any thing he could not have full , and perfect happiness . it must be so , quoth i , as thou sayst . therefore by himselfe alone he governs , and disposes all things . it cannot be deny'd , quoth i. but it has been prov'd that god is the soveraign good. i know it has , quoth i. by the soveraign good then he disposes , and governs all things , sith he governs all things by himselfe , whom we have acknowledg'd to be the soveraign good , and he is as it were a certain rule , and method of government , whereby the whole world is kept in order . i most heartily assent , quoth i : and a little before i did foresee what thou wast about to say , though somewhat darkly . i believe it , quoth she ; for now , as i conceive , thine eyes are more open to discern the truth . but what i shall now say is no less perspicuous . what , quoth i ? sith god , said she , is rightly believ'd to govern all things by the rule of goodness , and all things , as i have taught , have a natural bent , or intention to good , can it be doubted but that they are govern'd , as they would themselves , and being made to comply with their governour , all the motions they have according to the propensity of their nature are no other , than the results of that complyance . so it must needs be , quoth i : neither could it be thought an happy government , if it were the yoke of things refractory , not the safety of things tractable , and obedient . there is nothing then , which , following the course of nature , can endeavour to go contrary to god. nothing , said i. if any thing should endeavour it , quoth she , would it ever prevaile against him , whom we have granted by the right of true happiness to be almighty ? nothing , quoth i , could ever in the least prevaile against him. then , quoth she , there is not any thing in nature , which hath either the will , or the power to resist the soveraign good. no surely , as i conceive . then , said she , that is the soveraign good , which powerfully governeth , and sweetly disposeth all things . then said i : how am i delighted not only with the main scope , and drift of thine arguments , but even with the very words that thou usest , that at length prating folly may be abasht , and put to silence . thou hast heard , quoth she , in (a) old stories how the gyants endeavour'd to invade heaven , but even they , as it was most meet , were thrown down by benign fortitude . but wilt thou that we strike arguments one against another , perhaps out of such a conflict some bright sparke of truth will spring forth . do as thou thinkest fit , say'd i. no man , said she , can ever doubt but that god is almighty . no man , said i , that is in his right wits . but there is nothing , which he that is almighty hath not a power to do. nothing , said i. what hath god a power then to do evil ? no surely , evil then , quoth she , is nothing , viz. hath not any proper being or nature , sith he who can do all things , cannot do evil . dost thou sport with me , said i , making an inextricable labyrinth with the subtle wayes of thine argumentation , entring now , where thou didst go forth , and then going forth , where thou didst enter ; or dost thou by these intricate reasonings shew that there is a wonderful circle in the divine simplicity ? for a little before begining with true happiness , thou didst affirm it to be the highest , or soveraign good , which thou saydst was plac'd in the most high god : and thou didst prove that god is this soveraign good , and the onely true , and perfect happiness : then thou gavest me this , as a token of thy bounty , that no man is truly happy , but therewith he must be a god. again thou didst assert that the very form of good is the nature of god , and of true happiness : and thou didst shew that one is the very good , which all things naturally desire : thou didst also demonstrate that god governeth the universe by the rule of goodness , and that all things are willingly subject unto him , and that evil hath not any nature properly so call'd : and these things thou didst evince by such arguments , wherof there were none extrinsecal to the matter in hand , but one drawing assent by the connexion it hath with another , all of them being founded in the subject of our discourse . then spake she thus : we do not sport , but we have perform'd a taske of the greatest importance , by the gracious assistance of god , whose name we did invoke . for such is the form of the divine substance , that it neither falls into the condition of things without , nor doth it admit any thing without to come into the same state with it selfe ; but , as parmenides saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it wheeles-about the movable circle of things , whilst it preserves it selfe in a state immovable . and if we have us'd such arguments which were not fetcht from without , but lie within the compass of the matter , of which we did treat , there is no cause that thou shouldst admire , sith thou hast receiv'd it from the testimony of plato , that words should be a-kin to the things , of which we discourse . the twelfth verse . philosophy exhorteth to perseverance in contemplation and vertue . o ever blest is he who once hath learnt to see the fountain of all good : blest he , who hath withstood the earth , and now obteins true freedome from her chains . when (a) orpheus's wife was gone to th' shades how did he groan ! when he had made the trees to dance in companies whilst doleful notes he play'd ; when he had rivers made to stand still : and the hind his side to th' lion join'd , and fear'd no harm : the hare did also cease to fear the dog , by musick tam'd : when his breast was enflam'd with all the fires of love ; nor could those soft notes move their lord , and mitigate the sense of his hard fate , which all things else or'ecame , and did their fierceness tame , he sayes gods are cruel , and down he goes to hell. there fits he words to sounding strings , whate're his mother taught he sings . he sings in doleful strains his own hearts constant pains , and grief-encreasing love : thus orpheus hell doth move , and doth sweet prayers repeat , and those dark powers entreat . now (b) cerberus doth gaze , new songs do him amaze : the furies now shed tears : the (c) wheele ixion spares : and (d) tantalus the stream forgets , and minds the theme of orpheus's mournful song : that rav'nous bird that hung on wretched (e) tityus , drawes the liver with his clawes no longer now , whilst he feeds on sweet melodie . at length hells cruel lord some pity doth afford , we vanquisht are , quoth he , let this mans wife go free , from us he hath her won with his melodious song : but only let her go on this condition , so that he ne're turn his eye till he see the bright skye . " but lovers ne're were kept in awe : " love to himselfe 's the greatest law. alas , when he had past hells deepest wayes , at last orpheus can't choose but see his dear (f) euridice : but that one looke did cost her life : she 's ever lost : well may he now deplore , he ne're shall see her more . to you belongs this tale , who fain would leave the vale of constant night , and find the day-light of the mind . for he that will looke back to hell , and his pace slack , whatever good he chose this sight doth make him lose . the fourth book of the consolation of philosophy . the first prose . boetius merveileth at the impunity and prosperity of evil men . when philosophy had most sweetly warbled out this song , reteining all the while a grave , and venerable countenance , then i , labouring still under a great distemper of mind , interrupted her , as she was about to say somewhat else . and , o , said i , those things , which thy speech bringing in the true light , hath hitherto poured forth , appear to be no other than divine , being seen as they are in themselves ; and irrefragable , as demonstrated by thine arguments : and such are those things , which thou hast told me that though my anxious resentments of the injuries i have receiv'd did lately put them out of my remembrance , yet i was not wholly ignorant of them . but this is the greatest cause of the perplexity i am in , that wheras the governour of all things is good , evils should either be at all or that they should pass without their due punishment . how much admiration this one thing deserves , i am sure thou dost well consider . but ther 's a greater matter than this , that is joyned with it ; for whilst wickedness flourisheth , and bears the sway , vertue doth not only want it's reward , but is trodden under foot by base , and ungodly men , and in the place of villany suffers the most grievous punishment . that such transactions should be in his kingdome who knoweth all things , who can do all things , and willeth nothing but what is just , and good , no man can sufficiently either admire , or complain . then said she : and indeed this would be a matter of infinite astonishment , and more horrible than all monsters , if , as thou dost conceit , in the well-order'd house of so great a master , vessels of no worth should be most carefully lookt after , and the pretious be neglected , and suffer'd to lye in the dirt : but it is not so . for if those things , which were concluded a little before be fixt in thy mind , thou shalt understand by his instructions , whose kingdome we speak of , that good men are allwayes powerful , and evil men are allwayes weak , and contemptible ; and that vices are allwayes punisht , vertues are allwayes rewarded ; that all things that happen to good men , are good for them , but that mischiefs allwayes betide the wicked ; and many things of this nature , which will allay all thy complaints , and establish thy mind in the most firm , and solid apprehensions of truth , and goodness . and sith i have already shewn thee , wherin true happiness doth consist , and thou hast learnt in whom it is to be found , all things being run over , which i think necessary to promise , i shall shew thee the way that leadeth to thine house . and i shall fasten wings to thy soule , by which she may raise her selfe on high , that all perturbations , and disorderly thoughts being done away , with these wings , by my conduct , in my path , thou mayst be carryed safe into thine own country . the first verse . how philosophy bringeth men to the contemplation of god. for i have nimble wings that soare above the starry skyes , which when the mind puts on , no more will she earth's treasures prize . beyond the clouds she doth aspire , ' boue th' aire she bends her force , and so transcends the lofty fire stir'd by the heav'ns swift course . then she ascends the starry plain , and runs with phaebus bright : or followes th' tract of the old swain , * and to his joyns her light. and wheresoe're the night lookes clear , she runs among the stars , and when her fill she ' hath taken here , she goes beyond heav'ns bars , and on the top of aether treads , the fields of awful light. here sits he o're imperial heads , who guides the world aright , who vnmov'd rules the nimble sun ; whose power doth all things sway : if hither thou wilt come anon , recov'ring thy lost way , i well remember 't thou wilt say , this is my country dear , hence i came , i 'll stay here. and if thou shalt be pleas'd to see this darkned world agen , thou wilt find that stern tyrants be themselves but banisht men. the second prose . that good men are powerful , and evil men weake . then said i , o , how great things dost thou promise ! which i doubt not but thou art able to performe . but see thou do not slacken and coole him , whom thou hast excited , and enflam'd . in the first place then thou mayst easily understand that good men are allwayes powerful , that the wicked are void of all power : of which assertions one is prov'd by the other . for sith good , and evill are contraries , if it be manifest that good is powerful , 't is no less evident that evill is feeble , and impotent : but if the frailty of evill be made to appear , the strength and firmness of good cannot but be known likewise . that the truth of that i say may be most clearly and abundantly demonstrated , i shall go sometimes this way , and sometimes that , in the pursuit of the matter , i have undertaken to treat of . there are two things , wherin all the effect of humane actions doth consist , to wit , will , and power , of which if one be wanting nothing can be done. for if the will faile , no man attempteth any thing : but if power be wanting , 't is in vain to will any thing . so that if thou seest any man willing to get that , which he does not get , thou canst not doubt , but that he wanteth the ability to obtein what he would have . 't is as clear , as the sun , quoth i. but canst thou doubt but that he had power , whom thou seest to have effected what he will'd , and design'd ? no. but what any man is able to do , in that he is powerful : but what he is not able to do , in that he is judg'd to be feeble , and impotent . i confess it , quoth i. dost thou not remember , quoth she , that it has been already prov'd , that all the bent , or intention of the will of man , which is exercis'd in divers studies , and endeavours , tends unto true happiness ? i well remember , quoth i , that this has been demonstrated . dost thou remember that true happiness is the soveraign good , so that sith true happiness is sought for by all men , good must needs be desir'd by them ? i cannot be said to remember it , quoth i , because it is never out of my mind . have all men therefore good , and bad one intention , viz. to attein to the possession of good ? it must needs follow , quoth i. but it is most certain that by getting of good , men become good. 't is certain . do good men therefore get that , which they desire ? so it seems . but evill men , if they could get the good , that they desire would cease to be evill . 't is true . sith therefore both sorts of men desire good , but some attein therunto , others come short of it , it cannot be doubted but that good men are powerful ; but they that are wicked are feeble , and impotent . whoever doubts of this , said she , is neither capable of considering the nature of things , nor the consequence of reasons . moreover said she : if there be two persons , who have one purpose , or design to perform that which their nature requires : and one of them performs his intention ; but the other is not able to execute that natural office , but takes some such course , which is not agreeable to nature , whereby he doth not accomplish his purpose , but imitates one that doth accomplish it : whether of these two dost thou judge to be the more able man ? though i conjecture , said i , what thou wouldest be at , yet i desire thou wouldest speak it out more plainly . wilt thou deny , said she , that to go is a motion natural to men ? no , said i. and dost thou doubt that 't is natural to the feet to perform that office ? neither can i deny that . if any one then should go on his feet , and another , who wants this natural office of feet , should endeavour to go on his hands , who of these might be rightly judg'd to be the more able man ? proceed , said i , for it is unquestionable , that he who has a power to perform those actions , which nature requires , has more strength than he , who is not able so to do . but the soveraign good , which all men aim at , good , and bad , good men attein unto by the natural office of virtues : but the wicked earnestly endeavour after this very good by gratifying their various lusts , and unruly affections , which is not the office that nature requires us to perform , that we may attein to the true good. dost thou think otherwise ? no surely , said i : the consequence also is very clear . for from what i have granted , it must of necessity follow that good men are powerful , that wicked men are altogether feeble , and impotent . thou dost well , quoth she , thus to run before me ; and this , as physitians are wont to hope , is a sign that nature gathers strength , and begins to resist the disease . but because i perceive thee to be so quick of apprehension , i shall be sure to ply thee with arguments . see how weak are all vitious persons , who cannot so much as attein to that , to which their natural intention leads , and in a manner compels them . and what ? if they were left destitute of this great , and almost irresistable assistance of nature encouraging , and directing them ? but consider , i say , how great impotency lend , wicked men labour under . for the things they seek for , but are not able to obtein are of no small moment : but indeed they faile in that matter , which is the chiefest of all their concerns , they miss the fruits of all the toyle , and hard labour they undergo night , and day : in which the strength of good men may easily be seen . for as thou wouldest judge him to be a most able foot-man , who going on his feet , should be able to come at length to that place , beyond which 't is impossible that any one should go : so thou must of necessity judge him , who hath attein'd to that good , beyond which 't is impossible that any one should extend his desires , to be a person absolutely accomplisht with the greatest strength , or ability . from whence it is most evident that whosoever are wicked , the same are destitute of all manner of strength . for why do they leave virtue , and follow vice ? is it because they are ignorant of the true good ? but what is more feeble than ignorance , or spiritual blindness ? do they know what they should follow , and endeavour after , but their lusts draw them aside some other way ? thus they appear to be most feeble creatures , who are so unable to resist their vitious inclinations . do they knowingly , and willfully forsake that which is good , and turn to the way of vice ? but if so , they do not only cease to be powerful , but they wholly relinquish their true , and proper being . for they who thus forsake the common end of all things that are , cease also to have their being . which perhaps will seem to some to be very strange , that we should say that evill , or wicked men , which are by far the greatest number , should cease to be. but so it is for certain . for those , who are evill men , i do not deny to be evill men : but i deny that they may purely , and simply be said be be men. for as thou mayst say that a carcass is a dead man , but thou mayst not call it simply , and absolutely a man : so i shall grant that those , who are addicted to vice , are evill men , but i cannot acknowledge absolutely that they are men. for that is , or hath it's true , and proper being , which reteins order , and preserves it's nature : from which whatsoever doth revolt , it relinquisheth it's proper being , which lyeth in it's nature . but evill men thou wilt say have some kind of power : neither shall i deny it ; but this their power does not proceed from strength , but imbecillity : for they have the power to do evill , which they would not have , if they had the effectual power of doing good. which possibility doth plainly shew that they have not any power , truly , and properly so call'd . for if evill have not any proper being , or nature , as we prov'd a little before , sith wicked men have only the power to do evill , 't is manifest that they have no true power . it cannot be deny'd . and that thou mayst better understand what kind of power this is , we have determin'd a little before that ther 's nothing more powerful than the soveraign good. i know thou hast , said i. but the same ( soveraign good ) cannot do that which is evill . no surely . will any one conceit , said she , that men can do all things ? none , but such a one , who is out of his wits . but they can do evill . would to god , said i , they had no such power . sith therefore he that can do nothing , but that which is good , can do all things ; but they cannot do all things , who can do evill , 't is manifest that their power is the less in as much as they are able to do evill . add hereunto that all true power is in the number of things that are to be desir'd , and we have prov'd that all things to be desir'd are refer'd to good , as to that wherin their perfection doth consist . but the possibility of performing a wicked action cannot be refer'd to good : therefore it is not to be desir'd . but all true power is to be desir'd . 't is manifest therefore that the possibility of doing evill is no true power . hence it appears that good men are allwayes powerful , that wicked men are most feeble , and impotent . and the truth of that saying of plato cannot be doubted . that wise men onely do what they desire , but that the wicked exercise their lusts , but are never able to accomplish their desires . for they do whatsoever their lusts prompt them unto , whilst by those courses , wherby they gratifie their sensual inclinations , they hope to attein to that good which they desire ; but they never attein therunto , for 't is impossible that villany should approach to true happiness . the second verse . kings are not potent , if they be passionate . those tyrants , which thou seest on high thrones , cloath'd with robes of majesty , their guards encompassing their seats , whilst all their lookes are silent threats , their proud hearts swoln with causless ire ; if they were stript of their attire , of their false shewes of majesty , these sov'raign lords a man might see to be themselves fast bound with chains , that vex them with incessant pains . dire lechery ( that smiles , and kills ) their cups with sweet wine poyson'd fills : wrath makes a tempest in the soule , vnruly thoughts , like billowes , roule : sometimes they sink in deep despair , sometimes hope throwes them here , and there . thou seest how such fierce tyrants be enslav'd unto the tyranny of many lords : what they would , they can't do : but where those lords command , there must they go . the third prose . that good men are not without reward , nor evil without punishments . seest thou then what filth all villany walloweth in , and how great a splendor there is in true virtue , and integrity ? in this it plainly appears that good men are allwayes rewarded , evill men are allwayes tormented . for that , for which any action is perform'd , seemeth to be the reward of that same performance : as a crown , or garland , for which a man runs , is propos'd as a reward to him that runs a race . but we have prov'd happiness is that very good for which all actions are perform'd : that good therefore is the common reward that is propos'd to all humane actions . but this cannot be kept from good men . for he may not any longer be called a good man , who is not partaker of this soveraign good. let the wicked then rage , a wise , and virtuous man keeps on his crown , and it fadeth not away . for the iniquity of other men can never deprive a pious soule of it's proper ornament . if he did rejoyce in what he hath receiv'd from without , this any other man , even he , who confer'd it on him , might deprive him of . but sith it is confer'd on him by that goodness , which is within himselfe , he will never want his reward , as long , as he continues to be good. lastly sith every reward is therefore desir'd because it is believ'd to be good , who will ever judge that he who possesseth the true good can miss his reward ? but what is this reward ? certainly the fairest , and greatest of all rewards . remember the corollary which i gave thee but a little before , and gather in the full proofe of what i have said thus : sith the soveraign good is true happines , 't is manifest that all good men even in this that they are good do become truly happy . but it has been concluded that those , who are truly happy are gods. such therefore is the reward of good men , which shall not be worn out by the longest time , nor diminisht by any mans power , nor defil'd by any mans iniquity , viz. to become gods. and sith these things are so , what wise man can ever doubt of the pains , and anxieties that are implyed in the nature of all wicked actions . for sith good , and evill , punishment , and reward are opposite , it must needs be that whatsoever we see in the reward of good , that which is directly contrary therunto may be seen in the punishment of evill . as virtue therefore is the reward of the virtuous , so vice and impurity is the torment of the wicked . but now whosoever suffers punishment doubts not but that he is opprest with evill . if therefore they would rightly judge of themselves , could it seem to them that they are free from trouble , and vexation , whom wickedness the greatest of all evils doth not only oppress , but pierce through , seizing , and perverting all their faculties ? but observe what pains , and anxieties attend the wicked , in opposition to what we have said of the true pleasure , and satisfaction of those that are sincerely , and firmly possest of true goodness , and virtue . for thou hast been taught a little before , that whatsoever is , or hath any proper being , is one , and that one is good . the consequence of which is this , whatsoever hath any proper being , that also is good. and thus whatsoever failes to be good , ceaseth to be : whence it is manifest that evill men cease to be , what they were . but that they were men is shown by the shape of an humane body , which still remains . wherefore the temper of their minds being chang'd into such evill dispositions they have lost the true nature of man. but sith goodness , and piety only can advance any one beyond the condition of men , it must needs be that those whom wickedness hath degraded from their humanity , should fall beneath the merit , or dignity of a rational creature . therefore whomsoever thou seest transform'd by vice , thou mayst not any longer esteem him , as a man. dost thou see any one to commit rapine , being enflam'd with the love of riches ? thou mayst say that he is a wolfe . is any one fierce , and unquiet , exercising his tongue perpetually in brauls , and contentious speeches ? thou mayst compare him to a dog. if he delight in subtle cheats , and wiles , thou mayst compare him to a fox . is he unable to suppress his anger , breaking forth into the greatest fury upon the least provocation ? let him be judg'd to have the soule of a lion . is he exceeding timorous , and ready to flye , where there is not the least cause of any fear ? let him be liken'd to the hart. is he dull , and slothful ? he leads the life of an ass . is he light , and inconstant , allwayes changing his resolutions ? he is like the foules of the aire . does he wallow in the mire of filthy lusts ? he is taken with the pleasure ef a dirty sow . thus it comes to pass that whosoever having deserted all true goodness , and piety ceaseth to be a man , sith he cannot attein to the divine condition , he is turned into a beast . the third verse . that vices are of greater force , than enchantments . ulysses with his friends arrives vnto the isle , where circe dwelt : with cups enchanted she receives her guests , whose power they quickly felt . this man is chang'd into a bore : a lions shape another takes : a third , when he would fain deplore these changes , his own shape forsakes . and now he doth not weep , but howle : one's chang'd into a tygress mild , such , as the indians do controule , as though 't were not by nature wild. but mercury commiserates ulysses , and him saves from harme : though for him also circe waits to plague him with her direful charme . yet those that sailed with him sup the dregs of her enchanted cup. the new-made swine their akorns eat , estranged now from their own kind , in voice , in body , and in meat , in all things else , except the mind , which for this monstrous change doth grieve : o feeble charme , which though it can make humane shape the shape receive of beast , it cannot change the man. the life , and vigor of mankind is inward in the heav'n-born mind . this poison ( vice ) is stronger far , man of himselfe it quite deprives ; although the outward man it spare men lose by it their proper lives . the fourth prose . of the misery of wicked men . but the vulgar regards not these things . what then ? shall we be like them , whom we have demonstrated to be no other than a sort of irrational creatures ? what if any one having wholly lost his sight , should forget that he had ever seen any thing , and conceit that there was nothing wanting to him of humane perfection , should we therefore judge those that retein their sight to be blind likewise ? for the vulgar refuse their assent to this also , which depends upon as firm , and solid grounds , as any thing we have formerly demonstrated , viz. that those persons are more miserable that do an injury , than those that suffer it . i would fain hear , said i , what grounds thou canst shew for this . dost thou deny , quoth she , that every wicked man is worthy of punishment ? no surely . but it appears by many reasons that they are miserable , who are wicked . 't is true , said i. whosoever then are worthy of punishment , thou doubtest not but they are miserable . it cannot be deny'd , quoth i. if therefore thou didst sit , as a judge , on whom wouldst thou conceive that punishment should be inflicted , on him , who has done , or on him who has suffer'd an injury ? i doubt not , said i , but that i should satisfie the person injur'd by the griefe of him , that hath done the injury . the injurious therefore would seem to be more miserable , than he , who hath receiv'd the injury . it followes indeed , said i. by this reason therefore and others of the like importance , viz. that vice and impurity does by it's own nature make men miserable , it is most evident that he who offers an injury , not he , who receives it , doth thereby become miserable . but now , quoth she , our advocates act quite contrary to this . for they endeavour to move the pity , or commiseration of the judges towards those , who have suffer'd some great injury , wheras indeed they should be rather pityed , who have contracted the guilt of being so injurious : whom their accusers should not be mov'd to bring before the judge by wrath , and indignation , but by a generous pity , and desire of their welfare , as sick folk are brought to the physitian , that by the infliction of external punishment they may be cur'd of their inward distempers . and thus the employment of those that plead for offenders would either totally cease , or if it should be continued for the good of mankind , it would be turn'd into the form of an accusation . the wicked themselves if they could have but a glimpse of virtue , which they have forsaken , and could perceive that they should be in some capacity of cleansing themselves from the filth of their vices by receiving their due punishment , their pains being recompenc'd with the obteining of true goodness , and piety , they would not esteem them to be the object of their horror , and aversation , and they would refuse the assistance of those men , that make apologies for such who deserve punishment , and yeild themseles to be dispos'd of according to the pleasure of their accusers , and of the judges . whence it comes to pass that among wise men there is no place left for hatred . for who but an egregious foole will hate good men ? and it is also against all reason to hate wicked men . for if a vitious , and depraved temper be the sickness of the soule ; sith we judge those that are sick in body in no wise to deserve our hatred , but rather our pity , much rather are they not to be hated , but pityed , whose minds are opprest with vice , and impurity , a more cruel distemper than any that can afflict the body . the fourth verse . no man is to be hated , the good are to be loved , and the evil to be pityed . why do you , mortals , labour so to get your deaths with your own hands ? although you would , you cannot go from fate : it 's course no power withstands . those , whom the wild beasts would annoy , and tear both with their teeth , and clawes , each other would with swords destroy . is 't that they differ in their lawes , and manners that they so pursue each other ? this we can't approve . if thou wilt yeild to all their due : the wicked pity , good men love. the fifth prose . boetius complaineth , that prosperity and adversity are common both to good and badd . then said i. i see what felicity is implyed in the nature of good , and what misery in the nature of evil actions . but in this outward estate about which the generality of men are so much concern'd , it seemeth to me that there is somewhat of good , and somewhat of evill . for no wise man would choose rather to be banisht , poore , disgrac'd , than to remain safe in his own country , rich , honor'd , powerful . for by such means wisedome acts her part with greater renown , and with more advantage to the world , the happiness of those that are in authority being in a manner transfus'd into the people that are under them : especially sith prisons , lawes , and all legall penalties , are ordain'd for those , that are injurious . therefore i am astonisht to see things thus turned upside down , good men lying under such punishments , as are due to the wicked , the rewards of virtue being snatcht away by those that have immerst themselves in the deepest vices . but i should less wonder if i did believe all things to be huddled in confusion by chance , or casualty . now it encreaseth my astonishment that god is the governor of all things : sith he often distributes ease , and contentment to good men , and trouble , and vexation to wicked men ; and on the contrary much hardship , and affliction to good men , and the greatest prosperity to the wicked , unless there may be a reason given for these things , how doth his government differ any whit from chance , or meer casualtie ? 't is no wonder , said she , if any thing seem to be disorder'd , and confus'd , the order therof being not discover'd . but although thou dost not understand the cause of this management of the vniverse , yet sith it is govern'd by almighty goodness , thou mayst not doubt but that all things are done for the best . the fifth verse . admiration ceaseth , when the causes of things are known . who knowes not how stars neer the poles do slide , and how bootes his slow waine does guide , why he sets late , and does so early rise , may wonder at the courses of the skies . if the full moon bereaved is of light infested with a darkness like to night , an errour straight through vulgar minds doth pass , to ease her labou'ring light they beat on braess : but no one wonders why the winds do blow , nor why hot phaebus beams dissolve the snow , these are well known , the other hidden lye , and therefore more our hearts they terrifie . those strange events , which time but seldome brings , and the vaine people count as suddain things , if we our mind ; from ignorance could free , no longer would by us admired be . the sixth prose . of providence and fate , and why prosperitie and adversitie are common both to good and bad . 't is right , said i. but sith it is thy taske to unfold the hidden causes of things , and to clear the obscurest truthes ; i pray thee determine this matter : and because this strange thing is that , by which i am most disturb'd , and perplext , discourse therof at large . then smiling a little she spake thus : this inquiry is the most difficult of all , which will hardly be satisfyed with any thing that can be said in answear therunto . for the matter is such that one doubt being cutt of , many others grow up like the heads of the snake hydra : neither will there be any end of these doubts , and scruples , unless they are burnt up with the most lively fire of an ardent mind . for here questions are wont to be made of the simplicity of providence , of the series of fate , of sudden , and unexpected accidents , of the divine knowledge , and predestination , of the liberty of the will : and of how great weight such questions are , thou thy selfe art not unsensible . but because the knowing of these things is a part of the medicine which thy distemper requires , although i am much streightned with the shortness of time , yet i shall endeavour to say somewhat in answear to the deep question thou hast propos'd . but though thou art much taken with the sweet harmony of our verses , thou must defer this pleasure a little while , 'till i shall have made a due , and orderly contexture of such reasons , as tend to the solution of thy doubts . do as thou thinkst fit , said i. then as if she past to another subject , thus she discourst . the generation of all things , and all the progress of changeable natures , and whatsoever has any kind of motion , receiveth it's causes , order , formes from the stability of the divine mind . which remaining stedfast , and immovable in the hight of it's own simplicity doth assign a manifold , and variable manner of proceeding to the affairs here below . which manner of proceeding , whilst it is beheld in the purity of the divine intelligence , is called providence : but when it is refer'd to the things that it moveth , and disposeth , the antients gave it the name of fate . that these two do differ thus from one another , it will easily appear , if any man shall consider the importance of each of them . for providence is that divine reason seated in the soveraign lord of the whole creation , which disposeth all things : but fate is that disposition inhaerent in things movable , by which providence embraceth them all at once , though they are divers , though they are infinite : but fate puts them into their several ranks , according to motion , places , formes , and times : so that the unfolding of the order of things in time , being simple , and undivided in the prospect of the divine mind , is called providence : but the same vnity , or simplicity , being as it were sever'd , and unfolded in the successions of time , is called fate . though these two are divers , yet one depends on the other . for the order of fate proceeds from the simplicity of providence . for the artificer perceiving in his mind the form , or fashion of the thing , he is about to make , begins to effect what he has contriv'd ; and what he saw all at once in his mind , he works out at divers times with his hands : so god by providence disposeth all things at once firmly , and unalterably : but by fate these same things , which he hath dispos'd , he manageth in a manifold , and variable manner . whether therefore fate be exercis'd by certain divine spirits , attending upon providence , or by the whole course of nature , or by the motions of the stars &c. certainly it is manifest that providence is the immovable , and simple form of things to be done : but that fate is the movable connexion , and temporal order of those things , which divine simplicity hath ordain'd . whence it comes to pass , that all things , which are under fate , are subject also to providence ; which fate it selfe is subject unto . but some that are under providence are beyond the compass of fate . such are those things , which being fixt , and immovable by their neerness to the first divinity transcend the order of fatal alterations . for as of orbs , or circles which turn themselves about the same centre , that which is inmost comes neer to the simplicity of the centre , or middle-point , and is as it were the centre to the other orbs , about which they are turn'd : but the outmost , by how much the farther it is from the centre , with so much the larger compass it is wheel'd about ; and if any joyn it selfe to that middle-point , it ceaseth from it's former revolution : in like manner that which goes farther from the first mind is more entangled in the cords of fate ; and by so much any thing is at liberty from fate , by how much neerer it approacheth to that centre of all things . if so be that it constantly adhere to the firmness , and stability of the supream mind , sith it moves not to , and fro , it keeps above the necessity of fate . therefore as reasoning or discourse is to the intellect ; as that which is produc'd to that which hath being of it selfe ; time to aeternity ; a circle to the centre : so is the movable series of fate to the stable simplicity of providence . this series of fate moveth heaven , and the stars , ordereth , and disposeth the elements in their commixtures and transmutations . the same reneweth things that spring up , and dye away , by the wonted courses of seed , and that which it bringeth forth . this * binds together the actions , and fortunes of men with an indissoluble connexion of causes : which , sith they proceed from those immovable causes , must needs be themselves also immovable . for so are things govern'd in the best manner , that can be , if simplicity remaining in the divine mind , gives out a necessary , and unalterable order of causes ; but this order by it's own incommutability keeps all things mutable within their several ranks , and conditions , which otherwise would run into confusion . whence it comes to pass , that although to you , who come short of the right apprehension of order , all things may seem to be turned upside down , never the less this manner of proceeding assigned to them by providence directs them to the true good. for even wicked men themselves never propose evill , as the end of any of their actions : who , as hath been shown at large , are turn'd out of the way by their own wicked error , but order proceeding from the centre of the soveraign good makes not any man to decline from it 's own original . but , thou wilt say , what worse confusion can there be than this , that sometimes adversity , and sometimes prosperity should happen to the righteous , and also that the wicked should sometimes attein to that , which they desire , and be sometimes opprest with that which they would avoid ? what then , do men shew such perfect strength of judgement , and integrity of heart in their lives and conversation , that those whom they judge to be righteous , or to be wicked must needs be such , as they esteem them to be ? but we see the judgements of men differ in nothing more than in this : and those who are esteem'd by some to deserve a reward , are by others esteemed worthy of the severest punishment . but let us grant that any one could clearly determine who are righteous , and who are wicked : what then , would he be able to discern the inmost temper , and constitution of soules , as we use to express it , when we speak of bodies ? for to one that understands it not , 't is no less wonder ; why to some healthy bodies sweet things are agreeable , to others bitter things : why some diseases are cur'd with soft , and gentle medicines , others with those , which are most sharpe , and piercing : but it is no whit strange to the physitian who searches into the state , and condition of bodies both in health , and in sickness . and what is the health of soules but virtue , or true goodness ? what is their sickness , but vice ? but who is there , that can either give that which is good for us , or drive away that which is evill , but god , the governour , and physitian of soules ? who looking from the high tower of his providence sees what the inward condition of every man doth require , and applies that which he sees to be requisite , and suitable to his condition . hence it is that the order of fate is such matter of wonder , and astonishment to the world , viz. that ignorant men cannot but be amus'd at that which is done by the infinitely wise god. for that i may lightly touch at a few things , which humane reason is somewhat capable of being exercis'd about , concerning the divine depth : as for this man whom thou thinkest to be most observant of law , and equity , the contrary is most evident to providence that knoweth all things . and my lucan saith that the cause of the conquerour was pleasing to the gods , but of the conquer'd to cato . whatsoever then thou mayst see at any time to be done here upon earth , there is certainly a right order in the things themselves ; but thine opinion concerning them is perverse , and confus'd : but suppose there be any one so syncerely virtuous that he is both acceptable to god , and approv'd of men : yet , it may be , he wants a courageous , and undanted spirit : to whom if any adversity should happen , perhaps he will no longer take care to preserve his innocency , by which he could not retein his fortune . therefore the wisedome of the divine dispensation deals gently with him , whom adversity might incline to wickedness , that he may not be affiicted , who is not qualifyed to endure affiiction . another hath attein'd to the perfection of all virtue , an holy person , fully partaking of the divine nature , the all-wise god judges that it would be contrary to the rules of justice , that this man should be toucht with any adversity , so that he does not suffer such a man to be affiicted even with any bodily distempers . for as one , more excellent than i , sayes ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but many times it comes to pass that the chiefe management of things is by providence put into the hands of good men , that abounding wickedness may be represt . to others the supream wisedome , and goodness distributeth a medley of pleasing , and bitter things according to the temper and disposition of their soules : some he curbs , and restrains least they grow wanton by long prosperity : others he makes to suffer hardship , that by the use , and exercise of patience they may be confirm'd in all virtue , and strength of mind . others are too fearful of that , which they are able to endure : others are too apt to make light of that , which they are not able to endure . these men that they may know themselves he brings into adversity . some have purchac'd a venerable name in this world at the price of a glorious death . some being undanted in the greatest torments have given to others an example of this truth , that virtue is invincible in any calamity whatsoever : which how rightly , and orderly it comes , and how it tends to the good of those , whom we see to labour under it , may not be doubted . this also , that sometimes sad things befall the wicked , sometimes they have the things that they wish for , doth proceed from the same causes . no man wonders at this , that sad things should befall them , whom every one judges to deserve so ill. whose punishments are a terror to others that they may not be guilty of the like offences , and they conduce to the amendment of those , upon whom they are inflicted : but the prosperity of the wicked is a clear demonstration to those that delight in virtue , what they are to judge of that kind of happiness which they see to attend upon the worst of men . and here i conceive this also to be the tendency of the divine dispensation , that some men are naturally so head-strong , and violent in their wayes , that the want of mony would excite them to commit the greatest wickedness : providence by distributing riches to such kind of persons applies a remedy to their distemper . this man observing his conscience defil'd with all manner of impurities , and comparing himselfe with his fortune , is perhaps struck with a fear least the loss of that should be extream grievous , the enjoyment whereof is so delightsome unto him : therefore he will betake himselfe to a new course of life , and whilst he fears that his fortune shall be taken from him , he makes speed to depart from his iniquity . others are suddenly brought to their deserved ruine by the prosperity they have abus'd . some are permitted to have the power of inflicting punishment for the exercise of good men , and the vexation of the wicked . for as there is no league between the lovers of virtue , and the slaves of vice ; so these slaves of vice can never agree amongst themselves . how should it be otherwise ? their consciences being torn in peeces by the fury of their vile affections , they dissent from their own minds , and often do those things , which when they have done , they determine that they ought not in any case to have done such things . whence it is that the divine providence hath often produc'd this great miracle , that even wicked men make other wicked men to become virtuous . for whilst some unrighteous persons seem to themselves to suffer most unjustly by those that are as bad as themselves , or worse ; burning with indignation against those , who have dealt so injuriouslly with them , they return to the wayes of virtue , whilst they endeavour to render themselves unlike to those , against whom they have conceiv'd such hatred . for 't is only the power of the almighty to which evils become good , whilst by the use he makes of them he draweth forth some good effect . for a certain order embraceth all things , so that whatsoever hath swerv'd from that course , which by providence was primarily or antecedently assign'd unto it , it falls still within the compass of order , least any chance , or temerity should have any thing to do in the kingdome of providence . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the wit of man can never comprehend , nor his eloquence express all the contrivances of the divine worke. let it suffice that so much hath been made known unto thee , that god , the author of all natures , so ordereth , and disposeth all things , as to direct them to the true good : whilst he makes those things , which he hath produc'd to retein some resemblance of himselfe , by the series of fatal necessity he banisheth all evill out of his dominions . whence it comes to pass that though evill seems to abound here upon earth , if thou dost consider how all events are order'd , and dispos'd by providence , thou wilt not find any thing that deserves the name of evill . but i see thou art over-burthen'd with the weight of the question , and wearied with the prolixity of the reasons i have produc'd for the solution of it , and that thou dost expect to be refresht with the sweetness of verse . take a draught then to strengthen thine attention to that part of my discourse , which is yet behind . the sixth verse . philosophy praiseth gods providence . if with pure thought thou wilt descry jehovah's * power , and equity looke up to heav'n above . there natures league is kept : no wars were ever heard of there : the stars ne're broke the bonds of love. sols fiery chariot keeps it's course , nor doth it with ungovern'd force phaebes coole wain o'rethrow . the bear on high doth ne're desire in the deep sea to plunge his fire , though other stars do so . vesper ne're failes to come at night , and lucifer still brings day-light , in which all things rejoyce . thus love keeps them in their right way : thus they all discord drive away , and all tumultuous noise . this peace the elements doth guide : by this do contraries abide in their alternate force . drought yields to moisture , cold to heat , fire strives the highest place to get , earth downwards bends it's course . and by those causes doth the spring new leaves , and flowres most fragrant bring : hot summer brings ripe corn : autumn's the time for apples : then black winter brings the cold agen , and makes large showres return . both nourishment this temper gives , and birth , to ev'ry thing that lives i th' waters , or the earth : and 't is the same that takes away what was brought forth : all things decay , that ever had their birth . whilst the creator sits on high , and orders things both in the skye , and in this world below , almighty lord , eternal king , the law , and jvdge , the boundless spring , from whence all beings flow . he stops those motions , which he gave : and settles things that fleet , and wave . for if right motions he did not to circlings turn again , their being things would not retain , but vanish instantly . all things partake of this great love , that they may rest in good , they move . for nothing could them save from perishing , but love that drawes them back again to the first cause which being to them gave . the seventh prose . all fortune is good . dost thou not see now what is the consequence of all that i have said . what , quoth i ? that every fortune , or outward condition [ as it comes from god ] is good. how is that , said i ? observe what i say , quoth she , sith every condition being either pleasing , or grievous , comes for the rewarding , or exercising of good men ; or else for the punishing , or reforming of the wicked ; whatsoever it is , it must needs be good , which , 't is manifest , is the instrument either of the divine justice , or mercy . the reason thou givest , said i , is most true : and if i consider providence , and fate , which thou didst shew me a little while since , this conclusion is most firm , and irrefragable . but if thou wilt , let us put it into the number of those positions , which , as thou saydst a little before are contrary to the common opinion . how so , quoth she ? because quoth i , this speech is often in the mouthes of men , that some have ill fortune . wilt thou therefore , said she , that we yeild a little to the speeches of the vulgar , least we seem to go too far from the use and custome of mankind . as thou thinkest fit , said i. dost thou not then judge that to be good , which is profitable ? yea surely , said i. but that fortune , which either exerciseth , or correcteth is profitable . true , said i. therefore it is good. who can deny that ? but this belongs to them who being either establisht in virtue make war with affliction ; or being convinc'd of the misery that comes on them by their vices break forth into the way of virtue . i cannot but acknowledge this , said i. but what , a pleasing condition , which is given as a reward to good men , do the vulgar esteem it to be evill ? in no wise : but , as it is , they judge it to be exceeding good. what of the other condition , which , sith it is sharpe , and grievous , is for the restraining of the wicked by just punishment , do they suppose it to be good ? nay , quoth she , they judge it to be most miserable . see then , if following even the opinion of the vulgar we have not prov'd somewhat very contrary to the common opinion ? what , said i ? for from those things , said she , which have been granted , it must of necessity be infer'd that to those who have attein'd to the full possession of virtue , or have made some progress towards it , or are really inclin'd therunto , every condition is good ; but to those , who remain in their wickedness every condition is exceeding evill . this is true , said i , though ther 's hardly any one , that dares acknowledge it . wherefore , said she , a wise man ought not to be troubled , when he is to fight with fortune , as it becomes not a stout souldier to be any way disturb'd when the trumpet sounds an alarm . for hardship , and difficulty is to the one an occasion of enlarging his renown , to the other of improving his wisedome . and hence it is that true goodness in the hearts of men is called virtue , because it 's virtue , power , and efficacy is such , that it can never be overcome by any adversity . for being plac'd on the borders of virtue , you are not come hither to indulge to your vain desires , and to lose your strength in the enjoyment of sensual pleasures ; but here you must prepare your selves for a fierce encounter with both fortunes , that you may not be cast down by adversity , nor corrupted by prosperity . stick to the mean with all your force . whatsoever is beneath it , or goes beyond it , implies a contempt of true happiness , gives you not any recompence for all your labours . 't is put to your choice , what kind of fortune you would rather have . for whatsoever seemeth to be grievous , if it do not exercise , or reform , it punisheth . the seventh verse . philosophy exhorteth to labours . hard labours made (a) alcides great : he did the boasting (b) centaurs beat , he skin'd the lion strong , and feirce with his own * clawes : his arrowes pierce the (c) harpyes : he those apples tooke , and scorn'd the furious dragons looke : he chain'd black (d) cerbe'rus : and 't is said that he curs'd (e) diomedes made food for 's own horses ; which he fed with men , whose guiltless bloud he shed . he made (f) achelous loath to shew his head : his strong arm (g) hydra slew : (h) antaeus on the sands he cast : and made stout (i) cacus breath his last . he kill'd the wild bore : and at length high atlas crav'd his helpfull strength : to bear up heav'n he labour'd hard , and heav'n it selfe was his reward . go , valiant men , where you are led by great examples : let no dread or sloth oppress your noble brest : endure these pains , you 'll come to rest . o're th' earth extend your victorys , and heav'n above shall be your prize . finis . ησυχια . ther 's no disturbance in the heav'ns above , and heav'nly soules do nothing else , but love : no anger , no remorse , no discontent can seize a soule , that 's truly innocent , and aims at nought , but that she may combine with all she finds , like to herselfe , divine : and , seeing things in such confusion hurl'd , does not contend with , but despise the world. divine solitude . 1. blest solitude ! in thee i found the only way to cure the wound of my perplexed heart . here i escap'd the worlds loud noise that drowns our blessed saviovrs voice and makes him to depart . 2. whilst thus retir'd i do attend to th' words of my eternal friend , how my heart leaps for joy ! love , and rejoyce sayes he , but know ther 's no such thing , as joy below , the pleasures there destroy . 3. if thou wilt creatures love , be sure thou keep thy heart in me secure : know that i 'm all in all. then whatsoe're those creatures prove , thou never shalt repent thy love , thy hopes shall never fall. 4. thou shalt still have thy hearts desire , and sit down by th' aethereal fire , when e're thy heart growes cold. " but when i see a friends deep griefe , " i 'm griev'd , methinks , beyond relief , " this griefe no words unfold . 5. if thy griev'd friend will love , sayes he , in darke affliction he shall see the neerest way to bliss . but if he mind the worlds fond toyes , and take the sport of apes for joyes , he 's not thine , thou 'rt not his. 6. and thus we talk , my lord , and i : so do i live above the skye though here i move , and breath . and when this vapor's gone , i shall enjoy to th' full my all in all , not dye , but conquer death . halleluia . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28549-e1070 (a) because she maketh her possessors reverend (b) piercing and speculating the hidden nature of things . (c) nalural and moral philosophy are not above mans common capacity : astronomy toucheth the heavens , metaphysicks or the knowledg of god and angels , &c. cannot be exactly comprehended . (d) her aisputations or discourses . (e) subtle propositions . (f) everlasting truth . (g) because none without philosophy can weave these discourses . (h) learning neglected in the time of boetius , and written obscurely by ancient philosophers . (i) all sciences are to be obteined with method . (k) some sentences ill applyed to the defence of false opinions ; (l) she chiefly delighted in study and contemplation . (m) next she was occupied in governing the common wealth . (n) logick from elea , the city where zeno was born cald therefore eleates , and aristotle studied , whose books of logick boëtius translated . (o) such as plato taught , whose school was cald academia . (a) the intellectual and moral vertues . (b) forgetfulness . (c) some sentences which he could not altogether forget . (a) philosophy the gift of god. (b) he was put to death at athens for acknowledging one god and the immortality of the soule . (c) false opinions alledge some sentences of philosophy in a wrong sense . (d) he was wract by the tyrant nearchus , into whose face he spit out his tongue . (e) a poet put to death by caius the emperour . (f) neroes schoole-master , who caused him to bleed to death . (g) a famous poet acknowledging god , was crucified by some wicked men . (h) because they follow not reason . (i) right reason . (k) the powers of the soule . (l) of vertue and contemplation . (m) temporal things . (a) proverbially spoken of those who are dull of apprehension , and no more mov'd with a discourse than an ass with musick . (b) the first cause of boetius his griefe was his banishment and misery . (c) the second cause , because he had not deserved them , having a good intention in admitting promotion . (d) thirdly , he deserved the contrary . (e) one of king theodoricus his chiefest favorites . (f) the gothes . (g) the fourth cause of his griefe , the baseness of his accusers and the open injustice of his accusation . (h) fiftly , his chiefe offence was vertue . (i) sixtly he was falsely accused and not permitted to use the testimony of his very accusers . (k) 7. he grieveth that wicked men are able to prevaile against the good . (l) 8. the senators themselves of whom hee had deserved so well , were his enemies . (m) ninthly , all conspired against him , no man had compassion of him . (n) 10. he was condemned being abseat . (o) 11. he was falsly accused of sacriledge . (p) 12. philosophy and learning dishonoured for his sake . (q) 13. the loss of estimation with the greatest part . (r) 14. the wicked encouraged and the good dismayed by his fall . (a) the same star , is the morning and evening star too , at several times of the year . (b) the name of a star. a the possession of thy selfe , and right reason ▪ notes for div a28549-e5540 (a) profound wisdome and knowledge . (a) an arme of the sea betwixt phocides in baeotia , and the i le eubaea , which ●bs and flowes so swiftly 7 times in a day , that it carieth ships against the wind , yea the very wind it selfe plin. lib. 2. (a) king of persia ▪ (b) paulus aemilius , consul of rome . (c) or perses king of macedonia . (d) this is taken out of homer . iliad . vlt. (a) a burning hill in sicily . (b) nearchus or diomedon . (c) zeno eleata . s●e euseb . lib. 10 de praepar . evang. & suidas . (c) king of egypt . (d) marcus attilius regulus a consul of rome . (a) nero caused rome to burne for a weeke that he might conceive the overthrow of troy. (b) britannicus , to reign alone . (c) agrippina . (a) in somnio scipi●…nis . (b) a mountaine betwixt scythia and india . (c) people of asia maior . (a) a consal of rome , who made warre with pirrhus king of the epirotes , by whom hee could not be corrupted by bribes , and io whom he sent one that offered to , kill him . (b) a noble romane , whom nothing could corrupt . (c) the first consul of rome , who revenged lucretias rape . (a) the evening star . (b) the moon . notes for div a28549-e10290 (a) a river whose sands are sayd to be gold . (a) a famous poet of verona . (b) a wicked romane his fir name was struma which the poet wittyly playd upon . plin. lib. 37. nat . hist . vide * aristotelis eth. c. l. 8. c. 6. (1) the beast lynx hath the quickest sight of any beast . plin. lib. 32. hist . nat . cap. ● . (b) a noble captaine of athens . (a) a river in lydia . (a) ovid lib. 2. metamor . & macrob. lib. i. saturnal . (a) a thracian poet. (b) a three-headed dog , porter of hell. (c) with which he is tormented in hell for attempting to commit adultery with june . (d) who killed his own son to entertaine the gods , and therefore is tormented with hunger and thirst . (e) who would have committed adultery with latona . (f) orpheus's wife . notes for div a28549-e17340 * saturn . * his meaning is not this , that men are fatally , and irresistibly inclin'd to their actions , but that those fortunes , or outward events that befall them ( as we use to speake ) are inevitably assign'd to them by the divine providence , in the wayes of justice , and mercy answerable to the moral goodness , or pravity of their several actions ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hierocles de providentia , & fato . * jura . (a) hercules . (b) halfe men and halfe horses . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theocrit . idyll : 25. (c) huge birds in the fen called stymphalas in arcadia . (d) the dog cerberus who had 3. heads . (e) diomedes king of thracia , who fedd his horses with mans flesh . (f) who had turned himselfe into the forme of a bull. (g) a serpent with 50. heads , which as fast as one was cut off had two grew up in the place . (h) the sone of ne●tune , who by touching the earth recovered strength , and therefore hercules held him up , and so slew him . (i) vulcans son , who did cast out of his mouth fire and smoke . the christian virtuoso shewing that by being addicted to experimental philosophy, a man is rather assisted than indisposed to be a good christian / by t.h.r.b., fellow of the royal society ; to which are subjoyn'd, i. a discourse about the distinction that represents some things as above reason, but not contrary to reason, ii. the first chapters of a discourse entituled, greatness of mind promoted by christianity, by the same author. boyle, robert, 1627-1691. 1690 approx. 239 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 120 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28945 wing b3931 estc r19536 12258621 ocm 12258621 57680 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28945) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57680) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 172:8) the christian virtuoso shewing that by being addicted to experimental philosophy, a man is rather assisted than indisposed to be a good christian / by t.h.r.b., fellow of the royal society ; to which are subjoyn'd, i. a discourse about the distinction that represents some things as above reason, but not contrary to reason, ii. the first chapters of a discourse entituled, greatness of mind promoted by christianity, by the same author. boyle, robert, 1627-1691. boyle, robert, 1627-1691. reflections upon a theological distinction. boyle, robert, 1627-1691. greatness of mind promoted by christianity. [20], 120, [4], 35, [2], 57 p. printed by edw. jones for john taylor ... and john wyat ..., in the savoy : 1690. "reflections upon a theological distinction" and "greatness of mind promoted by christianity" each has special t.p. first ed., 2nd issue. cf. nuc pre-1956. the second part of the christian virtuoso never published. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy and religion -early works to 1800. faith and reason -early works to 1800. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the christian virtuoso : in two parts . tome i. the christian virtuoso : shewing , that by being addicted to experimental philosophy , a man is rather assisted , than indisposed , to be a good christian . the first part. by t. h. r. b. fellow of the royal society . to which are subjoyn'd , i. a discourse about the distinction , that represents some things as above reason , but not contrary to reason . ii. the first chapters of a discourse , entituled , greatness of mind promoted by christianity . by the same avthor . in the savoy : printed by edw. jones , for john taylor at the ship , and john wyat at the golden-lion , in st. paul's church-yard , 1690. the preface . when , many years ago , i was induced to write something about the subject of the following treatise ; i did it , partly to give some satisfaction to a friend , and partly to impose upon myself an obligation , to consider the more attentively upon what grounds it may be asserted , that there is no inconsistence between a man's being an industrious virtuoso , and a good christian . how little fond i was of troubling the publick with a discourse of this nature , may be guessed by my having thrown it aside , among other neglected papers , for several years . and it had still continued in that obscurity , if the , formerly unprevalent , desires of those that would have it appear in publick , had not been enforced by an observation or two , that i could not but make . for i could scarce avoid taking notice of the great and deplorable growth of irreligion , especially among those that aspired to pass for wits , and several of them too for philosophers . and on the other side , it was obvious , that divers learned men , as well as others , partly upon the score of their abhorrence of these infidels and libertines , and partly upon that of a well-meaning , but ill-informed , zeal , had brought many good men to think , that religion and philosophy were incompatible ; both parties contributing to the vulgar error , but with this difference , that the libertines thought a virtuoso ought not to be a christian ; and the others , that he could not be a true one. 't is like , it may seem to some readers , that i have too much enlarged the notion of experience , and too much insisted on the proofs deducible from that topick : but 't is not improbable , that others may approve the reasons , with which that ample notion of experience is , where it is proposed , accompanied . and the ingenious person , i was chiefly to please , being a great lover and valuer of experience , and of arguments grounded on it , the desire of gratifying him enticed me to say so much , that when i took up the thoughts of making this treatise publick , i found the effects of my complaisance so interwoven with the other parts of the discourse , that i could not make any great alteration , ( for some i did make ) without almost spoiling the contexture of it . i hope the equitable reader will not expect to find every subject , of which i have occasion to discourse , fully treated of : for i neither designed nor pretended to write a body of natural theology , nor a demonstration of the christian religion ; but thought it sufficient for me , to consider the points i wrote of , as far forth as was necessary , or very conducive , to my purpose . and therefore i thought myself , not only warranted , but obliged , ( in point of discretion ) to decline the mention of several arguments and reflections , that would indeed have been very proper , if my design had been , to shew , why one should be a christian ; but impertinent , to shew , that a virtuoso , while such , may be a true christian . but , as for this reason , i omitted many things , that would have enrich'd or adorn'd my discourse ; so i have endeavoured to make some amends , both by suggesting some new subjects , and by adding on those that have been already treated of by others , divers thoughts , into which i was led by the attentive consideration of the subject itself ; on which score , they may probably not have yet occurr'd to the reader , and may appear to him , either to be new , as to the substance ; or , if any of them be coincident with the more known ones , to have something of peculiar , as to the way of propounding , or of applying , them . and , i confess , i was somewhat encouraged to communicate my thoughts on these subjects , by considering , that ( thô is ought not to be so , yet ) 't is notorious , that in the age we live in , there are too many persons that are like to be found more indisposed to be impress'd on by arguments , in favour of religion , from profess'd divines , how worthy soever , than from such as i , who am a lay-man , and have been look'd upon as no undiligent cultivator of experimental philosophy . and that the style might not be unsuitable to the writer , and the design ; i thought fit , in my arguments and illustrations , both to employ comparisons drawn from telescopes , microscopes , &c. and to make frequent use of notions , hypotheses , and observations , in request among those , that are called the new philosophers . which i the rather did ; because some experience has taught me , that such a way of proposing and elucidating things , is , either as most clear , or , upon the account of its novelty , wont to be more acceptable , than any other , to our modern virtuosi ; whom thus to gratify , is a good step towards the persuading of them . for 't is easie to observe , that some men are more accessible to truth , and will be more prevailed upon by it , when it is presented to them in one dress , than when it appears in another : as we daily see , that some persons will be more easily prevailed with to take a medicine , and that it will have a more kindly operation upon them , if it be exhibited in that form and consistence , that is best lik'd by the patients ; whereof some love to have the ingredients , the medicine is to consist of , offer'd them in a liquid , others in a soft , and others in a dry , form. though i am wont , as well as inclinable to spare the present age ; and though my censures of some reputed virtuosi that live in it , are written with as harmless and friendly designs , as was the seeming rudeness of the angel to st. peter , when he struck him on the side , and hastily rouzed him , but to awake him , to take off his chains , and to free him from the dangers that threatned him ; yet i shall be more troubled than surprized , if i shall find the following treatise disliked by divers persons , that would pass for virtuosi , and by some that really are so . for some men , that have but superficial , thô conspicuous , wits , are not fitted to penetrate such truths , as require a lasting and attentive speculation ; and divers , that want not abilities , are so taken up by their secular affairs , and their sensual pleasures , that they neither have disposition , nor will have leisure , to discover those truths , that require both an attentive and penetrating mind . and more than of either of these sorts of men there are , whom their prejudices do so forestal , or their interest byas , or their appetites blind , or their passions discompose , too much , to allow them a clear discernment , and right judgment , of divine things . upon which , and other accounts , i shall not think it strange , if what i write shall make no great impression on readers thus qualified , whom to convert , 't is not enough to convince them : nor shall i be greatly discouraged , or think much the worse of my arguments , if they do not make proselytes of those , whom sinister considerations make such resolved adversaries to the truth , that he alone , that can preach from heaven , is able to prevail upon them ; and they must be converted , almost as saul the persecutor was , by an extraordinary light from heaven , and a power able to strike them to the ground . but though i am not so little acquainted with the present age , as to expect to plead for religion with the approbation of atheists , or of libertines , yet i shall not think my pains altogether mispent , if what i have written , either startle any irreligious reader so far , as to engage him to consult abler assertors of christianity and virtue , than i pretend to be ; or else prove so happy , as to confirm and strengthen , by new arguments and motives , those that have heartily embraced the christian faith and morals , though perhaps not upon the firmest grounds . for it will be no small satisfaction to me , if , though i cannot convert the resclvedly irreligious , i shall at least furnish those that are not so , with preservatives against them , and hinder their impiety from being contagious . but i fear , that those that are enemies , both to the doctrines i propose , and to the aims i persue , will not be the only persons that will find fault with the following tract ; since , perhaps , there will not be wanting some ingenious men , that expected , as well as desired , that i should never write but as a naturalist , because they themselves esteem nothing , save the laws and phoenomena of nature , to be subjects worthy of a philosophical pen : as if , because rational spirits are invisible and immaterial . beings , all disquisitions about them must be airy and uncertain speculations , and , like their objects , devoid of solidity and usefulness . but though among these ingenious men there are several , whose expectations from me i am much more disposed to gratify , than disappoint ; yet , on such an occasion as this , i must take the liberty to own , that i do not think the corporeal world , nor the present state of things , the only or the principal subjects , that an inquisitive man's pen may be worthily employed about ; and , that there are some things that are grounded , neither upon mechanical , nor upon chymical , notices or experiments , that are yet far from deserving to be neglected , and much less to be despised , or so much as to be left uncultivated , especially by such writers , as being more concerned to act as christians , than as virtuosi , must also think , that sometimes they may usefully busy themselves about the study of divine things , as well as at other times employ their thoughts about the inspection of natural ones . there are some objects , whose nobleness is such , that , though we derive no advantage from them , but the contentment of knowing them , and that but very imperfectly too ; yet our virtuosi themselves justly think much pains and time , and , perhaps , cost too , well spent in endeavouring to acquire some conjectural knowledge of them : as may be instanced in the assiduous and industrious researches they have made about the remote coelestial part of the world , especially the stars and comets that our age has exposed to their curiosity . for most of these , though they require chargeable telescopes , and tedious , as well as unhealthy , nocturnal observations , are objects , of which we can know very little with any certainty ; and which , for ought appears , we can make no useful experiments with . since therefore we so much prize a little knowledge , of things that are not only corporeal , but inanimate ; methinks we should not undervalue the studies of those men , that aspire to the knowledge of incorporeal and rational beings , which are incomparably more noble , than all the stars in the world , which are , as far as we know , but masses of senseless and stupid matter . since also the virtuosi deservedly applaud and cherish the laborious industry of anatomists , in their enquiries into the structure of dead , ghastly , and oftentimes unhealthfully as well as offensively foetid , bodies : can it be an employment improper for a christian virtuoso , or unworthy of him , to endeavour the discovery of the nature and faculties of the rational mind ; which is that , that enobles its mansion , and gives man the advantage he has of the beasts that perish ? i am content , that merely natural philosophy should often employ my thoughts , and my pen ; but i cannot consent it should engross them , and hinder me from being conversant with theological subjects . and since , among my friends , i have some , ( and those not inconsiderable for their number , and much less for their merit , ) that press me to treat of religious matters , as well as others , that would have me addict myself to cultivate physical ones ; i , who think myself a debtor to both these sorts , am willing to endeavour to gratify both ; and having already , on many occasions , presented the later sort with large , as well as publick , effects of my complaisance for them , i hope , they will not think it strange , that i should now and then have regard to the former sort , too ; especially , since i had higher motives , than complaisance ought to be , to induce me to treat sometimes of things that might be grateful to those friends , that are much so to religious composures . i presume , it will be taken notice of , that , in the following treatise , as well as in divers of my other writings , especially about subjects that are purely , or partly , philosophical ; i make frequent use of similitudes , or comparisons : and therefore i think myself here obliged to acknowledge , once for all , that i did it purposely . and my reasons for this practise , were , not only because fit comparisons are wont to delight most readers , and to make the notions , they convey , better kept in memory ; whence the best orators and preachers have made great and successful use of metaphors , allegories , and other resemblances ; but i was induced to employ them chiefly for two other reasons : 1. that though i freely confess , that arbitrary similitudes , and likewise those that are foreign to the subject treated of , such as are most of the vulgar ones , that are usually borrowed from the fictions of the poets , and from the uncertain , and often ill-applied , relations of pliny , aelian , and other too frequently fabulous writers , are scarce fit to be made use of but to vulgar readers , or popular auditories ; yet comparisons fitly chosen , and well applied , may , on many occasions , usefully serve to illustrate the notions for whose sake they are brought , and , by placing them in a true light , help men to conceive them far better , than otherwise they would do . and , 2. apposite comparisons do not only give light , but strength , to the passages they belong to , since they are not always bare pictures and resemblances , but a kind of arguments ; being oftentimes , if i may so call them , analogous instances , which do declare the nature , or way of operating , of the thing they relate to , and by that means do in a sort prove , that , as 't is possible , so it is not improbable , that the thing may be such as 't is represented : and therefore , not only the illustrious verulam , though not more a florid , than a iudicious , writer , has , much to the satisfaction of his readers , frequently made use of comparisons , in whose choice , and application , he was very happy ; but that severe philosopher monsieur des cartes himself somewhere says , that he scarce thought , that he understood any thing in physiques , but what he could declare by some apt similitude ; of which , in effect , he has many in his writings ; [ as , where he compares the particles of fresh water , to little eels ; and the corpuscles of salt in the sea-water , to little rigid staves ; and where , after the stoicks , he compares the sense of objects by the intervention of light , to the sense that a blind man hath of stones , mud , &c. by the intervention of his staff. ] to which i shall add , that proper comparisons do the imagination almost as much service , as microscopes do the eye ; for , as this instrument gives us a distinct view of divers minute things , which our naked eyes cannot well discern ; because these glasses represent them far more large , than by the bare eye we judge them ; so a skilfully chosen , and well-applied , comparison much helps the imagination , by illustrating things scarce discernible , so as to represent them by things much more familiar and easy to be apprehended . i confess , i might , on some occasions , have spoken , not only more positively , and boldly ; but , as to many learned readers , more acceptably , if i would have discoursed altogether like a cartesian , or as a partizan of some other modern sect of philosophizers . but , besides that , i am not minded to give myself up to any sect , i thought it convenient , that a discourse , designed to work on persons of differing persuasions about philosophical matters , should not declare itself dogmatically , or unreservedly , of a party , but employ rather the dictates of reason , or principles either granted , or little contested , than proceed upon the peculiar principles of a distinct party of philosophizers . if now and then i have insisted upon some particular subjects , more than appears absolutely necessary , i did it , because that , though i wrote this treatise chiefly for my friends , yet i did not write it for them only ; but was willing to lay hold on some of the occasions that the series of my discourse offered me , to excite in myself those dispositions that i endeavoured to produce in others : and , by insisting upon some reflections , impress them more deeply upon my own mind ; especially when i was treating of some points , either so important , or so opposed , or both , that they can scarce be too much inculcated . the name of the person , to whom the following papers were address'd , not being necessary to be made publick ; some reasons made it thought convenient , that it should remain unmentioned . postscript . to give an account of the prolixity , that some might otherwise censure , of the foregoing preface , i must advertise the reader , that 't is of an ancient date , and that the first part of the treatise , that it belongs to , was already written , and 't was then designed , that the second part should accompany it to the press : on which score 't was presumed , that , as the particulars that make up the preamble would not appear superfluous , in regard of the variety of subjects to be treated of ; so , its length would scarce be found disproportionate to the bulk of the whole designed book . the christian virtuoso : shewing , that by being addicted to experimental philosophy , a man is rather assisted , than in disposed , to be a good christian . the first part. sir , i perceive by what you intimate , that your friends , dr. w. and mr. n. think it very strange , that i , whom they are pleas'd to look upon as a diligent cultivater of experimental philosophy , should be a concern'd embracer of the christian religion ; tho' divers of its articles are so far from being objects of sense , that they are thought to be above the sphere of reason . but , tho' i presume they may find many objects of the like wonder , among those with whom i am compriz'd by them , under the name of the new virtuosi ; and among these , they may meet with divers persons more able than i , to ease them of their wonder ; yet , since they are pleas'd by singling me out , as it were to challenge me to do it , i shall endeavour to make them think it at least less strange , that a great esteem of experience , and a high veneration for religion , should be compatible in the same person . wherefore i shall not deny , that i am now and then busied in devising , and putting in practice , tryals of several sorts , and making reflections upon them : and i own too , that ( about natural things ) i have a great reverence for experience , in comparison of authority . but withal , i declare , that to embrace christianity , i do not think i need to recede from the value and kindness i have for experimental philosophy , any thing near so far as your friends seem to imagin . and i hope it will appear , that , if the experimental way of philosophising i am addicted to , have any things in it that indispose a man to assent to the truth , and live according to the laws , of the christian religion ; those few things are more than countervail'd by the peculiar advantages , that it affords a man of a well-dispos'd mind , towards the being a good christian . i said , a man of a well-dispos'd mind ; that is , one , that is both docile , and inclin'd to make pious applications of the truths he discovers ; because such a qualification of mind , i hope , god , through his goodness , has vouchsaf'd me ; and the occasion given by your friends to the following discourse , relating peculiarly to me , a personal account of my opinions , and reasons of them , ought to suffice . and 't will be ex abundanti , ( as they speak , ) if my discourse be found , as it often will be , to extend much farther . which reflection , i desire you would frequently have in your thoughts , to prevent mistaking the design of the following epistle . i doubt not , but the popular prejudices , that i perceive your two friends , among many other more devout than well-inform'd persons , have entertain'd , will make them think , that what i have now deliver'd needs good proof , and perhaps better than it is capable of . and therefore i hope you will easily allow me the liberty , i am going to take , of briefly premising some things , to clear the way for the principal points , design'd to be discours'd of in this letter . i know you need not be told , that the philosophy ▪ which is most in request among the modern virtuosi , and which by some is call'd the new , by others the corpuscularian , by others the real , by others ( tho' not so properly ) the atomical , and by others again the cartesian , or the mechanical , philosophy ; is built upon two foundations , reason and experience . but it may not be impertinent to observe to you , that although the peripatetick , and some other philosophies , do also pretend to be grounded upon reason and experience ; yet there is a great difference betwixt the use that is made of these two principles , by the school-philosophers , and by the virtuosi . for those , in the framing of their system , make but little use of experience ; contenting themselves for the most part to employ but few and obvious experiments , and vulgar traditions , usually uncertain , and oftentimes false ; and superstructing almost their whole physicks upon abstracted reason ; by which , i mean , the rational faculty endowed but with its own congenit or common notions and idea's , and with popular notices ; that is , such as are common among men , especially those that are any thing learned . but now , the virtuosi i speak of , and by whom , in this whole discourse , i mean those , that understand and cultivate experimental philosophy , make a much greater and better use of experience in their philosophical researches . for they consult experience both frequently and heedfully ; and , not content with the phaenomena that nature spontaneously affords them , they are solicitous , when they find it needful , to enlarge their experience by tryals purposely devis'd ; and ever and anon reflecting upon it , they are careful to conform their opinions to it ; or , if there be just cause , reform their opinions by it . so that our virtuosi have a peculiar right to the distinguishing title that is often given them , of experimental philosophers . i can scarce doubt , but your friends have more than once oblig'd you to take notice , of the prophane discourses and licentious lives of some virt●…osi , that boast much of the principles of the new philosophy . and i deny not , but that , if the knowledge of nature falls into the hands of a resolved atheist , or a sensual libertine , he may misemploy it to oppugn the grounds , or discredit the practice , of religion . but it will fare much otherwise , if a deep insight into nature be acquir'd by a man of probity and ingenuity , or at least free from prejudices and vices , that may indispose him to entertain and improve those truths of philosophy , that would naturally lead him to sentiments of religion . for , if a person thus qualify'd in his morals , and thereby dispos'd to make use of the knowledge of the creatures to confirm his belief , and encrease his veneration , of the creator , ( and such a person i here again advertise you , and desire you would not forget it , i suppose the virtuoso this paper is concern'd in , to be ) shall make a great progress in real philosophy ; i am perswaded , that nature will be found very loyal to her author , and in stead of alienating his mind from making religious acknowledgments , will furnish him with weighty and uncommon motives , to conclude such sentiments to be highly rational and just . on which occasion , i must not pretermit that judicious observation of one of the first and greatest experimental philosophers of our age , ( sir francis bacon ) that god never wrought a miracle to convince atheists ; because in his visible works he had plac'd enough to do it , if they were not wanting to themselves . the reason he gives for which remark , i shall confirm , by observing , that 't is intimated in a passage of st. paul , asserting both that the invisible things of god are clearly seen from the creation of the world , as tokens and effects , ( as i remember the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greek doth elsewhere signify , ) and that his divinity and eternal power may be so well understood by the things that are made , that the gentiles , who had but the light of nature to lead them to the acknowledgment of the true god , were excuseless , for not being brought by that guide to that acknowledgment . and indeed , the experimental philosophy giving us a more clear discovery , than strangers to it have , of the divine excellencies display'd in the fabrick and conduct of the universe , and of the creatures it consists of , very much indisposeth the mind , to ascribe such admirable effects to so incompetent and pitiful a cause as blind chance , or the tumultuous justlings of atomical portions of senseless matter ; and leads it directly to the acknowledgment and adoration of a most intelligent , powerful and benign author of things , to whom alone such excellent productions may , with the greatest congruity , be ascrib'd . and therefore , if any of the cultivaters of real philosophy pervert it to countenance atheism , 't is certainly the fault of the persons , not the doctrine ; which is to be judg'd of by it's own natural tendency , not by the ill use that some bad men may make of it ; especially if the prevaricating persons are but pretenders to the philosophy they misemploy ; which character will perhaps be found to belong to most , if not all , the atheistical and prophane men , the objection means . for most of these do as little understand the mysteries of nature , as believe those of christianity ; and of divers of them it may be truly said , that their sensuality , and lusts , and passions , darken'd and seduc'd their intellects : their immorality was the original cause of their infidelity ; nor were they led by philosophy to irreligion , but got and perverted some smattering of philosophy , to countenance the irreligious principles , they brought with them to the study of it . but all this notwithstanding , i fear , if not foresee , that you will surmise , that the study of natural philosophy , how innocent soever it may be in it self , will , in this libertine city , engage me to converse with many , who , tho' they pass for virtuosi , are indeed atheists ; whose contagious company must endanger , if not infect , me . this obliges me to tell you , that tho' i have no reason to take it at all unkindly , that you are jealous of me on the score of being solicitous for my safety ; yet i hope my danger is not so great as you may apprehend it . for first , i must own to you , that i do not think there are so many speculative atheists , as men are wont to imagin . and tho' my conversation has been pretty free and general among naturalists , yet i have met with so few true atheists , that i am very apt to think , that men's want of due information , or their uncharitable zeal , has made them mistake or misrepresent many for denyers of god , that are thought such , chiefly because they take uncommon methods in studying his works , and have other sentiments of them , than those of vulgar philosophers . and in the next place i must tell you , that having , through the goodness of god , chosen my religion , not inconsiderately , but upon mature deliberation ; i do not find those virtuosi , you call atheists , such formidable adversaries , as those that are afraid to hear them , do , by that apprehension , appear to think them . and indeed , i have observ'd the physical arguments of the atheists to be but very few , and those far enough from being unanswerable . and as for the very chief of them , tho' they are wont to puzzle such as are not vers'd in nice speculations , because they represent the assertion of a deity , as a doctrine encumber'd with inextricable difficulties ; yet i do not think the objections solidly grounded , since the same difficulties , or others not inferior , may be urg'd against those hypotheses and principles , that the deniers of god do or must admit . and indeed , most of the perplexing difficulties the atheists lay so much stress on , do not proceed from any absurdity contained in the tenent of the theists , but from the nature of things ; that is , partly from the dimness and other imperfections of our human understandings , and partly from the abstruse nature , that , to such bounded intellects , all objects must appear to have , in whose conception infinity is involv'd ; whether that object be god , or atoms , or duration , or some other thing that is uncausable . for , however we may flatter our selves , i fear we shall find , upon strict and impartial tryal , that finite understandings are not able clearly to resolve such difficulties , as exact a clear comprehension of what is really infinite . but to persue this discourse , would lead us too far . and 't is more fit , after so much has been said concerning not only the design of this tract , but the new philosophy , the virtuosi , and my self ; to proceed to those more particular things , that directly tend to the main scope of our epistle . the first advantage , that our experimental philosopher , as such , hath towards being a christian , is ▪ that his course of studies conduceth much , to settle in his mind a firm belief of the existence , and divers of the chief ▪ attributes , of god : which belief , is , in the order of things , the first principle of that natural religion , which it self is pre-required to reveal'd religion in general , and consequently to that in particular , which is embrac'd by christians . that the consideration of the vastness , beauty , and regular motions , of the heavenly bodies ; the excellent structure of animals and plants ; besides a multitude of other phaenomena of nature , and the subserviency of most of these to man ; may justly induce him , as a rational creature , to conclude , that this vast , beautiful , orderly , and ( in a word ) many ways admirable system of things , that we call the world , was fram'd by an author supremely powerful , wise , and good , can scarce be deny'd by an intelligent and unprejudic'd considerer . and this is strongly confirm'd by experience , which witnesseth , that in almost all ages and countries , the generality of philosophers , and contemplative men , were persuaded of the existence of a deity , by the consideration of the phaenomena of the universe ; whose fabrick and conduct they rationally concluded could not be deservedly ascrib'd , either to blind chance , or to any other cause than a divine being . but , tho' it be true , that god hath not left himself without witness , even to perfunctory considerers ; by stamping upon divers of the more obvious parts of his workmanship , such conspicuous impressions of his attributes , that a moderate degree of understanding , and attention , may suffice to make men acknowledg his being ; yet , i scruple not to think , that assent very much inferior to the belief , that the same objects are fitted to produce in an heedful and intelligent contemplator of them : for the works of god are so worthy of their author , that , besides the impresses of his wisdom , and goodness , that are left as it were upon their surfaces ; there are a great many more curious and excellent tokens , and effects , of divine artifice , in the hidden and innermost recesses of them ; and these are not to be discovered by the perfunctory looks of oscitant or unskilful beholders ; but require , as well , as deserve , the most attentive and prying inspection of inquisitive and well-instructed considerers . and sometimes in one creature , there may be i know not how many admirable things , that escape a vulgar eye , and yet may be clearly discern'd by that of a true naturalist ; who brings with him , besides a more than common curiosity and attention , a competent knowledge of anatomy , opticks , cosmography , mechanicks , and chymistry . but treating elsewhere purposely of this subject , it may here suffice to say , that god has couch'd so many things in his visible works , that the clearer light a man has , the more he may discover of their unobvious exquisiteness , and the more clearly and distinctly he may discern those qualities that lye more obvious . and the more wonderful things he discovers in the works of nature , the more auxiliary proofs he meets with to establish and enforce the argument , drawn from the universe and its parts , to evince that there is a god : which is a proposition of that vast weight and importance , that it ought to endear every thing to us , that is able to confirm it , and afford us new motives to acknowledge and adore the divine author of things . in reference to this matter , we may confidently say , that the experimental philosophy has a great advantage of the scholastick . for in the peripatetick schools , where things are wont to be ascrib'd to certain substantial forms , and real qualities ; ( the former of which are acknowledg'd to be very abstruse and mysterious things , and the later are many of them confessedly occult ; ) the accounts of natures works may be easily given in a few words , that are general enough to be applicable to almost all occasions . but these uninstructive terms do neither oblige , nor conduct , a man to deeper searches into the structure of things , nor the manner of being produc'd , and of operating upon one another . and consequently , are very insufficient to disclose the exquisite wisdom , which the omniscient maker has express'd in the peculiar fabricks of bodies , and the skilfully regulated motions of them , or of their constituent parts : from the discernment of which things , nevertheless , it is , that there is , by way of result , produc'd in the mind of an intelligent contemplator , a strong conviction of the being of a divine opificer , and a just acknowledgment of his admirable wisdom . to be told , that an eye is the organ of sight , and that this is perform'd by that faculty of the mind , which from its function is call'd visive ; will give a man but a sorry account of the instruments and manner of vision it self , or of the knowledge of that opificer , who , as the scripture speaks , form'd the eye . and he that can take up with this easy theory of vision , will not think it necessary to take the pains to dissect the eyes of animals , nor study the books of mathematicians , to understand vision ; and accordingly , will have but mean thoughts of the contrivance of the organ , and the skill of the artificer , in comparison of the idea's that will be suggested of both of them , to him that , being profoundly skill'd in anatomy and opticks , by their help takes asunder the several coats , humours , and muscles , of which , that exquisite dioptrical instrument consists : and having separately consider'd the figure , size , consistence , texture , diaphaneity , or opacity , situation , and connexions , of each of them , and their coaptation in the whole eye , shall discover , by the help of the laws of opticks , how admirably this little organ is fitted , to receive the incident beams of light , and dispose them in the best manner possible , for compleating the lively representation of the almost infinitely various objects of sight . 't is easie for men to say in general terms , that the world is wisely fram'd ; but i doubt it often happens , that men confess , that the creatures are wisely made , rather because upon other grounds they believe god to be a wise agent , than because so slight an account as the school philosophy gives of particular creatures , convinces them of any divine wisdom in the creator . and tho' i am willing to grant , that some impressions of god's wisdom are so conspicuous , that ( as i lately intimated ) even a superficial philosopher may thence infer , that the author of such works must be a wise agent ; yet , how wise an agent he has in those works express'd himself to be , none but an experimental philosopher can well discern . and 't is not by a slight survey , but by a diligent and skilful scrutiny , of the works of god , that a man must be , by a rational and affective conviction , engag'd to acknowledge with the prophet , that the author of nature is wonderful in counsel , and excellent in working , isa . xxviii . 29. ii. after the existence of the deity , the next grand principle of natural religion , is , the immortality of the rational soul ; whose genuine consequence is , the belief and expectation of a future and everlasting state. for this important truth , divers arguments may be alledg'd , that may persuade a sober and well-disposed man to embrace it : but to convince a learned adversary , the strongest argument , that the light of nature supplies us with , seems to be that which is afforded by the real philosophy . for this teacheth us to form true and distinct notions of the body , and the mind ; and thereby manifests so great a difference in their essential attributes , that the same thing cannot be both . this it makes out more distinctly , by enumerating several faculties and functions of the rational soul ; such as , to understand , and that so , as to form conceptions of abstracted things , of universals , of immaterial spirits , and even of that infinitely perfect one , god himself : and also , to conceive , and demonstrate , that there are incommensurable lines , and surd numbers ; to make ratiocinations , and both cogent and concatenated inferences , about these things ; to express their intellectual notions , pro re natâ , by words or instituted signs , to other men ; to exercise free-will about many things ; and to make reflections on its own acts , both of intellect and will. for these and the like prerogatives , that are peculiar to the human mind , and superior to any thing that belongs to the outward senses , or to the imagination it self , manifest , that the rational soul is a being of an higher order , than corporeal ; and consequently , that the seat of these spiritual faculties , and the source of these operations , is a substance , that being in its own nature distinct from the body , is not naturally subject to dye or perish with it . and in reference to this truth , our virtuoso hath an advantage of a mere school-philosopher . for being acquainted with the true and real causes of putrefaction , and other physical kinds of corruption ; and thereby discerning , that the things that destroy bodies , are the avolation , or other recess , of some necessary parts , and such a depraving transposition of the component portions of matter , as is altogether incongruous to the structure and mechanical modification , that is essential to a body of that species , or kind , it belongs to : our naturalist , i say , knowing this , plainly perceives , that these causes of destruction can have no place in the rational soul ; which being an immaterial spirit , and consequently a substance not really divisible , can have no parts expell'd or transpos'd , and so being exempted from the physical causes of corruption that destroy bodies , she ought to last always . and being a rational creature , endow'd with internal principles of acting , as appears in free-will , she ought to live for ever , unless it please god to annihilate her ; which we have no reason to suppose he will do . but on the other side , the modern peripateticks ( for i question whether aristotle himself were of the same opinion ) maintain substantial forms , by some of them , styl'd semi-substantiae , to which in apes , elephants , and others , that pass for ingenious animals , they ascribe some such faculties and functions , as seem to differ but gradually from those of the rational soul ; and ( how innocent soever i grant their intentions to be ) their doctrine tends much to enervate , if not quite to disable , the chief physical way of probation , whence the immortality of man's mind is justly inferr'd . for since according to the peripateticks , substantial forms , are , as they speak , educ'd out of the power or potentiality of the matter ; and do so depend upon it , not only as to action , but as to being , that they cannot at all subsist without it : but when the particular body ( as an herb , a stone , or a bird , ) is destroy'd , they perish with it ; or , ( as some of them scarce intelligibly express the same thing ) fall back into the basom of the matter : i think they give great advantage to atheists , and cavillers , to impugn the minds immortality . for if to an ape , or other brute animal , there belongs a being more noble than matter , that can actuate and inform it , and make it self the architect of its own mansion , tho' so admirable as that of an ape , or an elephant ; if this being can in the body it hath fram'd , perform all the functions of a vegetable soul ; and besides those , see , hear , tast , smell , imagin , infer , remember , love , hate , fear , hope , expect , &c. and yet be a mortal thing , and perish with the body : 't will not be difficult for those enemies of religion , who are willing to think the soul mortal , because their brutish lives make them wish she were , to fancy , that human minds are but a somewhat more noble , but not for that less mortal , kind of substantial forms ; as amongst sensitive souls themselves , which they acknowledge to be equally mortal , there is a great disparity in degrees , that of a monky , for instance , being very far superior to that of an oyster . iii. the third main principle of unreveal'd religion , and consequently of reveal'd , ( which presupposes natural religion , as it 's foundation ) is a belief of the divine providence . and in this grand article , as well as in the two foregoing , a man may be much confirm'd by experimental philosophy ; both as it affords him positive inducements to acknowledge the article , and as it shews the great improbability of the two main grounds , on one or other of which , ( for they are not well consistent ) is founded the denyal of god's providence . a virtuoso , that by manifold and curious experiments searches deep into the nature of things , has great and peculiar advantages , to discover and observe the excellent fabrick of the world , as 't is an immense aggregate of the several creatures that compose it ; and to take notice in its particular parts , especially those that are animated , of such exquisite contrivances , and such admirable coordinations , and subordinations , in reference to each other , as lie hid from those beholders that are not both attentive and skilful . when our virtuoso contemplates the vastness , scarce conceivable swiftness , and yet constant regularity , of the various motions , of the sun , moon , and other celestial lights : when he considers how the magnetism of the earth makes its poles constantly look the same way , notwithstanding the motions of its fluid vortex ; how by daily turning about its own center in four and twenty hours , it receives as much light , and benefit from the sun , and all the glorious constellations of the firmament , as if they , with all the vast heavenly region they belong to , mov'd about it in the same time ; how by its situation among them , it enjoys the regular vicissitudes of day and night , summer and winter , &c. how the several parts of the sublunary world are mutually subservient to one another , and most of them ( one way or other ) serviceable to man ; how excellently the bodies of animals are contriv'd ; what various and congruous provision is made for differing animals , that they may subsist as long as they should , according to the institution of nature , by furnishing them , according to their respective natures , some with strength to take their food by force , others with industry to procure it by subtilty ; some with arms , as horns , hoofs , scales , tusks , poysons , stings , &c. to defend themselves , and offend their enemies ; some with wings or swiftness to fly from dangers ; some with foresight to prevent them ; some with craft , and perhaps strange fetches of it , to elude them ; how being distinguish'd into two sexes , each of these is furnish'd with apposite organs , for the propagation of the species , and with skill and kindness to nourish and train up their young ones , till they can shift for themselves ; how admirable , and indeed astonishing , a process is gone through in the formation of the foetus ▪ , especially of a human one ; how divers animals are endowed with strange instincts , whose effects sometimes seem much to surpass those of reason it self ; tho' they are superadded to the mechanical structure of the animal , and argue a respect to things very remote from it , either in time , place , or both , and perhaps also to the grand fabrick or system of the world , and the general oeconomy of nature . when , as i was saying , a philosopher duly reflects on these things , and many others of the like import , he will think it highly rational to infer from them these three conclusions . first , that a machine so immense , so beautiful , so well contriv'd , and , in a word , so admirable , as the world , cannot have been the effect of mere chance , or the tumultuous justlings and fortuitous concourse of atoms , but must have been produc'd by a cause , exceedingly powerful , wise , and beneficent . secondly , that this most potent author , and ( if i may so speak ) opificer of the world , hath not abandon'd a masterpiece so worthy of him , but does still maintain and preserve it ; so regulating the stupendiously swift motions of the great globes , and other vast masses of the mundane matter , that they do not , by any notable irregularity , disorder the grand system of the universe , and reduce it to a kind of chaos , or confus'd state of shuffl'd and deprav'd things . thirdly , that as it is not above the ability of the divine author of things , though a single being , to preserve and govern all his visible works , how great and numerous soever ; so he thinks it not below his dignity and majesty , to extend his care and beneficence to particular bodies , and even to the meanest creatures ; providing not only for the nourishment , but for the propagation , of spiders and ants themselves . and indeed , since the truth of this assertion , that god governs the world he has made , would appear ( if it did not by other proofs ) by the constancy , and regularity , and astonishingly rapid motions of the vast coelestial bodies , and by the long trains of as admirable , as necessary , artifices , that are employ'd to the propagation of various sorts of animals , ( whether viviparous , or oviparous ; ) i see not why it should be deny'd , that god's providence may reach to his particular works here below , especially to the noblest of them , man ; since most of those learned men that deny this , as derogatory to god's majesty and happiness , acknowledge , that at the first creation , or ( if they dislike that term ) formation of things ; the great author of them must not only have extended his care , to the grand system of the universe in general , but allow'd it to descend so low , as to contrive all the minute , and various parts , ( and even the most homely ones ) not only of greater and ( reputedly ) more perfect animals , as elephants , whales , and men ; but such small and abject ones , as flies , ants , fleas , &c. which being manifestly propagated by eggs laid by the female , cannot reasonably be thought the off-spring of putrefaction . whence i gather , as from matter of fact , that to be concern'd for the welfare , even of particular animals ; as it is agreeable to god's all-pervading wisdom , and exuberant beneficence ; so ( whatever men's vanity may make them surmise ) it is not truly derogatory to his adorable greatness and majesty . and on this occasion , i shall add , that since man is the noblest of god's visible works ; since very many of them seem made for his use ; since , even as an animal , he is ( as the psalmist truly speaks ) wonderfully made , and curiously , or artificially wrought ; and since god has both given him a rational mind , and endow'd it with an intellect , whereby he can contemplate the works of nature , and by them acquire a conviction of the existence , and divers attributes , of their supremely perfect author ; since god hath planted notions and principles in the mind of man , fit to make him sensible , that he ought to adore god , as the most perfect of beings , the supreme lord and governor of the world , the author of his own nature , and all his enjoyments : since all this , i say , is so , natural reason dictates to him , that he ought to express the sentiments he has for this divine being , by veneration of his excellencies ; by gratitude for his benefits ; by humiliation , in view of his greatness , and majesty ; by an awe of his justice ; by reliance on his power , and goodness , when he duly endeavours to serve and please him ; and , in short , by those several acts of natural religion , that reason shews to be suitable , and therefore due to those several divine attributes of his , which it has led us to the knowledge of . and here i shall take leave to add , that , from the cartesian principles , ( which you know are embrac'd , by a great part of the modern virtuosi ) i think , i may draw a double argument for divine providence . for first , according to the cartesians , all local motion ( which is , under god , the grand principle of all actions among things corporeal ) is adventitious to matter ; and was at first produc'd in it , and is still every moment continu'd and preserv'd immediately by god : whence may be inferr'd , that he concurs to the actions of each particular agent , ( as they are physical ; ) and consequently , that his providence reaches to all and every one of them . and secondly , the same cartesians believe the rational soul to be an immaterial substance , really distinct and separable from the body . whence i infer , that the divine providence extends to every particular man ; since when ever an embryo , or little human body form'd in the womb , is , by being duly organiz'd , fitted to receive a rational mind , god is pleas'd to create one , and unite it with that body . in which transaction , there seems to me a necessity of a direct and particular intervention of the divine power ; since i understand not , by what physical charm or spell an immaterial ▪ substance can be allur'd into this or that particular embryo , of many that are at the same time fitted to receive a human soul ; nor by what merely mechanical ty , or band , an immaterial substance can be so durably ( perhaps for 80 or 100 years ) joyn'd and united with a corporeal , in which it finds no parts , that it has organs to take hold of , and to which it can furnish no parts to be fasten'd upon by them . nor do i better conceive , how a mere body can produce pain , pleasure , &c. by its own mere action , or rather endeavour to act , on an immaterial spirit . nor will the force of all that has been said for god's special providence , be eluded , by saying , with some deists , that after the first formation of the universe , all things are brought to pass by the setled laws of nature . for tho' this be confidently , and not without colour , pretended ; yet , i confess , it does not satisfie me . for , beside the insuperable difficulty there is , to give an account of the first formation of things , which many ( especially aristotelian ) deists will not ascribe to god ; and besides that the laws of motion ▪ without which the present state and course of things could not be maintain'd , did not necessarily spring from the nature of matter , but depended upon the will of the divine author of things : besides this , i say , i look upon a law , as a moral , not a physical , cause , as being indeed but a notional thing , according to which ▪ an intelligent and free agent is bound to regulate its actions . but inanimate bodies are utterly incapable of understanding what a law is , or what it injoyns , or when they act conformably or unconformably to it ; and therefore the actions of inanimate bodies , which cannot incite or moderate their own actions , are produc'd by real power , not by laws ; tho' the agents , if intelligent , may regulate the exertions of their power by settled rules . iv. i have taken notice of two other accounts , upon which the experimental knowledge of god's works , may , in a well-dispos'd mind , conduce to establish the belief of his providence ; and therefore , tho' i shall not dwell long upon them , i must not altogether pretermit them . first then , when our virtuoso sees how many , and how various , and oftentimes how strange , and how admirable structures , instincts , and other artifices , the wise opificer hath furnish'd , even brutes and plants withal , to purchase and assimilate their food , to defend or otherwise secure themselves from hostile things , and ( to be short ) to maintain their lives , and propagate their species ; it will very much conduce to persuade him , that so wise an agent , who has at command so many differing and excellent methods and tools , to accomplish what he designs ; and does oftentimes actually employ them , for the preservation and welfare of beasts , and even of plants , can never want means to compass his most wise and just ends , in relation to mankind ; being able , by ways that we should never dream of , to execute his menaces , and fulfil his promises . but of these rare structures , instincts , and other methods , and , if i may so style some of them with reverence , stratagems and fetches of divine skill , that god is pleas'd to employ in the conduct of the visible world , especially animals , i have already elsewhere purposely discours'd , and therefore shall now proceed , and observe , in the second place , that , when we duly consider the very differing ends , to which many of god's particular works , especially those that are animated , seem design'd , in reference both to their own welfare , and the utility of man ; and with how much wisdom , and , i had almost said , care , the glorious creator has been pleas'd to supply them with means admirably fit for the attainment of these respective ends ; we cannot but think it highly probable , that so wise , and so benign a being , has not left his noblest visible creature , man , unfurnish'd with means to procure his own welfare , and obtain his true end , if he be not culpably wanting to himself . and since man is endowed with reason , which may convince him , ( of what neither a plant , nor brute animal is capable of knowing , namely ) that god is both his maker , and his continual benefactor ; since his reason likewise teacheth him , that upon both those accounts , besides others , god may justly expect and require worship and obedience from him ; since also the same rational faculty may persuade him , that it may well become the majesty and wisdom of god , as the sovereign rector of the world , t●… give a law to man , who is a rational creature , capable of understanding and obeying it , and thereby glorifying the author of it ; since , ( farthermore ) finding in his own mind ( if it be not deprav'd by vice , or lusts ) a principle that dict●●●●… to him , that he owes a veneration , and other suitable sentiments , to the divinely excellent author of his being , and his continual and munificent benefactor ; since , on these scores , his conscience will convince him of his obligation to all the essential duties of natural religion ; and since , lastly , his reason may convince him , that his soul is immortal , and is therefore capable , as well as desirous , to be everlastingly happy , after it has left the body ; he must in reason be strongly inclin'd to wish for a supernatural discovery of what god would have him believe and do. and therefore if , being thus prepared , he shall be very credibly informed , that god hath actually been pleas'd to discover , by supernatural revelation , ( what , by reason , without it , he can either not at all , or but rovingly , guess at ) what kind of worship and obedience will be most acceptable to him ; and to encourage ▪ man to both these , by explicite promises of that felicity , that man , without them , can but faintly hope for , he would be ready then thankfully to acknowledge , that this way of proceeding beseems the transcendent goodness of god , without derogating from his majesty and wisdom . and by these and the like reflections , whereof some were formerly intimated , a philosopher , that takes notice of the wonderful providence , that god descends to exercise for the welfare of inferiour and irrational creatures , will have an advantage above men not vers'd in the works and course of nature , to believe , upon the historical and other proofs that christianity offers , that god has actually vouchsafed to man , his noblest , and only rational visible creature , an explicite and positive law , enforc'd by threatning severe penalties to the stubborn transgressors ; and promising , to the sincere obeyers , rewards suitable to his own greatness and goodness . and thus the consideration of god's providence , in the conduct of things corporeal , may prove , to a well dispos'd contemplator , a bridge , whereon he may pass from natural to reveal'd religion . i have been the more particular and express , in what i have said about divine providence , because i did not find other writers had made it needless for me to do so : and i dwelt the longer upon the existence of the deity , and the immortality of the soul , that i might let you see , that i did not speak groundlesly or rashly , but that i had consider'd what i said , when i asserted , that the experimental philosophy might afford a well dispos'd mind considerable helps to natural religion . i find my self therefore now at liberty to proceed to farther considerations , and represent to you , that v. another thing , that disposes an experimentarian philosopher to embrace religion , is , that his genius and course of studies accustoms him to value and delight in abstracted truths ; by which term , i here mean such truths , as do not at all , or do but very little , gratifie mens ambition , sensuality , or other inferiour passions and appetites . for , whereas the generality of those that are averse from religion are enclin'd to be so , upon this account , ( among others ) that they have a contempt or undervaluation of all truths , that do not gratifie their passions or interests ; he that is addicted to knowledge experimental , is accustom'd both to persue , esteem , and relish many truths , that do not delight his senses , or gratifie his passions , or his interests , but only entertain his understanding with that manly and spiritual satisfaction , that is naturally afforded it by the attainment of clear and noble truths , which are its genuine objects and delights . and tho' i grant , that the discoveries made by the help of physical or mechanical experiments , are not , for the most part , of kin to religion ; yet , besides that some of them do manifestly conduce to establish or illustrate natural theology , which is that , ( as , tho' noted already , deserves to be inculcated ) which reveal'd religion , and consequently that of christians , must be founded on , or must suppose : besides this , i say , we may argue à fortiori , that he , that is accustomed to prize truths of an inferior kind , because they are truths , will be much more dispos'd to value divine truths , which are of a much higher and nobler order , and of an inestimable and eternal advantage . vi. there is another thing , that is too pertinent to the main scope of this discourse to be here pretermitted : and it is , that both the temper of mind , that makes a man most proper to be a virtuoso , and the way of philosophising , he chiefly employ's , conduce much to give him a sufficient , and yet well grounded and duly limited , docility ; which is a great disposition to the entertainment of reveal'd religion . in the vulgar and superficial philosophy , wherein a man is allowed to think , that he has done his part well enough , when he has ascrib'd things to a substantial form , or to nature , or to some real quality , whether manifest or occult , without proving that there are such causes , or intelligibly declaring , how they produce the phaenomena , or effects referr'd to them ; in this philosophy , i say , 't is easie for a man to have a great opinion of his own knowledge , and be puft up by it . but a virtuoso , that cannot satisfie himself , nor dares pretend to satisfie others , till he can , by hypotheses that may be understood and prov'd , declare intelligibly the manner of the operation of the causes he assigns , will often find it so difficult a task to do so , that he will easily discern , that he needs further information , and therefore ought to seek for it where 't is the most likely to be had ; and not only to admit , but welcome it , if he finds it . besides , the litigious philosophy of the schools seldom furnishes its disciples with better than dialectical or probable arguments , which are not proper , either fully to satisfie the person that employs them , or leave his adversary without any answer , plausible at least , if not full as probable as the objection ; upon which account , men that have more wit than sincere love of truth , will be able to dispute speciously enough , as long as they have a mind to do so . and as such slippery arguments are not able to convince even him that employs them , if he be a man of judgment ; so , if he deals with a witty adversary , they will leave him able to elude any arguments of the like nature , with which he shall be press'd . and in effect we see , that in the aristotelian philosophy there are divers questions , such as , whether the elements retain their distinct nature in a mixt body ? whether the caelestial orbs are mov'd by intelligences ? to omit many others , which are as it were stated questions ; and as they have been disputed from age to age , are like to continue questions for many more , if that philosophy shall last so long . but a virtuoso , that is wont in his reasonings to attend to the principles of mathematicks , and sound philosophy , and to the clear testimonies of sense , or well verifi'd experiments , acquires a habit of discerning the cogency of an argument , or way of probation ; and easily discerns , that dialectical subtilties , and school tricks , cannot shift off its force , but finds more satisfaction in embracing a demonstrated truth , than in the vain glory of disputing subtilly against it . vii . another thing that may dispose a studious searcher of truth , ( not by speculations only , but ) by experiments , for theology , is , that his inquisitiveness , and course of studies , makes him both willing and fit to search out and discover deep and vnobvious truths . i have with trouble observ'd , that the greater part of the libertines we have among us , being men of pilate's humor , ( who , when he had scornfully ask'd what is truth ? would not stay for an answer ) do , with great fastidiousness , decline the study of all truths that require a serious and setled application of mind . these men are , for the most part , a sort of superficial and desultory wits , that go no further than the out side of things , without penetrating into the recesses of them ; and being easily tir'd with contemplating one , pass quickly to another ; the consideration whereof they , with the same lightness , forsake . and upon this account , among others , it is , that this sort of men , tho' often much applauded by others , because the most are but superficial , as well as they , do almost as seldom make good philosophers , as good christians . for tho' all the good arguments , that may be brought to evince the truth of natural ( and reveal'd ) religion , be not abstruse ; yet some of the chief ones , especially those that prove the existence and special providence of god , and the souls immortality , are , if not of a metaphysical , yet at least of a philosophical , nature ; and will scarce be clearly understood , and duely relish'd , but by a person capable of , and somwhat accustom'd to , attentive and lasting speculations , ( as in another paper has been more fully declar'd . ) but now , a man addicted to prosecute discoveries of truths , not only by serious meditation , but by intricate and laborious experiments , will not easily be deterr'd from effectually prosecuting his end , by the troublesomness or difficulties that attend the clearing of those notions , and matters of fact , whereon solid arguments for natural , or reveal'd , religion , are founded ; how remote soever those truths may be from vulgar apprehensions . in short , whereas a superficial wit , such as is frequently found in libertins , and often helps to make them such , may be compar'd to an ordinary swimmer , who can reach but such things as float upon the water ; an experimental philosopher may be compar'd to a skilful diver , that cannot only fetch those things that lye upon the surface of the sea , but make his way to the very bottom of it ; and thence fetch up pearls , corals , and other precious things , that in those depths lye conceal'd from other men's sight and reach . we have already seen , that experimental philosophy is , in its own nature , friendly to religion in general . wherefore i shall now add , that the reverence i pay experience , especially as it gives both grounds and hints to rational notions and conclusions , does not a little conduce to the assent i give to the truth of the christian religion in particular . this excellent religion is recommended to well disposed minds , by a greater number of prerogatives , and other arguments , than it were proper for me to insist on in this discourse : and yet my design engages me to consider a few of them somwhat particularly . 1. and first , i shall observe , that , whereas the three grand arguments , that conjointly evince the truth of the christian religion in general , are ( at least in my opinion ) the excellency of the doctrine , which makes it worthy to have proceeded from god ; the testimony of the divine miracles , that were wrought to recommend it ; the great effects , produc'd in the world by it . two of these three arguments ( for the first is of a more speculative nature ) are bottom'd upon matters of fact , and consequently are likely to be the most prevalent upon those that have a great veneration for experience , and are duly dispos'd to frame such pious reflections , as it warrants and leads them ▪ to make . this last clause i add , because , though i have formerly more than intimated somthing of the like import , yet 't is so necessary to my design that you should take special notice of it , that i must not here omit to advertise you , that , when , in this discourse , i speak of an experimental philosopher , or virtuoso ; i do not mean , either , on this hand , a libertine , tho' ingenious ; or a sensualist , though curious ; or , on that hand , a mere empirick , or some vulgar chymist , that looks upon nothing as experimental , wherein chymistry , mechanicks , &c. are not employ'd ; and who too often makes experiments , without making reflection on them , as having it more in his aim to produce effects , than to discover truths . but the person i here mean , is such a one , as by attentively looking about him , gathers experience , not from his own tryals alone , but from divers other matters of fact , which he heedfully observes , though he had no share in the effecting them ; and on which he is dispos'd to make such reflections , as may ( unforcedly ) be apply'd to confirm and encrease in him the sentiments of natural religion , and facilitate his submission and adherence to the christian religion . an experimental philosopher , thus dispos'd , will , with the divine assistance , ( which he will be careful to implore ) find pregnant motives to the belief of christianity , in the two last of the three arguments of its truth , that i lately propos'd . that which is drawn from the effects of this religion in the world , as it is last nam'd , so i shall defer the consideration of it , till i have treated of the other ; namely the testimony of divine miracles , whose difficulty makes it requisite for us to consider it the more attentively , and distinctly declare the grounds , upon which experience may be esteemed a good topick on the present occasion . for the clearing of this matter , i shall represent to you , that the word experience may admit of divers senses , whereof one is far more comprehensive than another ; and likewise of several divisions and distributions . for , besides its more restrained acceptation , it is somtimes set in contra-distinction to reason , so as to comprehend , not only those phaenomena that nature or art exhibits to our outward senses , but those things that we perceive to pass within our selves ; and all those ways of information , whereby we attain any knowledge that we do not owe to abstracted reason . so that , without stretching the word to the utmost extent of which 't is capable , and to which it has been enlarg'd ; it may be look'd upon as so comprehensive a term , that i think it may be of some importance to my present design , and perhaps to theology it self , to propose to you a distribution of experience , that will not , i hope , be found useless to clear the extent of that term. i shall then take the freedom to enlarge the signification of the word beyond its commonest limits , and divide it , for distinctions sake , into immediate and vicarious experience ; or rather somwhat less compendiously , but perhaps more commodiously , into personal , historical , and supernatural , ( which may be also styl'd theological : ) referring the first of the three members of this distribution to immediate experience , and the two others , to vicarious . i call that personal experience , which a man acquires immediately by himself , and accrews to him by his own sensations , or the exercise of his faculties , without the intervention of any external testimony . 't is by this experience that we know , that the sun is bright ; fire , hot ; snow , cold , and white ; that upon the want of aliments we feel hunger ; that we hope for future goods ; that we love what we judge good , and hate what we think evil ; and discern that there is a great difference between a triangle and a circle , and can distinguish them by it . by historical experience , i mean that , which tho' it were personal in some other man , is but by his relation or testimony , whether immediately or mediately , conveyed to us . 't is by this that we know , that there were such men as julius caesar , and william the conqueror , and that joseph knew that pharaoh had a dream , which the aegyptian wise men could not expound . by theological experience , i mean that , by which we know what , supposing there is some divine revelation , god is pleas'd to relate or declare concerning himself , his attributes , his actions , his will , or his purposes ; whether immediately , ( or without the intervention of man ) as he somtimes did to job and moses , and constantly to christ our saviour : or by the intervention of angels , prophets , apostles , or inspir'd persons ; as he did to the israelites , and the primitive christian church ; and does still to us , by those written testimonies we call the scriptures . by personal experience , we know that there are stars in heaven ; by historical experience , we know that there was a new star seen by tycho and other astronomers , in cassiopaea , in the year 1572. and by theological experience we know , that the stars were made on the fourth day of the creation . by this you may see , that i do not in this discourse take experience in the strictest sense of all , but in a greater latitude , for the knowledge we have of any matter of fact , which , without owing it to ratiocination , either we acquire by the immediate testimony of our own senses and other faculties , or accrews to us by the communicated testimony of others . and i make the less scruple to take this liberty , because i observe , that , even in common acceptation , the word experience is not always meant of that which is immediate , but is often taken in a latitude . as when we say , that experience teaches us , who perhaps were never out of england , that the torrid zone is habitable , and inhabited ; and persuades learned men , that never had opportunity to make nice coelestial observations , that stars may be generated and perish , or at least begin to appear , and then disappear , in the coelestial region of the world. and on this kind of historical experience , consisting of the personal observations of hippocrates , galen , and other physicians , transmitted to us , a great part of the practice of physick is founded . and the most rational physicians reckon upon , as matters of fact , not only what other physicians have left upon record , but divers present things , which themselves can know but by the relation of their patients ; as , that a man has a particular antipathy to such a thing , which the doctor perhaps judges fit for him to use ; or that a woman with child longs for this or that determinate thing . and physicians reduce these and the like matters of fact to experience , as to one of the two columns of physick , distinguished from reason . since then learned men , as well as common use , confine not the application of the word experience to that which is personal , but employ it in a far greater latitude ; i see not , why that , which i call theological experience , may not be admitted ; since the revelations that god makes concerning what he has done , or purposes to do , are but testimonies of things , most of them matters of fact , and all of them such , as , so far forth as they are merely revelations , cannot be known by reasoning , but by testimony : whose being divine , and relating to theological subjects , does not alter its nature , tho it give it a peculiar and supereminent authority . having premis'd and clear'd the propos'd distribution of experience , it will now be seasonable to consider , how it may be apply'd to the matters of fact , that recommend the credibility of the christian religion ; and on this occasion , i shall distinctly offer you my thoughts , in the two following propositions . prop. i. we ought to believe divers things upon the information of experience , ( whether immediate , or vicarious ) which , without that information , we should judge unfit to be believ'd ; or antecedently to it , did actually judge contrary to reason . this proposition may be understood , either of persons , or of things , and will hold true , as to both . and first , as to persons ; if your own observation of what occurs among mankind do not satisfy you , that we are oblig'd , after sufficient tryal , frequently to alter the opinions , which upon probable reasons we had before entertain'd , of the fidelity , or prudence , or justice , or chastity , &c. of this or that person ; i shall refer you to the records of history , or appeal to the tribunals of judges . for both in the one , and at the other , you will find but too many instances and proofs from matters of fact , that persons look'd on , even by intelligent men , as honest , virtuous , and perhaps holy too , have prov'd guilty of falseness to their friends , perfidiousness to their princes , disloyalty to their husbands or wives , injustice to their neighbours , sacrilege , perjury , or other impieties to their god : and in the courts of justice , you will find a great part of the time employ'd to detect and punish , not only civil transgressions , as thefts , cheats , forgery , false-witness , adultery , and the like hainous crimes , perpetrated by those , that , before they were throughly sifted , pass'd for honest ; but you will find sins against nature , such as sodomy , and other unnatural lusts , the murders of parents by their children , and innocent children by their parents , nay , self-murder too ; tho' this be a crime , which cannot be acted without a violation of what seems the most universal and radicated law of nature , ( and is acknowledg'd so by wicked men ) self-preservation . but it will not be necessary more solicitously to prove , that we ought , upon the testimony of experience , to change the opinions we thought we had rationally taken up of persons ; and therefore i shall now proceed to make good the proposition , in the sense i chiefly intended , which is , as it relates to things . if experience did not both inform and certify us , who would believe , that a light black powder should be able , being duly manag'd , to throw down stone-walls , and blow up whole castles and rocks themselves , and do those other stupendous things , that we see actually perform'd by gun ▪ powder , made use of in ordnance , and in mines ? who would think , that two or three grains of opium , should so stupify a large human body , as to force a sleep , and oftentimes even without that , suspend the sharpest torments , in the cholick , gout , and other the most painful diseases , and that in patients of quite different ages , sexes , and constitutions ; in whom also the diseases are produc'd by differing , or even by contrary , causes ? who would believe , that the poyson adhering to the tooth of a mad dog , tho' perhaps so little as to be scarce discernable by sense , should be able , after the slight hurt is quite heal'd , to continue in the warm , and still perspirable , body of the bitten person , not only for some days or months , but sometimes for very many years ? and after , having lurk'd all that while , without giving any trouble to the patient , should on a sudden pervert the whole oeconomy of his body , and put him into a madness like that of the dog that bit him , discovering it self by that ▪ as admirable as fatal , symptom of hydrophobia ? but , besides a multitude of instances that may be given of truths , that , were it not for experience , we should refuse to believe ; because the small strength of such agents , seems altogether disproportionate to the effects ascrib'd to them : many other instances might be alleg'd , wherein we assent to experience , even when its informations seem contrary to reason , and that which , perhaps , we did actually and without scruple take to be true. since gravity is the principle , that determins falling bodies to move towards the center of the earth ; it seems very rational to believe , with the generality of philosophers , that therein follow aristotle ; that , in proportion as one body is more heavy than another , so it shall fall to the ground faster than the other . whence it has been , especially by some of the peripatetick school , inferr'd , that of two homogeneous bodies , whereof one does , for example , weigh ten pounds , and the other but one pound ; the former being let fall from the same height , and at the same time , with the latter , will reach the ground ten times sooner . but notwithstanding this plausible ratiocination , experience shews us , ( and i have purposely try'd it ) that ( at least in moderate heights , such as those of our towers , and other elevated buildings ) bodies of very unequal weight , let fall together , will reach the ground at the same time ; or so near it , that 't is not easy to perceive any difference in the velocity of their descent . 't is generally taken for granted by naturalists , as well as others , that strong and loud noises , as they are heard much farther off than fainter sounds , so , if the sonorous bodies be equally distant from the ear , the very strong sound will arrive much sooner at it , than the other ; and yet by the experiments of the moderns about the velocity of sounds , ( in making divers of which , i have endeavour'd to be accurate ) it appears , that weaker sounds are ( at least as to sense ) transmitted through the air as swiftly as stronger ones . and indeed , 't is often observ'd , that when cannons and muskets are discharg'd together , the noises of both arrive also together at the ear ; which would not be , if the sound of a cannon were any thing near as much swifter , as 't is louder , than that of a musket . it seems irrational to conceive , that a smaller and weaker loadstone , may draw away a piece of steel from a larger and stronger ; and yet experience ( which both others and i have made ) evinces , that in some cases , this paradox is a truth . it has generally , by philosophers as well as other men , been look'd upon as manifest , and consonant to reason , that cold condenses water more or less , according as the degree of the cold is ; and ( consequently ) that ice is water reduc'd into a lesser volume . but 't is plain , by experiments carefully made , ( some of which i have elsewhere publish'd ) that by glaciation , water is rather expanded ; or at least , that ice takes up more room , than the water did before it was congeal'd . and of this sort of instances , where we believe , upon the authority of experience , things that are contrary to what we should otherwise judge to be a dictate or conclusion of reason ; i could add many , if i thought it as needful in this place , as in some other papers , where i have given them already . and now it will be seasonable to put you in mind , that in one part of the proposition , hitherto discours'd of , it appears , that i design'd to extend the force of the arguments , grounded upon experience , to that which is not immediate , but vicarious ; that is , not personally our own , but communicated by others ; provided it be competently attested , and duly convey'd to us. there will need but a little reflection on what is judg'd reasonable , and freely practis'd , by philosophers themselves , to justify this proposition . for how many conclusions have the modern naturalists admitted , tho' not only abstracted reason never led men to make them , but plausible arguments , and the notions and axioms of the most generally receiv'd philosophy , were repugnant to them . thus , that in heaven it self there should be generations and corruptions , was not only unobserv'd before the time of aristotle , ( who thence argues the incorruptibility of coelestial bodies ) but is contradicted by his arguments ; and yet both many others , and i , have seen great spots ( perhaps bigger than england , or than europe it self ) generated and dissipated on or near the surface of the sun ; and several of the modern philosophers and astronomers , having never had the good fortune to see any of these , ( which indeed of late years have but rarely appear'd ) must take these phaenomena upon the credit of those that have observ'd them . and much more must they do so , who , in spight of the vulgar philosophy , which made all comets sublunary , believe , there were coelestial , and perhaps firmamentary , comets . for , that they were above the concave of the moon 's orb , we must believe upon the affirmation of those that observ'd them , which very few have done themselves . and the height of the famous comet , or disappearing star , in cassiopaea , in the year 1572. whereon so much stress is laid by our philosophers and mathematicians , is admitted and urg'd , chiefly upon the belief they have , not only of tycho's veracity , but his skill in observing the motions and phaenomena of that coelestial light , and particularly its having no parallax . in short , the great architect of experimental history , sir francis bacon , when he divides it but into three parts , assigns the second of them to what he calls praeter-generations ; such as monsters , prodigies , and other things ; which being ( as to us ) but casualties , all those that happen'd in other times and places than we have liv'd in , ( and those will be confess'd to be incomparably more than any of us has personally observ'd ) we must take upon the credit of others . and yet these , ( vicarious experiments ) by suggesting new instances of nature's power , and uncommon ways of working ; and by overthrowing , or limiting , received rules and traditions , afford us a considerable and instructive part of natural history , without which , it would not be either so sound , or so compleat . prop. ii. after what has been hitherto discours'd , it may be , i hope , both seasonable and warrantable to advance to , and assert , our second proposition ; viz. that we ought to have a great and particular regard to those things that are recommended to our belief , by what we have reduc'd to real , tho' supernatural , experience . for , 1. 't is manifest , that the most rational men scruple not to believe , upon competent testimony , many things , whose truth did no way appear to them by the consideration of the nature of the things themselves ; nay , tho' what is thus believ'd upon testimony be so strange , and , setting aside that testimony , would seem so irrational , that antecedently to that testimony , the things at last admitted as truths , were actually rejected as errors , or judg'd altogether unfit to be believ'd . and i must here desire you to consider , that the points wherein experience over-rules that , which , before it superven'd , was judg'd to be most agreeable to reason , concern things merely natural or civil , whereof human reason is held to be a proper judge : whereas many of the points recommended by supernatural experience , concern things of a superior order ; many of which are not to be adaequately estimated by the same rules with things merely corporeal or civil ; and some of which , as the essence and manner of existence , and some peculiar attributes , of the infinite god , involve or require such a knowledge of what is infinite , as much passes the reach of our limited intellects . but this is not all . for , 2. you may consider in the next place , that , whereas 't is as justly as generally granted , that the better qualify'd a witness is , in the capacity of a witness , the stronger assent his testimony deserves ; we ought of all the things that can be recommended to us by testimony , to receive those with the highest degree of assent , that are taught us by god , by the intervention of those persons , that appear to have been commission'd by him to declare his mind to men. for the two grand requisites of a witness , being the knowledge he has of the things he delivers , and his faithfulness in truly delivering what he knows ; all human testimony must on these accounts be inferior to divine testimony : since this ( later ) is warranted both by the veracity of god , ( which is generally acknowledg'd by those that believe his existence ) and by his boundless knowledge ; which makes it as impossible he should be deceiv'd himself , as the other does , that he should deceive us . and , because that , for the delivery of the divine testimony we are speaking of , it has oftentimes pleas'd god , who is a most free , as well as a most wise , agent , to make use of unpromising persons as his instruments ; i shall not on this occasion altogether overlook this circumstance , that an experimental philosopher so often encreases his knowledge of natural things , by what he learns from the observations and practises , even of mean , and perhaps of illiterate , persons , ( such as shepherds , plowmen , smiths , fowlers , &c. ) because they are conversant with the works of nature ; that he is not only willing to admit , but often curious to seek for informations from them , and therefore is not like to find much repugnancy in receiving the doctrines of reveal'd religion , such as christianity , if the teachers of it were honest men , and had opportunity to know the truth of the things they deliver , tho' they were fishermen , tentmakers , or some other mean profession . and indeed , ( to enlarge a little upon a subject that , i fear , has scarce been consider'd ) such a person as our virtuoso , will , with both great willingness , and no less advantage , exercise himself in perusing , with great attention , and much regard , the writings of the apostles , evangelists , and ancient prophets ; notwithstanding any meanness of their first condition , or of their secular employments . and in these sacred writings , he will not only readily suffer himself to be instructed in these grand and catholick articles of religion , which , because of their necessity or very great usefulness , are to be met with in many places , and in variety of expressions , by honest and duly dispos'd readers : but he will , in stead of disdaining such tutors , both expect , and carefully strive , to improve his knowledge of divine things in general , even by those hints , and incidental passages , that a careless or ordinary reader would overlook , or not expect any thing from . for , as the faecundity of the scriptures is not wont to be enough discern'd , when the sacred writers transiently touch upon , or glance at , a great many subjects , that they do not expresly handle , and that therefore are not vulgarly taken notice of ; so the docility we have ascrib'd to our virtuoso , will make him repose a great deal of trust in the testimony of inspir'd persons , such as christ and his apostles , about things of all sorts , either usually taken notice of or not , that relate to objects of a supernatural order ; especially if among these , god himself , and his purposes , be compriz'd , since divers of those things are not knowable without revelation , and others are best known by it . and to be allow'd to ground a belief about such things , on the relations and other testimonies of those that were in the scripture-phrase , eye witnesses and ministers of the things they speak of , will by our virtuoso be justly reputed such an advantage , in order to the knowledge of things divine , as the consulting with navigators and travellers to america , is , to him that is curious to learn the state of that new-world . for an ordinary sea-man or traveller , that had the opportunity with columbus to sail along the several coasts of it , and pass up and down thorow the country , was able at his return to inform men of an hundred things , that they should never have learn'd by aristotle's philosophy , or ptolomy's geography ; and might not only acquaint them with divers particulars , consonant to the opinions which their formerly receiv'd physicks and cosmography did suggest , but also rectify divers erroneous presumptions and mistakes , which till then they thought very agreeable to the dictates of those sciences , and so to reason . and , as one , that had a candid and knowing friend intimate with columbus , might better rely on his informations about many particulars of the natural history of those parts , than on those of an hundred school-philosophers , that knew but what they learned from aristotle , pliny , aelian , and the like ancient naturalists ; so , and much more , may we rely on the accounts given us of theological things , by the apostles , and constant attendants of him that lay in the bosom of god his father , and commission'd them to declare to the world the whole counsel of god , as far as 't was necessary for man to know . we know , that fuller try al 's are allow'd , among ingenious men , to rectify the informations of the more imperfect ones ; and therefore i shall add , that , tho' the innate notions and sentiments , that nature gives us of the attributes and mind of god , be highly to be priz'd ; yet the informations that theological experience affords of those abstruse things , is far more excellent and compleat . for methinks , those great depths of god may be compar'd to the depths of the ocean . and we know , that in the sea , there are some abysses so deep , that the seaman's sounding-lines have never been able to reach to the bottom of them ; and where they are not unfathomable , all we are wont to do by our soundings , is , to fetch from the bottom some little gravel , or mud , or shells , or some such thing , that sticks to the tallow'd end of the plummet , and gives us but a very imperfect account of the bottom , even of the shallower parts of the sea : but if a skilful diver be employ'd , he will not only tell us , whether the bottom be muddy , gravelly , or sandy ; but will be able to give us a kind of topography of that submarine land , and acquaint us with many surprizing particulars , that we should never otherwise have discover'd , or perchance so much as dream'd of . and peradventure it may be no hyperbole to say , that the informations of a plummet , which reaches not to some depths , and brings but a very slender account of soils that lye in any , are not more short of those of a diver , than the informations philosophy gives us of some divine things , are of those compleater ones that may be had from the holy scriptures . and when i remember , how many opinions about the submarine parts , that i , among many other men , thought probable , i found cause to change , upon the conversation i had with a famous diver , that sometimes , by the help of an engine , stay'd several hours at the bottom of the sea ; i find the less reluctancy , to suffer opinions about divine matters , that before seem'd probable to me , to be rectifi'd by the fuller discoveries made of those things by the preachers of the gospel . you may find some things applyable to the confirmation of what has been newly deliver'd , in an essay , ( which you may see when you please ) that considers the bounds and use of experience in natural philosophy . wherefore remembring , that , before this late excursion , i was speaking of miracles , i shall now resume the subject , and proceed to tell you , that i have the more insisted upon the miracles that may be pleaded to recommend the christian religion , because i thought , that an argument grounded on them is little less than absolutely necessary , to evince , that any religion that men believe to be supernaturally reveal'd , and consequently that the christian , does really proceed from god. for , tho' the excellency of the christian doctrine , and other concurrent motives , may justly persuade me , that 't is worthy and likely to be given by god ; yet that de facto this doctrine comes from him by way of supernatural revelation , i can scarce be sufficiently ascertained , but by the miracles wrought by christ and his disciples , to evince , that the doctrine they preach'd , as commission'd by god to do so , was indeed his , being , as such , own'd by him. but these miracles having been wrought ( when 't was most fit and needful they should be wrought ) in the first ages of the church ; we , that live at so great a distance from them , can have no knowledge of them by our own senses , or immediate observation ; but must believe them upon the account of the formerly mention'd historical or vicarious experience , which is afforded us by the duly transmitted testimony of those , that were themselves ( to speak once more in an evangelist's phrase ) eye-witnesses and ministers of the things they relate . and since we scruple not to believe such strange prodigies , as celestial comets , vanishing and reappearing stars , islands founded by subterraneal fires in the sea , darkenings of the sun for many months together , earthquakes reaching above a thousand miles in length , and the like amazing anomalies of nature , upon the credit of human histories ; i see not , why that vicarious experience should not more be trusted , which has divers peculiar and concurrent circumstances to confirm it , and particularly the death that most of the first promulgators chearfully suffer'd to attest the truth of it , and the success and spreading of the doctrine authoriz'd by those miracles , and receiv'd chiefly upon their account . to which things , some perhaps would add , that 't is less incredible , that the author of nature should , for most weighty purposes , make stupendous alterations of the course of nature ; than that nature her self , for no such end , should by such prodigies , as are newly mention'd , as it were , throw her self out of her own course . miracles being so necessary to the establishment of reveal'd religion in general , it may be look'd upon as a farther disposition in our virtuoso to receive the christian religion , that the philosophy , he cultivates , does much conduce to enable him to judge aright of those strange things , that are by many propos'd as miracles , and believ'd to be so . for first , the knowledge he has of the various , and sometimes very wonderful , operations of some natural things , especially when they are skilfully improv'd , and dexterously apply'd by art , particularly mathematicks , mechanicks , and chymistry , will qualify him to distinguish , between things that are only strange and surprizing , and those that are truly miraculous : so that he will not mistake the effects of natural magick , for those of a divine power . and by this well-instructed wariness , he will be able to discover the subtil cheats and collusions of impostors ; by which , not only multitudes of all religions , especially heathen , but even learned men of most religions , for want of an insight into real philosophy , have formerly been , or are at this day , deluded , and drawn into idolatrous , superstitious , or otherwise erroneous , tenents or practices . and on the other side , the knowledge our virtuoso may have of what cannot be justly expected or pretended from the mechanical powers of matter , will enable him to discern , that divers things are not produceable by them , without the intervention of an intelligent superior power ; on which score he will frankly acknowledge , and heartily believe , divers effects to be truly miraculous , that may be plausibly enough ascrib'd to other causes in the vulgar philosophy ; where men are taught and wont to attribute stupendous unaccountable effects to sympathy , antipathy , fuga vacui , substantial forms , and especially to a certain being presum'd to be almost infinitely potent and wise , which they call nature : for this is represented as a king of goddess , whose power may be little less than boundless ; as i remember galen himself compares it to that of god , and saith , that he could not do such a thing , because nature cannot ; and censures moses for speaking as if he were of another mind . the whole passage is so weighty , that i thought fit to direct you to it in the margent , tho' , to comply with my hast , i forbear to transcribe and descant upon so prolix a one , and add to it divers other passages that i have met with in famous authors ; who , for want of knowing the true extent of the powers of matter and motion , left to themselves in the ordinary course of things , ascribe to natural causes , as they call them , such effects as are beyond their reach , unless they be elevated by agents of a superior order . i know it may be objected , that the hitherto-mention'd dispositions , that experimental knowledge may give a man , to admit the histories of the miracles recorded in the gospel ; and likewise to expect , that god will be able to perform the promises and menaces that are in his name deliver'd there , may be countervail'd by this , that those , who are so much acquainted with the mysteries of nature , and her various and strange ways of working , as a virtuoso may well be , may by that knowledge be strongly tempted to think , that those surprizing things that other men call miracles , are but effects of her power ; the extent of which , is not easily discern'd by ordinary men , nor safely defin'd by philosophers themselves . but this objection being plausible enough , to make me think it deserv'd to be seriously consider'd , i took an occasion that was once offer'd me , to examine the validity of it in a paper by it self : and this being at your command , i shall refer you to it . and i hope , that in the mean time it may suffice to say , that to make it reasonable to judge this or that particular performance , a supernatural one , it is not at all necessary , that it surpass the whole power of nature , that is , of physical agents ; provided , it surpass the power of that cause , or that complex of causes , from which , the effect must in reason , if it be purely natural or physical , be suppos'd to have proceeded . as for instance , that a fisherman or two should speak other languages than their own , does not at all exceed the power of nature , if they employ'd a competent time in learning them . but that a great number of fishermen , and other illiterate persons , should all on a sudden become linguists , and in an hour's time be able to speak intelligibly to a great number and variety of nations in their respective languages , as the new testament relates , that the apostles and their companions did on the day of pentecost : that gift of tongues , i say , was an ability , which in those circumstances of place , time , and persons , wherein 't was exercis'd , may justly be concluded to have been supernatural or miraculous . i fear you will think , i have dwelt too long upon the argument for christianity , drawn from that sort of matters of fact we call miracles ; tho' the uncommon way that my design led me to represent them in , would not permit me to make it out in few words . wherefore i shall now pass on to another argument , in favour of the same religion , that is afforded by experience , being drawn from the strangely successful propagation , and the happy effects of christianity , in the world. but having formerly had occasion to display this argument in a separate paper , which you may command a sight of , if i shall not have time to annex a transcript of it to the later sheets of this first part of the present essay , i will refer you for more ample proof to that writing , and content my self in this place briefly to touch some of the heads , and subjoyn a reflection or two that you will not meet with in that paper . 't is a notorious matter of fact , that in less than half an age , the christian religion was spread over a great part of the then known world ; insomuch , that in a few years after it began to be preach'd , the apostle of the gentiles could tell the romans with joy , that their faith ( i. e. profession of the gospel ) was spoken of throughout the whole world. and in the second century , tertullian , and other famous writers , shew , that the gospel had already numerous proselytes , in a great number of different kingdoms and provinces . but i forbear to mention , what he and others have magnificently said of the success of the gospel , because i had rather refer you to the plain narratives made of it by eusebius , socrates scholasticus , and other grave authors ; being of opinion , that mere historians may give to a philosophical reader , a more advantageous idea of the efficacy of that excellent doctrine , than eloquent orators , as such , can do . this wonderful quick progress of this religion being ascertain'd to our virtuoso , by a thing he is so much sway'd by , as experience ; it does not a little dispose him to believe the truth of so prevalent a religion . for , if he considers the persons that first promulgated it , they were but half a score of illiterate fishermen , and a few tent-makers , & other tradesmen . if he considers the means that were employ'd to propagate this doctrine , he finds , that they had neither arms , nor external power , to compel men to receive it ; nor riches , honours , or preferments , to bribe or allure them to it ; nor were they men of philosophical subtilty , to intrap or entangle the minds of their auditors . nor did they make use of the pompous ornaments of rhetorick , and fetches of oratory , to inveagle or entice men ; but treated of the most sublime and abstruse matters , in a most plain and unaffected style , as became lovers and teachers of truth . if he considers the nature of the doctrine , that in little time obtain'd so many proselytes , he will find , that , instead of being suited to the natural apprehensions , or the receiv'd opinions , of men ; and instead of gratifying their corrupt affections , or complying with so much as their innocentest interests ; it prescrib'd such mortifications , and such great strictness of life , and high degrees of virtue , as no legislator had ever dar'd to impose upon his subjects , nay , nor any philosopher on his disciples . and this doctrine was propos'd in such a way , and was accompany'd with predictions of such hardships and persecutions , that should in those times be the portion of its sincere professors , as if the law-giver had design'd rather to fright men from his doctrine , than allure them to it ; since they could not believe what he said , and foretold , to be true , without believing , that they should be made great sufferers by that belief . if our virtuoso considers the opposition made to the progress of the gospel , he will find cause to wonder , that it could ever be surmounted . for the heathens , which made by far the greatest part of the world , were deeply engag'd in polytheism , idolatry , magical rites and superstitions , and almost all kind of crimes , and some of these were shameless debaucheries , which oftentimes made a part of their worship . and the jews were by the corrupt leaven of the pharisees , and the impious errors of the sadduces , and the general mistakes of the nation about the person , office , and kingdom , of the messias ; and by their dotage upon their vain traditions , and numerous superstitions , grounded upon them : the gentiles , i say , and the jews , who were those that were to be converted , were , on these and other accounts , highly indispos'd to be made proselytes . especially when they could not own themselves to be such , without exposing their persons to be hated and despised , their possessions to be confiscated , their bodies to be imprison'd and tormented , and oftentimes their lives to be , in as ignominious as cruel ways , destroy'd . and whilst the secular magistrates made them suffer all these mischiefs , the venerated priests , the subtil philosophers , and the eloquent orators , persuaded the world ; that they deserv'd yet more than they endur'd ; and employ'd all their learning and wit to make the religion odious and ridiculous , as well as the embracers of it miserable : accusing the martyrs , and other christians , of no less than atheism , incest , and the inhuman shedding and drinking the innocent blood of infants . these and the like matters of fact when our virtuoso reflects on , and considers by what unpromising means , ( as far as they were but secular ) such seemingly insurmountable difficulties were conquer'd ; he cannot but by this historical experience be inclin'd to think , that effects , so disproportionate to the visible means , could not be brought to pass without the peculiar assistance and extraordinary blessing of god : by whom those successful preachers averr'd themselves to be commissionated . for , that the supernatural help , the christian doctrine appears to have had , was divine , not diabolical , will seem evident to our virtuoso , from the nature , tendency , and effects , of the doctrine it self ; which expresly teacheth , that there is but one god ; that he alone is to be worshipp'd , and not idols , nor any of the heathen daemons or deities ; that the devils are wicked , apostate , malicious , and miserable creatures , that are hated of god , and do extremely hate mankind ; and that those vices , as well as rites of worship that they have establish'd in the world , were abominable to god , and would be by degrees destroy'd by him : as in effect they soon began to be in many places of the world , where the worshippers of christ cast the devil out of his temples , out of mens veneration , & oftentimes out of their bodies too . one circumstance there is of the propagation of the gospel , which , tho' it may seem more extrinsecal than those hitherto mention'd , is yet too considerable to be here pretermitted ; since it is this , that the quick spreading and success of the christian doctrine in the world , was foretold both by the prophets of the old testament , and the author and promulgators of the new. for it being notorious , that there have been divers errors and superstitions , that have with too much celerity been spread far and wide in the world ; either by mere accidents , ( as they were reputed ) that were very friendly to them , or by the industry and artifices of men : this , i say , being so , it ought to be no small satisfaction to equitable judges , that the quick progress , and notable effects , of the christian religion , were foretold , partly by the ancient prophets , and partly by the messias and his apostles . for by these accomplish'd predictions it may appear , that the wonderful success of the gospel was not an effect of chance , but was long before determin'd by divine providence , as a work sit to be dear to god , and to be accomplish'd in a wonderful way by his peculiar assistance , ( as will by and by be somewhat more fully declar'd . ) that the triumphs of the gospel were foretold by several of the old prophets , may appear by their yet extant writings ; some of which are alleg'd to that purpose , by those writers of the new testament , that were endow'd with the same prophetick spirit . and if you please to consider the passages cited in the margent , you will easily grant , that those ancient inspir'd writers foresaw , that in the days of the messias , there should be a great and notable conversion of of the gentiles of several nations , to the worship of the only true god of israel : and tho' god did not think fit , that those predictions , extant in the gospel , should be so conspicuous and pompously set forth , that speak of the conversion that should be made , not only of the heathen world , but ( of a more ▪ refractory portion of mankind ) a great part of the jewish nation , to the christian doctrine ; yet there are divers passages in the new testament , that are real , tho' some of them unheeded , prophecies of the wonderful progress of the gospel , and the large extent of the kingdom of the messias . thus christ foretold , that his twelve apostles should be his witnesses , not only in judaea and samaria , but to the uttermost parts of the earth . and , according to the most probable explication of that text , in the 24th of st. matthew's gospel , which is usually referr'd to the end of the world , but seems rather to respect the destruction of jerusalem ; there is a prediction , that before the end , ( of the jewish polity , as well as the mosaical oeconomy ) the gospel of the kingdom ( of the messias ) should be preach'd or proclaim'd in the whole world , ( in that sense of the term world that was then much in use , and was employ'd by the evangelist luke to signify the roman world or empire . ) to which may be added , that ten or twelve fishermen ( called the apostles ) were sent to convert all nations to the worship of a crucify'd person ; which would have been a strange commission to be given such men at that time , if their master , who sent them , had not foreseen the success , as well as known the truth , of the doctrine he sent them to preach . the quick diffusion of the christian faith , and the swift growth of the christian church from despicable beginnings , to a greatness very disproportionate to them , are more than intimated , by what christ says of the leaven hid in a great quantity of meal ; and of the mustard seed that quickly grows ( in the hot and fertile country of judaea ) to a wonderful bigness and height ; since these passages , that perfunctory readers look on but as mere parables , were really prophecies , that quickly began to be manifestly fulfill'd . and it may bring no small authority to the predictions of the new testament , that when divers of them were made , there appear'd no likelihood that they should ever be made good . when a poor virgin , that was betroth'd to a carpenter , confidently pronounces , that all ages should call her blessed ; what probability was there , that what she said , should ever come to pass ? and when another private woman , then living in a village , had it foretold her , that a censur'd action of hers should be reported through the whole world , to her great praise ; what sober man , that were not a prophet , would venture to lose his credit , by making such a promise ? and therefore , since we see such unlikely predictions actually accomplish'd , it may well convince an unbyass'd man , that the authors of them , as well as the ancient seers , were really endow'd with a truly prophetick spirit ; and that the events by that foretold , were not effects of chance or policy , but of divine providence . i thought it not improper , to make the mention of these predictions follow so close the discourse of the miracles , because true prophecies of unlikely events , fulfill'd by unlikely means , are supernatural things ; and , as such , ( especially their author and design consider'd ) may properly enough be reckon'd among miracles . and i may add , that these have a peculiar advantage above most other miracles , on the score of their duration : since the manifest proofs of the predictions continue still , and are as visible as the extent of the christian religion ; and some of them are still more and more accomplish'd , by the conversions made of multitudes of infidels , in several vast regions of america , ( to name no other countries . ) so that if we may call some miracles transient ones , such as the turning water into wine at a wedding-feast in galilee ; and the darkening of the sun , when the moon was full , at the crucifixion of christ : accomplish'd predictions may be styl'd permanent ones ; and their difference may be set forth by the differing states of the mosaick manna : for , tho' both that which fell daily ( except on the sabbath ) in the wilderness , and that which was laid up in a pot before the testimony , were supernatural productions ; yet , whereas a portion of the former outlasted not two or three days , that kept in the pot was preserv'd many ages , and continu'd to be ( as it was foretold it should ) a visible miracle . there is another reason , why the wonderful propagation of the gospel should be annex'd to the argument drawn from miracles , in favour of the christian religion . for the preachers of it , both pretended and appeal'd to miracles , as proofs of the truth of their doctrine : and if we consider the great disadvantages they lay under , and the powerful opposition of all sorts that they met with and surmounted ; it cannot reasonably be thought , that such unlikely men should so succesfully preach so uninviting a doctrine , unless it were confirm'd by conspicuous miracles . or at least , if so uneasy and persecuted a religion was propagated without miracles , that propagation it self ( as one of the fathers well observes ) may justly pass for a miracle ; and be no less fit than another , to confirm the religion so admirably propagated . the past discourse has , i hope , manifested , that a virtuoso has some helps , that other men , generally speaking , have not , to make him judiciously approve the arguments for the truth of the christian religion , that are grounded on the miracles wrought in its favour , and the wonderful success of it in the world. but , because a reveal'd religion , how true soever it be , can scarce be prov'd but by moral demonstrations ; and because for this reason , it is not always sufficient , that the arguments be good in their kind , but there are some qualifications requir'd in the minds of them that are to be convinc'd by them ; i shall now add , that experimental philosophy does also dispose the minds of its cultivaters to receive due impressions from such proofs , as miracles do , as well as other topicks , afford the christian religion . another thing then that qualifies an experimentarian for the reception of a reveal'd religion , and so of christianity , is , that an accustomance of endeavouring to give clear explications of the phaenomena of nature , and discover the weakness of those solutions that superficial wits are wont to make and acquiesce in , does insensibly work in him a great and ingenuous modesty of mind . and on the score of this intellectual , as well as moral , virtue , not only he will be very inclinable , both to desire and admit further information , about things which he perceives to be dark or abstruse ; but he will be very unapt to take , for the adaequate standard of truth , a thing so imperfectly inform'd , and narrowly limited , as his mere or abstracted reason ; ( as i think i have elsewhere intimated , that one may call that , which is furnish'd only with its own , either congenite , or very easily and very early acquir'd , notions and idaea's , and with popular notices . ) and tho' a vulgar philosopher , that allows himself to refer the obscurest things in nature to substantial forms , real qualities , sympathy , antipathy , and some few other terms , which , to be employ'd by him , need not , and perhaps for their darkness cannot , be clearly understood ; and by which he pretends to explain all things in nature ; and may indeed explicate one thing as well as another : tho' ( i say ) such a titular philosopher may presume , that he understands every thing ; and may be easily tempted to think , that he must not hope , nor desire to learn from less able men than his first teachers ; and that , that cannot be true , or be done , which agrees not with his philosophy ; yet a sober and experienc'd naturalist , that knows what difficulties remain , yet unsurmounted , in the presumedly clear conception and explications even of things corporeal , will not , by a lazy or arrogant presumption , that his knowledge about things supernatural is already sufficient , be induc'd to reject , or to neglect , any information that may encrease it . and this frame of mind is a very happy one , for a student in reveal'd theology , where cautiousness is not more necessary for the avoiding of errors , than docility is advantageous for the learning of truth : since the knowledge and goodness of the divine teacher is such , that a scholar , to improve his intellect , needs but bring a mind fitted to receive the genuine informations , that are most liberally offer'd , ( in the scripture ) and will never deceive him , that employs , together with servent prayers , a due care not to mistake the meaning of them . an assiduous conversation with the exquisitely fram'd , and admirably manag'd , works of god , brings a skilful considerer of them to discover from time to time , so many things to be feazable , or to be true , which , whilst he argu'd but upon grounds of incompetently inform'd reason , he judg'd false or unpracticable ; that little by little he acquires a habit of receiving some sorts of opinions , and especially those that seem unfriendly to religion , but as probationers , with a disposition to reform or discard them upon further information . and this , as he is resolv'd to submit to , in case he meets with it , so he is dispos'd to receive , if not to expect it , by having often found himself oblig'd , upon subsequent information , to mend or lay aside his former opinions , tho' very agreeable to the best light he had to judge by , when he entertain'd them . as , tho' it seems a visible truth , that the discus of venus is , in all respects to the sun , totally luminous ; yet when the telescope discovers her to have her full and her wane , like the moon , he will believe this further observation , against the first made with his naked eyes . and indeed , i have sometimes doubted , whether to be vers'd in mathematicks , and other demonstrative parts of philosophy , bring a greater advantage to the mind , by accustoming and assisting it to examine strictly things propos'd for truths , and to evince strongly the truths a man knows , to others ; than by fitting him to discern the force of a good argument , and submit willingly to truths clearly evinc'd , how little soever he may have expected to find such conclusions true . 't will not be difficult to apply these reflections to our present purpose ; since there are several passages in the scripture that sufficiently declare , both that multitudes persist in a criminal infidelity , out of an over-weaning conceit of their own knowledge , and a readiness to be sway'd rather by strong prejudices , than by the strongest arguments that would remove them ; and , that docility is a very happy disposition to the entertainment of reveal'd religion : in reference to which , this qualification will be the more easily found in our virtuoso ; because , whereas the things , about which he has been accustom'd to be sensible of his ignorance , or desire further instruction , are within the sphere of nature , and the jurisdiction of philosophy ; many of the things that reveal'd religion declares , ( such as are the decrees , the purposes , the promises , &c. of god , and his most peculiar manner of existing and operating ) are things so sublime and abstruse , that they may well be look'd upon as of an higher order than merely physical ones , and cannot be satisfactorily reach'd by the mere light of nature . 't is true , that our philosopher , because he is so , will examine more strictly , than ordinary men are wont or able to do , the proofs brought for this or that propos'd revelation . but that is no disadvantage to a supernatural religion , such as the christian ; if it be , as we now suppose it to be , true ; and the real truth about religion it self , does not require credulity , but only docility . and perhaps this matter may be illustrated , by comparing what happens to a philosopher in the examen of opinions , and to a chymist in that of metals . for if a piece of coin , that men would have pass for true gold , be offer'd to an ordinary man , and to a skilful refiner ; tho' the later will examine it more strictly , and not acquiesce in the stamp , the colour , the sound , and other obvious marks , that may satisfy a shopkeeper , or a merchant ; yet when he has try'd it by the severer ways of examining , such as the touchstone , the cupel , aqua-fortis , &c. and finds it to hold good in those proofs , he will readily and frankly acknowledge , that 't is true gold , and will be more thorowly convinc'd of it , than the other person ; whose want of skill will make him still apt to retain a distrust , and render him indeed more easy to be persuaded , but more difficult to be fully satisfy'd . on the like account ; tho' our virtuoso will examine with more strictness and skill , than ordinary men are able , miracles , prophecies , or other proofs , said to be supernatural , that are alledg'd to evince a reveal'd religion ; yet if the certain and genuine characters of truth appear in it , he will be more thorowly convinc'd of it than a less skilful man , whose want of good criteria , ( or touchstones ) and sound judgment , will incline him to be diffident , and to be still afraid of having been impos'd on . i expect , in the mean time , that you should here object against what has been said in the later leaves of the past discourse , that it hath degraded the human intellect , by ascribing so much to experience , natural or supernatural , that it has left nothing for reason to do , unless servilely to obey . but , tho' this objection be plausible , yet the answer to it will not be very difficult , if the matter it self be duly consider'd , and reason be brought to act , even on this occasion , not as an interessed party , but an unbyass'd judge . for we have already shewn , that rational philosophers scruple not to alter or renounce the opinions , that specious reasons had suggested to them , when once they either find those opinions contradicted by experience , or meet with other opinions more conformable to experience . and aristotle himself , tho' he be accus'd to have , perhaps the first of all the ancient naturalists , perverted physicks , by wresting them to a compliance with logical and metaphysical fancies ; yet even he confesses , not only that in the science of nature , reason ought to comport with the phaenomena , and the phaenomena with reason ; but that to adhere to plausible ratiocinations , with the neglect of sensible observations , is a weakness , or disease , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of mind . i will not here mention what i say in another paper , by way of attempt to settle the bounds of reason and experience , in reference to natural philosophy ; but it may concern our present argument , to imploy a few lines in this place , towards the further clearing the lately propos'd objection . we may observe then , that , whether or no it be true , which is taught by aristotle , and commonly receiv'd in the schools , that the understanding is like blank paper ; and that it receives no knowledge , but what has been convey'd to it through the senses : whether , i say , this be or be not admitted , 't is plain , that the notions which are either congenite with the understanding , or so easily and early acquir'd by it , that divers philosophers think them innate , are but very few , in comparison of those that are requisite to judge aright , about any one of a multitude of things , that occur , either in natural philosophy , or theology . for in the divine nature , power , wisdom , and other attributes , there is a faecundity that has produc'd a world of contrivances , laws , and other things , that exceedingly surpass both the number and variety , that the dim and limited intellect of man could reach to , by framing and compounding idaea's , without the assistance of the patterns , afforded by the works and declarations of god. on the account of the same prerogative of the divine knowledge , it must frequently happen , that the notions and opinions , men take up , of the works and mind of god , upon the mere suggestions of the abstracted reason , ( if i may so call it ) newly spoken of , must not only be almost always very deficient , but will be oftentimes very erroneous . of which , we see evident proofs in many of the opinions of the old philosophers , who , tho' men of strong natural parts , were misled by what they mistook for reason , to maintain such things about the works and the author of nature , as we , who , by the favour of experience and revelation , stand in a much clearer light , know to be false , and often justly think utterly extravagant . the importance of the subject lately spoken of , and its being too little consider'd , may make it deserve to be inculcated ; and therefore i shall subjoyn on this occasion , that that which i have lately call'd abstracted reason , is but a narrow thing , and reaches but to a very small share of the multitude of things knowable , whether human or divine , that may be obtain'd by the help of further experience , and supernatural revelation . this reason , furnish'd with no other notices than it can supply it self with , is so narrow and deceitful a thing , that he that seeks for knowledge only within himself , shall be sure to be quite ignorant of far the greatest part of things , and will scarce escape being mistaken about a good part of those he thinks he knows . but , notwithstanding what has been hitherto said , i am far from intending to deny reason any of its just prerogatives . for i shew in another paper , that experience is but an assistant to reason , since it doth indeed supply informations to the understanding ; but the understanding remains still the judge , and has the power or right , to examine and make use of the testimonies that are presented to it . the outward senses are but the instruments of the soul , which hears by the intervention of the ear , and in respect of which , the eye it self is but a more immediate optical tube ; and the sense does but perceive objects , not judge of them . nor do the more wary among the philosophers , trust their eye , to teach them the nature of the visible object ; but only employ it to perceive the phaenomena it exhibits , and the changes that happen to its self by the action of it . and whereas 't is confess'd , that the sensories may deceive us , if the requisites of sensation be wanting ; as when a square tower appears round at a great distance , and a straight stick half in the water , appears crooked , because of the double medium ; 't is the part of reason , not sense , to judge , whether none of the requisites of sensation be wanting ; which ( give me leave to add ) oftentimes requires , not only reason , but philosophy ; and then also 't is the part of reason to judge , what conclusions may , and what cannot , be safely grounded on the informations of the senses , and the testimony of experience . so that when 't is said , that experience corrects reason , 't is somewhat an improper way of speaking ; since 't is reason it self , that , upon the information of experience , corrects the judgments she had made before . and this ( borrow'd from the foremention'd paper , because 't was never publish'd ) prompts me to illustrate the use of reason , by comparing her to an able judge , who comes to hear and decide causes in a strange country . for the general notions he brings with him , and the dictates of justice and equity , can give him but a very short and imperfect knowledge of many things , that are requisite to frame a right judgment , about the cases that are first brought before him ; and before he has heard the witnesses , he may be very apt to fall into prejudicate opinions of things , ( whether persons or causes . ) but when an authentick and sufficient testimony has clear'd things to him , he then pronounces , according to the light of reason , he is master of ; to which , the witnesses did but give information , tho' that subsequent information may have oblig'd him , to lay aside some prejudicate opinions he had entertain'd before he receiv'd it . and what is said of natural experience , in reference to the understanding , may , with due alteration , be apply'd to supernatural revelation : for here also the understanding is to examine , whether the testimony be indeed divine ; and , whether a divine testimony ought to be ( as it will easily perceive it should ) believ'd , in what it clearly teaches ; to omit other uses of reason , ( about theological matters ) which belong not to this place ; where it may suffice to have shewn , that reason is not degraded from the dignity that belongs to her , of perceiving and judging ; tho' she be obliged by her own dictates , to take in all the assistance she can , from experience , whether natural , or supernatural ; and by the fuller accounts of things she receives from those informations , to rectify , if need be , her former and less mature judgments . in short , those that cry up abstracted reason , as if it were self-sufficient , exalt it in words ; but we that address reason to physical and theological experience , and direct it how to consult them , and take its informations from them , exalt it in effect ; and reason is much less usefully serv'd , by the former sort of men , than by the later ; since whilst those do but flatter it , these take the right way to improve it . i hope you will not imagine , that i have , in the foregoing part of this letter , said all that i could say pertinently . for , being mindful of the brevity becoming an epistolary discourse , i omitted several arguments , that would have challeng'd their places in a just treatise ; and have but touch'd upon most of those i have mention'd ; tho' reasonings of this kind are usually like tapestry , which loses much by being look'd on whilst the hangings are folded up , which should be display'd to their full dimensions . but having offer'd you some things , which perhaps you have not met with elsewhere ; and having , tho' but transiently , touch'd upon the grounds of divers other considerable arguments ; i hope that your learning and sagacity , will both supply what you will discern to have been omitted , and enforce what has been but intimated ; and then i shall not despair , that what i have said may suffice to persuade you , that experimental philosophy may greatly assist a well-dispos'd mind , to yield an hearty and operative assent to the principles of religion . i am , sir , your most &c. the end of the first part. reflections upon a theological distinction . according to which , 't is said , that some articles of faith are above reason , but not against reason . in a letter to a friend . in the savoy : printed by edw. jones , for john taylor at the ship in st. paul's church-yard . mdcxc . advertisement . after the author had begun the second part of his christian virtuoso , and made some progress in it , which he designed to continue till he had compleated it ; he was obliged to leave the country , where he enjoyed some leisure , and to remove to london ; where sickness , and business , and a multitude of visits he could not avoid receiving , did so distract him , that these remora's , added to the fertility of the subjects that remained to be treated of , which he found much greater than he was at first aware of , made him lay aside the materials he had prepared for the second part , to a fitter opportunity , and comply with the occasions he had , to publish some tracts that required more haste . and 't is for the like reasons , that having at present some other essays of a quite differing nature in the press , he is obliged to postpone his resuming and finishing the second part of the christian virtuoso ( which will require more sheets than the former ) for some longer time ; thô yet to comply with the solicitations of the printer , he consents both to let the first part come abroad , and ( to make the book of a more decent size ) add to it , by way of substitution , a discourse that is of affinity enough to the other , upon the account of some of the points it handles , and more upon that of its scope ; and that will not be ill received , if it have the good fortune to find the publick as kind to it , as private perusers have been . for my learned friend mr. h. o. sir , 1. i can neither admire nor blame the curiosity you express , to receive some satisfaction about the important distinction that is made use of , in defence of some mysteries of the christian religion ; namely , that they are indeed above reason , but not against reason . for though divers learned men have , especially of late , employed it ; yet i perceive you and your friends n. n. think , that they have not done it so clearly , as both to prevent the exceptions of infidels , or render them more groundless ; and at least , to obviate the surmises of those others , who have been persuaded to look upon this distinction , but as a fine evasion , whereby to elude some objections that cannot otherwise be answered . and indeed , as far as i can discern by the authors wherein i have met with it , ( for i pretend not to judge of any others , ) there are divers that employ this distinction , few that have attempted to explain it , ( and that i fear , not sufficiently ) and none that has taken care to justifie it . ii. in order to the removal of the difficulties that you take notice of , i shall endeavour to do these two things : 1. to declare in what sense i think our distinction is to be understood . and , 2. to prove that it is not an arbitrary or illusory distinction , but grounded upon the nature of things . though i do not desire to impose my sentiments on any man , much less on you ; yet because i , as well as others , have had some occasions to make use of the distinction we are considering ; i think myself obliged , before i go any further , to acquaint you in what sense i understand it . iii. by such things then in theology , as may be said to be above reason , i conceive such notions and propositions , as mere reason , that is , reason unassisted by supernatural revelation , would never have discover'd to us : whether those things be to our finite capacities , clearly comprehensible or not . and by things contrary to reason , i understand such conceptions and propositions , as are not only undiscoverable by mere reason , but also , when we understand them , do evidently and truly appear to be repugnant to some principle , or to some conclusion , of right reason . iv. to illustrate this matter a little , i shall propound to you a comparison drawn from that sense , which is allow'd to have the greatest cognation with the understanding , which i presume you will readily guess to be the sight . suppose then , that on a deep sea , a diver should bid you tell him , what you can see there ; that which you would answer , would be , that you can see into a sea-green liquor , to the depth of some yards , and no further : so that if he should farther ask you , whether you see what lies at the bottom of the sea , you would return him a negative answer . if afterwards the diver letting himself down to the bottom , should thence bring up and shew you oysters or muscles with pearls in them ; you would easily acknowledge , both that they lay beyond the reach of your sight , and consequently argued an imperfection in it ; thô but such an imperfection , as is not personal but common to you with other men , and that the pearls have the genuin colour and lustre , that naturally belongs to such gems . but if this diver should pretend , that each of these pearls he shews you , is as large as a tennis-ball , or some of them bigger than the shells they were inclos'd in , and that they are not round but cubical , and their colour not white or orient , but black or scarlet ; you would doubtless judge what he asserts , to be not only ( or not so properly , ) undiscernable by your eyes , but contrary to the informations of them , and therefore would deny what he affirms . because , that to admit it , would not only argue your sight to be imperfect , but false and delusory ; thô the organ be rightly qualified , and duly applied to its proper objects . v. this illustration may give you some superficial notion of the difference betwixt a thing 's being above reason , and its being contrary to it . but this may better appear , if we consider the matter more distinctly . and to offer something in order to this , i shall beg leave to say , that , in my opinion , the things that may be said to be above reason , are not all of one sort , but may be distinguish'd into two kinds , differing enough from each other . vi. for it seems to me , that there are some things , that reason by its own light cannot discover ; and others , that , when propos'd , it cannot comprehend . vii . and first , there are divers truths in the christian religion , that reason left to itself , would never have been able to find out , nor perhaps to have so much as dream'd of : such as are most of those that depend upon the free will and ordination of god , as , that the world was made in six days , that christ should be born of a virgin , and that in his person there should be united two such infinitely distant natures as the divine and human ; and that the bodies of good men shall be rais'd from death , and so advantageously chang'd , that the glorified persons shall be like , or equal to , the angels . viii . of this kind of theological truths , you will easily believe , that 't were not difficult for me to offer divers other instances ; and indeed there are many truths , and more i think than we are wont to imagine , that we want mediums , or instruments to discover , thô , if they were duly propos'd , they would be intelligible to us : as , for my part , when by looking on the starry heaven , first with my naked eyes , and then with telescopes of differing lengths , i did not only discry more and more stars , according to the goodness of the instruments i imployed , but discover'd great inducements to think , that there are in those inestimably remote regions , many celestial lights , that only the want of more reaching telescopes conceal from our sight . ix . and thus much i presume you will close with the more easily , because it disagrees not with the sentiments of some few ( for i dare say not , many ) orthodox divines . but i must take leave to add , that besides these mysterious truths , that are too remote , and hidden , to be detected by human reason ; there is another sort of things , that may be said to be above reason . x. for there are divers truths delivered by revelation , ( contained in the holy scriptures , ) that not only would never have been found out by mere natural reason ; but are so abstruse , that when they are proposed as clearly , as proper and unambiguous expressions can propose them in ; they do nevertheless surpass our dim and bounded reason , on one or other of those three accounts that are mentioned in a dialogue about things transcending reason ; namely either , as not clearly conceivable by our understanding , such as the infiniteness and perfections of the divine nature ; or inexplicable by us , such as the manner , how god can create a rational soul ; or how , this being an immaterial substance , it can act upon a human body , and be acted on by it ; ( which instance i rather chose , than the creation of matter , because it may be more easily proved ) or else asymmetrical , or unsociable ; that is , such , as we see not how to reconcile with other things , which also manifestly are , or are by us acknowledged to be , true ; such as are the divine prescience of future contingents , and the liberty that belongs to man's will , at least in divers cases . xi . it will not perhaps be improper to observe , on this occasion , that , as of things that are said to be above reason , there are more kinds than one ; so there may be a difference in the degrees , or , at least , the discernableness , of their abstruseness . xii . for some things appear to surpass , or distress , our understandings , almost as soon as they are propos'd , at least , before they are attentively look'd into . as , what is said to be infinite , either in extent or number . but there are other things , the notions whereof , as they first arise from the things considered in gross , and as it were indefinitely , are such , as do not choque or perplex our understandings ; and are so far intelligible , that they may be usefully employ'd in ordinary discourse . but when we come to make a deep inspection into these , and prosecute to the uttermost the successive inferences that may be drawn from them ; we reason our selves into inextricable difficulties , if not flat repugnancies too . and to shew you , that i do not say this gratis ; be pleas'd to consider with me , that , we usually discourse of place , of time , and of motion ; and have certain general indeterminate conceptions , of each of these ; by the help of which , we understand one another , when we speak of them ; thô , if we will look thorowly into them , and attentively consider all the difficulties , that may be discover'd by such an inspection ; we shall find our reason oppress'd by the number and greatness of the difficulties , into which we shall argue ourselves ; or , at least , may be argued by others ; thô these men , who do make such shrewd objections against the hypothesis , we embrace , will hardly be able themselves to pitch on any , that will not allow us to repay them in the same coin . xiii . what has been newly said , may , i hope , assist us to clear a difficulty , or scruple , ( about the distinction we treat of , ) which since it sprung up in my own mind , may very probably occur also to your thoughts ; namely , that if any theological proposition be granted to surpass our reason ; we cannot pretend to believe it , without discovering , that we do not sufficiently consider what we say : since we pretend to exercise an act of the understanding , in embracing somewhat that we do not understand , nor have a notion of . xiv . but on this occasion we may justly have recourse to a distinction , like that i have lately intimated . for , in divers cases , the notions , men have of some things , may be different enough , since the one is more obvious and superficial , and the other more philosophical or accurat . and of these two differing kinds of conceptions , i have already offer'd some instances in the very differing notions , men have of place and time : which , thô familiar objects , i elsewhere shew to be each of them of so abstruse a nature , that i do not wonder to find aristotle himself complaining of the difficulty that there is to give a clear , and unexceptionable , notion of place ; nor to find so acute a wit as st. austin , ingenuously confessing his disability to explicate the nature of time. xv. and what is said of the great intricacies , that incumber a deep scrutiny into these familiar objects of discourse , will hold , as to the divisibility of quantity ; as to local motion ; and as to some other primary things ; whose abstruseness is not inferior in degree , thô differing as to the kinds of things , wherein it consists . xvi . by such instances as these , it may appear , that without talking as parrots , ( as your friends would intimate , that those that use our distinctions must do ; ) or as irrational men ; we may speak of some things that we acknowledge to be on some account or other above our reason ; since the notions we may have of those things , however dim and imperfect , may yet be of use , and may be in some measure intelligible , thô the things they relate to , may , in another respect , be said to transcend our understanding ; because an attentive considerer may perceive , that something belongs to them , that is not clearly comprehensible , or does otherwise surpass our reason ( at least in our present state. ) xvii . having dispatch'd the objection , that requir'd this digression : i shall now step again into the way , and proceed in it by telling you , that any one apposite instance may suffice to clear the former part of the expression that is imploy'd , when 't is said that a mystery , or other article of faith , is above reason , but not contrary to it : for if there be so much as one truth , which is acknowledg'd to be such , and yet not to be clearly and distinctly comprehensible , it cannot justly be pretended , that to make use of the distinction we are treating of , is to say something , that is not intelligible , or is absurd . and it will further justify the expression quarrelled at , if we can make it appear , that it is neither impertinent or arbitrary , but grounded on the nature of things . and this i shall endeavour to do , by shewing , that though i admit two sorts of things , which may be said to be above reason , yet there is no necessity , that either of them must ( always ) be contrary to reason . xviii . as for the first sort of things said to surpass reason , i see not , but that men may be unable , without the assistance of a more knowing instructer , to discover some truths ; and yet be able , when these are revealed or discovered to them by that instructer , both to understand the disclosed propositions by their own rational faculty , and approve them for true , and fit to be embraced . the intellect of man being such a bounded faculty as it is , and naturally furnished with no greater a stock or share of knowledge , than it is able by its own endeavours to give itself , or acquire ; 't would be a great unhappiness to mankind , if we were obliged to reject , as repugnant to reason , whatever we cannot discover by our own natural light ; and consequently , to deny our selves the great benefits we may receive from the communications of any higher and more discerning intellect . an instance to my present purpose may be found among rational souls themselves , though universally granted to be all of the same nature . for , thô a person but superficially acquainted ( for example ) with geometry , would never have discovered by his own light , that the diameter of a square is incommensurable to the side ; yet when a skilful mathematician dextrously declares , and by a series of demonstrations proves , that noble theorem ; the disciple by his now instructed reason will be able , both to understand it , and to assent to it : insomuch , that plato said , that he was rather a beast than a man that would deny it . xix . other instances may be alledged to exemplify the truth newly mentioned . and indeed , there is not so much as a strong presumption , that a proposition or notion is therefore repugnant to reason , because it is not discoverable by it ; since it is altogether extrinsecal and accidental to the truth or falsity of a proposition , that we never heard of it before ; or that we could never have found it out by our own endeavours ; but must have had the knowledge of it imparted to us by another . but then this disability to find out a thing by our own search , doth not hinder us from being able by our own reason , both to understand it when duly proposed , and to discern it to be agreeable to the dictates of right reason . to induce you to assent to the later part of this observation , i shall add , that these intellectual assistances may oftentimes not only enlighten , but gratify , the mind , by giving it such informations , as both agree with its former maimed or imperfect notices , and compleat them . when , for example , an antique medal , half consumed with rust , is shewed to an unskilful person , though a scholar ; he will not by his own endeavours be able to read the whole inscription , whereof we suppose some parts to be obliterated by time or rust ; or to discover the meaning of it . but when a knowing medalist becomes his instructer , he may then know some ( much defaced ) letters , that were illegible to him before , and both understand the sense of the inscription , and approve it as genuine and suitable to the things , whereto it ought to be congruous . and because divers philosophical wits are apt , as well as you , to be startled at the name of mystery , and suspect , that because it implies something abstruse , there lyes hid some illusion under that obscure term : i shall venture to add , that agreeably to our doctrine we may observe , that divers things that relate to the old testament , are in the new called mysteries , because they were so under the mosaick dispensation ; thô they cease to be so , now that the apostles have explained them to the world. as the calling of the gentiles into the church of god , is by their apostle called a mystery ; because , to use his phrase , it had been hid from ages and generations : though he adds , but now 't is made manifest to his saints . and the same writer tells the corinthians , that he shows them a mystery , which he immediately explains , by foretelling , that all pious believers shall not dye , because that those that shall be found alive at the coming of christ , shall not sleep , but be changed ; as the other dead shall be raised incorruptible . which surprising doctrine , though because it could not be discovered by the light of nature , nor of the writings of the old testament , he calls a mystery ; yet it is no more so to us , now that he hath so expresly foretold it , and therefore declared it . xx. other instances i content myself to point at in the margin , that i may pass on to confirm the observation i formerly intimated ; that divers things which the scripture teaches beyond what was known , or ( in probability ) are discoverable by natural light , are so far from being against reason , by being ( in the sense declared ) above it ; that these discoveries ought much to recommend the scripture to a rational mind ; because they do not only agree with the doubtful or imperfect notions we already had of things , but improve them , if not compleat them . nay , i shall venture to add , that these intellectual aids may not seldom help us to discern , that some things , which not only are above reason , but at first sight seem to be against it ; are really reconcileable to reason , improved by the new helps , afforded it by revelation . to illustrate this by a philosophical instance , when gallileo first made his discoveries with the telescope , and said , that there were planets that moved about jupiter ; he said something , that other astronomers could not discern to be true , but nothing that they could prove to be false . and even when some revelations are thought not only to transcend reason , but to clash with it ; it is to be considered , whether such doctrins are really repugnant to any absolute catholick rule of reason , or only to something , which so far depends upon the measure of acquired information we then enjoy , that , though we judge it to be irrational , yet we are not sure , that the thing , this judgment is grounded on , is clearly and fully enough known to us . as , to resume the former example , when gallileo , or some of his disciples , affirmed venus to be sometimes horned like the moon ; thô this assertion were repugnant to the unanimous doctrine of astronomers , who thought their opinion very well grounded , on no less a testimony than that of their own eyes ; yet in effect the proof was incompetent , because their unassisted eyes could not afford them sufficient information about this case . and so , when gallileo spoke of hills and valleys , and shadows , in the moon , they were not straight to reject what he taught , but to have , if not a kind of implicit faith , yet a great disposition to believe what he delivered , as upon his own knowledge , about the figure and number of the planets . for they knew , that he had , and had already successfully made use of , a way of discovering coelestial objects , that they were not masters of ; nor therefore competent judges of all the things , though they might well be of many , that he affirmed to be discoverable by it . and though they could not see in the moon what he observed , ( valleys , mountains , and the shadows of these ) yet they might justly suspect , that the difference of the idea that they framed of that planet , and that which he proposed , might well proceed from the imperfection of their unaided sight ; especially considering , that what he said , of the differing constitution of what is there analogous to sea and land , did rather correct and improve , than absolutely overthrow , their former notices . for he allowed the spots they saw , to be darker parts of the moon , and gave causes of that darkness ; which their bare eyes could not have led them to any such knowledge of . and the non-appearance of the mountainous parts of the moon in that form to the naked eye , might well be imputed to the great distance betwixt them and us , since at a far less distance square towers appear round , &c. xxi . it now remains , that i say something , that may both make some application of the form of speech hitherto discoursed of , and afford a confirmation of the grounds whereon , i think , it may be justified . this i am the rather induced to do , because i expect it will be objected , that he that acknowledges , that the thing he would have us believe , transcends our reason , has a mind to deceive us , and procures for himself a fair opportunity to delude us , by employing an arbitrary distinction , which he may apply as he pleases . xxii . but to speak first a word or two to this last clause ; i acknowledge , that such a distinction is capable enough of being misapplied : and i am apt to think , that , by some school-divines , and others , it has been so . but , since there are other distinctions that are generally and justly received by learned men , and even by philosophers themselves , without having any immunity from being capable to be perverted ; i know not , why the distinction , we are considering , should not be treated as favourably as they . and however , the question at present is not , whether our distinction may possibly be misapplied by rash or imposing men ; but whether it be grounded on the nature of things . to come then to the thing it self , i consider , that for an opinion to be above reason , in the sense formerly assigned , is somewhat , that ( as was noted in reference to the first sort of things , that surpass it ) is extrinsecal and accidental to its being true or false . for to be above our reason , is not an absolute thing , but a respective one , importing a relation to the measure of knowledge , that belongs to the human understanding , such as 't is said to transcend : and therefore it may not be above reason , in reference to a more enlightned intellect ; such as in probability may be found in rational beings of an higher order , such as are the angels ; and , without peradventure , is to be found in god ▪ whom , when we conceive to be a being infinitely perfect , we must ascribe to him a perfect understanding , and boundless knowledge . this being supposed , it ought not to be denied , that a superior intellect may both comprehend several things that we cannot ; and discern such of them to be congruous to the fixt and eternal idea's of truth , and consequently agreeable to one another , as dim-sighted mortals are apt to suspect , or to think , to be separately false ; or , when collated , inconsistent with one another . but to lanch into this speculation , would lead me farther than i have time to go . and therefore i shall content my self to offer you one argument , to prove , that of things that may be said to be above reason , in the sense formerly explained , it is no way impossible , that even such an one should be true , as is obnoxious to objections not directly answerable . for i consider , that of things above reason , there may be some which are really contradictory to one another , and yet each of them is maintainable by such arguments , as very learned and subtle men do both acquiesce in , and enforce , by loading the embracers of the opposite opinion , with objections they cannot directly answer . xxiii . this i take to be manifest , in the case of the controversy about the endless divisibility of quantity ; as , suppose , of a straight line . for many eminent mathematicians , and a greater number of naturalists , and in particular almost all the epicureans , and other atomists , stifly maintain the negative . the affirmative is nevertheless asserted , and thought to be mathematically demonstrated , by aristotle in a peculiar tract ; and both by his school , and by several excellent geometricians besides . and yet in reality , the assertions of these two contending parties are truly contradictory ; since , of necessity a straight line proposed must be , at least mentally , divisible , into parts that are themselves still further divisible ; or , it must not be so , and the subdivisions must at length come to a stop . and therefore one of the opposite opinions must be true . and 't is plain to those , that have , with competent skill and attention , impartially examined this controversy , that the side that is pitched upon , whichsoever it be , is liable to be exposed to such difficulties , and other objections , as are not clearly answerable ; but confound and oppress the reason of those that strive to defend it . xxiv . i have , sir , the more largely discoursed of the foregoing distinction ; not only , because i did not find my self to have been prevented by others ; but , because i look upon the explaining and justifying of it to be of importance , not alone to the defence of some mysteries of the christian religion , but ( what perhaps may have escaped your observation ) of some important articles of natural theology it self . for though natural religion taught divers heathen philosophers , such truths as these , viz. the production of the rational soul or mind , which is an immaterial substance ; the formation of the world out of the universal matter , though this action required , that an incorporeal substance gave motion to a body ; that god knows men's thoughts and intentions , how carefully soever they strive to hide them ; and that god foreknows the events of the free actions of such men , as are not to be born these many ages ; though , i say , these , and some other sublime , truths , were by divers men embraced before the gospel began to be preached ; yet when i attentively consider , how hard it is to conceive the modus of these things , and explain how some of them can be performed ; and also , how some of the divine attributes , as eternity , immensity , omnipresence , and some others , belong to god ; and how some actions , as the moving of bodies , and the creation of human minds , with all their noble faculties , are exercis'd by him : when i consider such things , i say , i acknowledge , that , to my apprehension , there are some doctrine allowed to have been discovered by the mere light of nature , that are liable to such objections from physical principles , and the setled order of things corporeal ; as , if they be urged home , will bring those that are ingenuous to acknowledge , that their intellects are but dim and imperfect , and indeed disproportionate to the sublimest and most mysterious truths ; and that they cannot perfectly comprehend them ▪ and answer all the difficulties that incumber them ; though they find themselves obliged to admit them , because of the weighty positive reasons , that recommend those heteroclite truths to their assent . xxv . if you should now tell me , that , after all i have said , 't is plain , that the question'd distinction ▪ if it were granted , might be of very bad consequence ; as affording shelter to any unintelligible stuff , that some bold enthusiast , or conceited philosophizer , may obtrude under the venerable title of a mystery , above the jurisdiction of reason ; and , that though the distinction were admitted , it would not be a good proof of any disputed article of the christian religion : if , i say , this shall be objected , i shall answer , ( what in part is intimated already ) that i do not deny , but that our distinction is liable to be ill employed , but that this is no other blemish than what is common with it to divers other distinctions , that are without scruple admitted , because they are useful ; and not rejected , because they have not the privilege , that they can never be misapplied : and therefore , both in reference to those distinctions , and to that we have been treating of , it becomes men to stand upon their guard , and strictly examine , how far the notion , or doctrine , proposed as a mystery , does require , and is entituled to , the benefit of this distinction . i shall also readily grant the greatest part of the second member of your objection . for i think it were great weakness in a christian , to urge our distinction as a positive proof : since , thô it be extrinsecal to an abstruse notion , to be , or not to be , above reason ; ( as was just now noted to another purpose , ) yet , generally speaking , that abstruseness is less fit to bring credit to a conception , or a doctrine , than 't is to make it to be distrusted . nor are christians such fond discoursers , as to pretend , that such an article of religion ought to be believed , because 't is above reason , as if that were a proof of its truth ; but only , that if it be otherwise well proved , it ought to be believed , notwithstanding its being above reason . xxvi . and this i shall represent in favour of those that believe these abstruse articles , that are clearly revealed in the scripture , upon the authority of the divine revealer ; ( who never deceives others , nor can be himself deceived , ) that since , as we have lately shewn by the contradictory opinions about the divisibility of quantity , some doctrines must be true , whose difficulties do not appear to be surmountable by our dim reason ; and since the perfectness of god's knowledge permits us not to doubt , but that he certainly knows which of the two contending opinions is the true ; and can declare so much to men : it would not be a sure ground of rejecting a revealed article , to alledge , that 't is encumber'd with confounding difficulties , and lyable to many and weighty objections . xxvii . and , ( to add somewhat that may help to defend some truths of natural , and others of revealed , religion ) that a thing may be rationally assented to , upon clear positive evidence , though we cannot directly answer the objections , that a speculative and subtle wit may devise against it ; is a truth , which , as important as it is to religion in general , and the christian religion in particular , i think one may sufficiently manifest by this one instance , that , because we can walk up and down , and so remove our bodies from place to place , by this one argument , i say , we are justly satisfied , that there is local motion in the world , notwithstanding all the specious and subtle arguments , that zeno and his followers have employed to impugne that truth : against which , they have alleged such difficulties , as have not only puzzled and perplexed , but ( for ought yet appears ) nonplus'd the antient philosophers , and , i doubt , those moderns too , that have attempted to give clear solutions of them . xxviii . if now , sir , we look back upon what hath hitherto been discoursed , i hope you will allow me to gather thence the conclusion i aim at , which is , that there is no necessity , that every notion or proposition that may be found deliver'd in the holy scriptures , that surpasses our reason , must therefore be contradictory to it : and that , in case the christian religion be true , and it's mysteries or other articles divinely revealed ; 't is not enough , for the confutation of any of them , to reject the expression , that 't is above reason , but not contrary to it ; as if it involved an unintelligible or groundless distinction : for thô this will not evince the truth of a mystery , since that must be establish'd upon its proper grounds and arguments ; yet it will keep it from being therefore absurd or false , because it transcends our reason : since to do so , may belong almost indifferently to a chymerical notion , and a mysterious truth . and if the expression be employed to justify any thing , that , thô styl'd a mystery , is but a pretended one ; the error will lye , not in the groundlesness of the distinction , but the erroneousness of the application . i am , sir , your most &c. finis . greatness of mind , promoted by christianity . in a letter to a friend . the first part. london , printed by edward jones , for john taylor at the ship in st. paul's church-yard . mdcxci . to my honoured friend sir r. m. sir , i do not wonder , that a great soul , like yours , should enquire , what aspect religion , and particularly that of christians , has upon greatness of mind : but , i confess , i somewhat marvel , that you should be put upon the enquiry , by the suggestions of such a libertine as mr. n. n.'s confidently pretending , that his atheistical and sensual principles are much more friendly , than the doctrines of christianity , to a noble frame of mind . wherefore i dare not permit the sense i have of my own weakness , how great and just soever , to keep me from presenting you with my thoughts ; and the rather , because i presume you are not indisposed to receive a satisfaction in this point , since you seem to expect it from a pen that is no better than mine ; which , you well know , must not be , on this occasion , assisted by the arguments and ornaments , that the fine sentences of the fathers , and other divines and humanists , might afford to a person that were at leisure , and furnished with a library . yet i shall not much , either excuse , or deplore , my being so ill accommodated for the task you impose upon me ; because as you seem to desire but my own thoughts , so i know not , whether common place-books would afford me any great assistance on so uncommon a theme ; and , i confess , that , when the matter will bear it , i , as well as you , do less care for authorities , especially taken from discourses , designed rather to persuade than prove , in comparison of those arguments , that are suggested by a due consideration of the nature of the thing . but yet , i presume , you will readily give me leave to do that frequently enough , which your friend , perhaps , will call preaching . for besides that , your desires , and my haste , confine me to the bible and my own thoughts ; the frequent citation of texts of holy scripture is exacted by the nature of the question i am to handle : it being necessary , for the evincing of the doctrines of christianity , not to be inconsistent with greatness of mind , that we as well consider , what those doctrines are , which sure will be best declared by the scriptural texts that contain them , as what are the attributes of greatness of mind . chap. i. to proceed then with some method , as well as much brevity , i conceive , it will be no unfit way to come to a resolution in our inquiry , if i first set down and enumerate the chiefest things , that , in the estimation of intelligent men , do , as if they were so many ingredients , make up what we call magnanimity or greatness of mind , that not being a single starr , but a constellation of elevated and radiant qualities ; and then shew , that religion , especially that of the christians , is , at least , consistent with each of these , if it do not also promote it . but in this enumeration , thô i shall , ex abundanti , take in some qualities , that are not essential to greatness of mind , but rather accessions to it ; yet i shall not scrupulously distinguish those things that are necessary to compleat it , and those that are partly some of them signs , and some of them effects of it ; hoping from your equity , that these additional things will be thought to make full amends , if , through haste or mistake , i should chance to have omitted any property , that you may judge to belong to the true notion of generosity . i shall , in the following discourse , take it for granted , ( and i hope i need not tell you , that i do so ) that as we think not masons , but jewellers , fit to judge of the genuineness and value of precious stones ; so you will allow me to take the notion and measures of greatness of mind , not from the opinions of the injudicious vulgar , but the judicious estimates of reason , improv'd by philosophy , and enlightn'd by natural theology . i know , the undiscerning multitude , whose judgment seems rather lodg'd in the eye than in the brain , when they hear men name greatness of mind , are apt to fancy something , that , like the coronation of a king , is attended with pomp and splendor , and a numerous train of gazers , and the loud acclamations of the people . and , at least , when mention is made of an heroick soul , they imagine , that it cannot be but in a great commander , like a roman emperor , or a tartarian general , that leads and defeats armies , and desolates whole countries , and leaves them peopled only with carkasses . but reason and religion , that look on human things with eyes untroubled by those pompous outsides that dazle the vulgar , can easily see a vast difference betwixt greatness of fortune and greatness of mind . and not only christianity teaches , that god , who is no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 respecter of persons , acts 10. and 34. 2 sam. 14. and 14. sees not persons as man sees them ; and that a thing that is sublime amongst men , may be an abomination to him : but philosophers themselves can easily distinguish betwixt that real greatness , that truly belongs to the man , and that theatrical one , that fortune may have annext to his condition . and , thô they pay a peculiar honor and respect to great virtue in sovereigns , rather than in subjects , because in the former , 't is more diffusively beneficial , and cannot last without resisting stronger temptations ; yet , they do not think , that a great empire always either finds , or makes , a great soul. and if dignities , how high soever , be attain'd by mean submissions , or weak actions , they think this extrinsecal greatness can no more make a mean soul great , than high stilts can make a dwarf a proper man. perhaps , they look upon many , who , for making a great bustle and noise in the world , are , by themselves , and the shallow vulgar , thought great spirits , but as gnats , that are in themselves small and worthless creatures , and are really considerable for nothing , save the noise and the stings wherewith they are able to disturb mens rest . that lucky monarch , that overcame so great a part of the then known world , and conquer'd countrys , faster than one would have thought he could have travell'd over them , has this character given of his stupendious exploits , by the roman historian , that all he had done , was , that he durst well despise despicable things . and in a poet of the same nation , this is his elogy , faelix terrarum praedo non utile mundo , editus exemplum . and if such persons as they , had so little respect for so great a monarch , that was a lawful sovereign ; what liberty , think you , do philosophers allow themselves , who so little value the favourites of fortune , for their being so that even such as those prosperous usurpers , phocas , &c. that her fondness , and the applause of a multitude , ( as blind , perhaps , as she is painted ) have seated in the throne ; philosophers , in their thoughts , do as well doom to a scaffold , as religion does to hell. and certainly , true greatness of mind must be something that both resides in the soul , and is perfective of it ; neither of which properties belong to any thing that fortune can bestow : and all that outward greatness can do , is not to make a soul great , but to afford one that is , the opportunity of shewing itself to be so . and all these submissions and respects that custom , or fear , or interest make men pay to those , whom , only their titles , or their places , or their power makes great ones , do as little argue or increase the real worth of those envied persons , as the standing for more than formerly in an account , turns a brass counter into silver or gold. and as no less skill in arithmetick is requir'd , to multiply , &c. a thousand farthings than a thousand guinea's , thô one of the latter , be worth almost a thousand of the former ; so the ordering or disposing of all things according to the best rules , and after the best manner they are capable of , may argue no less greatness of mind in a private man , than is exercis'd by a great monarch , in those actions that attract the eyes , and busie the tongues , of nations . and as it usually speaks a man a better artist to make a pocket-watch , than a great town-clock , all the advantage the later has of the former , consisting in the greatness of the matter that is wrought , and not that of the skill , that is display'd : so it sometimes happens , that those productions of virtue argue a greater soul , that make , by far , a lesser shew and noise . and you may remember , not only , that socrates , notwithstanding his private , and even necessitous , condition , was by the oracle preferr'd to all the grecians , when greece was the theatre of generous minds : but , that a far truer oracle than that of delphos , pronounc'd the poor widows mind , and circumstances , to have made her mite a greater liberality , than all that the rich man had bestow'd upon the corban . and it is the sentence of no worse a judge than salomon . let us not then from the mean notions of the vulgar , and the fond opinions of common souls , take our estimates of so sublime and extraordinary a quality , as greatness of mind . for many things , to which they give not only their approbation , but their applause , are , and ought to be , as little esteem'd , if they be condemn'd by the wise , as a piece of brass money , that has long past currant among the people , ought to be thought good gold , when refiners and say-masters have declar'd it counterfeit . and if you ask me , what notion then of greatness of mind , i am willing to allow , i shall freely tell you , that , in my apprehension , the man that has a great mind , is he that uses his utmost moral diligence to find out what are the best things he can do , and then , without being deterr'd by dangers , or discourag'd by difficulties , does resolutely and steadily persue them as far as his ability and opportunities will serve ; and this out of an internal principle of love to god and man , and with a sincere aim , to glorify the one , and benefit the other . chap. ii. but , before i descend to particulars , it will not be amiss to take notice of one consideration , that may , in general , make it probable , that the christian religion is rather favourable , than opposite , to true magnanimity . that this argument may make somewhat the more impression , i shall , thô very briefly , observe that the aspects , both of the author , the rules , the aims , or scopes , and the rewards of virtue , as 't is recommended by christianity , have a great and direct tendency to elevate it , and make it heroick . and first , the prime author of the doctrine of the gospel being god himself , who both knows man perfectly , and is mentioned in scripture as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or lover of mankind ; 't is but reasonable to suppose , that the doctrines and laws he caused to be solemnly delivered to mankind , and confirmed by miracles , and whose system is , in the apocalypse , honoured with the title of the everlasting gospel , ( i. e. ) not to be succeeded by a more perfect institution , as the mosaick law was by that ; should be fitted to beget and advance solid and sublime virtue , and be more , than any other institution , perfective of human nature . next , the rules , and ( if there be any such ) the counsels of the christian religion require , and tend to , extraordinary degrees of virtue : the divine legislator , being able to look into the hearts of men , makes his laws reach those , and those principally , too . the loving god with all our hearts , with all our minds , &c. and our neighbour as our selves , as comprehensive as those two grand principles of virtue are , is by our saviour made the summary of the moral law , and adopted into the gospel ; the cleansing ourselves from all filthiness , both of flesh and spirit ; and the abstaining from all kind , or appearance , of evil , are the negative parts of the christians duty ; and for the positive parts , we are plainly told , that unless our righteousness exceed that boasted one of the scribes and pharisees , we shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven . we are urged to grow in grace , to add to our faith , virtue , and to that , a whole train of excellent qualities . and , for fear any such thing should be thought to be purposely omitted , because left unmentioned , this general exhortation is given us ; finally , my brethren , whatsoever things are true , &c. but there is yet a more aspiring path of virtue trac'd us out in the gospel , where it proposes to us the example of christ , as one , whose steps we are to tread in : for not only that divine person never committed any sin , neither was guile found in his mouth ; but the supreme and omniscient judge , god himselfe , declared , by a voice from heaven , his full approbation both of his person and his doctrine , when he said , this is my beloved son , in whom i am well pleased , hear he him . and his sinless life , which was a living law , did not only surpass the examples , but even the precepts and the idea's too , of the heathen moralists and philosophers , as may be elsewhere shewn . and the becoming a serious disciple of so perfect and divine a teacher , does itself so engage a man to renounce his former vices , that when st. paul had dissuaded his romans from divers other vices , instead of exhorting them to the contrary virtues in particular , he only desires them , in general , to put on the lord jesus christ , as a comprehensive durty , which contain'd in it all the virtues , he declin'd to enumerate . thirdly , but thô he calls us to high degrees of virtue , yet he does not to unattainable ones ; for , thô philosophy wisely forbore , thô not always to commend , yet to injoyn , things disproportionate to human infirmities ; yet , he may well be allow'd to engage us to more than human virtues , that by his divine assistances , if they be duly sought , is always ready to inable us to acquire and practise them. of his fulness , says st. john , we have all received , and grace for grace ; ( i. e. ) either graces answerable to his , as the faculties of a child's mind , are to those of a perfect man ; or , grace upon grace , ( i. e. ) an accumulation of graces heaped upon one another ; which may keep you from wondring , that st. paul should dare to say , that he could do all things thorow christ that strengthned him . and where his invitations meet with an honest and a willing mind , his commands do not only chaulk out the way , but give strength to walk in it ; and he usually , does by his spirit , such a kind of work , as he sometimes did miraculously by his power , when he at once bid , and enabled , a paralytick person that wanted strength to stir from his bed , to rise and walk . and when , having commanded st. peter to walk to him upon the sea , he enabled him securely to tread upon the waves ; thereby approving and rewarding the excellent notion that disciple had , that the command of christ was a sufficient cause to put him upon action , thô a miracle were requisite to carry him thorow with it . fourthly , the rewards propos'd to virtue and piety , by the christian religion , do exceedingly tend to animate and heighten them ; whether we consider the recompences the gospel propounds in this life , or those that it promises in the next . the great present rewards of virtue , are , you know , the approbation of good men , and the applause of a man 's own conscience . the first of these is as well attainable by christian hero's , as by any other ; for virtue loses neither its worth , nor amiableness , by being baptiz'd ; and thô in some times and places lesser degrees of it may be disregarded , or traduc'd , yet , generally speaking , the greater degrees of it will either invite , or extort , mens esteem . among the roman persecutors , the exemplary lives and constancy of the primitive christians , brought it to be proverbially said , that such a man was a good man , saving that he was a christian ; and , soli christiani mortis contemptores , was usually in heathen's mouths . there are divers qualities , and those more press'd by the christian , than any other , institution , that have in them so much of native loveliness , that st. paul might justly say of them , that he that exercises himself in them , is , generally speaking , both ceptable to god , and approv'd by men. nor did those virtues that recommended the great constantine , whilst he was a gentile , lose their lustre , or the veneration they procured him , when he turn'd christian , and practis'd them with higher aims , than that of satisfying himself , and pleasing his people . and as for the reward of a good conscience , which was able to make hercules undergo all his labors ; and made all the other hero's of the gentile world ; i think , it will not be doubted , but that this inward recompence is received , not only without any defalcations , but with great improvements , by him , whose virtues flow from religion . for , to him the applauses of conscience may well be more acceptable than all the various sorts of musick , that solemniz'd the dedication of nebuchadnezar's golden image , since in him conscience does not , as in mere natural men , act only the part of a domestick judge , but that of a delegate from god himself ; and its absolutions are less welcome , as they are approbations of reason , than as they are the pledges of gods acceptance , and of that higher reward that will be consequent to it in the life to come . for these joys , that are plac'd on the other side of the grave , are much the noblest part of the recompence of virtue , and proportionable incitements to the practice of it ; and yet , on the account of future rewards , the christian has much greater motives to heroick virtue , than the heathen moralist , or philosopher . for , the posthume state of man is so dim and uncertain , that we find even the greatest men , among the heathens , speak very doubtfully , and not without ifs and and 's , of a future state , and much more of a future happiness , as may be instanc'd in socrates , cyrus , seneca , and many others ; so that they rather seem'd to have wish'd , or hop'd , than believ'd , their future felicity : and , i fear , that many of them , finding that happy state describ'd chiefly by the poets , reckon'd it among poetick fictions . and those that did , though but waveringly , expect recompences in the life to come , had but poor and mean idea's suggested to them of it ; the hopes they were entertain'd with , being of fortunate islands and the elysian fields , which are not so transcendent as to make a diffident man very forward to quit the gardens of epicurus , that he has here in possession , upon the doubtful hopes of other gardens in elysium . whereas , to excite the christian to an heroick degree of virtue , he is not allow'd to hope , but commanded to be intirely confident of passing out of this world into a place , to which the poets elysium is much more inferior , than the possession of a garden is to that of an empire . to attempt the description of that coelestial happiness , would be , contrary to my inclination , to launch out into a common place ; and were a work , that if my haste did not , my disability would , dissuade me from : and therefore , though it be a state made up of the confluence of all sort of things rationally desireable ; yet , having only said in general of all the other goods that it comprizes , that the scripture tells us , that eye has not seen , nor ear heard , nor the heart of man conceiv'd , what god has laid up for them that fear him : i shall particularly take notice only of those parts of this inestimable reward , that may peculiarly concern my present purpose , by being the chief things that heroick souls are wont to aspire too ; a good name , honour , and dignity . to have a good name for good actions , cannot but be a very desireable thing , the applause of wise and good men , being a loud eccho from without , that , by repeating it , confirms the approbation given by the conscience within . but though to do virtuous and worthy actions be the best and likeliest way of acquiring a good name , yet 't is not a certain one : for , such is the ignorance , the malice , or the enmity of a great many , that no man is sure to escape being mis-represented , or traduc'd ; as , we see , that the sublimity , the brightness , and the regular courses of the stars themselves , could not hinder wanton poets , or fanciful astronomers , from giving those luminous constellations the names not only of the nobler beasts , as the lyon , the eagle , and the whale ; but even of animals that lie under an ill name , as the dog , the goat , and the scorpion . and though it be true , that oftentimes innocency long clouded , does , like lightning , break out at last ; yet oftentimes too , that happens not till malice and envy are dead , because the maligned person is so ; by which means he does not live to know he is justified ; and many , if not all , of those mis-inform'd men are dead and gone for whose good opinion he was chiefly concern'd . but though the christian may , as well as any other , be traduc'd by calumny , which often serves good men , ( as the heathen persecuters did the martyrs , when they exposed them to the peoples view , cloath'd in the skins of beasts , to make them hideous and hateful ; ) yet he is justly cheared by the assurance he has , that there will come a time when opprest and disfigur'd innocency shall shine forth and triumph , and his good name , as well as his body , shall have a glorious resurrection , even in the sight of his accusers and enemies , and of all those whom their slanders did either prevail with , or startle . for at that great and general assize , to which there shall be a far greater confluence , than the assyrian monarch drew to the plains of babylon , the heroick disciples of the apostles will be able to say , upon happier terms than the apostles themselves did here below , that they are made a spectacle to god , to angels and to men. and in that illustrious assembly , of the first born , whose names are written in heaven , being present , the men , not only of all nations , but of all ages too , the vizards shall be as well taken off , as the masques ; and the formerly traduc'd saints , being welcom'd with the title of good and faithful servants , shall solemnly be acquitted by the sentence , not of a fallible , or partial , judge , but of an infinite and supreme one , that searches the hearts and reins , and cannot be deceiv'd or brib'd ; and , to be sure , that the injur'd saint shall come off with honour enough , he shall then be absolv'd by being crown'd . this celestial crown comprehending , in the scripture dialect , both the remaining parts of the christians reward , honour and dignity , or glory , and preferment ; it will be pertinent to mention some advantages that giveit an high preference about the crowns of monarchs here below . and first , earthly crowns may somtimes be the fruits and recompences of worth and virtue , but are not at all the proofs of them . they are usually the gifts of nature , and , not unfrequently , of fortune ; and history gives us cause to wish , they were more seldom the acquists of crimes . but the celestial crowns proclaim , thô not the merit , the worth of them that receive them , being never adjudg'd but to such , whom previous graces and virtues have fitted and qualified for the inheritance of the saints in light. besides , as an earthly crown may be acquir'd without merit , so it may be possess'd without happiness . and if crimes be made steps to a throne , they prove so many thorns to him that sits on it , who is there a more illustrious , not a less tormented , malefactor . the sublimity of a throne , as little as the height of a scaffold , keeping a criminal person from feeling the punishments inflicted on him there . as may appear by the instance of herod agrippa , whose throne , and glistering habit , which josephus takes notice of , thô they procur'd him not only the acclamations , but adorations , of the dazled multitude , could not protect him from the incens'd justice of an higher king than he ; so that whilst others treated him as a god , he found himself one of the most miserable of men , and was fain to hasten from a seat , which occasion'd , but could not protect , his impiety . but a coelestial crown , as it is graciously bestowed for the supream recompence of virtue , and on that account may be called a crown of righteousness ; so it always proves a blessing as inseparable from happiness , as a thing is from it self . the crowns of this world , by the very advantage of being hereditary , shew , that they cannot preserve the possessors from death . but the crown , i speak of , is by the divine bestower of it , called , a crown of life ; and of it , in respect of other crowns , may be truly said , what solomon said of wisdom , in reference to other goods , that the excellency of it is , that it gives life to the owner thereof . and though earthly crowns be such transitory things , that we may observe , that even the four great monarchies of the world were by god represented to nebuchadnezar , but as parts of a dream , whereas the kingdom promis'd to christians , is called in the scripture , a kingdom that cannot be moved , as the believers crown is , in opposition to those fading crowns of lawrel , that adorn'd the heads of the roman conquerors , called an unwithering crown of glory : as if the lawrel plac'd on the christians head , could grow and flourish in the wreath , better than it did on the tree . but all that i have yet said is inferior to this last prerogative of the coelestial crown , that it does not only confer a relative dignity or preeminence , but an essential worth and excellency ; as if the diamonds , which adorn'd that crown , should impart their own sparklingness , transparency , and incorruptibility , to the person that wears it . the highest preferments here below do raise a man above others , without raising him above himself . by being at the top of a ladder , a man comes to an higher station , but is not really taller than he was ; and a vane , by being plac'd on the top of the highest steeple , is not from iron turn'd into gold or silver , but remains still of the same base metal it was , and is but a weather-cock , and so the sport of the winds . but a coelestial crown is always attended with a personal improvement , befitting so high a dignity . the heavenly coronation has a virtue like that of the unction of saul , who , upon his being made king , was inabled to prophecy , and was turn'd into an other man. and the resemblance holds in this too , that christ is said , to have made his redeemed ones , not only kings , but priests to god and his father , as if the kingly dignity were not enough , unless the sacred character of a priestly office were added . congruously to which , st. peter calls christians , in general , a royal priesthood ; the understanding , the will , the affections , are all refin'd and elevated ; and the very body itself is transformed into a spiritual body . as if the glorify'd soul did shine , with an undiminish'd splendor , through its happily chang'd mansion . and we may well suppose , that this will be a bright and noble structure , if we remember , that the angels , who , in their apparitions to good men , were wont to be very careful not to frighten them , did yet appear with a majestick splendor ; and that angel that the apostles saw in our saviours sepulchre is represented as a young man cloathed in a long white and shining garment . and we are told by st. paul , that , in the future state , our vile bodies shall be transform'd into the likeness of his glorious body ; and how glorious it is in heaven , we may guess , by what it was at his transfiguration here on earth , during which , the scripture relates , that his face did shine as the sun , and his raiment was white as the light. and of moses and elias , thô they came to speak to him of his death , 't is added by st. luke , that they also appear'd in glory . and since our saviour has assured us , that those shall be accounted worthy of that state , shall be like , or equal to the angels ; and that then the righteous shall shine like the sun in the kingdom of their father , who knows , but that the transfigur'd soul and body of some happy saint may be as glorious a sight , as that which appear'd to st. john in the apocalyps , when he saw an angel standing in the sun ? if it be said , that these are very bold hyperbolies , i hope the texts , i have mention'd , will keep them from seeming altogether groundless conceits . and , when among other excellent prerogatives , that our saviour promises the persevering beleivers , one is , that he will give them power over the nations , and to rule them with a rod of iron ; and the other , which may well be the last , is exprest in these words . to him that overcometh , will i grant to sit with me in my throne , even as i evercame , and am set down with my father in his throne . and thô i readily yield , that these expressions are not to be and literally , taken ; yet , when i consider the infinite power , and goodness , of god ; and that , for ought we know , he may have numberless dominions , and setts of governable creatures , that we are yet strangers too ; i think , god's attributes , and christ's expressions , may warrant us to expect amazing things from him that is able , and has declar'd himself willing , to do for us above what we can ask , or , in our present state , so much as think . and , at least , that will be allow'd me , which i drive at in this celebration of our future happiness , that the christian religion , by proposing such inestimable rewards , presents beleivers with far higher motives to heroick virtue , than morality , or philosophy , can afford other men. advertisement . the author being desir'd to add yet something to the foregoing discourses , to give the book they make parts of , a thickness more proportionate to its largeness ; he did among other papers of his , that he turn'd over in compliance with that request , light upon an epistolary discourse , which by its very being unfinish'd , seem'd ( by reason of its shortness ) the more fit to serve the present turn . for this tract having been drawn up in a countrey , whence the author was oblig'd to remove , before he had made any considerable progress in his work ; he was easily induc'd to put it up in a bundle of other writings , which , like this , were laid aside till he should be at much leisure to compleat them . but upon the newly mention'd occasion , finding that among divers loose and lesser memoirs , that had been thrown together in order to the design'd treatise , there were 15 or 20 pages at the beginning that were coherent enough ; he was content they should attend the christian virtuoso , because of the affinity of the things design'd in both the papers ; which being to recommend the christian religion to worthy souls , 't was congruous enough that a discourse which shews , that the christian religion may very well consist with a philosophick genius ; should be accompany'd by another that tends to manifest , that greatness of mind , which comprizes uncommon degrees of virtue , is not only consistent with christianity , but may be highly promoted by it . those that reflect on this aim , will not ( 't is hop'd ) think it strange , that the style is a little rais'd ; since tho' the subject be theological , yet the writer , ( who was then many years younger than he now is ) being a person of honour , and writing for a noble gentleman , who , like himself , was a layman ; 't was thought not only allowable but fit , that the style should not be altogether unsuitable to the subject and to the aim : which was to make impressions on an illustrious person , not by dry precepts , or languid discourses , but by exciting him to heroick virtue , by the noblest patterns and ideas , and the most moving incentives , he could propose . and tho' the discouragements lately mention'd , and since increas'd by the authors not being able to find some of the principle materials he had , in loose sheets , provided for the following discourse ; oblige him to lay aside the thoughts of compleating it ; yet because 't is very possible that some elevated soul may have a mind to prosecute the design , or cultivate so noble a subject ; he thought it not amiss ( as little samples of his method or way of treating it ) to subjoyn to the greater fragment , besides the index of the heads of discourse , intended for the first part , 5 or 6 lesser fragments that he lighted on , whilst he was seeking for some papers belonging to the same tract , that should have been , but were not , found in their company . chap. iii. to have high aims and noble designs , is so genuin a mark , and effect of greatness of mind , that there is not any more generally acknowledged ; insomuch that ambition , tho' it be but a depravation or a counterfeit of this heroick frame of mind , does yet so dazzle the eyes of the greater part of men , as to pass for magnanimity ; and noble attempts do oftentimes , even when they fail of success , not miss of esteem . — magnis tamen excidit ausis , was meant for an encomium by him that said it . and i remember that one of the ancients reckons it among the glories of that great captain , hannibal , who long successfully disputed , with the romans , the empire of the world , that he resolved to besiege rome , tho' he never prov'd able to lead his army within the sight of her walls . now , as to have elevated aims is one of the chief signs , and indeed parts , of an heroick temper of mind ; so , there are no men that seem to me to have nobler and sublimer aims , than those to which a true christian is encouraged ; since he aspires to no less things than to please and glorify god ; to promote the good of mankind ; to improve , as far as is possible , his personal excellencies in this life ; and to secure to himself for ever a glorious and happy condition in the next . chap. iv. one of the grand difficulties , that he , who would be highly virtuous , must expect to surmount and conquer , especially in such a degenerous age , as ours , is the temptation that is afforded by the universality of vitious customs and examples . i wish 't were needless , solicitously to prove , either how great an influence examples , especially bad ones , have on the generality of men ; or how general bad examples have been in most ages , and in particular in that we live in . the scandal given by bad examples , tho' it be one of the most obvious temptations , is none of the least dangerous . for interest , bashfulness , and that very complaisance and civility , that is so usually found in well-bred , or good-natur'd , persons , makes them very unwilling to offend or disoblige the company they live with ; and whom they have several inducements rather to please and gratify by imitation and compliance , than tacitly to reproach by nonconformity to their sentiments , and practices . and , in effect , we find , that many that could not be perverted by the frowns and threats of the vitious , have been debauch'd by their company and example . against this powerful temptation , religion strongly arms it's hero , both by precepts and precedents . thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil , was the express command of the mosaic law. say not thou a confederacy to all , to whom this people shall say a confederacy , was the command of god to his prophet . our saviour makes it an argument to dissuade his disciples from an anxious solicitude about meat and drink and cloathing , that after all these things the gentiles ( which are by far the most numerous part of mankind ) do seek . and , upon the same ground , he endeavours in the same divine sermon upon the mount to keep them from vain repetitions in prayer . and , whereas it may seem an immodesty to dare to dissent from others , that vastly surpass us in number ; the heroick conqueror of canaan speaks thus to the whole body of the victorious jewish nation , that they may choose to serve whom they thought fit , and worship either the gods whom their fathers served , or those worshipp'd by the neighbouring nations , but as for me and my house , we will serve the lord , be you not conformed to this world , says st. paul. and another apostle , speaking of himself and the true christians of his time , scruples not to affirm it passionately and roundly , we know that we are of god , and the whole world lies in wickedness . nor does religion furnish us with precepts only , to disobey custom , and example , but with precedents too , of which there are three so illustrious , that i know not how to pass them by . the first is afforded by lot , who lived in a place , that was grown so proverbial for the height of wickedness , that to aggravate their sins by the most hyperbolical comparison , we must liken them to themselves ; and they were grown so wicked , that in a place where an admirable plenty , and an unbounded libertinisme could not but make them very populous , there could not be found half a score of good men , the generality of that cursed people being fallen so much not only from virtue , but from common honesty , that they did not restrain themselves so much , as to human vices . and yet , even the sins of sodom , which cryed so loud as to reach heaven , and bring down fire and brimstone from thence , disturbed lot's quiet , without destroying his innocence , and an apostle assures us , that , that just man was but vex'd with the filthy conversation of the wicked , not prevail'd with in the least to imitate it . the next instance of a religious courage , inflexible to bad examples , is afforded us by the three friends of daniel , who , at the great solemnity of the dedication of nebuchadnezars golden image ; when they had , besides that great and stern monarchs command , the example not only of many men but many nations , and a more numerous assembly of persons , considerable for quality and dignity , than the world ever saw before or since , singly opposed their naked constancy to the haughty tyrants menaces , and the prostrate world's example . and yet these men were courtiers , bred among that supple sort of fine creatures ; that were as accustom'd to bow their consciences , as their knees , to their proud master . they had not only lives to lose , but the chief dignities of the province of babylon , then the queen of nations . and they could not upon their refusal quit the stateliest palace in the world , without immediately changing it for a burning fiery furnace . the last instance i shall name , and the most illustrious that can be named , is , that i am supplied with by noah , he lived in an age , in which there were as many hainous sinners almost as there were men , thô vice has generally had a benjamins portion , in the distribution of mankind betwixt it and virtue , yet , methusala excepted , the inequallity was grown such , as gave vice rather a monopoly than a share of men ; or if a distribution were to be admitted , 't was such a one , as that made of saul and his army , when all the people were on one side , and only he and jonathan on the other : 't is strange , that when the world was so recent , that many , that were then alive might remember and converse with one , that for two hundred years liv'd contemporary with adam , ( for so we may gather methusala to have done ) men should so soon forget all sentiments of piety . but yet in noah's time , the world could not be compared to its present state , where thô it be night in one place , 't is day in another ; but to the state of tohu va bohu , or the first chaos , where darkness was over the face of the universal deep . for the scripture tells us , that all flesh had corrupted his way upon the earth , that every imagination of the thoughts of mans heart was only evil continually . and tho' noah's family were saved with him in the ark , yet it may be doubted , whether that were a certain token of their being untoucht by the general contagion . for that wonderful vessel contain'd beasts clean and unclean , harmless and rapacious , and in it were saved wolves as well as lambs , and vultures as well as doves . and where god gives the reason , why he vouchsafed to receive noah and his house into the ark , he expresses it thus ; for thee have i seen righteous before me in this generation , without making mention of any of his family . nor , was the wickedness of the antediluvian world more universal than it was great ; that mungrel breed were guilty of sins as gigantic as themselves . the text says , that the earth was filled with violence through them ; and those impious rebels against their maker broke the laws of nature with an insolence , that provoked him to break off the course of nature to punish them , since nothing less than an universal deluge of water could place limits to such an impetuous and over-flowing impiety . but all these sinful examples , how general soever , could not prevail on noah so much as to keep him from giving one of a quite contrary nature ; the scripture calls him an herald or preacher of righteousness ; and tho' it appears not , that he made any converts , he persever'd in his rejected admonitions for sixscore years , a time long enough to have tired his patience , especially since he did not any of his hearers obstinacy . and his constancy rais'd him as much above the reach of their temptations , as the waters that punished their sin rais'd his ark above their drowned mansions . and now go and compare with any constancy of the following times , where virtue has always had some party , tho' not a numerous one , this unequall'd singularity of noah , which god himself seems to have taken special notice of , not only by that patriarchs wonderful preservation , but by saying emphatically , thee have i seen righteous before me in this generation , which was so brutish and depraved , that i know not whether he were not obliged to live among worse brutes before he finish'd the ark than afterwards , when in it he was shut up with lyons , foxes , and tygres . another virtue , that belongs to a great mind , is constancy , or persevering patience in afflictions . this quality hath so noble an appearance , that when 't is exercis'd even by malefactors , it obtains our esteem ; and whilest we cannot so much as excuse their actions , we cannot but commend the manner of their suffering for them : calmness of mind , in the midst of outward storms , being something that looks so handsomely , that crimes and gibbets cannot keep it from doing so ; nor hinder those in whom 't is found , from being both pitied and applauded . that this part of greatness of mind is befriended by the christian religion , more than by any other institution , will appear ; if we consider , what it contributes to constancy and patience , under outward pressures and calamities , by precept , by examples , and by arguments . chap. v. humility is a virtue , that , at the first blush , seems so distant from greatness of mind , that some would think it improper to refer the former to the later , under any other notion , than that of an opposite . but , whatever may be thought of humility , solitarily consider'd , yet , when we find it in conjunction with those other qualities , that contribute to make up greatness of mind , it adds to their number ; and ▪ tho ▪ it does not perhaps shine as bright as some of them , is as amiable as any ; and imparts somewhat of its own loveliness to all the rest . and you will not much wonder , that i place this virtue among those that constellate , if i may so speak , an heroick mind , if you consider , whence humility may in such a soul proceed , and what difficulties it may surmount . for if wealth , honour , and other outward blessings exalt our hero's condition ; to be humble , in the midst of such advantages , argues a mind elevated above the presents of fortune , and speaks a soul great enough to undervalue those things that ordinary souls admire ; and which even men that pass for great , make the objects of their ambition , and , when attain'd , of their pride . and if our hero be ennobled with great virtues , or famous for great actions ; his humility argues , that he has so rais'd an idea of virtue , and dares aspire to such a pitch of it , that he cannot rest satisfy'd with greater attainments , than persons , but ordinarily virtuous , aim at ; and looks upon himselfas oblig'd and born to an unwearied pursuit of heroick and still increasing degrees of excellency . and if a laudable practice , by being extremely difficult , is a mark of a great soul , humility must not be deny'd that character ; for this is a virtue more difficult to excellent , than to ordinary , souls . in other cases , a hero is to contend but with his vices , or his passions , or his open enemies ; but to be humble , he must overcome his virtues too ; and that , when they act unitedly as one body : since , tho' other virtues naturally assist one another , they all conspire to ruin humility ; which , having pride to contend with , is to deal with so subtle an adversary , that sometimes even by being foil'd he overcomes . and as the torpedo poisons his arm that wounds it ; so sometimes in the best arguments we employ against pride , the very strength and seeming success of them , tempts the maker of them to be proud ; and i will not swear , that , at this very time , i exalt our hero's humility , without any diminution of my own. to the attainment of an eminent degree of this lovely both vertue , and grace , the gospel conduces , by furnishing its embracers with express injunctions ; clear directions ; high rewards , and other weighty motives ; and the noblest paterns and perfectest examples , that ever were , or can be , given ▪ the heads of the discourse , entitul'd greatness of mind , befriended by christianity . the introduction . 1. of the true notion of greatness of mind . 2. of the tendency , that the christian religion has to promote greatness of mind in general . 3. that christianity gives men noble aims , such as the glory of god , the pleasing of him , the general good of men , personal excellencies in this world , and eternal happiness in the next . the virtues or qualifications , which , as so many constituent parts , make up greatness of mind , and are peculiarly befriended by christianity ; are chiefly these , 4. courage or valour . 5. constancy and patience in afflictions . 6. bounty or liberality . 7. forwardness to oblige . 8. readiness to forgive . 9. a just and impartial estimate of riches , and other things that ordinary men covet and admire . 10. humility . 11. a contempt of all that 's base . the end of the first part. greatness of mind , promoted by christianity . the second part. the former discourse has , i hope , sufficiently manifested , that , of the several virtues and noble qualities that make up true greatness of mind , there is not any that is not at least consistent with christianity , and that most of them are eminently promoted by it . but i expect your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will pretend , that there are some qualities required by our religion , that directly and powerfully tend to debase the mind they possess ; and hinder it from attaining , or even aspiring , to such great things as it would reach to , if it were not detain'd or depress'd by religion . let us now therefore examin , whether , notwithstanding , the wings which we have shewn that religion adds to the mind , the cloggs that it fastens to her , be heavy enough to disable her to raise her self above the pitch of vulgar souls ; and force her , instead of soaring aloft , to flutter about the earth . the chief things , that , as far as i can learn , are alleged , either by philédonus , or more considering adversaries than he ; to shew religion to be either quite inconsistent with , or very unfriendly to , greatness of mind , are these . — but , in regard that i find not the answers that were drawn up to the objections ; and 't is not so convenient to let the later appear unaccompany'd by the former , 't is thought the safest way to leave them both at present unmentioned ; and only take notice , that to the last of the six objections , which , to deal candidly , were named and considered , these words were found subjoyned . and now , if it appear , that neither any nor all of these , have such an unfriendly aspect on greatness of mind , as is pretended ; and that at least the impediments , they can bring , are much more than countervail'd by the assistances that religion affords heroick virtue ; i hope it will appear , that greatness of mind is not incompatible with christianity , but rather promoted by it . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28945-e1010 rom. 1. 20. psal . 94. 9. psalm 138. 14 , 15. about some causes of atheism . an essay of improbable truths . luke 1. 2. john i. 18. act. xx. 27. 1 cor. ii. 10. luke i. 2. gal. de vsu part . lib. xi . cap. xiv . see acts ii. rom. 1. 8. gen. 49. 11. isa . 2. 2. psalm 2. 8. mal. 1. 11. mat. xxiv . 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 luke ii. 1. mat. 26. 13. exod. xvi . 14 , 21 , 26 , 33. notes for div a28945-e6800 coloss . i. 26. eph. iii. 3 , 5 , 6. 1 corinth . xv. v. 51 , 52. see mat. xiii . 11. ephes . v. 31. notes for div a28945-e8550 mark xii . 43. prov. xvi . 32. tit. iii. 4. revel . xiv . 6. 2 cor. vii . 1. 1 thess . v. 22. matth. v. 20. 2 pet. iii. 18. i. 5. phil. iv. 8. 1 pet. ii. 22. mat. xvii . 5. rom. xiii . 14. john i. 16. phil. iv. 13. matt. 9. 6. mat. xiv . 29. rom. xiv . 18. dan. iii. 7. 1 cor. ii. 9. dan. iii. 1 cor. iv. 9. heb. xii . 2 , 3. matt. xxv . 21. jer. xvii . 10. col. i. 12. acts xii . 21. rev. ii. 10. eccl. vii . 12. dan. ii. heb. xii . 28. 1 pet. v. 4. 1 sam. x. 6. rev. 1. 6. 1 pet. ii. 9. mark xvi . 5. luke xxiv . 4. phil. iii. 21. matt. xvii . 2. luke ix . 31. matt. xxii . 30. mat. 13. 43. rev. xix . 17. rev. ii. 26 , 27 rev. 3. 21. eph. 3. 20. first fragment . second fragment . 1 john , 5. 9. gen. 6. 12. 2. peter , 2. 5 ▪ gen. 7. 1. third fragment . fourth fragment . fifth fragment . notes for div a28945-e11730 sixth fragment . moral essays wherein some of mr. locks and monsir. malbranch's opinions are briefly examin'd : together with an answer to some chapters in the oracles of reason concerning deism / by ja. lowde ... lowde, james. 1699 approx. 238 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 98 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49317) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54216) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1014:10) moral essays wherein some of mr. locks and monsir. malbranch's opinions are briefly examin'd : together with an answer to some chapters in the oracles of reason concerning deism / by ja. lowde ... lowde, james. [12], 179, [1] p. printed by j. white for fra. hildyard and are to be sold by brab. aylmer ... and tho. bennet ..., york : 1699. errata: p. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng locke, john, 1632-1704. malebranche, nicolas, 1638-1715. philosophy, english -17th century. 2002-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-04 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion moral essays ; wherein some of mr. locks and monsi r. malbranch's opinions are briefly examin'd . together with an answer to some chapters in the oracles of reason concerning deism . by ja. lowde , rector of settrington in yorkshire . york , printed by i. white for fra hildyard , and are to be sold by brab aylmer at the three pidgeons in cornhill , and tho. bennet at the half moon in st. pauls church , london . 1699. to the right honourable , john earl of bridge-water , viscount brackley , baron of ellesmere , lord lieutenant of the county of bucks , and one of his majesties most honourable privy-council . my lord , titles do not so much make some men great , as show them to be so ; gold has an intrinsick value in it , even before the stamp ; thus the honours of your family , and the favours and smiles of your prince , which yet are very great happinesses , are not the essential ingredients of your more solid and intrinsick nobility . vertue and piety are the great ornaments and stability of the throne it self ; nor is it a less happiness to a kingdom , when nobles inherit their fathers vertues together with their fortunes : thus should i have look'd upon that long train of vertues , which your lordship takes more pleasure in practising , than in having them recounted , almost as hereditary to you , if thereby i might not seem to lessen your personal title to 'em ; and i hope you will give others leave to express what they are so intimately sensible of , the great benefit and advantage they receive by such benigne influences . my lord , i shall not here attempt any thing by way even of your lordships just character , because the greatness thereof , and your own native averseness from all such panegyricks , do wholly discourage me herein , so that this will be the p●culiar c●aracter of this epistle dedicatory , that it comes as f●r short of the real worth of its patron , as others usually exceed ●t . only your lordship must pardon me and others , if in this declining state of religion and piety in the world , we call in the aids and assistances of such examples as are able , not only to recommend the practice of vertue to others , but also to render it , even honourable in the midst of a perverse age. but i am afraid that i am injurious to the publick , whilst i thus employ your precious minutes ; if perhaps you vouchsafe to give this short address the reading . i shall now only take this opportunity , gratefully to acknowledge those many favours , which by the long experience of many years , i have received from you ; it is to your lordship and noble family , that i owe these happy retiremenrs , wherein i shall not be wanting to this part of my duty , to pray for your long health and happiness , and that god would long continue your lordship to us , a great example of all vertues , and a great instrument of publick and private good. this is , and shall be the constant prayer of , my lord , your lordships most obliged , and most obedient servant , ia. lowde . the preface . prefaces are now grown so customary , that readers generally think themselves neglected without 'em , otherwise i should not have concerned my self herein , the subject matter of these papers not affording any great occasion for such an address . i hope thou wilt not impute it to any pragmatical conceitedness , if i thus fill up some vacant minutes , not wholly taken up in the employment of a country cure , with such meditations as these . besides , the civility of mr. locks answer on the one hand , and the concerns of truth on the other , did in a great measure , call for some suitable reply ; i did not indeed , for some time , think the controversie betwixt him and me , considerable enough to trouble either him or my self with these disputes , ( and some perh●ps may think so still ) but so it happen'd that a friend of mine lately ask'd me , whether i was really satisfied and convin●'d with what mr. lock had writ in his preface in answer to my former treatise , i told him i was not ; whereupon he reply'd , that then mr. lock had taught me in his late controversie with the learned bishop of worcester , that good manners requir'd me to acknowledge the honour he did me , in taking notice of what i formely writ , and that i was bound in civility to represent the reasons why i cannot bring my sentiments wholly to agree with his ; for it seems a piece of ●ullenness and disrespect to remain dissatisfied , and not acquaint those from whom they may most reasonably expect information why they are so . and further , when i consider'd that several others , viz. j. s. and mr. becconsall had variously disputed those little controversies betwixt mr. lock a●d me , i humbly conceived i might be allow'd more fully to explain my sense and meaning therein , and then leave the whole with the judicious and impartial reader , where it must rest at last . another design of these papers is to shew the weakness of the pretences , and the inconclusiveness of the deists arguments ; i mean such as they themselves have of late made use of in their own defence , and i have the rather chosen to answer some of those short letters in the oracles of reason , both because i hope this may be done without any great tediousness to the reader , and also because this is not liable to any of those objections , that the dry method of the scholastick ob. and sol. ( as it is sometimes call'd ) is liable u●to . the deists here plead their own cause , and if it prove not so strong as was expected , they have no body to blame but themselves for it , and if they think it has suffer'd by any personal failures , they may at their own pleasure employ better advocates . i do not here pretend to advance any new notions , but only with as much strength and clearness as i can to defend the old , and therefore i know what i here write , is not like to meet with any general good reception in such a curious age as this , only i hope there may be some in the world who will not think the worse of truth because it is gray headed , truth being always of the elder house ; for though antiquity has not been so successful in ●inding out hypotheses of natural philosophy , yet i thi●k it has been more happy in setling morality npon its true foundations : i am not for venerable nonsense being preferr'd before new sense , nor yet am i for venerable sense being slighted in respect of new nonsense , it is the greatest instance of folly imaginable , to run out of one extream into anot●er , and though the former ages have been too much led by authority , and addicted to antient errors , yet it will not hence follow , that all new notions are true . i am apt to believe , that some opinions now prevailing in the world owe their reception therein to the positiveness of their patrons , and to the silence of those of the contrary perswasion , rather than to any strength of rea● on ●hat would be found in 'em , were they duly ex●min'd , there are some whose notions are so i●●ric●●e and their expressions so much out of th● common road , that many times they do facere intelligendo , ut alij saltem nihil intelligant : what i here design , therefore in these papers is clearne●s and perspicuity ; for however deep the pit might be wherein the ancients pla●'d truth , yet i never heard that it was muddy , so that what is said of the method of salvation by the gospel , rom. 10. 8. may be apply'd generally to all things of a moral nature , the word is nigh thee , even in thy mouth , and in thine heart . the learned and judicious author of the occasional papers , paper 1. pa. 4. tells us , that it would be of great service both to religion and good manners , to have ill books as they are publish'd , consider'd calmly by men of temper . i would only propound it further to consideration , whether it might not be convenient also somewhat to enlarge the design , and not only take notice of ill books as he calls them , such as either directly , or by natural and easie consequence tend to undermine our faith , or corrupt our manners ; not only i say to take notice of such , but also of the more material mistakes , even of good ones , the best and wi●est men m●y ●ometimes be mistaken in their principl●s or d●du●tions ●rom th●m , and it is no d●sparagement ●or any one to acknowledge it . there is one thing further wherein i must beg thy pardon ; the●e d●●cour●es want one great ornament of all compo●ures ( essays themselves not being excepted . ) that is , my transitions are not so soft and well connected as they ought to be ; this i am very sensible of , what the reason hereof may be , i know not , whether it be my want of skill , which i rather think , nobis non licet esse tàm disertis , or want of leisure , my other employments not suffering me to apply my self to these thoughts , but at certain intervals , or my natural ( but i confess , very culpable ) indifferency both as to style and method ; however it is , if this be any satisfaction to thee , i do willingly acknowledge my fault herein . nor must thou expect full and just discourses upon each of those points i here mention , neither my ability nor inclination concurring herein fully to exhaust a subject . i have no other end or design in these papers , but only the search and defence of truth , and if in any thing i be mistaken , ( and who can se●vre himself from mistakes ) i shall think my self oblig'd to any one , who shall with candour and calmness show me my error . mr. lock 's epistle to the reader examin'd , so far as concernes the law of fashion and innate notions in his second edition of his essay of humane understanding . what benefit or advantage , as to the concernes of truth and usefull knowledge , the world may receive by that little difference in dispute betwixt mr. lock and me , i know not , yet herein i hope , we have given an instance of the possibility of manageing a controversie without hard words , or unhansome reflections ; and if even this was more generally observed , it would very much advance the interest of truth , however of love and friendship in the world among persons of different opinions . i do not in the least question the truth and sincerity of what he there professes , that he is always ready to renounce his own and receive the opinion of others , according as truth appears on either side ; yet i hope he will pardon me , if i take the freedom to say , that the instance he there gives of altering of his opinion in reference to the last determination of the will of man , doth not seem to come up so fully to his purpose , seeing he doth not there so much quit any opinion of his own to embrace that of anothers , as to renounce the common opinion of most , tho then believed by him to entertain an opinion , i think , purely his own . mr. lock there complains , that his meaning is often mistaken , and that he has not always the good luck to be rightly understood : this is a common complaint in such circumstances , and i think , i may also lay a just claime to a share therein , but if i have mistaken his meaning in any thing , whatever the cause might otherwise be , i do insist upon this in my own vindication , that it was not out of any wilful designe : and i furth●r assure that learned man , that i never did think my self , nor went about to insinuate to others , that it was my opinion of him , that he absolutely held no reall difference or distinction betwixt vice and vertue : i did only ask this question there , whether if men should place their commendation or blame on that s●ide which deserv'd it not , whether that would alter the nature of things ? this i conceiv'd , might either set the thing in a clearer light in it self , or give him occasion so to do . i there also farther appeal'd to himself pa. 17. of his 1 st . edition , where i suppose he did not only declare the sense of the heathen phylosophers , but his own too upon this subject , when he grounds the reason of mens keeping their word , not upon the approbation of the place , men live in , but upon the honesty and dignity of the thing it felf . i did also read and consider those other places , where he doth positively assert the unchangeable rules of right and wrong , only i must confess , i did much wonder how so learned a man should go so near , as i thought to contradict himself in other places , where his expressions seem'd , at least , to me then , to infer the the rules of vice and vertue to be of a more changeable nature , perticularly in that place i quoted pa. 159. vertue is every where that which is thought praise-worthy , and nothing else but that which has the allowance of publique esteem , is vertue . but instead of is virtue , in the 1 st . edition , it is now is called vertue , in the second , therefore , i suppose , he say's that the 2d . edition will give me satisfaction in the point , and that this matter is now so express'd , as to show , there was no cause of scruple . it may be so exprest now perhaps that there is no cause of scruple ( tho that i much question ) but it will not sollow hence , that ●here was none , but rather the contrary , because he has alter'd his expression in such a materiall point . but he tells us , that he was there , not laying down morall rules , but showing the original and nature of morall ideas . for my part i dare scarce trust my own eyes against his word ; i shall here quote part of the paragraph , which he here refers to , p. 157. § 6. of these moral rules or laws , to which men generally refer , and which they judge of the rectitude or pravity of their actions , there seeme to me to be three sorts . here he seemes to me to call 'em morall rules , but whether he meanes the same thing by morall rules here , that he meanes in his epistle , that he himself is best able to resolve . vid , mr. becconsall , p. 199. 200. &c. but i must confess , that if i was mistaken in any thing , it was in what he tells us immediately after ; that in that place i there quoted , ( and if so , then by consequence in all those other places , which in the same chapter may seem liable to the same exception ) that he only reported as matter of fact , what others call vertue and vice , &c. i shall therefore here briefly lay down the reasons , why i did not so apprehend him , and then leave it to mr. lock 's own candour to pass judgment . i shall not need , to premise , that it is only the 1 st . edition of his book , that i am concern'd in , without taking notice of any alterations , or explications he has made in his 2 d. my discourse being writ , before his 2 d. edition was printed , and therefore ; 1 st . besides what i have already mentioned● there are some other passages in that chapter , wherein he seemes to speak his own opinion rather then mere matter , of ●act what others call vice or virtue 158. p. § . 7. by the relation our actions bear to the divine law , wee judge , whether they be sins or dutys , by the 2d . the civil law , whether they be criminall or innocent . by the 3d. by the philosohhicall law , whether they be virtues or vices . so p. 160. § . 14. there having resolved the complex idea , we signifie by the word murther , into its simple ideas , he proceeds , this collection of simple ideas being found by me to agree or disagree , with the esteem of the country , i have been bred in , and to be held by most men there , worthy praise or blame ; i call the action vertuons or vicious . now i had thought that wee and i , especially being joyned with such words as these , wee judge and i call together with this expression found by me , had included a mans selfe ( chap. of identity § 20. ) vrbem , quam dicunt romam melibaee , putavi , stultus ego , hunc nostroe similem . truly i imagin'd that , in things of this nature , men had generally spoken after the same manner all england over . about the year 1284. there were some grammaticall heresies , that is , some false latin and false grammer condemn'd , by arch episcopal authority , such as these , ego currit , nullum nomen est tertiae personae . far be it from me to impute any such sollaecismes to this learned author ; however i think , that i had very good reason to apply these expressions to the 1 st . person , rather than to any third . 2 ly . 't is observeable that he pleads for this 3 d. law , and that with all the force of reason , perhaps , that the thing is capable of , now when men relate things , as mere matter of fact , what others either do or say , they usually leave 'em to stand or fall by their own evidence ; i question whether ever any did so much towards the giving mens actings according to custome or opinion , the formality and grandeur of a law before , and as for the sanction , with all the elaborate circumstances he has annext to it , i think it is perfectly his own . p. 159. 160. § . 12. but i must beg leave here to say that the most hetrodox writer ( absit verbo invidia ) might perhaps thus take upon him only the same character of a relator , after he had used and urged all the arguments that either reason or authority could afford him for his particular opinion . i do not here say he so far pleaded for this law of custom or opinion , as to make it the standing rule of vice or vertue truly so call'd , or of right and wrong , as he some times calls 'em , but only that he espous'd the cause and pleaded for that law further than the thing would well bear . and these are the reasons that did more especially induce me to think , that he did not there take upon him the bare off●ce of a relator . to which i might also add , if it was necessary , what he says . p. 159. § . 12. if any one shall imagin that i have forgott my own notion of a law , when i make the law whereby men judge of vertue and vice , to be nothing else , but consent of private men , &c. this is not spoken like one , who barely relates matter of fact : others indeed may , and that justly too , act in obedience to that rule of decency and common repute , yet i think he was one of the first that made it a law , especially such , where by men judge of vertue and vice. i shall only add one or two considerations more upon this subject , before i leave it . 1 st . it seemes a peculiar way of speaking , not yet grown common in the world , when he assignes the names of vice and vertue to such actions , as are agreeable or dissagreeable to common reputation , and for that reason , because they are so , whereas it always was , and still is the more usual way , not only of judging what things are in their own nature , but also of denominating actions vertuous or vicious rather from theire agreeableness or disagreeableness to the dictates of reason , and the law of nature , rather than from the custom of the place . i grant indeed , that what ever is truly vertuous , is generally counted laudable , but it is not therefore vertuous , because laudable , but therefore laudable because vertuous . now i think that neither names , nor the grounds and reasons of 'em ought more to be alter'd , than the ancient landmarks in publick fields , ought to be remov'd ; for nothing but disorder , confusion and needless disputes will arise from both . i cannot pretend to be acquainted with all the perticular modes of speaking throughout the world , yet i much question , whether this be the most common and general acceptation of that word vertue , that it is taken most commonly for those actions , which according to to the different opinions of several countrys are accounted laudable . pag. 23. § 18. or however , not under that formality , because they were so counted . i do not here dispute concerning the true and proper acceptation of the word vertue , as mr. lock has rightly stated it in the very next period , but only as to matter of fact , even what apprehensions other nations generally had of it . i grant indeed that we shall sometimes find different practices in different places about the same thing , and all abounding in their own sense and pleading for the fitness and decency of their own perticular way : thus some thought it the most decent and honourable way of burying their dead by eating of 'em , others by burning , others by enterring , and no doubt all thought their own method the best : but these are matters of indifferency , and so do not strictly come up to our present case , but however it may be further ask'd whether or no these several sorts of people did count themselves only vertuous herein , and all the rest vicious . quakers are very rude and uncivil in thouing people , as we call it , especially those that are not of their own club , but i wish they had no greater vices to answer for than this . i have heard of a king that was both blind and lame , whereupon it was grown in fashion , and a laudable custom in that court , not to appear but with one eye cover'd , and with some counterfeiting at least a lameness . these were indeed very complaisant courtiers , but why they should be call'd vertuous for their dissimulation i know not , nor whether they were accounted so , even in that place , where the thing was grown so fashionable , thieves live in good repute and credit among themselves , and no doubt applaud their own exploits in their own clubs , but yet i much question whether they think violence and rapine to be vertues or no , or do indeed call 'em so . they may perhaps employ their wits and fancy's to excuse their way of living , but not to justifie it , nor to raise it to a degree of vertue ; or if we should suppose one among the rest more modest in his apprehensions and not retain such heroick thoughts of theft and murder● as the others did , yet i fancy his life would not be so uneasie to him as mr. locks sanction would seem to make it . pa. 159. i scarce think that any christian nation ( and the christian world is a scene large enough for this dispute ) doth call that a vertue , which either is in it self , or by any other christian nation is called a vice . whoredome , tho' in some countries permitted and but too much in fashion , yet it is not even there call'd a vertue , tho' perhaps it may be counted a lesser vice . and why should we here in england begin to unhinge and unsettle 〈…〉 whose sense and meaning always was and still ought to be more fix'd and constant . 2. this law of opinion and reputation , as it is made to constitute a distinct law , is not well grounded , for a law is always suppos'd to bring men under an obligation , now the things in fashion among men , if they be contrary to the law of nature , let mens opinions of 'em be what they will , yet they are no law to any one , and if they be agreeable to the law of nature , then they do so far coincidere with the divine law , and do not constitute a new species of law. but i must remember what mr. lock reminds me of , that he only relates what others say , not what he defends . but if so , then i can mention several other rules , which men sometimes make lawes to themselves , viz. their respective tempers and humours , and the prejudices of education : which are as much laws to these men in their respective clubs , as opinion and reputation are to others in theirs . but he goes on , whatsoever authority , he says , i place in my old english dictionary , it no where tells me , that the same action is not in credit , call'd and reputed a vertue in one place , which being in disrepute passes for and under the name of vice in another . but with submission i must tell him , that what ever authority he places in his new way of speaking , yet , tho' our english dictionarys ( his as well as mine ) no where say , that the same actions are not variously reputed , so or so in various places ( for that is not their business ) yet they no where say , that they are . for both our dictionarys and moral philosophers ( i appeal to both ) tell us , that vice and vertue are much what the same with good and evil , sin and duty , and by consequence , that they did not , at least in those times so much as receive their denomination from custom , but if he had instanc'd in one perticular action in the whole christian world , which in one place was counted a vertue and in another a vice , it would have added much light to the whole , and better explain'd his meaning . the taking notice that men bestow the names of vertue and vice , according to the rule of reputation , is all i have done , or can be laid to my charge to have done , towards the making of vice vertue , and vertue vice . here i would only ask whether this , of mens bestowing the names of vertue and vice , according to the rule of reputation , be in it self a just well grounded and reasonable action , if it be , why doth he not assert and defend it , if it be not , why doth he found a law viz. of opinion and reputation , upon the unwarrantable and ill grounded actions of men. but he seemes to commend me , ( upon what account i know not ) for taking the alarm , as he calls it , euen at expressions , which standing alone by themselves might sound ill and be suspected i know not what he means by expressions standing alone by themselues . i hope he will grant , that several expressions , standing alone by themselves , that is at certain distances , yet all upon the same account justly exceptionable , may be taken notice of ; and i suppose he now understands , that it was not only one single expression , dropt as it were by chance from his pen , that i found fault with but with his whole way of arguing upon that perticular . 't is to this zeal , allowable in his function , some think this to be a reflection upon my function , as if its proper business was to be employ'd in impertinencies , but i am willing , according to my function , to put the most favourable interpretation upon things that they are capable of bearing , that i forgive his citing my words , as he there does , &c. 't is my happiness , that i find , that some men , as they are great , so they are also merciful . i also thank him for the respect he seems to show to the function , but zeal without knowledge ( as he must suppose mine to be , for otherwise i should never have found fault , where there was no ground for it ) is no more pardonable in my function , than in others , p●rhaps less . but no one they say refuses gods and the kings pardon . i will go a little further , and not only accept , but humbly beg his pardon too if i be in the wrong , but i hope i may contestari litem . he blames me for not taking notice of those words immediately preceding those of his , the exhortations of inspired teachers , &c. but it was not much material to my purpose , nor any way prejudi●ial to his cause , whether i did or no , as i hope will appear in the sequel . he also blames me for quoting that place of st. paul , phil. 4. 8. whatsoever things are lovely , whatsoever things are of good report , if there be any vertue , if there be any praise , &c. in a sense he us'd it not . truly i am not yet convinced , that i quoted it in any other sense , than the apostle spoke it , and if he us'd it in any other , i cannot tell how to help it , he must look to that , but he says , he brought this passage of st. paul , to show that for reasons he there gives , men in that way of denominating their actions , do not for the mo●t part much vary from the law of nature , which is that standing and unalterable rule , by which they ought , &c. i am of his opinion too in this perticular , viz. that in so doing , they do not for the 〈…〉 &c. and yet not for this reason becaus● st. paul says watsoever thi●gs are of good report , if there be any vertue , if there be any praise , think of these things . for indeed st. paul here supposes some things either in themselves of good report , or in their own natures indifferent , and by the innocent and la●dable custom of that place made so , and then they are the subject matter of a command , think of these things : but then by bare mentioning things of good report , he does not concern himself in that question , how far men in denominating their actions according to common repute , may or may not vary from the law of nature : tho' by the way it seems but a very humble commendation of this law of opinion or reputation , which is attended with all these diminutions , that it is such as ( only ) for the most part doth not much vary from the law of nature . that is , it may sometimes , nay frequently too , and in some degree vary from it . but st. paul , being an inspired teacher , certainly would not appeal to common repute under those formalitys and disadvantagious circumstances , seeing he was there laying down rules for the guidance of all succeeding ages of the church so that the things of good report , which the apostle appeals to , 〈…〉 , but alwayes agree with the law of nature , or at least were not contrary to it . the exhortations of inspired teachers have not feared to appeal to common repute , &c. by this must be understood such an appeal , as refers to practice , think of these things ; now i durst appeal to mr , lock himself whether the apostle would exhort men to the practice of things of good report , without any restriction or limitation ; since he himself doth acknowledge that men , in denominating their actions according to this law , do ( only ) for the most part not much vary from the law of nature . whereby , even in the corruption of manners , the true boundarys of the law of nature , whi●h ought to be the rule of vertue and vice , were prtty well preserved . these are the words , upon account of which he blam'd me , because i did omit 'em ; but doth he indeed think , that the apostle in this case would have appealed to such a state of things without exception , wherein the true boundarys of the law of nature were , ( only ) pretty well preserv'd . t is granted on all hands , that the law of nature ought indeed to be the rule of vertue and vice ; but it seems it is not always actually so : if this be not the meaning of that expression pretty well preserved , i know not what is . and what advantage is this to his cause ? i hope mr. lock is not one of those , who would here tell us , that the rule , which the apostle here layes down , is not absolutely certain and infallible , but only such , as for the most part , and more generally is true : for this would ill comport with the caracter of an inspired teacher : nor do i see , what tolerable sense can be made of these words , if there be any vertue , if there be any prayse , or why they are introduc'd , according to mr. lock 's way of interpreting the place . i have insisted the longer upon this subject , and represented my thoughts the more variously , that if possible i might the more certainly hit the authors meaning , for i must confess , that such is either the obscurity of his expres●ion , or of his way of arguing here , or such the dulness of my capacity , that i cannot be assured , that i fully apprehend his meaning in this perticular . but then as to naturall notions , he says , we are better agreed than i thought of ; if so , i am glad of it , for i can assure him , i take no pleasure in having any difference with any one : but i am afraid , there will , upon examination , be found some small difference betwixt us , in this particular also . in stating the question , he says , i leave nothing in it contrary to what he had said . i shall here first transcribe my stating of it , so far as is necessary in this perticular , that so the reader may be the better able to judge betwixt us . p. 52. these naturall notions , are not so imprinted upon our soules , as that they naturally and necessarily exert themselves ( even in children and ideots ) without any assistance from the outward senses , or without the help of some previous cultivation , for thus reason it self , which yet , we say , is natural to a man is not so born with him , but that it requires some supervenient assistances , before it arrive at the true exercise of it self , and it is as much as i here contend for , if these notions be in the same sence connaturall to the soul , as reason it self is . and farther , the use of our understanding being first supposed that is , our faculties laboring of no naturall defect , nor deprived of those other advantages , that god and nature have made necessary there unto , then our souls have a natural power of finding , or framing such principles or propositions , the truth or knowledge whereof no wayes depends upon the evidence of sence or observation . and now doth mr. lock indeed say , that these notions are in the same sense connatural to the soul , as reason it self is ? doth he indeed grant to our souls a native power of finding or frameing such principles or propositions , the truth or knowledge whereof no ways depends upon the evidence of sense or observation ? and yet , methinks he must grant this too , if he hold to his intuitiue certainty ; and if so then we are better agreed , than i thought of : but then what becomes of that pompous principle , that sensation and reflexions upon sensible impressions , are the originals of all our knowledge ; but he proceeds , all that he says for innate , imprinted or inpress'd notions ( for of innate idea's he says nothing at all ) amounts only &c. here he seemes to blame me for not speaking of innate ideas . but 1 st . what reason had i to enter upon any such discourse , seeing that neither he believes any su●h , nor do i universally assert ●em , nor did my subject naturally lead me hereunto . for i cannot be convinc'd of the force of his argument p. 27. that if there be innate notions , that then there must be innate idea's . i doe indeed assert innate notions , in the sense before explain'd , but yet i do not say , that all the respective ideas , viz. simple ideas relating to those notions are innate : i shall only instance in one or two , cogito , ergo sum , bare nothing cannot produce any real being . p. 312. of his essay , of these mr. lock says , he has an intuitiue knowledge or certainty , and yet i do not believe , that there are any innate ideas of cogitation , existence , production , nothing , &c. the respective ideas , that these notions are composed of . 2. i had no mind to ingage in a discourse of that nature , because i looked upon the doctrine of idea●s , as it is now generally mannag'd , to be a very intricate , and perhaps not altogether such an usefull speculation . the old way of re●olving knowledge , was into these three operations of the mind , 1 st . simple apprehension . 2 d. composition and division . 3 d. discourse from both the former . now if this ideal scheme , with all its various divisions , and sub-divisions , be either the same , or do in a great mea●ure concidere with the former , why should the world be amused , either with making new words , or using old ones in a new signification . i know mr. lock tells us , p. 73. § 4. that it is unavoidable in discourses differing from the ordinary received notions , either to make new words , or use old ones● in somewhat a new signification . but then such men ought to consider , whether the●e notions , which appear different from the ordinary reccieved ones , do not in a great measure owe their extrordinarinesse , if i may so speak , rather to the authors expressing them in new words , or words of a new signification , rather than to any newn●ss in the notion it self . nor do i see how this way of resolveing knowledge into th●se ideas conveyed into our minds , by sensation and reflexion there upon , doth any way more effectually tend to the reall advancement of usefull knowledge , than the other , for it rather supposes us already to have attain'd to that knowledge , which we thus resolve into these idea's , than to enable us to make any further advances in it . thus i have a generall notion of a book for example ; at the first sight , now if i should resolve this notion into its ideall principles , into all its simple ideas , &c. i believe i should at last have no better notion or idea of it than i had before . i shall only instance in another of his own p , 160. § . 14. for example , let us consider , the complex idea we signify by the word , murther , and when we have taken it asunder , and examin'd all the particulars , we shall find them to amount to a collection of simple ideas , derived from sensation or reflection . first , from reflection on the operation of our own minds , we ●ave the ideas of willing , considering , purposing be●ore-hand malice , or wishing ill to another , and also of life or perception and self motion . 2ly . from sensation , we have the collection of the simple sensible ideas of a ma● , and of some action by which we put an end to that perception and motion in the man ; all whieh simple ideas are comprehended in the word murther . i suppose , he design'd here more particularly to explain to us the nature of murther , according to his ideall way , by sensation and reflection . now if we should thus explain the word or go about to instruct an honest country-iury-ma● in the nature of the thing , viz. of murther , he would certainly stare at us , and perhaps think that we were not much overgrown , either with law or reason ; but never understand the nature of murther one jot the better for it . i never yet observ'd that lushington's logick , which is either a new way of thinking or a new way of expressing old thoughts ever made that improvement of knowledge in the world , which the author at first perhaps promised himself it would do . p. 44. § . 24. the impressions then that are made upon our selves by outward objects , that are extrinsecall to the mind , and its own operations about these impressions reflected on by its self , as proper objects to be contemplated by it , are , i conceive the original of all knowledge . here t is observeable , that the reflection is made upon the operations of the mind , as employed and exercised about these outward impressions , now one might have thought , that the streames would not have risen above the fountains head , and that the reflections upon these outward impressions would not have produc'd idea's of a quite different nature from the rest . so that that which mr. norris . p. 61. of his remarks upon the athenian society , puts upon these ideas , seemes to be the most naturall and obvious sense and meaning of 'em , viz. that these ideas of reflection are but a secondary sort of ideas , that result from the various compositions , and modifications of these primary ones of sensation . otherwise this notion of his , which he seems to advance with some kind of pompous traine of thought , as if something out of the common road of former methods , will , at last dwindle into this , which hath been the common and generall opinion of all the considering part of mankind herein , that all knowledge proceeds either from the senses , or from the understanding , in its most extensive capacity , however qualified and disposed for that purpose . but by reflection among other things he includes the power of negation : thus from conception of some thing by negation hereof he forms an idea of nothing : but now methinks we are got far aboue the sphere of sensation , for nothing cannot be the object of sense , nor make any impression upon the outward organs , and yet the soul can frame propositions of as great truth and evidence from this nothing ; as it can from something ex. gr . bare nothing cannot produce a reall being , but to proceed . he sayes that i make innate notions conditionall things depending upon the concurrence of severall other circumstances , in order to the souls exerting them ; and so leave nothing in the stating of the question , contrary to what he had said before . but i shall quit the place , upon which he grounds this , and then leave it to the reader to judge , whether he hath done me right or no , p. 78. of my former discourse . i was there complaining of some men who will put such a sense upon these words , innate or naturall , as if a thing could not be thus naturall or innate to the soul , unless it did so immediately and necessarily stare children and fools in the face , that they must necessarily assent thereto , even before , by the common course of nature , they are capable of assenting to any thing ; whereas those who defend this question , make these naturall or innate notions more conditionall things , depending on the concurrence of severall other circumstances , &c. now i appeal to the reader , whether these notions may not be more conditionall things , or not such absolute ones , as necessarily to stare children or fools in the face , and yet not such as mr. lo●k makes ' ●m and yet not such as owe their origionall to sen●●●ion or re●lection upon sensible impre●sions . but h● s●ys ●hat all i say for innate notions amoun●s only to this , that there are certain propos●tions , which tho the soul , from the beginning , or when ● man is born , does not know , yet by assistance from the outward sen●es , and the help o● some previous cultivation , it may afterward come certainly to know the truth of . 1 st . i do not say that infants have that actuall knowledge of these propositions , any more than they have the actuall exercise o● reason ; yet by a●sistance from the outward sen●es ● &c. here i cannot but take notice , how industriously he endeavous to fix his own se●se upon my words , tho ' indeed they will not bear it ; but certainly here must be some mistake , either in him or me , as to this particular , for in the stating of the question , i s●id ; that the truth and knowledge of these propositions did no way depend upon the evidence of sen●e or observation , therefore methinks , i should not presently say , that by the assistance of the outward senses w● afterward come to the certain knowledge of them , in the same sense wherein he seems to intimate it : but what if i never s●●d any such thing at all , or what i said will not amount to any such sense , as he put there upon it ? he might have done well to have quoted the place , then might we better have examined the sense and meaning of it : but i think those expressions ( nor any thing like 'em ) do no where occur in my book , what com●s the nearest is p. 52. i shall transcribe the words , and let the reader judge : these naturall notions are not so imprinted upon the soul , as that they naturally , and necessarily exert themselves ( even in children and ideots ) without any assistance from the outward senses , or without the help of some previous cultivation : for thus reason it felf , which yet we say , is naturall to a man is not so born with him ; but that it requires , &c. i do not understand , that there is any such thing asserted in this place , as that which he seemes to make my meaning in the former : but i shall have occasion to examine this place again , upon the like account . but he seemes not to like that expression of the soules exerting of notions , as being a very unintelligible and unfit one in this case , misleading mens thoughts by an insinuation as if those notions were in the mind , before the soul exerts ' em . but i have already told him , that i do not say , that these notions are in the mind from the beginning , any other ways than reason it self is ; and if i did , ( as mr. norris very pertinently asks the question ) how does the author know , but that these naturall impressions , may be so ordred , that they shall not become legible be●ore such a period of time , i know not how he would confute it . 2 d. i was there d●fending innate notions , and he opposing 'em , it was his part therefore to prove my assertion ●alse , but when he barely ●inds fault with this expr●ssion of the souls ex●rting of notions , as if it mi●ted mens thoughts , &c. this is only to suppose it false , but not to prove it so . he further seems to charge me with some contrariety or inconsistency of expression . p. 52. there he charges me with saying , that the●e naturall no●ions ex●rt themselves as p. 78. that the soul exerts ' em . as to the 1 st . p. 52. that these notions exert thems●lv●s : truly in that place , i say no such thing , but ●●●her the contrary , my words are these ; ●hese natural notions are not so imprinted upon the soul , as that they naturally and necessarily exert themselves ( even in children and ideots ) here we may observe , that the period is n●gative , and the negative particle exerts its influence , if i may so speak , upon the whole sentence : but however , , i say , they doe not exert themselves without any assistance from , &c. which supposes that with such assistances , they do exert themselves , but this perhaps is the only instance , wherein mr. lock doth not seem to deal so ingeniously with me , viz. to charge me with an inconsistency or impropriety of speech only by implication ; but suppose one , who asserts innate notions should say sometimes , that they exert themselves , sometimes , that tbe soul exerts 'em , i think it would not be any such great inconsistency , unless men would be too severely criticall , yet this i say , that these naturall notions may require or suppose some assistance from the outward senses or some previous cultivation , and yet the truth and knowledge of 'em , not depend upon the evidences of sense or observation any more than intuitive knowledge doth . but he would have me to explain to my self or others what i mean by the souls exerting these notions , and what that previous cultivation , or those other circumstances in order to their being exerted , are . 1. by the souls exerting them as it is an act or operation of the soul , i mean the same that i do by all other its acts or operations , only the soul here acts upon different motives and principles , and upon different occasions , ex . gr . when the soul exerts this notion or proposition , snow is white , the truth of this she has from sense or experience , but in this , nihili nullae sunt affectiones , there she acts in a more abstracted way of speculation , without any notices or assistances , immediatly drawn from the s●ns●s : and this i conceive , is the w●y of his in●uitive certainty . if he says , that this is what he meanes by his sensation and reflection , i am very glad of it , and shall no ways oppose him . and then as to what i mean by that previous cultivation , or those other circumstances , &c. he may observe , that i always introduce these expr●ssio●s with relation or respect to children going before . and so it was p. 52. and 78. so that by that previous cultivation or other circumstances i mean all the previous discipline the child underwent at school , or elsewhere , all the benefits and advantages of education , which are commonly requisite in order to reasons coming to a competent exercise of it self . so that , if i should say , that the soul being so , and so qualify'd exerts those notions , so , as to suppose some footsteps of these truths imprinted or interwoven in the very essentiall constitution of the soul , as such that is , as rational , i think it an assertion not unreasonable in it self , however not possible to be disprov'd , or confuted by any one . tho' this is not my way of asserting innate notions , viz. intellectual notions , exclusively of the other , which i shall here subjoyn . therefore , 2 dly . if i say that these notions are of such a frame or bear such a natural or necessary a●reement to the facultys of our soul●s , in the free use and exercise of 'em that th●y cannot ●ut assent to 'em , when fairly propos'd . i think this is much what the same with the former , especially if we consider , that i do not h●re suppose the intermediation of any notices or ideas drawn ●rom sense , in the act of producing them , any more than in any act of reason , or speculation whatsoever . now if either of th●s● two ways ( if perhaps they be diff●rent ) prov● reneable , then i shall be able to m●in●●in my ground , for in stating the question , i did not confine my self to eithe● of 'em par●icularly , for i said that supposing the soul so and so quallify'd , it then has a native power of finding or framing such principles or propositions , the truth or knowledge whereof no ways depends upon the evidence of sense , or observation . i have hitherto been upon the explaining part , in observance of his demand , i hope he will now give me leave to de●ire him to explain some things in his assertions , which s●●m not so easy and obvious to apprehend . pa. 318. the k●owledge of our own being we have by intuition ; the existence of a god , reason clearly makes known to us , the knowledge of the existence of other things , we can have only by sensation , here he assignes 3 several ways of acquiring knowledge , and in the same pa. he says , the notice we have by our senses of the existence of things without us , tho● it be not altogether so certain as our intuitive knowledge , or the deductions of our reason &c. pa. 312 , man knows by an intuitiv● knowledge that bare nothing cannot pro●●ce any real being . now intuitive knowledge was never suppos'd to be acquir'd by sensation , or by any reflexion upon materiall mpressions , and indeed here he hims●●f acknowledges the same . now that which i would desire him to explain to himself or others is , 1. how this intuitive knowledge thus asserted is reconcileable with what he say● pa. 44 & 24 , where sensation and reflexio● are made the originals of all knowledge . 2. i would desire him to explain how any impressions from out●ard objects , or any operations of the mind about these impressions reflected on by it felf , can produce in man any ●nowledge or sense of moral good or evil or of the difference betwixt them ; i know he tells us that supposing a god , and such a creature as man is , from the relation that one bears to the other , honour will necessarily b● due to god , from man. i grant this , but i do not see , how he can come to this knowledge from any sensible impressions from without , or by reflexions of the mind ●ereupon . when he has a litle more fully explain'd these things , i suppose there will be very litle difference betwixt him and me in this particular , an● that he will , in some measure be forc'd to acknowledge with me . pa. 53. that the soul , the free use of our understandings first suppos'd , has a native power of finding , or framing such propositions the truth , or knowledge whereof no way depends upon the evidence of sense , or observation . but i must remember that what that learned man writ , was only by way of es●ay , and i would desire the reader to look upon what i write too here , in the same manner : only i think , that an essay , like a town or fortress once attempted or besieg'd ought eit●er to be well defended or fairly given up , and thus much in answer to mr. lock . i shall here further take notice of a cavil of the atheists , who make it an objection against the being of a god , that they do not discover him without any application , in spight of their corrupt wills and debaucht understandings ; if such a god ( say they ) as we are told of , had created and form'd us , surely he would have left upon our minds a native and indelible inscription of himself , whereby we must need have felt him , even without seeking , and believ'd in him , whether we would or no. i shall first consider this as a mere cavil of the atheists , tho' as it is manag'd by some , it seems rather to be made use of as an argument against the natural impression of god upon our minds , than any proof against his being . and here we may obs●rve . 1. that if the confession of atheists will add any thing to the cause in hand , they themselves do grant , that it was a thing reasonable and becoming , that god should leave some natural character of himself upon the souls of men , but the unreasonableness of the cavil consists not in the impression it self , but in the suppos'd indelibleness and irresistibility of it , but i hope we shall be able to account for that by and by . 2. atheists themselves are sometimes for●'d , more especially at their death , to acknowledge a god whether they will or no , and this is a fair probable argument at least of this natural inscription ; 't is true , god may more ime●i●tely work such effects upon mens mind , but his ordinary and regular way of acting is by means , viz. by restoring , conscience to its natural freedom , which before was debauch'd and blinded by bad principl●s and worse practices ; th●se natural no●ions of good and evil , and the sence of our obligation h●reunto , being now more at liberty , and their consciences more fr●ely excusing or accusing them , tho' i do not h●re exclude the influences of gods holy spirit . but 't is here reply'd , that god has endued mankind with powers and abilitys of natural light and reason , by which he cannot miss of the dis●overy of a god , and this is su●●●●ient , and therefore such an original impression would not be necessary . but what if there be other arguments to prove the being of a god , must we then reject this as useless ? suppose an atheistical person should object against such a particular epistle or chapter in holy writ , that it is not canonical scripture , must we therefore giv● up the point , because perhaps there is scripture sufficient to salvation without it ? but they say , that such an impression would have rendred the belief of a god i●resistible and necessary , and thereby bereav'd it of all that is good and acceptable in it . but how do they prove , that this impression would make the belief of a god irresistible and necessary ? may there not be such an impression upon our minds , as may rather gently incline , than forcibly constrain to belief ? may it not be such , as that the power and ef●icacy of it m●y be , in a great measure rebated by wilful wickedness and vicious practices ? may there not be such a thing as divine grace , tho' at the same ●ime we do not believe it to be irrisistible ? but they tell us that such a radical truth that god is , and springing up with the very e●se●●e of our souls , is not pretended to by religion . but doth religion pretend any thing to the contrary ? but supposing ( which yet will not be easily granted ) that the scripture doth not either suppose or assert this naturall inscription o● signature of god upon our minds ; yet doth religion forbid us to make use of any argument that may be piou●ly or rationally credible , for the proof of a god ? scripture doth not go about to prove the being of god by philosophicall arguments , this was not the desig● of moses , or the prophets , or the apostles , any other ways , than as the history of the one , and the prophesies and miracles of the others do sufficiently demonstrate it ; and the●efore t is no argument against such a naturall impression or idea of god● because the scripture doth not particularly insist upon it , for that purpose . the scripture doth argue as strongly , as any the most accute phylosopher can do , but then it is rather to prove the atributes , than the being of god ; this is rather supposed , than gon about to be prov'd in scripture . but then i would only aske these opposers of this naturall character of god upon our mindes , whether they do grant any naturall notions of good or evill ; if they do , i know not why they should deny this of god , upon which the other do depend● if they do not , they then must make morality a more mechanicall and factitious thing than god and nature ever design'd to make it . so that i humbly conceive , that these men , whilest they thus goe about to answer the cavill , do indeed rather cut , than lose the knot , by granting the truth of this consequence , that if god hath made any original impression of himself upon the minds of men ; then it must be necessary and irresistible as to the produceing such and such effects upon all men , and at all times : for by this meanes they lay a necess●ity upon themselves of denying any such thing , as this naturall character or idea of god , whereas they might sufficiently have answered this cavill of the atheists , by granting the being of such a naturall impression , and by denying the consequence , that then it must be irresistible , in the sense they assert it ; and i beleeve it would require more wit , then the atheist either is , or ever will be master of , to prove it . addenda to the former chapter● concerning the law of custom , and innate notions . mr. lock in his preface says , he was in the chapter there mentioned , not laying down morall rules , but enumerating the rules men made use of in morall rela : +tions , whether those rules were true or false but certainly it is not so well consistent with that great character that mr. lock beares in the world , to spend time in laying down rules in things relating to morality , without any respect to their being either true or false , considering the bad use the vulgar and inconsiderate people may , and frequently do make of such doubtf●ll discourses ; men may thus write for ever , and yet the world never the better , but possibly much worse for their writeing : but the rules he there takes notice of are these three : 1 st . the divine law. 2 d. humane law. 3 ly . the law of opinion , or reputation . now the divine law is always true , humane law always obligatory , but the law of fashion or opinion , which is neither always true . nor always obligatory , seemes to be very unjus●ly joynd with the two former . but i must doe mr. lock ●hat right , as to take notice of what he says in the last § . of that chapter . there he tells us , that tho' the rule be erronious , and i mistaken in it , yet the agremeent or disagreement of that , which i compare with it , is evidently known by me ; wherein consists my knowledge of relation : but what an insignificant piece of knowledge is this , thus to know relation , for when i see a pedler measuring me off so much stuffe by a false yard , i see indeed the relation , that one bears to the other , and that agreement betwixt 'em but what satisfaction is that to me , for the cheat that is put upon me by the false measurer . but tho' measuring by a wrong rule i shall thereby be brought to judge amiss of i●'s morall rectitude , because i have tryed it by that , which is not the true rule , &c. here mr. lock confesses that morall rectitude consists in the truth of the rule , not in the agreement of any action to a rule , whether that rule be true or false . now let us compare such or such an action to the law or rule of fashion or reputation ; i find it agreeable thereunto : what then follows ? why , then it follows , that it is agreeable thereunto ; nothing further can follow hence , because as yet i know not whether that law of custome or reputation be true or no. so that mr. lock here seems to make use of his own authority in a great measure to repeal that law of custom or fashion , which in the former part of that chap. he seems to enact . but now in his preface he says , he never endeavour'd to make it a law ; if so , then what meanes the 12 th . § . wherein he seems to assume to himself the honour of making it such , and further adds a sanction thereunto , i think perfectly of his own elaboration : tho' indeed the sanction doth not seem to stand good , even upon his own principles . for § . 5. he tells us , that morall good and evill is the conformity or disagreement of our voluntary actions to some law , whereby good and evill is drawn on us from the will and power of the law-maker , and by the decree of the law maker . now i suppose no particular society or club of men ever met together to constitute such respective sanctions to actions agreeable ●r disagreeable to fashion or reputation ; for he tells us . § . 10. that this approbation or dislike , doth by a secret and tacit consent , ( which certainly is some thing different from the will , power and decree of the law-maker ) establish it self in the severall societies , and clubs of men in the world : and § . 6. it would be in vain for one intelligent being to set a rule to the action of another , if he had it not in his power to reward or punish the compliance with , or deviation from this rule , by some good and evill , that is not the natural product , and consequence of the action it self , for that being a naturall convenience or inconvenience , would operate of it self without a law. now if an action be truly morally good , praise and approbation is the natural product and consequence of such an action ; and if it be really bad , then blame and censure ; but now these do not come up to the rewards and punishments above mentioned , such as are extrinsick to the nature of the action , and not the natural and necessary results of it . but mr. becconsall hath in a great measure prevented me on this subject , for which i thank him . but i.s. p. 271. p. 199.200 . of his reflections upon mr. lock , there speaking of this little controversy betwixt mr. lock and me , says , that mr. lock has so perfectly clear'd that point in his preface ' that none can now remain unsatisfi'd , for who can hinder men from sancying and nameing things , as they list . none indeed can hinder men from doing thus , but this they ought not to do , unless they think and write without any respect either to truth or goodness , and when men fancy and name things , as they list , if this be done without any ground of reason , and contrary to the generall practice of mankind , i humbly conceive , there is no reason , that this should satisfy any one : but then pa. 274. he says , i think it had been better and more unexceptionable , to have called such good and bad dispositions ( reputed vertues and vices ) than to joyne those qualities in an univocall appellation , &c. here he seemes to cast the cause on my side againe : but we are all partys here , and so must appeal to the impartiall and juditious reader , the only supreme judge in things of this nature , here t is very well worth the observation , what the learned bp. of worcester says , pa. 25. of his answer to mr. locks 2 d. letter . i am utterly against any private miuts of words , and i think those persons assume too much authority to themselves , who will not suffer common words to pass in their generall acceptation , but will set such bounds and limits to 'em , as suit best with th●ir own speculations . and here i cannot but take notice of a certain kind of novell affected way of speaking of late prevaiing in the world , even among great phylosophers , whether it be to gratify their own curiosity of speaking , or that they pretend to advance some new notion by this new way of expressing themselves , i know not ; but this is certain , that vicious and ill minded men do make use hereof , especially when t is apply'd to matters of morality , to worse purposes , than our modern philosophers probably ever intended it . mr. malbranch , pa. 15. paragraph , 7. of his late treatise of morality , it is certain that universall reason is always the same , order is immutable , and yet morality changes a●cording to places and times . bad men from such instances , as these , take occasion to undermine the very fundamentals of all religion , and wholly to resolve morality into mere custome and education . mr. lock indeed did say in his 1 st . edition of his essay , that nothing else but that which has the allowance of publick esteem , is vertue . but he altred it in his 2d . and probably mr. malbranch if he have the same candor and ingenuity , will doe the same too . mens apprehensions concerning some points of morality may vary and alter , but the things themselves never do . it is a vertue , he says , among the germans to drink hard . but this is i● an assersion both false and scandalous , for who ever said that the personal faillures of private persons can make that a vertue any where which is not so in it self , neither do i think , that this of drinking hard , i suppose , he meanes to excess , is generally counted a vertue , even in germany : thus some men stick not to violate all the rules of order , truth and justice , only to advance a notion false in it self , and dangerous in its consequences , viz. that morality changes according to times and places . vice and errour are of a progressive nature , thus men first live as if there were no god , then they wish there was none , then they set their understandings to defend , what their vicious and corrupt affections first prompted them to desire : thus from atheisme in practise they proceed to atheisme in speculation . so also some men speak , as if there were no fixt and standing rules of morality , ; others , being prompted thereunto by their vicious humours , take the hint , and hence boldly assert that there are no such things ; thus taking away the very foundation of all natural religion . i shall here beg leave to reflect upon one or two passages more in his treatise pa. 414. de inquirenda veritate . he tells us , that god has instituted a natural union betwixt the will of man and the representation of idea's . but now in the 5 th . chapt. of his trea●ise of morality , being conscious perhaps that the will of man will ●ot so well do the business he now shu●●●●s betwixt mans will and his a●●●ntion , as if th●s● two were the same ●●ing . in the heads of that 5 th . chap. we fin● this , our desires are the occasional causes o● our knowledge . but in the 2 d. paragr : he t●lls us tha● god by a general law hath ann●xed the presence of idea's to the attention of our mind , and some few lin●s ●f ●r h●ving an inward sense of his own attention and no knowledge of the operati●n o● god he looks upon the endeavour o● his d●sires ● as the true cause of those ideas , that accompany that endeavour , what he means by the endeavour of his desires , we shall know , when his illustrations come out : i suppose he does not make mens desires and their endeavours the same thing , only because men desires commonly put 'em upon endeavours . but parag : 4 th . he tells us● that attention of the mind then is a kind of natural prayer , he might as well have said that prayer is a kind of natural attention● and so made quidlibet ex quolibet , merely to avoid a frank acknowledgment of his former errour . in the beginning of his 2 d. chapt. he says , the love of order is not only the chief of moral vertues , but the only vertue , and thro' that whole chapt. and in other places he speaks very great things of this love of order , as if there was no other vertue besides it , and yet ch. 3d. paragr : 1 st . tho' i have not expre●s'd the principal or mother vertue by the authentick name of charity , i would not have any one im●gine that i pretend to deliv●r to m●n any other vertue , than that which christ ●●mself hath establish'd in these words , thou shalt love the lord thy god , &c. on these two depend the law and the prophets . mat. 22. 37 , 40. 1 cor. 13. 1. but then why did he not retain the same name , that our saviour and his apostles made use of , does he think that the love of order expresses i● better ? or is not this something of the humour before taken notice of , viz. an affected way of speaking . by the love of order then he only means a true inward principle of all vertuous actions , and if so , then it is so far from being the only vertue , that it is not one , that is , compleat , entire , perfect vertue of it self , there are other things requir●d to the compleating of vertue besides a right principle tho' perhaps this is the first and principal ingredient ; bonum ex causa integra , malum ex quolibet defectu , so that a disposition or facility of performing such dutys is not properly vertue , without the love of order : pa. 15. neither is the mere love of order properly a vertue , without the performing such duty 's when we have ability and oppor●●●ity of perfo●ming ' em . then as to innate no●ions i would add , that i take these ( especially int●ll●ctual notions ) to be call●d so , rath●r i● opposition to their b●ing the result of mere sence and observation or of any m●r● r●fl●xions on sensible impr●ssions , rather than that they are imprinted from the beginning upon the soul in any such gross characters , as some perhaps may imagine them ; tho' i do not here recal any thing , that i had said before upon that subject . we seem to have as clear a notion of the thing , when we say , nihili nullae sunt affectiones , as we have , when we are told p● . 139 of mr. lo●ks letter to the bishop of worcester ? that the idea of nothing has a necessary connexion with no power , no operation , no causality , no effect , that is , with nothing . this proposition indeed , nothing has a necessary connexion with nothing , is certainly true ; but then it seems to border too near upon those propositions , which add no light to the understanding which bring no encrease to our knowledg , that is , trifleing propositions . p a. 307. of e●say . mr. norris blames mr. lock , because he has not given us a just and real difinition of an idea , and may ●ot mr. lock blame mr. norris his difi●i●ion pa. 30 of his reflexions upon mr. lock 's essay , when he tells us that an idea is a partial representation of the divine omniformity or the omni●orm essence o● god , partially represented , eit●er as in it selfe unintelligible , or as not so agreeable to the honour and dignity of the divine ●ssence . i could have wish'd , that mr. lock had further explain'd , what relation those opperations of the mind , which he calls ideas of reflexion , have to the precedent impressions made upon the sense pa. 44. § 24. that seems to suppose sensible impressions alwayes to preceed the reflexions of the mind . but on the other hand , intuitive knowledge , viz. of the existence of our souls doth neither suppose , nor is it self any operation of the mind about any sensible impressions going before . mr. lock charg'd me with some kind of a inconsistency of expression in one place saying , that the soul exerted those notions , in one another , that they exerted themselves : but t is a great sign , that matter and argument run low , when men thus meanly carp at words : i hope i have sufficiently vindicated my self , as to that particular ; but if i should follow the example of so great a master , and be thus severely critical , it perhaps would be difficult for himself to avoid the like censures . pa. 323. of his essay , § . 14. 1 st . edit . knowledge is the consequence of the ideas , that are in our minds , what ever they are , and produce generall certain p●opositions . i dare not be over confident that i rightly understand the period , but if this be the sense of it , which seemes to be so , that the ideas produce these generall certain propositions , i humbly conceive it the more proper way of speaking , to say , that the soul by the aids and assistance of these ideas produce , those propositions , than that the ideas themselves should do it . i do not speak this as if there was here any just occasion of exception , but only to show , how easily men may be ill natur'd , if they pleas'd . i am sorry i have not the concurrence of mr. becconsall's opinion in this point too of innate notions , i shall therefore briefly examine some passages of his , relating to this subject , first i do not well understand , why he should grant the law of nature to be innate , or implanted in the minds of men , as he tells us , pa , 2 d. that ●he gentiles had a law of action implanted in ●he very frame and constitution of their natures . and pa. 6. the law of nature is implanted in the minds of men , as rationall beings : and yet at the same time to reject the doctrine of innate inscriptions , as he calls ' em . pa. 75. whereas i humbly conceive , that the law of nature is either the same with these naturall inscriptions , or innate notions , or the one so founded , in the other , that they must both stand , or fall together , if by being implanted in the minds of men , he mean only a power or faculty in the soul of collecting those truths by rational disquisitions , then i think , he has not done right neither to himself , nor his reader by so expressing it . but he says , pa. 75. that the frame , and order of things both within , and without us , with the exercise of our own facultys upon 'em will present us with a scheme of moral duty , and a true measure of action , and that too as clearly , as if it was imprinted upon the mind , with the first lineaments of its being . i do not deny the great use , and advantage of our naturall faculties , in order to that end , that is , to those whose circumstances are such , that they have abilitys , and opportunities to employ 'em so , that is , christians may possibly do it , but a great part of the gentile world cannot . but how does he prove , that this scheme of duty will thus be as clearly presented to us , as if it was imprinted with the first lineaments of our beings : this seemes to be barely asserted without proof : whereas the contrary seemes more probable , that the double evidence of natural inscription and rationall deduction would add to the cleareness of the thing . and therefore he says , there seemes to be no visible necessity for haveing recourse to innate ideas , or inscriptions . those who assert innate inscriptions justly suppose themselves on the defensive part , and they who write against 'em can challenge no other , than that of opponents . now barely to plead the no necessity of a thing is no necessary argument against him , who positively asserts the matter of fact , that it is so , for many things may be , and are so , of which perhaps there is no necessity , that they should be so : and this seemes sufficient to abate the force of the argument ; if nothing further could be added ; for what if god has given us greater assistances , than perhaps were absolutely necessary ; in a thing of so great concernment ; we have no reason to take it ill . but then why may we not assert , if not a necessity , yet a great conveniency of these naturall notions , viz. in respect of that part of the gentile world , who have neither ability nor inclination to make such profound disquisitions into the nature of man , and the reason of things , as are necessary to attain to the naturall knowledge of duty : and if mr. becconsall had more fully consider'd the barbarous state of the greatest part of the heathen world , t is probable he would have found 'em subjects not capable of such rationall enquiry's , as his way of arguing supposes ' em . but he goes on , if innate ideas be serviceable to mankind , they must be so in order to supply the defects ●f reason , and consequently they seem to be exempt from the disquisitions of reason . these natural notions of truth , and goodness are some of the greatest strokes , wherein consists the image of god , imprinted upon the minds of men , in order to make them what they are , rational and religious ; now if this learned author , or any else call this a supplying the defects of reason , i shall not much oppose it ; only i should rather call 'em the fundamental principles of all reasoning : and consequently they seem to be exempt from the disquisitions of reason . i do not understand the necessity of this consequence at all , for how can these things be fit and proper aids to supply the defects of reason , if they themselves cannot , or dare not undergoe the most exact trialls and disquis●tions of reason . he gives his reason in the following words . for if innate ideas are to be examined and judged on by the working of reason , what then ? we might have imagin'd , that the inference from hence would have been , either 1 st . that then there are no such things as these native inscriptions , or 2 ly . that they are not serviceable in order to supply the defects of reason , or 3 ly . that they were exempt from the disquisitions of reason , but it s none of these , but only this , then reason it self will answer all the ends and designes of a reasonable being : but if it does , this seemes only to extend to the christian world ; reason does but very indifferently perform this among the heathens . but he says , it does it as effectually , as if a digest of laws were originally recorded on the mind . but how doth he prove , that the heathens may not thank those native impressions , that they are not sunk lower into barbarisme than indeed they are : or supposing , that they did enjoy a greater and freer use of reason , than i am afraid they do , yet how doth he prove , that they owe the light of truth and obligation to duty merely to their rationall enquirys in contradistinction to , or seperation from these innate notions , or not rather to the benign influence that these later ( however in conjunction with the former ) have upon them . but pa. 76. he says , that the doctrine of innate ideas must be laid aside , since we cannot conceive , that a wise creator should establish any ordinance without some special ends , and use annex'd to it , i mean such , as are not served any other way . but to this i answer , 1 st . that what he there supposes , is not yet sufficiently demonstrated , viz. that men generally may as well come to the knowledge of their duty , by such rational enquirys , as they may by these native inscriptions . 2 ly . how doth he prove , that it is inconsistent with the wisdom of divine providence to appoint the joint concurrence of two things , as in this case , naturall inscription and rational deduction , as meanes in order to the same end , they mutually supporting , defending , and confirming each other . pa. 77. in a word then , tho' the sacred language seems to favour the notion of native inscriptions , yet it may be justly r●solved into metaphor and figure , &c , but it is some advantage to the notion , that the sacred language favours it , especially since the assertors thereof are defenders of that text , and found their opinion upon it : and therefore 't is not sufficient for him to say , that the sacred language may be resolved into a metaphor , but he must prove , that it must necessarily be so interpreted ; and here the assertors of these inscriptions may more justly say , that the text may be understood in the plain , obvious , and literal sense of the words , therefore there is no need , no occasion of a metaphor . i do not here speak any thing to derogate from the excellency , and usefulness of those powers , and facultys that god has endued us with in order to discover a rule of action , yet i can scarce be perswaded , that the mere exercise of reason in those circumstances of time , and place before mentioned , will do it as clearly and as effectually , as if a digest of laws were originally recorded on the mind , tho' i do not say that any such digest is thus recorded , only some of the primary , original and fundamental laws of nature , or some greater stroaks thereof are originally communicated to the soul , yet in a way suteable to the nature of the things thus communicated , and to the nature of the soul , the subject of ' em . but here if i may speak my own private conjecture , i think , these rational enquirys by the use of our facultys may better serve the designes of truth , than they can those of goodness , and be more available for the founding of intellectual , and notional , rather then moral , and practical principles upon . pa. 75. he says , that if it be allow'd , that probabilitys may determine our judgments in this matter , the doctrine of innate ideas is rather to be rejected , than retain'd . but if probabilitys will avail any thing , i doubt not but the doctrine of innate ideas has its probabilitys too , as 1. since this doctrine of native ideas or inscriptions ( he means the same by both ) is not matter of mere indifferency , but has a very useful influence both upon natural and reveal'd religion , is it not therefore the more probable to be true ? and further , ●s it probable that the apostle , ro. 2. 15. would positively and plainly say that this law of nature was written upon the hearts of the gentiles , if it really and truly was not ●o ? 2. is it probable , that god would leave the gentile world to the guidance of that reason , which in their circumstances , could not be any tolerable direction to 'em , either in the ways of truth or holyness , without some other ( at least more probable , means ) to keep em , if possible , from sinking too much below themselves ? 3 d. this is the most that can be said against the doctrine of innate ideas , or natural inscription , that there is no need , they say , of having recourse hereunto , reason it self sufficiently serving for those purposes without it : now this is such an argument , as may perhaps be urg'd with equal force against all the moral ( that is , no small ) part of the gospel ; for may not , nay , do not some men say , that there was no need of any such revelation , reason it self , they say , had done that without it . but perhaps it may seem too much a receding from the divine authority of scripture , to plead that over again by probabilitys , which 't is granted on all hands , is favourd by plain expressions of scripture . but mr. becconsal in his chapt. of parental love , and aff●ction : pa 122. speaking of the lower order of creature● , says , they , as well as we , must conclude , that parental love is the effect of some peculiar propension , wove in with the frame , and constitution of our beings . and pa. 126. for a man to love and cherish his offspring is certainly the result of an inward propension . now i do not know , that the assertors of innate principles do understand any thing more by them , then what is here granted : 't is true indeed , it follows , but the exercise of it from the consideration of the close affinity it bears to his own flesh and blood , is a work of reason . but is it the less innate , because it is also rational ? or may not a man actually love his child out of that inward propension so to do , tho● at the same time he doth not consider that affinity it bears to his own flesh , and blood ? but the ground , and reason of the difference betwixt mr. becconsal and me in this particular seems to be this , pa. 74. that he thinks the doctrine of innate ideas , or practical principles serves not any real purposes of religion , and i think it does . mr. lock , in his reply to what i had said concerning innate notions , imploys the most of his discourse upon that , which is least considerable , he s●irmishes about the outworks , but never enters into the merits of the cause , nor comes to dispute that which was most material in the controversy . i wonder why he sho●ld lay so much stress upon children , and fool● , and debaucht persons , to make their a●sent or dissent so availeable one way , or other : i am no friend to dogmatizing , yet i humbly conceive , that no one has any just reason to think the wors● of any opinion merely because such persons do not assent unto it . neither do they who plead for this general consent , make it so universal , as to include every particular . pa. 24. § . 20. i desire these men to say , whether by education , and custom these notions can or cannot be blurr'd and blotted out . since he is so positive in his demand , why may not we be a● positive in our answer , and say , that they can : and what then ? why , then truly he drops that part of the disjunction and only says ; if they may suffer ●ariation by adventitio●● notions ( which is a very gentle way of blotting out ) but what then follows ? why then we must find ●●em cle●rest , and most perspicuous , nearest the fountain● in children , &c. we must , he says , but he never yet prov'd the neces●ity of that consequence : and then as for illiterate persons , if he mean , plain , honest illi●●●at●● heathens , such as are less learned , ●●t less corrupted by ●●lse principles and wicked practises i doubt not , but these notions will appear clearer in such : but however we still remain in the full and undisturb'd possession of that side of the disjunction , that these notions may by bad custom , and education be blotted out , which ground thus gain'd will be of great disadva●tage to his cause . as for what he says , pa. 18. of the wicked practices , and atheistical opinions of some heathen nations , some think that his authors were not so exact in their observations , as they might have been , but suppose they were , it makes nothing to the advantage of his cause , unless he had prov'd before , that these notions cannot be blotted out of the minds of men. neither will it follow hence , that they are of no use to mankind , if they may be thus defac'd . for , 1 st . it may be in some measure oweing to these , that all the nations of the heathen world are not sunk lower into wickedness than indeed they are . 2 dly . 't is probable these innate notions will be instrumental in the conviction and conversion of these people , when god in the wisdom of his providence , shall think ●it to do it ; and i doubt not but the apostles in their preaching did appeal to these , and make use of 'em , for this p●rpose . rom. 2. 14 , 15. pa. 21. § . 14. here speaking of these moral rules , he is very urgent with us , ●o tell , which they are ; if he means , that we should give the exact determinate number of 'em , i think this is a very unreasonable demand , however i shall at present instan●e in those , which● mr. nye mention● 〈…〉 f his naturall religion . 1 st . a tenderness for and care of our children . 2 d. a commiseration of the oppressions and wants of such , as are distressed , and not by their own fault , but thro' mishap , or the iniquity of others . 3 d. a propensity to favour worthy persons and actions : and here , i would only give him this caution , that in his reply , he do not draw his answer and arguments from children , and fools ; for such evidence will be excepted against ; nor from such as by vicious customes have blotted these notions out of their minds ; for no one thinks the worse of the belief of a god , because the whole club of professed athests denys it . here give me leave to add one thing further , tho' out of its proper place , as for those that assert these innate notions i know no● how they can well otherwise express it , than by saying , that the soul upon occasion exerts 'em , and as for that other w●y , of exerting themselves , if it wanted any defence , i have very good authority for it , mr. loc● . p. 13. of his essay . § . 27. 't is ● great presumption that these ge●erall ma●imes are not innate , since they are l●ast known to tho●● , in whom , if they were ●nnate , they must ne●ds 〈◊〉 the●selves , with most force and vigour . that there is a reall , and unalterable distinction betwixt good , and evill , is a very great , and important truth , and such as ought to be fixt upon the best and surest foundations , but i canno● think , mr. becconsalls argument pa. 194. so ●og●nt , as the nature of the thing requires , moral good , he says , always in●ludes a n●turall good , and naturall good is evid●ntly establish'd in the frame of created natur●● and consequently , if the frame of nature be unalterable , m●ral good must be s● too . here , if by moral good always including a naturall good , he me●nes , that moral good is always attended with some r●al advantage naturally accruing from the practice of it , this i grant , is generally true , but then may we not say here , as he says of pleasure , pa. 188. in respect of natural good , that it seemes to be a consequenc● , ●ather then a measure , and constituent principle of morall good , so thi● na●●r●l good , which , he says , i● always included in morall good , seemes to be the consequence , rather then the measure , and constituent principle of moral good : but then if he makes moral good only a part of , as indeed he seems to make it the same with , naturall good , ( only distinguish'd by the accession of a free choice , pa. 186. ) and so included in the frame of created nature , this will only prove , that moral good is what god at first creation made it , and so not in the highest sense , eternal and immut●ble , as depending merely upon gods free and arbitrary will , and positive determination , and thus this learned author will fall in with p. poiretts opinion in this particular . vide . former discourse of humane nature . pa. 95. whereas i am willing to carry the reasons of good and evill higher , founding them in that relation they bear to the essential wisdom , purity , and holiness of the divin● nature , which relation is , in some measure , made known to us by those native notices and naturall impressions upon the minds of men. and whereas he tells us . pa. 192. that the proper measures of morall good mu●t be taken from the original frame , ends and intrests of our beings , i am afraid that all these in respect to each individual , and abstracted from all law to direct us , would be found so variable , and uncertain , that morall good would , upon this hypothesis , prove a much more unfixt and unsettled thing , then god , and nature ever made it . vide . pa. 72. of humane nature . so that i humbly conceive , it would not be a sufficient asserting the eternall , and immutable nature of moral good , to say , that it is as immutable , as the frame of created nature , for we know , that this has , in some particular instances , been changed , and may be so againe , but the reasons of good and evill never were , never can be changed . i shall conclude this with a judicious observation of mr. becconsalls , in another case . pa. 107. the notions i have contended for , are founded in things , that fall in with the establish'd sentime●ts of mankind . and as the arguments suggested are , at least , as cogent and satisfactory , as those on the other side , it is not prudent to leave the common road , and put things of moment , and importance upon an issue , that , it may be , wants evidence , or at least contradicts so●e received truths or notions . but as for , the apology he makes pa. 186. i think no apology can be suf●icient for makeing use of new modes of expressions in matters of a moral concernment . short remarks upon two chapters in the oracles of reason . it is the worst u●e , that any can make of the belief of a good , or natural religion , from thence to infer the no necessity of future revelation , whereas on the contrary ; both from the nature of god and the dispensations of divine providence in the world , we may rather infer , if not the necessity , yet at least the great conveniency of a further revelation for supposing the corruption , and depravation of mankind , which yet the very heathens did acknowledge , and were intimately conscious of , it seemes more agreeable to the beingnity of the divine nature to pity , and relieve the misery of that state , by some new methods of revealed mercy . the dispensations of divine providence do also seem to require it , thus the general practise of sacrificeing , and the generall beliefe of the necessity of a mediator , even in the first ages of the world ; do either suppose or at least infer the great conveniency of such a thing , the better to in forme the world with the true nature , end and de●ign of both tho●e . a learned physitian thought it necessary , as a preparatory vindication of his faculty , first , to state that question , an ter●inus vitae s●t mobilis , the profession of physick being a very vaine , and idle thing , if all things come to pass by blind chance or fatall necessity . in like manner it would be in vain for divines to talk of the grace of god made known to us by the gospel , if there never was any such thing , as divine supernaturall revelation in the world. it were to be wisht that discourses of this nature , to prove the very principles of christianity , were neither seasonable nor necessary , but such is the iniquity of the age we live in , that deisme appears bare-fac'd in a christian state , that it bears it self high upon the pretended strength of its own cause , and acknowledges no oracles , but those of its own , viz. of reason . if one might venture to guess at the causes of their mistakes ( to omit that unfixedness of mind , and that affectation of popularity , hereby to gain to themselves the reputation of men of more than ordinary parts ) they perhaps might be first occasion'd by such steps and methods , as these . 1. reason being both a name and thing , which always was , and ever will be justly valued , and esteemed in the world , and there being a time , when reason , or phylosophy was the great , if not the only guide to man in things relating either to this world , or the other , that being the only rule , that we know of , that god gave the heathens to direct 'em to a future happiness ; this perhaps might be one occasion of the present deisme of the age . 2. it has been the misfortune , that revelation has laid under , in the opinion of some men , tho' without any just ground , that it bears a direct opposition , and contrariety to reason , now these men improveing and propagateing this opinion , as much as was possible in the world , they built themselves a reputation by advancing reason , which was once a sufficient guide to men , even above , and in contradistinction to revelation . 3 dly . 't is not improbable , but that these men may be offended at the severity of the christian religion , not that i here go about to accuse 'em of immoralitys , no! their liberal education , their candid temper , and their true and just sense of things , which otherwise they entertain , forbid me to harbour any such thoughts of 'em , yet i would appeal here even to their own private sentiments whether there be not somthing of truth in what i here intimate , and that they could be willing to purchase heaven at some easier rate , or more agreeable to their particular humors or inclinations , than that prescrib'd by the gospel . 4. perhaps the severe apprehensions , which some christians entertain concerning the desperate estate of all heathens may make some run into the other extream , viz. that natural religion is sufficient for all , in order to eternal happiness , which is so unreasonably , as they think , deny'd to some for such . but to passe by these conjectures . now in order to the clearer stating of the question betwixt us , we must consider . 1. that since we have been now above 16. hundred years in possession of our christian religion in particular , and much longer of a reveal'd religion in general , therefore the deist can claim no other part in this dispute , than that of an opponent , and here he must prove the history of the gospel , as to matters of fact , to be false , and those ancient apologys , for , and those more modern defences of christianity insufficient . if it be reply'd , that natural religion preceded revelation , and so was the more ancient . i answer . 1. some are of opinion that god immediately after the creation of adam , did give him either an inward or outward revelation or both , of things covenient or necessary for him to be known then , tho' perhaps they were such , as in progress of time , and long study and observation might have been found out afterwards . here i must confess , we have no certain rule to guide us , but must only go by conjectures , such as are more rationally and piously credible . but if after all any one will positively say , that such was the perfection of natural reason before the fall , that all those things relating more particularly to that present state of affairs , might have been found out by it self , i shall not much oppose it ; however this is certain , that god immediately after the fall of adam , did reveal the gospel to him in paradise , by the promise of the messiah , and this the deist must acknowledge , unless he can prove the history of moses to be false . 2. in those ●irst ages of the world god did convey his will and pleasure to men by angels upon extraordinary occasions , so that they could not be even then , said to be absolutely without divine revelation . 3. they had tradition , which was better grounded and of more authority then , than it can pretend to now , because of the long life of the patriarchs , so that it did not go through so many hands , and consequently not so liable to be corrupted ; tho' i do nothere suppose this tradition to extend to moral dutys . 4. notwithstanding all these helps , and assistances , they felt the sad want of a standing rule to direct 'em , for those first ages of the world soon degenerated into idolatry , and this and worse would be the fate of the present age if god in judgment ●●ould remove the gospel from us . but to return , the deist must 2 dly prove , that it is a thing contrary to the divine nature to make any further declaration of his will , than what he has made known by the light of nature , he cannot say , that this is contrary to the free , and positive determination of the divine will , for how can he know this , seeing he doth not suppose any outward declaration of gods will ever made to man. if he say that god never made any but only this , viz. that he would make no more , but what he had discovered to man by the light of nature : i hope he will prove what he says , and show where ever god made any such declaration : if he say that there was no need of any further : this is a very weak way of argueing against matter of fact : if i should say , that there is nothing writ in a certain book call'd the oracles of reason , in defence of deisme , because there was no need of it , there was enough writ of that before , i believe he would not grant the argument to be of any force . some are of opinion , that that book call'd the oracles of reason is not worth the taking notice of by way of answer , it being , they say , such as would soon dye of it self ; i must confess i have no great opinion of the performance therein , viz. of the letters of those gentlemen one to another , ( i do not speak of the translations ) not that i here reflect upon the abilitys of the persons , but of the weakness of the cause , that was not capable of a better defence . — si pergama dextrâ defend si possint , etiam hâc . — but because some are apt to look upon this as an argument of the strength of a cause , when no one vouchsafes an answer to it , tho' perhaps the true reason is , because they think it does not deserve any , i shall therefore briefly consider that part of it , which is writ in favour of deisme , if not for its own sake , yet for the sake of those , who are too apt to overvalue every thing , that may seem to gratify their own private inclinations , and if some think as meanly of this , as others do of that , i am very well satisfy'd , if they should dye both together . the summary account of the deists religion examin'd , pa. 88. i shall not need to advertise the reader , that the deist here meant and so often mentioned in this and the like discourses , is not one barely , that never heard of divine revelation , but being born and living several years , in the outward pr●fession of christianity , having now at last taken some distaste at it , has in effect renounced it , or at least the necessity of believing the fundamentals of it . chap. 1 st . he here tells us , that whatever is adoreable amiable or imitable by mankind , is in one supreme , infinite and perfect being , that is , they believe one infinite , supreme , perfect being , and do adore , love and imitate his imitable perfections . the worst of spirits believe the one , and the best of heathens practise the other , and if the world has liv'd it self back again into gen●ilism , it may thank the deists for it . chap , 2 d. that god is not to be worshiped by an image we willingly grant . 2 d. nor by sacrifice , i know the deists now are for no sacrifices at all , but here i would propound it to consideration , whether they do not owe this truer notion and righter apprehension of things to that clearer light , which they have received from divine revelation ; tho' they are not so ingenuous as to acknowledge it , for why should they now , abstractedly considered from all communication with christians oppose the constant opinion and practise of their great patriarchs and apostles ; the heathen philosophers , in this particular . i know indeed , the stoicks tell us , that it is below their wise m●n to repent , and by consequence that there is no need of sacrifices : but these were a sort of fanaticks in their religion , and dream'd of i know not what kind of perfection , which their state was not capable of , their discourses many times contradicting their practises : i grant also , that the heathen poets , and philosophers , about the time of our saviours appearance in the world , began to speak very meanly , and undervaluingly of ●acrifices , but then they may thank the christian religion for this . s●cri●iceing was a thing early prevailing in the world , and it will be very difficult for the deists , according to their principles to give any tolerable account hereof . indeed christians are divided in their opinions herein , some asserting a divine positive command , and revelation of god to adam , tho' not mention'd in scripture ; neither is this , say they , any argument that there was no such thing , because scripturae silentium non est semper argumentativum . others suppose sacrifices founded in nature , tho' this , say some , is not altogether so reasonable , because they cannot conceive , how naturall reason abstracted from a divine command , could suggest , that god could be acceptably worship'd by the destruction of his creatures . others distinguish betwixt typical and eucharisticall sacrifices , these latter , they say , may be founded in nature , tho' the same cannot be so easily granted of the other : what the reall truth herein is , perhaps is not so easie to determine . however , the deists seem here to have a particular notion of their own , viz. that sacrifices were only typicall of repentance , and sorrow for sin , but this without any ground either from reason , or authority . having premised this in generall , i shall come now more particularly to examine , what he says upon this subject . god is not to be worshiped by sacrifices , he says , because sponsio non valet , ut alter pro altero puniatur . here he seemes to reflect upon the sacrifice of our blessed saviour . but why should any such maxim be of more authority than those of st. paul ? neither doth this , when rightly understood , any ways contradict that commutation of punishment asserted by christianity . for we commonly say , that volenti non fit injuria and that truly too , with the concurrence of these two conditions . 1 st . that the person so undertaking may lawfully do it , that is , if he be not under any moral , or political obligation to the contrary . 2. if the person be not imposed upon , by want of a full , and true understanding of the thing so undertaken . now both these conditions did concur in our blessed saviour . 1 st . he had power to lay down his life , and he had power to take it up againe . 2 , it would be profane to think that the son of god did not well understand what he did , when he undertook the work of mans redemptiom . however , no such sponsion can be made with a brute creature . here he seemes to reflect upon the iewish sacrifices : but 1 st . he should have prov'd , either that the whole history of scripture , relating to moses and the promulgation of the law , as to matter of fact , was false , or 2 ly . that it was contrary to ●eason , and unworthy of god to institute such sacrifices , as the iewish were , that is● supposeing the promise of the messiah given t● adam and the patriarchs , that in the ful●ess of time the great saviour of the world should appear for the red●mption of mankind , considering also the proneness of the iewish nation to idolatry , and their hankening after the gods of egypt ; he should prove , that it was any way unworthy of the oracles of god , and religion to institute such sacrifices , as should be both typical of the sacrifice of our saviour , and also symbolical of that purity , and instrumental in order to the procuring of that piety , and holyness , which ( under christ ) was the great and most effectuall meanes to happyness : and therefore we do not say , that any mere external rite can reinstate the creature after sin in god's favour again , and whereas he sayes , that it is the first errour in all particular religions , that external things , or bare opinions of the mind can after sin propitiate god ; whatever it was in other religions , it is none in christianity , because it asserts no such thing , but just the contrary . he concludes this paragraph thus . enim facilius est , superstitiosè quàm justè vivere . here t is observeable , how strangely , these men are for every thing purely natural , a natural grammar , as well as a natural religion , and absolutely against any instituted rules in either ; but our positive grammarians , those men of institution , tell us , that enim doth not so well begin a sentence . 3. not by a mediator , for that he says , is unnecessary : strenu● asseris , sed quo modò probas ? these gentl●men seem to allow of no authority , but their own : they will not believe god himself speaking in scripture , and yet they expect ●hat others should believe them upon their bare words , for they seldom go about to prove any thing ; he does indeed tell us , that gods mercy is sufficient for his justice . but will he infer from hence that god neither can , nor will ever inflict any punishment . i do not here dispute whether god might not have pardoned sin some other way , than that which he did make use of , but considering him as a just judge , and governour of the world , exerciseing an vniversal , wise , and just providence therein , it was necessary , that sin should not go unpunished . 2. god must he says , appoint this mediator , and so he was reconciled to the world before . it was indeed in gods power to accept , or not to accept a mediation , or mediator , when offer'd , and he did first declare his pacability upon such , and such terms , and so was so far reconciled to mankind , even before any mediator was offer'd , or accepted . 3. he says , a mediator derogates from the infinite mercy of god. but i suppose , he will not say , that god is always bound to act according to the utmost extent of his mercy ; it was in gods power , whether he would accept of any termes of reconciliation , or no ; and it is no lessening of his mercy to require such just , and reasonable , and advantagious conditions at least on our side , nay such , as seem as much meanes , naturally tending to the obtaining humane happiness , as conditions to be performed in order thereunto : if he would consider god , as a wise , and just governour of the world , these little objections would soon vanish . but then positively , he says , god is to b● worshiped by an inviolable adherence i● our lives to all the things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this 〈◊〉 grant , but i further add , to all things that ar● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so . chapter . iii. of punishments after this life . he tells us , that a man , indued with the vertues before mentioned , need not fear to trust his soul with god ; the vertues he mentioned are these , viz. repen●ance , obedience for the future , ending in the ●ssimilation of a mans life to god. these are indeed very large , and comprehensive vertues , but i would only aske , whether the man he speakes of be a christian by profession , or no ; if he be , then there is some thing further requir'd , than these mere practical vertues , viz. a beliefe in christ according to the tenor of the gospel , &c. if he be a mere heathen by birth , and education , tho' i do not deny all possibility of future happiness to such an one , yet i think , he cannot performe such obedience to the commands of god , nor so far assimilate himself to him , but that after all there will remaine some just fears , and jealousyes of his future happiness : for tho' no creature was made with a malevolent intent , yet by their own fault , they may make themselves such , as even after all they can doe , by the light of nature , for their reformation , yet upon a strict examination will find that they have but too just grounds to doubt of their future happiness . i deny not , but that even good chris●ians sometimes may entertaine some such doubts as these , but then it must be considered , whether this be not rather the fault of the man , then of his religion ; whether christianity rightly understood ; believ'd , and practis'd doth not assord us greater , and better assurance of salvation , than the mere light of nature can doe . and tho' verisimile est similem deo à deo non negligi ; yet a mere natural man , who never heard any thing of divine revelation , cannot when he comes to die , build any certain grounds of trust in god , upon bare verisimilitud●s . chapter . iv. here he asserts the probability of a deists salvation before the credulous , and ill living papists . it is not my business to make comparisons : only i say , that neither papists , nor any other sort of christans , tho' far more orthodox than they in their principles , if they live ill , can ever be safe ; but he says , the deist is not an idolater . what then ? neither is an atheist one , yet this is no great commendation , either of the man , or of his opinion ; but he says , that the morality in religion is above the mistery in it . i only say , that both are necessary in the christian religion , and they ought not to be separated , or opposd one to the other ; and therefore , when he repeats the same over again in t●e bottom of pa. 91. that the credulous c●ristian , that believes orthodoxly but lives ill , is not safe ; this is something lik● the ●●akers way of arguing , when they tell us , that an outward conformity to the orders , and constitutions either of church , or state signifies nothing without inward honesty , and integrity of heart ; this we grant , but may we not be as honest , sober , and sincere in the communion of the church of england , as they are out of it , and may not we live as holy lives in the profession of the chistian religion , as they do in the natural ? i am sure christianity has all th● advantages towards a holy life , that naturall religion can pretend to , and many more . but if the d●ist errs , he errs not like a fool , but secundum verbum a●ter enquiry . but may not a man err , like a fool , and yet after enquiry ? will a superficiall enquiry excuse the folly ? but he goes on ; if he be sincere in his principles when dying , he may appeal to god. but how such a deist , as we are now speaking of , that is , one who profess'd the christian religion , but now has renounc'd it , can be sincere either in relinquishing the chrstian , or embraceing the naturall religion , is not so easie to be understood . te bone deus , quaesiui per omnia . if an honest heathen at his death should thus appeal to god , i should have a great deal of charity for him , but when christians renounce their religion , and then turn seekers of that which they need not , and ought not to loose , reason it self will judge the case to be much diff●rent . at the end he annexeth some notes , i suppose in favour to and honour of natural religion , but it is a great disparagement to the cause , these gentlemen engage in , that a boy of 12 years old , but moderately instructed in the christian religion , shall be able to produce out of scripture matters of more sublime theology , and more profound morality , than these adult naturalists , have here done out of any of their heathen authors . 1. he tells us , that the grand arcanum of religion among the phythagoreans was , ●hat the object of divine worship was one , and invisible . to this i shall oppose 1 tim. 1. 17. now to the king eternall , immor●all , invisible , and only wise god be glory , and praise now , and for ever more , amen . now i durst appeal to the deist himself , whether there be not a greater air of divinity in this , that in the other . 2. the heathens , he says , notwithstanding their topic●ll deitys acknowledged one supreme god , only they said this god being of so high a nature , and there being other intermediate beings betwixt god , and mankind , they were to address themselves to them , as to mediators , &c. but now christianity teaches the doctrine of the one , only true god , without these vicious mixtures of our addresses to any other intermediate beings , so that , he says , the opinion of the necessity of a mediator was the foundation of the heathen idolatry . if the opinion of the necessity of a mediator be well grounded , then it adds strength to the reasonableness of our saviours mediation , neither will it be any prejudice to it , that it was the occasion of the heathen idolatry , if perhaps is was so , for the same may be urg'd against the opinion or belief of a god , that it was the occasion of all the superstition and idolatry in the world , for if there had been no belief of a god , there could not well not have been any idolatry . but if this opinion of the heathens was not well grounded , it is no prejudice to our saviours mediation , because it doth not depend upon it : tho' 't is probable , that god did occasion , or suffer that opinion so early to prevail in the world , foreseeing that it might afterwards be made u●e of , to facilitate the belief of the christian religion in this particular ; but i would not have any conclude from hence , that i found the mediation of christ only upon prudential considerations , that i utterly disown , nor do i think that any such odious inference can , in strictness of reason , be drawn from the former assertion . i shall only further take notice of one odd piece of reasoning p. 93. that there is a generosum honestum hid in all our souls , is plain from the epicurean deists themselves , for they labour to have their vices imputed rather to a superiority of their reason above that of others , than to a servitude of their reason to their passions , which shows that vice is naturally esteemed a base and low thing . how the conclusion follows from the premises , i do not well see ; that which seems more obvious to observe from hence , is , that the epicurean deists had a mind rather to be counted knaves then fooles , or that they went about to mitigate their vices by ascribing them to a very preternatural cause , viz. the superiority of their reasons above that of other men. there are some few notes more upon this subject , but i am afraid the reader will think i have already insisted too long upon things too inconsiderable . and is not this now a scheme of religion worthy of an immortal deist ? who would not from hence be apt to think , that these men could write as good a moral as the gospel ? what less glorious title than that of oracle , becomes such profound reasoning , as this ? but what i have here offer'd , i hope , may be at least a responsum ad hominem ; if i may so speak , that is , such as tho' not the best , and most perfect in it self , yet a sufficient answer to him , against whom i write . and i hope it will be no arrogance , or selfe conceit in me to say , that probably my defence of our common christianity had been more strong , and nervous , if the opposition had been more considerable . of natural religion as opposed to divine revelation , pa. 195. the chief heads of this natural religion , he says , consists of seven praticulars , whereof the 6 th . is this , that we are to expect rewards , and punishments , hereafter , according to our actions in this life , which includes the souls immortality . i suppose he takes it in the best , and most proper sense of immortality , that is , by nature , there are indeed some of these gentlemen , who hold the materiality of the soul , and that it dyes with the body , but is again created , or reproduc'd at last , by the power of god , and thus in some respect may be said to be immortal ; i know not whether this opinion has not received some encouragement by a piece of speculation in mr. lock 's essayes , pa. 270. which might give occasion to others , to carry the notion further , and to worse purpose than he ever design'd it ; for this argument has been made use of to prove the materiality even of god himself . orac : of reason , pa. 188. nor do i here go about to charge mr. lock with the bad use that others may make of his opinions , which were also the opinions of some long before mr. lock was born : tho' withall i think , there is more notice taken of what he says now , than of what twenty old philosophers said before : and further this opinion of his , viz. of matter 's thinking , seemes to have a bad influence upon some other parts of his better reasonings ; for if matter may think , it will take away the certainty of an immaterial substance in man ; as that great , and excellent prelate , the bp. of worcester has sufficiently prov'd . 2. and it will be very difficult to know what clear , and distinct ideas are , and when we have 'em , if we have not such of this , that matter cannot think . but mr. lock tells us , pa. 270 , that it is impossible for us , by the contemplation of our ideas , without revelation , to discover , whether omnipotence has given to matter fitly dispos'd , a power of perceiving , and thinking , or else joyn'd , and fixt to matter , so dispos'd a thinking immaterial substance ; it being equally easy , in respect of our notions , to conceive , that god can , if he pleases , superad to our idea of matter a faculty of thinking , as that be should add to it another substance with a faculty of thinking . to this i answer . 1. it is no derogating from divine omnipotence , to say , that god cannot doe any thing in a subject contrary to the nature of the thing it selfe ; thus if matter be in its own nature incapable of thinking 't is no lessening of divine power , to say that god cannot make it , it still remaining matter , to think ; now that matter cannot think , is evident not only from the idea we have of it , but from all that evidence of reason that results from thence , that is and from all those absurdities , and inconveniences that would follow from such a supposal . 2. it is not very philosophicall to have such frequent recourse to the divine omnipotence , and to argue from the utmost extent of possibility , for this would take away in a great measure , all our present grounds , of certainty , and by degrees lead us to the very borders of scepticisme , would any one believe epicurius's opinion concerning the originall of the world the sooner , because we cannot prove , that it implyes any logicall contradiction , that the fortuitous concourse of atomes might possibly at last hit upon such a regular frame of a world , as we now behold ? tho' i believe the case here before us , viz. that of matters thinking , is much fuller of absurdity , and contradiction . 3. whereas he says , in his ●irst edition , t is equally easy to conceive , that god can , if he pleases , superad , &c. i fin● it thus quoted by the bp. of worcester , i suppose out of his latter editions , in respect of our notions● it is not much more remote from our comprehension , to conceive that god can , if he pleases . &c. equally easie to conceive , and not much more remote from our comprehension to conceive , are expressions , that do not altogether signify the same thing , so that this learned author seemes somewhat to waver in his opinion as to this particular . but then what difficulty is there , in supposing a thinking substance joyned to an unthinking one , and the thinking one to perform those operations , which the other could not ? is it equally easy , or not much more remote from our comprehensions to conceive , how we may add to a fool or ideot the power or faculty of wisdom , as to conceive how we may joyn to him a wise guardian to direct him in all his actions . seeing therefore this opinion , of the possibility of matters thinking is a novel one , the proof hereof must lye upon those , that assert it , and here 't is not sufficient to say , that they know not , how far the power of matter doth , or may extend , but they must possitively prove , that it extends so far . but mr. lock tells us , pa. 270. that philosophers ought not magisterially to determine in doubtful cases , and that there is a certain modesty , which very well becomes philosophy : this is very true , and yet this modesty may err in the excess ; the scepticks , are in some sense , the most modest sect of philosophers , and yet not the bettet for that . and whereas he saith , that all the great ends of morallity , and religion , are well enough secured without philosophical proofes of the souls immateriallity , &c. so , what if another should say , that all the ends of nature are sufficiently secured tho' god always , when we went to sleep , annihilated the soul , but then when either the body was sufficiently refreshed , or violently press'd upon by some suddain accident , that then god always created it again . as for those arguments which may seem to be drawn from our night dreams , these , i doubt not , may be solv'd in a way suitable to the hypothesis , that is , that tho' the main body of the soul , as it were , be annihilated , yet the atmossphere or some ●ot steams thereof may remain still in the body , which , like so many centinels , are left here behind to give some small intimations of what pass'd , during her absence , or state of non-entity : i know no demonstration can be brought against this , and yet i fancy whoever should go about to philosophize at this rate , would sooner be laught at , than believed . some things may be asserted , which can neither be fully , and clearly confuted , or shown to be false , nor proved to be really true : and in such things as these , the advantage always lyes on the side of the de-defendant , thus in that question whether the soul doth always think , or no , either side may be defended , but neither sufficiently confuted . but to proceed , the 7 th . is this , that when we err from the rules of our duty , we ought to repent , and trust in gods mercy for pardon . this indeed we ought to do , and it is very reasonable we should do so . but then it may be question'd what kind of sorrow it is , that is availeable for the remission of sins , for tho' some kind of natural sorrow be the necessary result of conscie●ce from the sense of having done some foolish , or wicked action , yet it may be question'd whether this be that ingenuous sorrow , which is both in its own nature , and by gods appointment so expiatory of sin . and further , how can we have any just ground to trust in god for pardon of sin , even according to the dictates of natural reason , unless to our repentance we add also , not only a resolution of amendment , but actual reformation also of our lives , if time and opportunity doe permit . i shall now examine that oracular syllogisme , which seemes to be spoken , as it were , ex tripode , and which , i suppose , he lookes upon as no less , than demonstration . that rule , which is necessary to our future happyness , ought to be made known to all men. but no rule of reveal'd religion was , or ever could be made known to all men. therefore no reveal'd religion is necessary to our future happiness . no instituted rules , tho' it be in logick it selfe , can meet with any approbation among some men , i shall therefore examine this syllogisme , even according to the rules of natural logick it self . and first , how doth he prove that it is necessary that there should be one single , determinate rule for the future happiness of all men ? the gentiles had the law of nature , the iews the law of mo●es , the christians the gospel , or the law of christ for their rule ; i would further ask him , what he meanes by our happiness in the major proposition . if we apply it to christians , it makes the proposition absolutly false ; for what necessity is there that the gospel should be made known to all men , in order to its being a rule for future happiness to christians ? the rule of happiness ought to be made known to all , to whom it is a rule , but no further ; but let us see how he proves the major , viz. our future happiness depends upon our obeying , or our endeavouring to fulfill the known will of god , but that rule , which is not generally known , cannot be generally obey'd ; therefore that rule which is not generally known cannot be the rule of our happiness . here we may see how the original sin of the first proposition transfuses it selfe to all its posterity , and renders the whole argument a mere blunder , that rule that is not generally known , cannot be generally obeyed , but may not the gospel , tho' it be not known to all , be a rule to those whom it is known and to whom it is intended , as such , that is , to christians ? those who were born in a christian state , and who have liv'd for some time in the profession of the christian religion , cannot but have the rule of the gospell made known to ' em . but he tells us again , pa. 197. that the natural religion will suffice for our happiness , because it is the only general means propos'd . but i cannot yet be satisfy'd with this way of arguing : and that for these two reasons . 1. because this would prove , not only that god has not made any other declaration of his will , than that contain'd in nature , but also that he could not have done any such thing , unless he had made it of as large an extent , as the light of nature , that is , to all the world. now let us suppose , that god had actually made such a revelation of his will , and in the same manner , as he has done in the gospel , ( and i challenge all the deists in the world to prove the impossibility of such a thing ) yet the argument would lie as strong against the thing then , as it doth now : so that this argument proves too much and by consequence nothing at all to the purpose . 2. i have often heard it asserted by this gentleman , but never yet any solid reason given , why the want of an universal revelation of the gospel to all the world , should make it of less force , or obligation , where it is . is it the less day with us , because it is at the same time night in otber places ? pa. 198. the several lustrations , and expiations formerly practised in the world were but symbolicall , and refer'd to our sorrow , and repentance : that is the true and only expiation for sin , and is so agreed , upon by all men , in all ages , and of all religions . the original of sacrifices is variously disputed by men of several opinions , but according to the deists principles , they can only be founded in nature , because they do not suppose any positive revelation of gods will made afterwards to mankind . but now if all sacrifices were only symbolical of repentance , i do not know why nature should go so far about , as to enjoyn sacrifices at all , why should not nature have enjoyned repentance only , without any such sacrifices , as have no intrinsick prevalency for the pardon of sin ? but how comes he , so much like an oracle , to determine that repentance has been so agreed upon by all men , in all ages , and of all religions . whereas the contrary is rather true , that no company of men of all ages and of all religions ever agreed , that repentance was the only expiation of sin , in opposition to , or seperation from othe● conditions and qualifications . pa. 199. if one religion was once known to be true , mankind would all agree in it , otherwise those marks of truth in it were not visible , which are necessary to draw an universal consent . but a reveal'd religion may have sufficient marks of truth in it , so as to be able to satisfie any rational enquiry , and yet not be able to draw an universal consent , lust , passions , prejudices , and false opinions may sometimes hinder ttuth from gaining that universal empire . which othewise it might justly challenge . pa. 202 , i have already endeavour'd to prove , that it is not necessary that god should reveal more , and therefore till that point be determined , i humbly doubt , and suspend my belief . and i have already told him that the controversie doth not depend upon that point , but upon this , whether god hath actualy reveal'd any more , than what he first made known by the light of nature . it is not for him to prescribe limits to god , or to tell him what is necessary , what not . another objection he says may be this , that there is no foundation in natural religion , for a vertuous life , or at least not so great , as in a reveal'd religion , where rewards and punishments are propos'd , if he had urg'd it thus , where rewards and punishments are more clearly propos'd , than in the natural religion , then he had done right to the objection ; and in his answer i do not see how in the least he attempts to prove rewards , and punishments as clearly propos'd in the natural , as in the reveal'd religion , which yet he ought to have done in order to the giving a full answer to the objection . pa. 203. another objection is , a differen●e betwixt our condition , and that of the heathens , for if they liv'd up to the height of vertue and known reason , they might ( say some charitable christians ) be happy in a future state , we cannot , because a reveal'd religion has been discover'd to us more than to them , tho' we believe it not . this seems to be the substance of the objection . the inference as he calls it , is this , therefore we ought in our own defence to embrace it . but let us see what answer he returns to the objection , he says , it supposes a reveald religion , which is yet to prove . but here he may consider , that we having been in possession of our reveald religion so many hundred years , we have very good reason to suppose it to be true , till such times as he can prove the contrary : and perhaps he is one of the ●irst of those hardy men in england , who having been brought up to that age in the christian profession , has now at last , in effect renounc'd it . and if the heathens , he says , living up to the light of naturall religion might be happy , i see no reasno , but why we may be so too . we , that is , persons bred up in the christian religion , but now having a mind to pick a quarrel with it , design to return to a certain more refined sort of paganisme . but to this i answer , no christian , as such , can be eternaly happy , except his righteousness exceed the righteousness of mere natural religion , for why may not god require higher degrees of holiness there , where he hath given both cl●arer knowledge of mens duty and better assistances , for the performing of it ? and can we ●hink it reasonable , that god should deal the better with any man for turning apostate ? or indeed that he should be admitted into the same rank of candidates for happiness , with a mere natural pagan , who never knew any other religion ? i think he cannot reasonably expect it , because one , who has been throughly preswaded of the truth of christianity , cannot possibly be so fully afterwards convinced of the contrary , but that , in all probability , he will live in a state of self condemnation all his life after , unless he fall into such a continued course of debauchery , as to sin away all s●nse even of naturall religion it self : and the sin of apostacy from the christian religion will be such a dead weight upon his conscience , as will necessarily sink him below the condition of an honest heathen , for i believe , even such an one may dye with better hopes of future happiness , than a renegado christian. here i shall further shew the unreasonableness , and imprudence of deisme . 1. deisme gives no tolerable accoun● of one of the most considerable phaenomena's in the world , viz. of that speedy , and general reception of the christian religion in the world , the whole thing , according to the deist's principles , being a mere nullity : here i might insist upon that which is urg'd herein . 1 st . the contrariety that the doctrine of christianity bore to the vicious principles , and practis●s of the world. 2. the great opposition it met withall from all sides , and yet its prevailing against , and conquering all difficulties , without any outward , visible assistance . 3 ly . the first promulgers of it were wise , and honest men , they were too learned to be impos'd upon themselves , and too honest to deceive others . 4 th . neither could there be any thing of interest in the case , seeing they engaged in a cause wherein they could not have any prospect of advantage to themselves ; these things i only mention , being more fully prosecuted by others . 2. deisme requires more evidence ●or things , than they are capable of , or more than the nature of things will admit : now we have as great assurance of the truth of christianity , as we can have of any thing of that nature ; and as much , as we possibly could have , supposing the thing to be absolutely true . if we require more than this , we then run into scepticisme , the greatest folly in the world , next to atheisme . 3. deisme is unreasonable , because it pretends to be certain of that , which no man can be certain of , viz. that christia●ity is false , something that has been either falsly imposed upon the world , or what ●he world has foolishly imposed upon it self ; this the deist must be certain of , otherwise it is the most imprudent thing imaginable , because of that foolish choice he makes , and the infinite hazard he runs thereby : so that let the g●ni●s of christianity be as milde , and charitable as we can suppose it , yet i know not that it has any where declared pardon for apostates , and it is no ways contrary to the laws either of god , or man , to proceed against those who have renounced their allegiance , rath●r like rebells , and traitors , than fair enemies . i have hitherto examin'd this answer to the first part of the objection mentioned . pa. 203. i shall now proceed to the inference , as he calls it . pa. 204. that tho' a supernatural religion be dubious , yet it is the safest way to embrace it . we do not grant supernatural religion to be in the least dubious , therefore the consequence is good , and well grounded , that it is more reasonable in it self , and more safe for us to embrace it . this , methinks , is no hard matter to prove ; one might rather wonder , how in a christian state we should be put upon the proof of such a thing , as this . for first to imbrace , or comply with such a religion , as christianity , is no violation of any command , or duty of natural religion it self , for the utmost efforts that deisme hitherto has , or perhaps can make , are only some little difficulties it urges against the old or new testament , not any positive arguments to prove the fals●ty of either , nay , i am apt to believe , that even natural religion , seriously , and impartially considered and followed , would by easy steps lead a man to the imbraceing of the christian 2. christianity , and natural religion have the same generall end , and designe , to promote the honour of god , and the good of men by temperance , righteousness and holiness , and then , as to the additions contained in the revealed religion , they are not any vicious mixtures , or adulterations of the natural , but rather improvements of it to higher degrees of excellency and perfection : christianity doth not propound any less noble end , nor makes use of any less effectual meanes than natural religion doth , but rather advances , and improves both : so that if it be possible to be safe in the natural , it is much more so in the revealed religion , christianity has all the advantages of natural religion and many more . then as to the difficulties that are pretended to accompany the practise of the christian religion , viz. a more profound mortification of our lusts , and passions , a●d a more exalted degree of holiness , and piety , this certainly is rather an argument of its excellence than any diminution of it , especially considering the great assistances that the reveald religion affords us to performe that obedience , which it requires of us , and the greatness of the reward that attends the practise of it . so that if reveal'd religion be false , it can no ways prejudice the designs of the natural , but if it be true , as certainly it is , then the mere belief of a natural religion will be of fatal consequence to those , who have enjoy'd the glad tidings of the gospel . but then pa. 204. he says , i cannot imbrace what comes not within the compass of my knowledge . but in order to our embraceing of a thing it is not necessary , that it should so come within the compas● of our knowledge , as that we should fully comprehend all the modes , and circumstances of it , thus we may embrace the misterys of our faith , tho' they do not thus come within the compass of our knowledge , and if we must b●lieve nothing but what we thus comprehend , as to the modes and manner of the thing , then we must in obedience to this principle , reject the principal articles even of natural religion also . but he proceeds , and if i cannot believe , 't is a sign the evidence is not strong enough to make me . but our not believing is not always a signe that the evidence is too weak , but that our passions , and prejudices are too strong : evidences in matters of religion do not work , as mathematical ones doe , not force assent , but suppose some previous dispositions of the subject , upon which their efficacy many times depends : 't is sufficient , if the evidence be such , as may convince a rational and prudent person , if men will be perverse and and sceptical , i know no remedy but they must remain so still , pertinaciae remedium non posuit deus : not in the common and ordinary methods of his providence . he proceeds next to answer two arguments of sir charles woosley's , but i must beg leave to tell him , that it it not his busines to answer arguments , unless they be such upon which the issue and success of our cause depends . and here , 1 we assert the truth of the history of the gospel , as to matter of fact . 2. this suppos'd , we say it certainly proves the divinity of the doctrine , and a supernatural revelation contain'd therein . here he must prove the falseness of the one , and the in-consequence of the other ; and what ever he doth less , than this , it is altogether nothing to his purpose , no ways tends to make good his cause : tho' i do not say that he has answered sir charles his arguments , i think he has not , but suppose he had , sir charles never design'd the whole cause should depend upon these two , he might urge 'em as further confirmations of the thing he was then about , but he did not lay the whole stress of the cause upon ' em . i shall make some short remarks upon his answer to the 2 d. argument . pa. 206. the argument is this . propitiation for our offences must be supernaturally discovered , or else we can come upon no certain terms of acceptation with god. in answer to this he tells us , that all the world , who have agreed upon the fault , agreed upon the compensation , viz. sorrow and true repentance , and reason dict●tes this without revelation . i wonder why he should say that all the world is agreed upon this point , when all the christian world differs f●om him in it , that is , tho' they grant , that sorrow for sin , and repenance are necessary conditions in order to our being reconcil'd to god , yet they do not exclude but necessarily include the satisfaction of christ. and whereas he says , that reason dictates this without revelation , i answer , that tho' reason may dictate a natural propensity , and inclination in god to pardon , and forgiveness , yet we cannot come to god upon such certain terms of acceptation , as we may do upon the assurance we have by divine revelation , and that for these two reasons . 1. guilt is naturally full of fears , and jealousies ; but natural religion is not so fully suited to answer , and take away all these , as christianity is ; as might easily be made appear . 2. natural reason cannot so fully assure us of the truth , and sincerity of our repentance , as it doth or may convince us of the heinousness of our many sins , and repeated provocations against god , and i think natural religion doth not dictate sorrow , and repentance for sin any further a means of reconciliation with god , than as it is sincere . but he tells us now , that more in all ages ha●● agreed that lustrations and sacrifices without repentance were nothing , &c. before he had said , that all in all ages were agreed , &c. now only more were so . but it will be hard here rightly to compute the number of voices and it is probable it may go against him here too , since there is scarce any whole nation in the heathen world , without sacrifices and lustrations ( by lustrations i mean whatever is outward , and ceremonial ) or if there be , t is probable they are without repentance too . but he sayes , that bare repentance is a suffici●nt compensation for an infinite offence against an infinite being , is what our adversarys deny , and therefore point us to an infinite sacrifice for sin , viz. iesus christ ; but we do not point to any other sacrifice , or propitiation for sin , than what god himself has pointed them to , and that with such clearness , and evidence as to matter of fact , as is beyond the possibility of their ever proving the contrary : and here will return the force of that argument , which like a dead weight , hung about the neck of deisme , will at last ●ink it , viz. the necessity they lye under of proving the history of the gospel , and the doctrine therein contain'd , to be false . i would willingly assert the necessity of christs satisfaction , as far as possible , only not to introduce a fatality into the divine nature , or to destroy the liberty of god's acting herein : therefore i do not well understand what mr. norris meanes , when he tells us pa. 4. of his reason , and faith that the necessity of christ's satisfaction ought to be grounded on the essential order , and justice of god. was christ's coming into the world made necessary by any other essential order , or justice of god , different from his own free good will , and love to mankind : that sin should not go unpunish'd was highly agreeable both to the wisdom , and justice of god , but yet we should be carefull not to entertain any opinions herein , which may seem to lessen the riches , and freeness of divine goodness in sending his son into the world for mans redemption . and when we have asserted the truth of christs satisfaction in offering himself a sacrifice for sin , doth it any way derogate from the glory of god , or rather is it not highly agreeable to his manifold wisdom : ephe. 3. 10. thereby also to accomplish some other subordinate ends of divine providence , such as were yet truly worthy of god to propound , and not unworthy of christ to undertake . but he tells us pa. 207. that till all , who profess christianity agree , whether christ be a propitiation , or no , i need not goe about a further confutation of this argument . but this seemes rather a slight way of shuffling off , than answering the argument , but is it indeed a sufficient answer to any doctrinal point , to say that all who profess the same religion are not agreed in that particular ? i may then tell this gentleman , who asserts repentance only a sufficient propitiation for sin against god , that till all who profess deisme , agree in this particular , i need not go about any further refutation of it : for the author of the summary account of the deists religion . pa. 89. tells us , that some thing further besides repentance , viz. obedience for the future , ending in an assimilation to god , is required in order to the reinstating a man after sin , in god's favour . the socinians indeed will not allow christ , in a strict , and proper sence , to be a sacrifice , or propitiation for sin ; but will it therefore follow , that it is not a truth , because these men deny it : if what limborch says , pa. 108. of his amica collatio cum iudaeo . speaking of the two natures in christ , be true , ad huc non credunt sociniani , & satis sunt christiani . if socinians be christians enough , than there is very little required of a man , in reference to his credenda , to make him a christian. what remains is either much what the same , with what has been already con●idered before ; or something which seems his own peculiar way of arguing against himself , that so he might return the more easy answers , . but i am afraid i have already tired my reader in prosecuting these little things . i cannot in justice or charity suppose these gentlemen such deisis , as border more immediately upon epicurism , because the assert the providence of god , and a future state of rewards and punishments . only i would heartily , and humbly propound to their consideration , whether they being happily brought up in the belief , and practise of the christian religion , and their now falling back from it , whether i say this may not be a step naturally leading to that worst sort of deism , little better than atheisme : for what better or stronger reasons will they have for retaining the natural religion , than they had or might have had for christianity ? it is to be fear'd that the purity of the precepts , and the severity of the christian doctrine , was the great offence they took at the christian religion , and may they not after such a breach , as it were , made upon their consciences , be tempted to renounce even natural religion it self for the same reasons . nemo repentè fit pessimus : men ●ommonly by degrees arrive at the height of ●ickedness . mr. blount in his letter pa. 87. ●f the oracles of reason . tho' deisme be ● good manureing of a mans conscience , yet ●ertainly , if sow'd with christianity , it will ●roduce the most profitable crop : but 't is re●orted that before his death he fell from that more modest , and ingenious temper of mind which he here seem'd to express . vriel acosta in his life time was very wavering in his religion , and at last turn'd deist , and shot himself . the same fate attended that unfortunat● gentleman both in his life and death . i shall make no personal reflections , only lay down this great truth , worthy to be consider'd by the immortal deist , as he is call'd . pa. 95 , that christianity lays the best and surest foundation of living and dying well . i shall here , because of the affinity of the subject to this in hand , briefly examine some particulars , in the translators preface to hierocles , upon the golden verses of the pythagoreans . sheet a 4. the proposition he there advanecs is , this . that it is possible by a due advertency to the light of nature sufficiently to discern betwixt good , and evill . this is very true , unless perhaps there lyes some ambiguity in the word sufficiently , that the light of nature doth , or may inform us in the greater stroaks , and instances of our duty , is certainly true , but whether it descends to all the particulars thereof , may be justly question'd ; but then in the proof of this proposition , i think he goes further , the the nature of the thing reqnired , the heathens might be able by the light of nature to distinguish betwixt good and , evill , tho' their writings did not fully come up to the height of christianity . i do not asserts he says , that the law of nature was engraven upon the hearts of men in as faire characters , as upon the two tables of stone , for then there would have been little , or no use of revelation . here seems to be some little obscurity , both in the proposition , he layes down , and in the inference he makes from it , i shall briefly examine both , 1 st . it seemes as reasonable to believe , that the law of nature was engraven at first in as fair characters upon the minds of men , as it was afterwa●ds upon the two tables of stone ( i do not mean in any gross sense ) that is , natural duties might be as well known to adam in paradice by the light of nature , as they were afterwards to the iews by the promulgation of the law , if the law of nature , in process of time , was so defac'd , that it could not be so easily read , this was owing to the vicious principles , and practises , to the false opinions , and wicked lives of men afterwards . 2 ly . as to the inference , for then there would have been little , or no use of revelation . this may refer either to the revelation of the law , or of the gospell , to that of moses , or that of christ. if it refer to that of moses , yet the revelation of the law by him might be of great use , by seting out , as it were a second edition of it upon tables of stone , when it was so miserably defaced before upon the minds of men. if it refer to the gospell , that also might be of very great use , notwithstanding all the clearest revelations that were made either by the law of nature , or by the law of moses , because the revelation of the gospell contains in it something , that was never designed to be made known , at least , so fully , by either : and he will not , i suppose , say , that the method of salvation , now revealed in the gospel is contain'd in the law of nature , tho' it had been writ in as fair char●cters , as that of the two tables of stone ; nor can he say , that the law of nature fully , and clearly imprinted upon the minds of men , would render any further revelation ( particularly that of the gospel ) useless . but yet he says , that in the writings of the heathens is contain'd the whole moral law , and that uot only in the integral parts , but in its utmost intention , nor is there one precept of christianity so exalted , and heroical , but may be paralell'd in an heathen : no man can deny this , he says , who has read the morals of plutarch , seneca , epictetus , cicero , to these he also adds juvenal and persius . i am not in the least willing to lessen the great excellencys that some of the heathens have attain'd to , but yet i k●ow no reason , why they should be equall'd with the christians . as for those moralists and poets he mentions , 't is observable that all of 'em , except cicero liv'd after the time of our saviour , and the promulgation of the gospel , and it is certain that the christian religion had very much improv'd the morals of the heathen world at that time , and that they owe a great deal of that light , which appears in their writings , to the sun of rightousness , tho' they were not so ingenious , as to acknowledge it . so that there can be no necessary argument drawn from these , to prove that the heathens , purely as such , can vie with christians in this particular . what was said of seneca , may in some measure be said of the rest , si christianus paganice , si paganus , christiane scripsit . then as for those heathens , that liv'd ●befoe our saviours time , i think i shall do 'em nothing but right , and justice , in these following particulars . 1. they had no right notion of original sin , that general depravation , and corruption of humane nature either as to the true cause or cure of it , without which i think , there cannot be laid any such firm foundation of vertue , and piety , as christianity thereby now affords us . 2. the heathens were not alwayes consistent with themselves in their discourses of this nature ; their candle did not only burn dim : but like one in th● socket , it had sometim●s its lucid intervals , and then somtimes seem'd to be quite extinguish'd , they had light enough to shew 'em their own darkness , but not sufficient to assure 'em of the right way ; the light of their understandings was many time like that of an ignis fatuus , desultory and uncertain . or if sometimes a more then ordinary heroick precept dropt , as it were , from a pagan penn , yet this will not be sufficient to equal natural religion with christianity , which is a constant , uniform , uninterrupted series , and constellation , as it were , of divine precepts : one excellent precept is not enough to form an institution , especially if we consider , that the influence thereof commonly reach'd no further than the particular sect , by which it was deliver'd , and many times not so far neither , and then the greater quantity of common rubbish , and perhaps vicious mixtures did quite sully the beauty of the celebrated maxime , and render the influence of it very ineffectual . 3. what ever their notions might be , yet they wanted that which is the very life of all religion , and the peculiar happyness of christianty , viz. that inward strength , and assistance , which might enable 'em to put their knowledge into practise . he adds , what exa●ted thoughts of vertue had aristotle , when he made the very formality of happiness to consist in the exercise of it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. happiness is the act of a rational soul according to the most perfect vertue in a life most perfect . i take this , says he , to be the most noble and sublime conception of vertue , that ever was , or can be fram'd by the mind of man. 't is true the wise man tells us , her ways are ways of pleasantness , and all her paths are peace , that is , says he , they are attended with pleasure , a●d peace : but that the exercise of vertue should not only be attended with , but be all one with happiness it self , is such a superlative encomium o● it , that neither the love , nor contemplation of a seraphim can suggest a greater . greater things than these cannot be spoken of thee , o thou city of god! he might as well have gone on , and prefer'd this definition of aristotle above any thing that was ever said , either by our saviour , or his apostles , upon this subject . christ in his sermon on the mount , if he had a mind to have come up to the aristotelian altitudes , should have given no other reason of the blessedness of such , and such persons but only because they were such , that is vertuous . blessed are the merciful because they are merciful , &c. but our saviour was pleas'd rather to make use of this more humble way , and more accommodated to the state of mankind , viz. to place the reason of the happiness in the reward . but suppose i should take the same liberty with aristotle , that he doth with solomon , that is , insert some words into the de●inition , to make the sense of it more dilute , as her ways are ways of pleasantness and all her paths are peace . that is , says he , attended with pleasure and peace ; then aristotle would have no advantage over solomon , but i think there is no need of this : aristotle has done it to my hand . for ●irst , we may observe , that in the definition it is not said , that the formality of happiness consists in the exercise of vertue , but only that happiness is the act of the rational soul according to the most perfect vertue , &c. 2. it is not every vertue , in the exercise , whereof happiness doth consist , but it is the most perfect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. si plures sint ver●utes , tunc ex vertute perfectissima . 3. it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in vita perfecta and here he tells us , that as one swallow makes not spring ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. one day , or a short time is not sufficient to make a man happy : that happiness is founded in vertue , or that a man cannot be happy without it , is certainly true , but that vertue alone is suff●icient to make one so , aristotle himselfe doth not assert . it is generlly supposed , that in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there must be the concurrence of all outward good things to the consummation of this happiness , 1 cor. 15. 10. if in this world only we have hope in christ , then are we of all men the most miserable , and yet the apostles were as happy as vertue could make ' em . he proceeds next to compare , and equall heathens with christians , as to their practices : i do not say , that an actuall formal intention , of referring all to god , is absolutely necessary , either in heathens , or christians , but yet this we may assert , that the nearer we approach thereto , and the more we refer all our actions to the glory of god , the better they are , and come nearer to perfection : i am of his opinion in this , that if a man do what is agreeable to right reason , because it is agreeable , he does well , tho' perhaps he doth not think of god at that present ; provided he has no contrary intention in it . this i believe is true , tho' not for the reason there assign'd : viz. because he says , to constitute the nature of sin w●ich is contrary , t is not required that there be an intention of transgressing the dictates of natural reason , much less of offending god. but to this it may be reply●d . 1 st . that vertue and vice are not , in a strict , and proper sence , contrarys , they are only privativè opposita . 2 ly . perhaps it is not possible for any one directly , and formally to design the transgression of the law of nature , or the law of god , and yet notwithstanding be guilty of sin : if the action be in its own nature bad , or if it want any necessary circumstance to make it morally good , it will have the nature , and denomination of an evill action let the intention be what it will. bonum ex causa integrà , malum ex quolibet defectu . but he is not satisfy'd , unless he bring the heathens , upon all accounts , to an equal level with christians , ( sheet b. 3 ) tho' i confess i see no reason why an heathen may not have this intention , as well as a christian. how far an heathen may somtimes possibly have such an intention , is not my busines to dispute ; only this i say , that there is this reason , why an heathen should not have such an intention , as well as a christian , because he has no such plain , and possitive precept in this case . 1 cor. 10. 31. whether ye eat , or drink , or whatsoever ye do , do all to the glory of god : and i think i may further observe from this chapter , that there are not any such plain , and positive commands to be met withal in any heathen author , to teach us to use our liberty in things indifferent so , as not to give any just occasion of scandall , or offence to others , as we have laid down in that chapter ; for tho' perhaps there may be something met withal in those which may be wire drawn as it were , to these purposes , yet probably this was never , either the intent of the author , or ever so generally understood at that time . thus much briefly as to that particular . i also humbly conceive , that mr. norris , doth too much undervalue christianity , even as it containes a doctrine of morality , when he tells us . pa. 6. 7. of his reason and faith , that there is nothing in christianity considerable enough , when the great misteries of the trinity , and incarnation are taken away , to make it appear an institution worthy of god , or to challenge the assent of any thinking , or con●iderate man. i grant indeed that the misterys of christianity do render it more awfull , and venerable , and that more especially upon these two accounts . 1 st . because they are really true , and not such phantasticall whimsies , as may be met with all in the pagan theogonia's . 2 d. they have a natural tendency , either as motives , or arguments , or encouragements , to promote our duties both to god and man. but yet is there nothing in that admirable contrivance of the whole ? nothing in that exact correspondence , and agreement of the parts of scripture , tho' writ at several times and upon different occasions ? nothing in that 〈◊〉 ●f divinity , that seemes , as it were , to 〈◊〉 thro' all , both gospels and epistles 〈◊〉 ing in that most exact systeme of morality , that ever appear'd in the world ? nothing in all this worthy of a man of clear ideas , and distinct perceptions to believe or imbrace ? nothing in all this worthy of a rational assent ? we have not thus learned christ. since therefore christianity consists of these two principal parts , mistery and morality , and both excellent , and necessary , i think , they ought not to be oppos'd to , or unseasonably compar'd with one another , the theory , and practice of religion mutually supporting , and defending each other . thus that great and learned man , the reverend bishop of worcester . pa. 57. of his preface , to his vindication of the doctrine of the trinity , the principles of natural religion , are those that comm●nd christianity to me , for without them the misteries of faith would be far more unaccountable , than now they are , &c. and however dismall the fears and jealousies of some men may be of an universal deluge of deisme overspreading the world tho' the lives of men may be generally wicked enough , yet i fancy the age is not ignorant , and weak enough yet ●or that purpose ; for if men be but either strict in their lives , or in their reasonings , there will be no great fear of deisme universally prevailing among 'em ; but since i● cannot be expected that they generally should be so , therefore all ought in their respective stations to oppose the growing evill ; yea , even the s●ate it selfe ought to have a watchfull eye upon the growth of it , for when men once arrive at an opinion of indifferency of religion , they will soon from thence proceed to an in●ifferency in gover●ment : yet we ought not in the mean time desperare , nec de republica nec de religione . some remarks upon a passage in dr. nicholls his conference with a deist , pa. 32. 2. part . i would not here be thought to take pleasure in finding fault . but this learned author himselfe has taught me in dr. burnetts , and mr. whiston's case , that ' its possible for one to differ from another in some particulars without any lessening of their learning , without any reflection upon their persons , or without any disparagement of their performances . i perhaps might speak as great things in commendation of his book as he doth of theirs , but it doth not stand in need of the approbation of one of so mean a character , yet i hope i may without offence make use of that modest liberty , which he takes in the like case . some are only for naturall religion , not granting any to be reveal'd ; others are all for reveal'd religion , not granting any , in a strict and proper sense , to be naturall ; and i wish that some ill minded men be not apt from hence ( occasion being thus given by dashing these assertions one against another ) to conclude , that there is no such thing , as any religion at all . but i think the heat of opposing deisme proceeds too far , when men in defence of the reveal'd religion , deny the natural , for the granting of the one , is so far from being any prejudice to the other , that those two seem rather mutually to support , and defend each other . this learned author in the place above cited tells us , that the common rules of morality , which we generally call natural religion , were at first reveal'd by god , and t is very odd he says to think how such propositions as these , parents are to be ho●oured , friends a●sisted , &c. how these propositions , which are the complication of so many distinct , and ●imple ideas , which we are sure are generally attained by reason , and experience should yet be asserted to come into the minds by such an unaccountable way , as that of inscription ; but here i would ask this learned author , whether it be possible for god to inscribe such propositions as th●s●●pon the minds of men ( i do not mean in any gross or literal sense ) if it be ( and i think i may challenge any one to prove the impossibility of it ) yet still we might urge the same difficulty against 'em , viz. that these propositions are only the complications of so many distinct and simple ideas which we get by experience , so that this is only such an objection as may be consistent with an acknowledg'd truth , and therefore indeed is none at all . i do not here suppose the simple ideas of parents , and honour , of friends , &c. to be inscrib'd by god , and yet the truth of those propositions may be truly said to be so , but i shall refer the reader to what i have further said upon this particular , in answer to mr. lock . as for dr. nicholls his argument drawn from the poor honest indian , i think is so far good as to prove , that he di● not come to the knowledge of those notions of honesty , and fidelity by any such profound ratiocination , to which some men would ascribe the original of all those moral duties . but whether he came to 'em by tradition , or instruction from his father may be justly question'd , because they who have liv'd long and conversed much with those indians , do find that it comes as little into the parents minds to instruct their children in the principles of morality , as it does come into the children's to make any diligent enquiry into the nature of it themselves . so that tho' that learned author doth say that that opinion of innate notions has be●n of late generally exploded by learned men ; yet i think it still stands upon an equall level of probability with either of the other viz. either ratiocination , or tradition , consider'd singly by themselves . i do not here go about absolutely to oppose this way of tradition , valeat quantum ●alere potest , but yet i would not lay the whole stress of the cause upon it , so as to deprive our selves of any advantage that may accrue to us by either of the other , in the defence of our common cause of religion , either by rational deduction , or natural inscription ; orall tradition● haveing not found that good success in the world , as to divinity , as much to encourage others ●o urge , or to prosecute th● same in morality . but he says , that tho' relations of matters of fact , ancient customs , and difficult articles of faith , may suffer much by ●eing convey'd this way , &c. but was not gods instructing adam in these things , matter of fact ? or may not matters of fact done by god be misrepresented as well , as those done by men ? as for difficult articles of faith , if he mean such as are of a more complex nature , and include a long series of propositions , or if he supposes this tradition to extend to the modes , and circumstances of things , then this way might be very lyable to mistake , and corruption by passing through so many hands ; but suppose god had taught adam to believe a trinity in the god-head , the resurection of the body , with out the respective modes of either , i doe not see but that these might as safely , and securely have been delivered down to posterity , as those other precepts he mentions● but these plain rules of morality , he says , such as worship god , honour thy parents , &c. are so natural to the understanding , so easy ●o be imbraced by it and appear upon proposal to be so extreamly usefull ●o mankind , &c. here he seemes to relinquish his own principle , tradition , and to found the belief and ready reception of these rules of morallity in their being so natural to the understanding , &c. that they must be assented to , and can never be mistaken , or forgot . but pa. 33. he tells us , that there are some very barbarous people , who , we are very certain , want most of these moral notions , so that here must have been some mistake , or forgetfulness on some hand , or other . but he says , pa. 37. if morality was inscrib'd on mens hearts , parents might with as muh wisdom pretend to teach their children to eat , and drink , to love their children , &c. so that it seems , there is such a natural duty , or instinct for parents to love their children that they cannot but do it . but why is not the duty reciprocal ? why may not children be , in the same way , bound to honour their parents , as parents to love their children ? and yet he says , pa. 72. that among the ancient heathens it was a common thing to throw their children when born into the next ditch , they met with . no great argument of such a natural love and affection towards 'em , as they could not but show and exercise : pa. 33 , he tells us , 't is odd to think , that these propositions should come into the minds of men by such an unaccountable way , as that of inscription , and yet he says pa. 92. that gods permission of vice is no sign of his liking it , he having otherwise declar'd his will , by giving to all men a law of vertue . this cannot be understood of the traditionary law , because that has not , by some defect or other , extended to all men. pa. 38. 't is further remarkable , that parents deut. 6.6 . are commanded by god to teach their children these moral dutys : but what then ? did ever any body assert , that this natural inscription doth super●ede the necessity of other instructions , or the use of those other means which god , and nature have made requisite in order to the more perfect knowledge of our dutys ? but after the recital of the ten commandments , viz. the moral law , moses adds , and these words , which i command thee this day shall be in thy heart , and thou shalt teach them diligently to thy children , &c. but these words were not introduc'd immediately after the recital of the ten commandments● the ten commandments were recited about the middle of the 5 th . chap. and v. 31. god there speaking to moses , says , stand thou here by me , and i will speak unto thee all t●e commandments , and statutes and iudgments , which thou shalt teach them , that they may do-them in the land , which i give them to posssess it ; now these words , commandments , statutes , and iudgments , are generally understood to signifie all the precepts of the moral , ceremonial , and judicial law , and certainly the jewes were oblig'd to observe some other laws , besides the ten● commandments , in the land which the● lord gave 'em to possess it : the like words are repeated . ch. 6. 1. whereupon ● . 6. it follows , these words which i command the this day shall be in● thy heart . he proceeds , 't is further remarkable , that what moses here says , shall be in the iewes hearts , the apostle says rom. 2. 15. was written in the gentiles hearts , so that unless there can be a substantial difference evinc'd between being in the heart , and written there , all the doctrine of inscrib'd propositions falls to the ground . i perceive that those who are any ways concern'd for the doctrine of inscrib'd propositions ; must either now speak , or else for ever hereafter hold their peace . but to this i answer , 1. that if that expression of moses , of being in their hearts , relate only to the ten commandments . viz the moral law. why then may not moses be as well explain'd by st. paul , as st. paul by moses ; and so natural inscription be understood by both ? 2. i know not whether i can show a substantial difference betwixt ●●ose expressions , or no , yet i hope , i shall s●ow such an one , as may be sufficient to satisfie any impartial and considerate reader . 1 moses and st. paul do not speak secundum idem , or ad idem . moses speaks of the precepts of all the three laws , moral , ceremonial , and iudicial , st. paul only of the moral . 2. they do not speak , eodem modo . moses's expression of being in their hearts , according to the best interpreters , signifies no more , than being in their memory 's , and affections , st. pauls being written in their hearts . signifies something more as supposing the gentiles naturally conscious of the observation and breach of the moral law ; so that i humbly conceive , there can be no argument drawn from the comparing those two places of moses and st. paul in prejudice to the doctrine of natural inscriptions , rightly understood . pa. 129. no body says , that god reveals these natural truths to us , but only gives us facultyes of discerning them . and may not the same be said of some moral truths which we commonly call natural religion , that god does not reveal these truths to us , but only gives us facultys , by vertue whereof we may either find , or frame such propositions as are agreeable to the morral , as well as to the natural frame , and constitution of the soul ? i cannot too often remind the reader that i never asserted these natural , ot innate notions to be imprinted upon the mind in any gross , or litterall sense , upon which mistaken ground , and perswasion only , i am apt to believe that they are oppos'd by some , pa. 83. of my former discourse , there speaking of the archetypall formes , and patterns of all truth in the divine intellect ; these i say , are communicated to the soul in a way and proportion suteable to such a being , that is , they are either made naturall propertyes of its being , as such , or the necessary , and immediate result of its faculties , in the right use , and exercise of em ' , for it is not easie to conceive how either any senfible impressions from without , or any re●lections of the soul upon its own operations ( about those impressions ) can be connatural causes of morall truths . i grant indeed , that vertue has a natural tendency to promote both publick , and private interest , but yet i think the soul finds , as it were , an intrinsick sut●bleness of these truths to it selfe , and of it self to them , antecedently to any such external considerations . some remarks upon mr. chauvin de religione naturali . one designe of his book , he tells us , was orthodoxarum ecclesiarum fratres ad concordi●m vocare . an excellent design this , and worthy to be prosecuted with all the prudence , and pious zeall , that the thing is capable of , but it is to be wish'd , that he had brought a more humble , and modest temper of mind to such a work , as this ; it did not become him , to reflect unhansomly upon the constitution , and government of that church , which both as to doctrine , and discipline comes the nearest to that of the primitive , of any in the christian world : it is not for private persons , much less for strangers , and forraigners to prescribe new formes , and methods to a church that has been so long , and so well constituted , as this has been ; when this gentleman has more fully considered , and better understood things of this na●ure , he w●ll be better satisfy'd with some of our ●●cle●iastical constitutions , than at present he ●eems to be . i shall not presume to take notice of any thing in his epistle dedicatory , because it is to a learned and reverend bishop of our own church ; tho' withall , i believe , there are some things in it writ without his knowledge , or approbation . but least my charge here against him might seem too general , and so groundless ; i shall instance in one particular , pa 419. where he unhansomly and rudely reflects upon our convocations . but these are things above my sphere , but under the carefull , and watchfull eye of our superiours . my de●ign here is of a lower nature , pa. 131 , nobis jam ostendendumest , quâ viâ , illa lex , quae naturalis dicitur , in corda nostra irrepserit , utrum nempe naturaliter sit menti nostrae inscripta , quod vulgoasseritur , nos vero evidenter asserimus , illud esse falsissimum . a little more evidence in the proof , tho' less in the assertion , might do very well : but here it will be very difficult to reconcile this author , either to scripture , or to himself . st. paul tells us , rom. 2. 15. that the gentiles show the work of the law ( that is , the naturall law ) written in their hearts . now it must be granted , that this natural inscription , even à primo ortu , is the most plaine , and obvious interpretation of the place , and where that may be re●tained , we ought not to look for another : and tho' t is true , that the natural law is agreeable to the dictates of reason it self , when come to perfect maturity , yet if this had been all the apostle designed to express ; i am apt to believe , he would not have thus worded it , by being written in their hearts ; for by thus doing , he did almost inevitably , and invincibly confirm men in that false opinion ( if it be one ) which was then more generally received in the world. nor can any argument be drawn from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the following part of the verse , in prejudice of this opinion of natural inscription . dr. hammond , here tells us that these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are practicall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , common notions of good and evill , which are among the generality of men , even heathens , without any light from the mosaicall law , &c. i shall now see how difficult it is to reconcile him to himself in other places , pa. 5. there speaking of the belief of a deity he tells us , consentanea utique est illis connaturalibus rationis principijs , quae nobis insunt , & paulatim augescunt pa. 38. quid nobis esse debet antiquius , quam religio , quae si verum fatearis , insculpta fuerat , in hominum mentibus . pa. 45. speaking of the belief of the unity of a god , haec opinio demonstrat naturae rudera , quae in imis illorum medullis , infixa sunt , nec ullâ de causa possunt amoveri . i might easily tyre my self and reader too in citing places to this purpose , in favour of these natural principles , which seem ●ven at first implanted in the minds of men , tho' it cannot be expected they should show themselves , before the actual use of reason . i shall now briefly examine the reasons he gives of his opinion ; if , says he , the law of nature , be writ by the finger of god upon the hearts of men à primo ortu then it must be either to direct us to good , or to deter us from evil , but it cannot serve for either of these : not the first , nam ubi omnia sunt turbata &c. where all things are disturb'd , and out of order by reason of the tenderness , and weakness of age , altogether unfit for prudence , there the voice of the law cannot be heard . but will he argue barely from the laws not being heard , that therefore there is none ? we commonly say , that in war the laws are silent , or howsoever cannot be heard and yet they are laws even there too : if he supposes us in the state of infancy , befor● the use of reason , what should he talk of the rules of good , and evil to such , ●s know neither ? if he supposes us in the state of juvenility , tho' our passions be strong , and turbulent , yet methinks , there should be more need at such a time , more especially , of a law to direct us . nor , 2 dly , says he , can it deter us from evil , because there is no actual sin in children before the use of reason , but would it be in vain to have this law imprinted upon the minds of children , because they cannot yet make use of it ? may not the the soul of a child properly be call'd a rational soul , tho' as yet it cannot form a syllogism ? may there not be natural inclinations , and dispositions to truth , and holyness . some semina vitae moralis , tho' these do not show themselves until such prefixt times , as providence and the nature of things have appointed for ' em ? and till this be prov'd either abs●lutely impossible , or highly irrational , the opposers of these natural principles do prove nothing to their purpose , nor gain any strength or credit to their cause . 2. another ground of his opinion is drawn from a parity of reason betwixt faith , and this law of nature , there being he says , the same reason for both , quoniam ut ambae , fides & lex jure suo utantur , necessario debent unà cum intellectu voluntatis actus eximios exerere . but i do not see how there can be any necessary argument drawn from the one to the other , the one being purely natural , the other supernatural , and similitudes may indeed sometimes illustrate , but never necessarily prove any thing . he tell us indeed pa. 333. maximi viri his novissimis temporibus evidenter probarunt , &c. that great men of late dayes have evidently proud , that neither faith nor nè semen fidei , is in us from our infancy : i do indeed believe , that it was in these latter dayes , that such novel doctrine , as this was preach'd ; who he means by his viri maximi i know not , but i am apt to believe , that their authority is not indisputable ; and it will be very difficult for him , or for any else , who resumes the dispute , to prove , that there is not at least , a semen fidei , that is , an inward principle of divine grace , so far as to regenerate the infant , convey'd in baptism : and therefore i wonder why he should call that an obsolete opinion , because perhaps some modern french divines have been against it . ut si vulgo omnes , ac presertim seneca , de vertutum seminibus loquuti sunt , distinctam s●orum dictorum notitiam non habuerunt . it is an easy way of confuting those , who differ from us , to tell 'em , as it is an usual custom now a days , that they have no distinct idea , or clear perception of what they say . but a greater degree of modesty might very well become a greater man than himself . it is very strange , that god , who at first created man after his own image , that he should not make , as it were , one actual stroke either of truth , or holyness upon his soul , wherein if in any thing , he might much more especially resemble his creator . so likewise in his new creation , or spiritual regeneration , which is generally i think , suppos'd to be begun in baptism , that he should do nothing by way of actual conveyance of grace , and strength , as an inward principle . here i beg the readers pardon , if i so far digress , as briefly to examine , what the reverend author of the catechetical lectures has laid down in his 70 th . pa. vol. 1 st . relating hereunto . all , who are the children of god , either in the sense of the scripture , or of the catechism , are not thus actually regenerated . here the question is not to what degree they are regenerated in baptism , but whether they be really regenerate , or no. no one can here imagine , that children should be so regenerate in baptism , as that they should be able to perform all the offices , and duties of christianity , as adult persons doe . as to the sence of scripture he says , it is , plain , that every one that beares the relation of a child of god , is not dutifull to his father which is in heaven : no one ever doubted this : but will it thence follow , that even such an one was not once a true child of god , and regenerated in baptism ; may not men put themselves out of that state of salvation , wherein once they were , by their gross and willfull sins ? but then further , every degree of undutifulnes is not inconsistent with a regenerate state ; indeed upon ●very commission of sin , we ought to return again to god by repentance , and reformation for the time to come , yet every particular sin , doth not put a true child of god into a state of damnation : and as to the meaning of a child of god in the catechisme . it is plain , that it is not only such , as are renew'd in the spirit of their minds , and imitate god , that are here to be understood , for every one that is catechised is requir'd to answer , that in his baptisme he was made a child of god , whereas many catechumens are not y●t renewed and really converted . to this i answer . 1 st . that these two expressions , of being renewed in their minds , and imitating of god are not here well joyned together , because children may be so renewed in their spirits as to be really regenerated , and yet not to be in a condition of actually imitating of god. 2. catechumens are indeed required to answer so ; neither doth our church herein require 'em to tell a lye for so they were made the children of god , and that by true and reall regeneration ( i still insist upon that word , because our church asserts it ) tho' our reverend , and learned author doth suppose , that many catechumens were never yet actually renewed in the spirit of their minds , or regenerated , and many never will be ● which makes baptisme a more insignificant thing , than either scripture , or the church of england ever design'd to make it . but why may not the catechumen truly say , that in baptism he was made a child of god , more than by a mere covenant-relation , viz. by the laver of regeneration tit. 3. 5. and why may we not charitably , and truly too suppose the catechumen by the blessing of god upon a christian education , still to have the seed of baptismal grace remaining in him , which we firmly believe god at first bestowed upon him ? for our church tells us , that infants dying before the commission of sin , are certainly saved , and yet this we know , that nothing impure , or unholy can enter into that state : but he proceeds . so that a child of god by spirituall regeneration , and god-like imitation express rather a duty what every one ought to be , than , &c. by god-like imitation , i suppose , he meanes a pious imitation of god , tho' i do not know , whether that expression will bear it , or no : but then let us apply what he here says to the office of baptism , and see what sense it will make , when we pray that the child then comeing to christs holy baptism may receive remission of his sins by spirituall regeneration ; this is not to be understood of any thing then actually to be received at baptism , but at a certain critical moment of conversion some years after , if perhaps such a thing ever happen at all ; and whereas in the last prayer of that office it is said , we yeild the hearty thanks most mercifull father , that it hath pleased thee to regenerate this infant with thy holy spirit ; this must be understood so , as that he is only at present put into a capacity o● being regenerated hereafter● but he that thus explains the catechism must at the same time destroy the office of baptism , which is of equall authority with the other , but the doctrine of the church of england is not inconsistent with it self , if men do not come with prejudice , and prepossession to the explication of it : and tho' he tells us , pa. 60. that this matter was rightly stated by one thus , that is in a way suitable to his own opinion , yet i believe● upon examination , neither his authority , nor his reasons would be found of any great force . i shall only further take notice of one question and answer in the catechism . dost thou not think , that thou art bound to bel●●ve and do as they have promis'd for thee ? ans : yes verily ; and by gods help so i will● and i heartily thank our heavenly father , that he hath called me to this state of salvation thro● iesus christ our saviour . now a state of salvation is certainly something more● than a mere faederal relation . and i pray unto god , to give me his grace , that i may continue in the same to my lifes end . ●●t this learned author says ●hat all ca●●ch●mens are not converted o● r●generated , and some by ●heir own fault● never will be , but certainly it would be the greatest curse imaginable to teach a child to pray , that he may remain in a state of unregeneration . the reverend dr. doth not take the least notice of this part of that answer in his explication of it , so that i do not certainly know what his particular sentiments are herein . it is to on purpose to tell us , that it is not easily conceiveable how children can be regenerate in baptism , since the scripture doth warrant it , and the church affirm● it ; perhaps it would be dfficult for them to explain the manner how adult persons are regenerate . iohn , 3. 8. the wind bloweth where it listeth , and thou hearest the sound thereof , but thou knowest not whence it come than● whether it goeth , so is every one that is born of the spirit . but to return from this digression . he urges further , cuj tandem bono indulgebitur nobis illa naturalis lex , &c. is it that there might be some previous dispositions in the soul by degrees to dispose it to better obedience to its precepts ? let us suppose this for once , and see what answer he returns unto it . he tells us , that these previous dispositions to virtue are things altogether as unintelligible as aristotle's substantial forms , which lye hid , no body knows how , in the bosom of the matter , till at last they show themselves in their proper shapes : but here he seemes again , eâdem chord ● oberrare , before heargu'd from supernatural things to natural , now he argues from physical to things of a moral and more immaterial nature . aristotles substantial forms are unintelligible , ergo the law of nature is so too , for they are as like one annother , as ever they can look , for like as substantial forms lye hid in matter , till they find , or take occasion of coming out , ●o these natural principles do just the same , in reference to the soul. this indeed is evident affirmation , but i see little of proof in it . there are indeed real difficulties , and absurditys urg'd against substantial forms ; but i know none against these natural notions in the sence before asserted : all that seems to be materially objected against this natural inscription , is , that there is , they say , no need of it in order , either to the knowledge of truth , or obligation to duty , these , they say , may be accounted for other ways : but supposing this for once to be true , but not granting it to be so , this is no argument against what is here asserted , viz , natural inscription ; for what if god should afford us more ways in order to the coming to the knowledge of truth , and goodness , then we fancy to be absolutely necessary , have we any reason to blame providence for it ? but he tells us pa. 336. &c. that the soul doth make certain aphorisms , or generall rules , for the direction of humane life , post maturam tandem experientiam : after mature experience . such as these , honestum vitio ac libidini esse praeferendum , &c. which afterwards he calls genealis norma de honesto apud homines stabilita . but i would only ask him , in what place and in what age it was , that men thus generally met to determine , and fix the rules of right and wrong , by a general consent : for a further answer hereto , i shall refer my reader to my former discourse of humane na●ure , pa. 54. there is one thing more , wherein this gentleman seems to affect some kind of peculiarity , tho' i think it is rather in expression , than in notion : that the christian religion , especially as to the dutys of it , are no ways contrary to natural reason , but highly agreeable thereunto is certainly true , and tends much to the honour , and reputation of christianity . but then why we should so far strain the common sence , and acceptation of the word natural , as to apply it to all the misteri●s and miracles of our religion , i do not understand . we have sufficient reason from the nature of god , and from divine revelation to believe all the instituted parts of christianity , but i know no reason why we should as●ert the naturalness of em ' , if i may so speak . but he designs here to advance a seeming paradox , pa. 263. quoniam res videtur ardua , & firme inaudita , pa. 248. grandia suscipimus cum omnes , qu●tquot vidimus sunt huic opinioni oppositi , ut qui maximè . he makes use indeed of a peculiar way of speaking , but when he has explain'd what he means by it , and in what sense he understands it , the notion is common , and ordinary . per naturam intelligo rectam rationem , usum , & morem hominum communem , & tandem traditionem receptam . pa , 264. a very large acceptation of nature . if god has adapted some of his institutions , either to the custom of former ages , or to the apprehension● of mankind , we have so much more reason to acknowledg his condescension to our infirmities● but we have none from hence to call em ' natural . pa. 271. nec communi usui aut rerum naturae adversantur seu miracula , seu propheti●● iesu christi . one might almost think here , that he asserted spinosa's opinion , that miracles were not above nor contrary to nature , but his meaning is more innocent , he only means that miracles were pretended to by other religions , and that they were made use of by christ , in naturae restaurationem for the benefit of mankind and the support of humane nature . pa. 286. there he tells us , that even evangelical faith it self doth no way interfere with his former doctrine . but his reason seems very strange , and not much for the honour of christianity , sed si nos ipsos consulamus , comperiemus corda nostra spontè pa●ere anilibus fabulis ut qui credulitati naturâ nostrâ obnoxij simus , &c. it were to be wish'd that men would ●xpress common thoughts in a common and ordinary way : but some men think to gain to themselves the reputation of great notionalists , by dressing up common and ordinary notions in a new form of words , thus seeming to speak something great , and aboue the o●dinary pitch of other men , when many times there is v●ry little , or nothing in their pompous● ways or speaking . if the learned author of the catechetical lectures hath in any other part of his book ( which yet i have not met with ) explained the point before mentioned in a way agreeable to the office of baptism , i then recall what i have said upon that particular , only , i could have wish'd that he had not given that o●●asion to others of misapprehending him . some remarks upon monsieur malebranch his opinions of the non-efficiency of second causes , and of seeing all thing●s in god. the true liberty of phylosophizing , and the free and ingenuous use of ● mans own reason , is certainly a very great perfection of a rational creature , a just freedom of thinking together with that of ●hoice , being two great prerogatives of humane nature ; but the best things may be abused , and perverted to bad purposes , thus men sometimes , under the plausible pretence of free thinking , give their fancyes leave to rove about for new opinions , and then presently● are so enamour'd of their own inventions , that it is very difficult , if at all possible , eve● to convince 'em of the con●rary , and that which more confirms them in their own way , is , that they fancy themselves the only men , that enjoy the true genius of contemplation , and those who differ from em and cannot assent to their way of reasoning● they look upon to be men , whose understandings are crampt by the prejudice of an unha●py education . here i shall propound these two things to consideration● 1. no opinion in philosphy is either to be rejected o● imbraced merely upon account of its antiquity or novelty , but only , as it comes attended , or no● attended with the evidence of reason and probability at least of truth , thus a more true genius of philosophysing may appea●● in the defence of an old truth , than in the asserting of a new error . 2. in things purely physical , relating to things meerely of a material nature , w● may indulge a greater liberty of thinking but in things that terminate more immediately upon god , as this opinion of monsi●ur malbranch does , in seeing all things in god , in such i conceive , we ought to be more wary , and guide both our thoughts , and words with greater caution . there are some positive moralists , if i may so call 'em , such who tell us , that there is nothing good , or evill in its own nature , but that things are so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , only because of the positive decree , and determination of god , that they should be so : monsieur malbranch seemes in some respect , to be the same in natural phylosophy , that those others are in moral , that is , he grants no natural efficiency to 2 d. causes , and that they are only signes , and occasions upon which god will , and without which he will not produce such effects . thus what mr. norris● pa. 59. of his remarks upon the a●henian society , says concerning sensible impressions in resp●ct of ideas , may be said of all other causes , tha● god has established a certain order , or connexion betwixt such impressions made upon our sences , and such ideas , not that these impressions doe cause , or produ●e these ideas , but that they are conditions , upon the presence of which god will raise them , or to speak more properly , exhibit them to our m●nds . now according to this hypothesis if god had ordered things so at first , or shall hereafter do so , then the running of a feather tho' never so lightly over a mans hand , might have caus'd the most exquisite pain imaginable ; then tent●rden steeple might have been as much the cause of goodwins sands , as any second cause is of the effect , which yet seems to follow from it . but then if we consider what he sayes , pa. 116. of his illustrations , he there seems not much to differ from the common hypothesis , ad deum seu ad causam vniversalem , ●bi effectuum , specialium ratio postulatur , recurrendum non esse fateor , but withall he says , naturae inestigatio falla●e● & omnino vana , ubi in eâ , aliae verae causae quaeruntur , quàm voluntates omnipotentis : again in the same place , si fieri possit , effectuum , de quibus agitur , causa naturalis & specialis est explicanda , but again he says , actio istarum causarum consistit duntaxat in vi movente , quâ agitantur ; illa vero vis movens nihil ali●d est , quàm ipsa dei voluntas . but it is no great sign of truth , or of a good cause when its patron seems , as it were , thus opprest by its weight and thus operosely labours in the explication of it . but it s observable , that he himself grants that it● would be more agreeable , if it could be done , to assigne special natural causes of particular effects . but now would it not be more phylosophical ; to say , that there are such particular causes in nature , tho' at present we are not able to assign 'em , then thus to run to the more immediate power of god for the salving of every ordinary phaenomenon of nature . i grant that it is very difficult to assign the just limits betwixt natural , and supernatural power , to determine justly where the one ends , and the other begins , or indeed fully to explain all the modes of natural phaenomena's , but yet , methinks , it is not altogether so philosophycal , to ascribe these , ( commonly reputed ) ordinary phaenomena's of gravitation , for example , or the growing of a pile of grass to the constant efficiency , or supernatural influence of almighty god. i do not say , that we are able to give a full solution of these things , as to all the minutest circumstances of 'em , nor would i ascribe too much to natural causes , but yet i think , presently to have recourse to divine power , for the solution of all things ; this would damp all our further enquirys into nature , which is an employment very worthy of a rational creature , ( provided it does not extend too far , i mean , to the excluding of providence out of the world ) besides to ascribe all things immediatly to god , exclusively of second causes , might perhaps seem to detract from the tr●e notion and nature of providence it self in that just , and wise order of things , in that exact harmony betwixt the natural● and moral world , which god has constituted in the universe : and it would be difficult to give any tolerable account , worthy of the wisdom of god ; of those things , commonly call'd second causes , if they be but bare signes , or conditions of those things , which they seem to have some causal influence upon . but he tells us , pa. 124. of his illustrations , ( which i should have mentioned before ) ●●m voluntas mea determina● voluntatem dei , certe brachium meum movebitur non voluntate meâ , quae inessicax est perse , sed voluntate dei , quae effectu suo nunquam frustratur . but why should he call the will of man inefficax , when at the same time he tells us that it determins the will of god ? might not mans will , if god had so pleas'd , as well determine the motion of his own arme , as determine the will of god ? and i do not yet see , how he has prov'd gods pleasure to be otherwise . neither will those words per se do him any service , for no body asserts second causes to have any power of themselves , but what they receiv'd from the ●irst . i do not dispute the pow●●ful e●●iciency of the divine will , where-ever god is pleas'd to employ it , only if our adversaries will grant any subordinate causality to sccond causes , but still in dependance upon , and under the direction of the first cause , i shall not dispute about the quantum . but the monsieur betakes himself to his modish way of fenci●g with ideas . voluntatem meam producere ideas meas , nego , quìa nè quidem capio quo modo illas possit producerè ; but may not i deny mans will to determine gods will , for the same reason quia ne quidem capio , &c. how my will can determine gods will ? and some few lines after , he says , nemo habet claram ideam hujus virtutis mentis in corpus & corporis in mentem , qui id positive asserunt , non satis assequntur , quid dicunt . but may we not both by reason , and experienece , know something to be true , of which we have no clear and distinct idea , as to the manner of ' em ? but tho' i am apt to believe that there are some things in nature yet unknown to us , which afterwards shall be , and others which never will be known in this state , which yet in the other we shall then see natural causes of , yet i would not have any to infer from hence , that i in the least go about to lessen the credit of divine miracles , as if there were not sufficient grounds to satisfy any rational man of the truth , and reality of those miracles wroght by moses , our saviour and his apostles , viz. to prove , that they were , both above the power of nature , or any diabolicall arts , to perform , which will appear form hence , because no doubt the devil had his instruments , both under the old , and new testament , who evry well understood the powers of nature , and their own , and would certainly make use of the same to their utmost possibility in opposing the religion , that was then to be established , and yet we find they were never able to contend with these divine workers of miracles , with any success . and if we further consider , the intrinsick nature of the things themselves , if we consider the end and design of these miracles which were always done in confirmation of a doctrine truly divine , and in pitty , and compassion to the souls , and bodies of men , never for popular applause , or vaine ostentation , if we consider lastly the manner of their being done , by a bare word , where the thing was no sooner said than done , tho' at great distance too , from all these things we must necessarily conclude these miracles to be truly divine ; and now for a man , after all this , to urge that we know not how far the powers of nature may extend , and whether these may not come within this compass , is rather to play the sceptick , then the phylosopher . vide. preface to amyraldus of divine dreams sheet , c tho' i do not see any inconveniency at all in asserting the deluge to have happen'd by the concurrence of second causes , but still under the influence , and direction of divine providence . i know it s here objected , that if it came to pass by natural causes then there must have been a deluge whether the former world had been so wicked , or no. then noahs preaching had been all collusion , and if the world had repented , yet it could not have escap'd the punishment . to this i answer . 1 st . that the force of these objections , if perhaps there be any in them , con●ists in this , viz. the supposal that these second causes are not under the influence and direction of divine providence . 2. if we could well suppose that actually to come to pass which god certainly foresaw would never come to pass , that is , the antediluvian world had repented , how do they come to know that it would have perish'd notwithstanding ? could not god as well save the rest of the world by some extraordinary manner , as he sav'd noah , and his family in an ordinary one ? but a right notion of divine prescience will perfectly solve all these seeming difficulties , and here i premise . 1. that gods fore-knowledge is of as large an extent , as all the possible actions of the most free agents , he foresees that m●n might have done this , or that , and yet he certainly sees , that he will freely chuse this . 2. god's fore-knowledge of things to come doth not lay any necessity upon the things fore-seen , antecedently to the event , neither will it hence follow , that god's fore-knowledge might have been here frustrated , if things might have fallen out otherwise , because god did also foresee this possibility too , and yet he saw , that notwithstanding they would certainly fall out thus . now let us apply this to the present case . god fore-saw that the antide-luvian world would be so preverslly wicked , not withstanding all the means he should use in order to their reformation : he then order'd such a constitution and frame of things , such an harmony betwixt the natural and moral world , that nature it self should be instrumental for the punishment of mens wickedness , and that without any violation of the divine mercy and justice , and in a way agreeable to its own laws : this seems to tend much to the honour of divine providence , and no ways contrary to any of gods attributes . therefore it is no good way of arguing , that if the deluge did come to pass by the concurrence of second causes , then it would have happen'd , whether the world had been so wicked , or no , because the constitution of such a frame of nature did suppose the certainty of its being wicked , and yet without laying any necessity at all of its being so . i shall now proceed to his other opinion , of seeing all things in god. pa. 208. lat edit . but here also there seems to be some kind of uncertainty , or obscurity in stating of the question , so that his notions seem not here to lye very cleare in his head , pa. 211. deus non potest facere mentem ad cognoscenda opera sua , ni●i mens illa videat aliquo modo deum , videndo ipfius opera ; adeo ut dicere possimus , quod si deum aliquo modo non videremus , nihil prorsus videremus . but this cannot be so understood , that by seeing the works of god , we thereby only come to the knowledge of his atributes , of power , wisdom , and goodness ; some thing more then this , is intimated thro' the whole series of his hypothesis : but then tho' we thus , some way or other see god , yet we do not see his essence , pa. 209. inferendum non est , mentes videre essentiam dei , exeo quòd omnia in deo videant , eo quo diximus modo , quia id quod vident est val●e inperfectum , deus vero perfectissimus . now it is not easily conceiveable , how we can see god , and yet neither see him by his essence , nor his atributes . and in the same place he says , praeter quam quòd dicere possimus nos non ta● videre ideas rerum , quam res ipass , quae ideis repraesentantur : and yet mr. norris , pa. 203. of his reason and religion , tells us , that those ideas which are in god are the very ideas which we see , and the immediate objects of our knowledge , and perception . however if we see all things in god by his exhibiting to us the ideas that are in himself , how comes he so variously to represent them to several men ? i doe not now speak of the objects , of sence , but of moral , and intellectual objects , so that there are very few men of the ●ame opinion in things of this nature : the union , that monsieur malbr talks of , betwixt the will of man , and gods representation of ideas will not do it , for however short men may come , as to the attainment , yet certainly all men desire to see the exact truth of things : if it be here said , that the preception of truth depends upon the various tempers , dispositions and qualifications of the minds , it meets withal , this i doe not deny ; but then this is that which seems more agreeable to the other hypothesis , this assertion being not so well consistent with that exhibitive way of seeing all things in god , upon our desiring to see ' em . monsieur malbr . reckons up five several ways of solveing the mode of humane understanding , the four first he confutes , and rejects , as unreasonable , and impossible ●o solve the phaenomena's of sensation and understanding , the fifth , viz. that of seeing all things in god , he asserts and defends . i shall not here dispute , whether he has fully answered the four first or no , but supposing he had , yet it will not necessarily follow , that the fifth is sufficiently establish'd by the overthrow of the first . as mr. norris tells us . pa. 194. of reason and religion . for 1 st . what necessity is there , that the mode of humane understanding should be thus fully explain'd at all ? why may not this , as well as the union of the soul and body , remain a phaenomenon not yet explain'd , and perhaps not explicable ? 2. perhaps monsieur malbr . has not made a sufficient enumeration , why may there not be yet another way , besides those he there mentions , tho' tho●e , he here disputes with , ar● not bound to assign it ? if we be in pursuit of a man , who is gone to such a place , and we know there are five ways● that lead thither , though he be not gone any of the four first , yet it will not follow that he is gone the fifth , because perhaps there may be some other unknown way , that he may either find , or make to the same place . in the beginning of the 6 th . chap. pa. 108. he premises these two things . 1 st . that god has in himself the ideas of all things : this i shall not deny , but yet if i had a mind to set up for new notions , i might take the hint from mr. norris , pa. 184. of reason and religion . and argue thus , the truth and perfection of reason is in god tho' not in that formality , as it is in man ; this gradual proceeding from one thing to another which is that we properly call reasoning , being rather a defect incident to created capacities ; so god in like manner perfectly knows , and comprehends all things , but to see , and know 'em by ideas , this is an imperfect way of seeing , and knowing things , proper only to man , and created intelligences : but now god sees and knows all things by an infinite , more perfect way , than by ideas , in a way more sutable to the purity , and simplicity of the divine nature , so that when we say that god sees , and knows things by ideas , this is only an humane mode of knowledge , by way of accommodation applyed to god : but i shall leave these novell notions , to those who take more pleasure in them . but suppose , we grant ideas in god , it will not thence follow that we come to the knowledge of all things by viewing their ideas in him . his 2d . postulatum is this . that god is intimately by his presence united to our minds ; that god is present with our souls , as he is with all things else , is certainly true , but then i hope , he will not hence inferr , or here assert such an union betwixt god and uor souls , as neither reason nor religion will allow . god may be said to be the place of spirits , as space is the place of bodies , and yet without any such close , and strict union , as he supposes . fanaticks in the late times used to say , that they were goded with god , and christed with christ , but far be it from me to think that monsieur malbr . entertains any such opinion : but the mere presentialness of god to our minds , has no necessary influence upon our seeing all things in him , independently upon his will , and this monsieur malebr himself asserts , when he tells us , that the mind can see all things in god , dummodo deus v●lit ipsi retegere id quod in se habet quod representet illa opera . pa. 209. according to those men , who assert god only to be vertually present every where , that is , by his power , and providence , yet according to this hypothesis , tho' it be a very false , and dangerous one , god might if he pleas'd thus represent all things to mens minds , that is , by his power , and providence . i shall now briefly examine the reasons , upon which he founds his opinion . 1. he argues from the general aeconomy of the vniverse , wherein it appeares that god never does that by difficult ways , which may be done by simple , and easy ones : but what if we should say , that the other way , and method of humane understanding is as plain , easie , and obvious , either in it self to be done , or for us to apprehend , as that of seeing all things immediatly in god , however i think the former tends as much to the illustration of the power , wisdom , and providence of god , as the latter doth . but this maxim , that god always acts by the most simple , and easy methods , must be mannag'd with a great deal of prudence and piety , otherwise it may prove of very bad consequence : we must not fancy to our selves what are the most simple , and easy ways of doing things , and then by virtue of that maxim . oblige god to act according to our foolish imaginations thus if we should argue , that it is the more easy , and simple way for the earth to bring forth fruit , and herbs , as it did at first , without cultivation ; or that it had been a more easy , and simple way for god to have pardon'd sin , without sending his son into the world to dye for it , would any one think that there is any force in this way of arguing ? that god can make known to us all things more immediatly by himself , every one grants ; but then the question is , whether those reasons which monsieur malbr , hath exhibited to us be sufficient to convince any rational , and considerate man , that this is the method , that god takes in this particular . i shall only take notice further of one period of his upon this subject wherein he shows a great deal of wavering , and uncertainty in his notion . pa. 209. cum igitur deus possit per se omnia mentibus patefacere , volen●● simpliciter ut videant id quod est inter ip●os , seu in medio ipsorum , hoc est , id quod in ipso est quod relationem habet ad illas res , quodque illas representat , versimile non est , &c. 1. he is not here willing to call these things ideas , but express 'em but by another large periphrasis . 2. he knows not where to place 'em , whether in god , or in our selves . but to proceed , the second reason he gives is , because this hypothesis places the minds of men in the greatest depend●nce upon god imaginabl● , because thus we can see nothing but what go● wills that we should see , and nothing but what god exhibits to us to be seen . we ought not indeed to entertain any opinion that may lessen our just dependan●● upon god , but is it any ways inconsisten● with our christian d●pendance , to be f●llow workers tog●th●r with god in the ways of his own appointm●nt ? may w● not make use of second causes by the assistance of his power , and in obedi●nce to his will , and after all depend upon god for a blessing , and all this without any violation of ou● dependance upon him ? but ●e says● our minds cannot su●si●ien●l● depend upon god in all their operations , i● t●ey are suppos●d to have all things which we distinctly perceive ●o be necessary to action , or i● th●y h●ve the i●ea● of all things present to ●hem . ●ut must we have all things n●c●ssary for action , if we have the ideas of all things pr●sent to us ? is there nothing further r●quir'd for action but only thes● ? do●s not the soul depend upon god , as to its pres●rvation in all 〈◊〉 actions ? and is there not requir'd in the 〈◊〉 the f●ee determination of it self , though 〈◊〉 other requisites besides do concur ? with●●t this , i know not how the liberty of the 〈◊〉 can be secur'd . 3. he further argues from the manner of ●●d mind perceiving all things , for we all 〈◊〉 by certain experience , that when we are ●inded to think upon any particular thing , 〈◊〉 first cast our eyes about upon all beings , 〈◊〉 then at last fix upon the object which we ●●tended to think upon ; but perhaps all 〈◊〉 do not ●ind by experience that this is 〈◊〉 way and method they take in their re●●ective meditations , i rather think , that when men intend to fix their thoughts upon such a particular object , that the previous roving o● their minds is confin'd with in a much narrower compass , and is not of such an universal extent . but he says , 't is past all question , that we ●annot desire to see any object , but we must see or know it already , though in a more confus'd and general way ; and the ground of this i suppose is , ignoti nulla cupido , or something to that purpose , but here i would propound it to consideration , whether mr. malbranch , though he be a severe enemy to the scholastick way , yet whether he does not s●ffer himself to be too much impos'd upon by that maxim of theirs , before it h●● undergone a just and due examination . but he says all beings cannot be any other ways present to the mind , but because god is present to it , who in the simplicity of his being comprehends all things . neither will gods presentialness with our minds prove that all objects are so present to us , as to be known by us either distinctly or confusedly , unless god be willing to display 'em to us . here it may be further enquir'd , whether we may not be said to have a gene●al or confus'd knowl●dge , even of the mysteries of our religion , and of things above the reach and comprehension of human reason , and if so , why may we not desire to have a further and clearer sight of 'em ; now if we should desire to see these things , and god be not willing to represent 'em to us , t●en what becomes of that union betwixt man's will , and god's representation of ideas . pa. 21. ipse est , qui unione naturali , quam etiam instituit inter voluntatem hominis , & representationem idearum , ipsis notificat omnia , &c. but i must confess , that i did not think , that when monsieur malbranch first instituted a philosophical disquisition upon this subject , that he design'd it to extend to things of a divine nature , had he not likewise endeavour'd to reconcile his opinon to scripture . his last argument , he says may pass for a demonstration with those who are us'd to abstracted ratiocinations ; t is this , impossibile est , d●um in suis a●●ionibus alium habere sinem principal●● à s●ip●o diversum ; necess●●gi●ur est , ut cognitio & lux , quam menti impertitur , aliquid nobis patefaciat , quod in ipso fit . it is impossible that god in any of his actions should have any principal end different from himself . it is necessary th●refore that that knowledge and light which he bestows upon our mind should open , and ●xhibit to us something , that is in himself . quiequid enim ex deo ve●it propter alium fieri non potesi , quam propter deum ; for whatsoever comes from god , cannot be for any other besides god. these are his words so f●r as concerns the present subj●ct , but now they are so far from having the force of a demonstration , that they seem not to have the face of a tolerable good argum●nt , viz. to prove , as he there design'd , that we see all things in god ; for if god in all his actions has not any principal end differ●nt from himself , all that can necessarily follow from hence is , that in this particular action , of his bestowing light and knowledge upon our minds , he had no other principal end diff●rent f●om himself ; this i ●a●ily grant , may not god make his own glory the end of his giving us this natural light , though we do not in his sence thereby see all things in god ? or doth not that light and knowledge which god imparts to the mind , discover to us those divine attributes which are in god , and therefore not different from god himself ? but perhaps it is my unacquaintedness with the abstracted ways of reasoning , that renders me uncapable of understanding the force of the demonstration . mr. norris speaking upon this subj●ct , viz. of seeing and knowing all things in god , pa. 206. of reason and religion , says this very notion aquinas had once plainly hit upon , however he came afterwards to loose it . but i do not know that he ever lost that notion he there hit upon , that opinion which he here asserts , being the general opinion of the schools in this p●rticular ; for says he in express terms , pa. 1. q. 84. 5. it is necessary to say , that the human soul knows all things in their eternal reasons , by the participiation of which we know all things , for that intellectual light which is in us , is nothing else but a participated similitude of that increated light , in which the eternal reasons are contain'd . now i do not see that this is any acknowledgment at all , of our seeing all things in god in that way that monsieur malbranch and mr. norris explains it , that the soul knows all things , that is , universals ( wherin aristot. did a●sert all science , truly so call'd , to consist ) these things we know in their eternal reasons ; but he adds , by the participiation of which we know all things , so that we do not see them under that formality as they ar● in god , but as by participiation these eternal reasons are deriv'd to us ; for that int●ll●ctual light that is in us , is nothing but a participated similitude of that in●reased light in which the eternal reasons are ●ontain'd , that is , originally in god , but derivatively , or by way o● participation in us , so that i am perfectly of aquinas's opinion according to this interpretation , which whether it be more true in it s●lf , or more ●ikely to be aquin●s's m●aning , is l●ft to the reader to judge . but if this opinion of monsi●ur malbranch be a truth , it has the least app●arance of truth of any in the whole world , ; all our outward s●ns●s give t●stimony against it , and our inward faculties do not in the least seem to favour it ; we compare ideas● and dis●ourse , and draw cons●quences from ●ormer pr●m●s●s , just ac●ording to the m●tho●s of the other hypothesis ; but if it be said , that after the use of all these means , that notwithstanding we see and know all things in god , one might be almost perswaded to think , that either god would have made these means ( under the superintendence of his own providence ) effectual to those ends they seem at least design'd for , or else to use his own way of arguing , would have made use of that more easie and simple way which he might have done , by exhibiting or producing the knowledge of these thing● more immediately by himself , without the concurrence of these outward means , which are indeed nothing but useless and ineffectual conditions . lastly , as for the scriptures he urges in favour of his opinion , i think they do not prove what they were intended for , that all our knowledge is from god , that he is the father of lights , and tea●hes man wisdom , that christ is the true light that enlightens every one ● &c. no body here denys this , but the dispute is not so much about the thing it self , as the manner of it , that is , whether all the knowledge we arrive at here in this world , be only by seeing all things in god acc●r●ing to his hypothesis , monsieur m●lbranch thought perha●s it woul● be some ●dvantage to his c●us● , if he coul● procure it some count●nance fr●m scripture , but when his quotations are so little to the purpose , they serve only to create prejudices against it ; t●us others are apt to believe there is but little strength in the cause , when men are for●'d to use such inconclusive arguments in the defence of it . nor● do i think that those brought by mr. norris amount to any necessary proof , st. iohn , he says , calls christ the true light , that is , the only light , but may not o●her subordinate lights be also true lights ? is not the light of a candle a true light , tho' it be inferiour to that of the sun ? but however it will not hence follow , but that this only true light may have several ways and methods of giving light to the world , besides that of seeing all things in god , &c. he cites also , io. 17. 17. sanctifie them by thy truth , thy word is truth , which is not he says , meant of the written word , but of the substantial and eternal word , as appears from the context ; but i do not see how any argument can be drawn from that place , unless it be from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which yet doth not always signifie the substantial and eternal word of god , but sometimes the preaching of the gospel , as appears from the 20th . verse , for all those who shall believe in me through th●●r word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by t●e pr●ac●i●g of the gospel , la●●ly , the apostle says expr●sly , 1 cor. 1. 30. of this divine word , that he is made unto us wisdom , which is exactly according to our hypothesis , that we see all things in the ideal world , or divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pa. 222. of reason and religion ; but in answer to this , 1. by wisdom is not here meant natural , but divine and evangelical wisdom . 2. the apostle there speaks of christ jesus , of christ more especially , as he is made known to us by the gospel , for he is there said to be made to us righteousness , sanctification , and redemption , as well as wisdom , but i suppose he will not say , that we see our sanctification or redemption , that is , the ways and methods of these , in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ●deal world , or any other ways than as they are reveal'd to us in scripture . 3. may not christ be made to us wisdom , unless we see all things in the ideal world ? i shall here only further observe what theophylact says upon this place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. non dixit , sapien●es nos fecit , sed factus est nobis sapientia ; doni largitatem sc. ostendens , perinde ac si dicat , seipsum nobis tradidit . i have now finish'd those short remarks upon those two subjects , viz. the law of fashion and innate notions , not only in answer to mr. lock , but to some other learned persons also , who seem to favour his opinion in the second particular ; and now if any expression herein seems too harsh , or not becoming the character of such great and learned men ( though i hope there is not ) yet if there be any such , i do hereby wholly recall it . i hope we are all pursuing the same general design , viz. the search of truth , and if so , then the detection of any error will but be the promoting of the same common end we all aim at , for my part , i shall think it so , as to my self . i would not have mr. lock think , that pa. 88. i do there in the least insinuate , that he held the materiality of god , or that i went about to draw him into a controversie , wher●in he is nothing concern'd . i do freely grant , that he asserts the spirituality of the divine essence in the most strict and proper sense of it . i was once in hopes that he was convinc'd of the certainty of the souls immateriality too , by what he said pa. 5th . of his answer to some remarks , added to his reply , to the learned bishop of worcester , but what his opinion herein is at present , i know not . i shall here only propound these two things to mr. locks serious consideration , 1. whether asserting the immateriality of the soul be not a good fence or stop against the inlet of that dangerous opinion of the materiality of the divi●e essence . 2. whether it be worthy of a christian philosopher to make a b●re po●●●bili●y the ground of his asserting things of this nature , for i think , he is v●ry unfortun●●e in his choice , who happens upon s●c●●n opinion in philosophy , that it is not po●●●ble for omnipotence to make good . i shall not here enter into that dispute , whether tully held the soul to be material or immaterial , yet this i think must be granted by all , who attentively read , and impartially consider his 1st . tusculan question , that whatever nature he held the soul to be of , he makes god to be the same : but it is not so much to the purpose , to consider what opinions the heathen philosophers entertain'd in things of this nature , as what is worthy of a christian philosopher to think of ' em . finis . errata . page 5 , line the last , for hunc read huic , p. 12 , line 7 , for appe●l , r. appeal'd . p. 15 , l. 2. for watsoev●r , r. whatsoever , p. 20 , l. 19 , for concidere , r. coincidere , p. 24. l. 13 , for quit , r. quote , p. 27 , r. misled , p. 38 , l 15 , for the , r. that , p. 39 , l 18 , for m●asurer , r. measure , p. 41 , plac● the figure 199 , 200 , l. 22 , in the l. ●bove 21 , p. 4 , last line r. prevailing , p 45 l 22 , re●d m●n's , p. 48 l. 19 , r. pr●cede , p. 54 , l. 1 , r. sepa●ation , p. 62 , l. 25 , for moral , r. natural , p. 65. l. 4 , r. god , l. 17 , r benignity , p. 69 , l. 13 , r. convenient , p. 72 , l. 2 r. defendi possint , p. 77 , l 13 , r. hankering , p. 85 , l 18 , dele the second not , p. 88. l 13 , ●or made use of , r. c●●ryed on , p. 8 , l. 27 , dele the first and , p. ●0 , l 7 , r ●p●curu●'● , p. ●5 , l. 14 , after those , add , to , p. 98 , l. 1● r. other , p. ●14 , l. 6 , r. assert , p 116 , l. 22 , r. ingenuou● , p 134 , l. the last , r. extern●l , p. 139 , l. 5 , r. as , p. 140 , l. the last , r. virtutum , p. 141 , l. 14 , dele much , p. 154 , l. 12 , r. inve●tigatio , p. 158 , l 10 , r. very , p. 160 , l 24 , r. ante diluvian . the history of hai eb'n yockdan, an indian prince, or, the self-taught philosopher written originally in the arabick tongue by abi jaafar eb'n tophail ... ; set forth not long ago in the original arabick, with the latin version by edw. pocock ... ; and now translated into english. risālat ḥayy ibn yaqẓān. english ibn ṭufayl, muḥammad ibn ʻabd al-malik, d. 1185. 1686 approx. 249 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 124 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a24071 wing a151 estc r19263 12605102 ocm 12605102 64247 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a24071) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64247) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 339:5) the history of hai eb'n yockdan, an indian prince, or, the self-taught philosopher written originally in the arabick tongue by abi jaafar eb'n tophail ... ; set forth not long ago in the original arabick, with the latin version by edw. pocock ... ; and now translated into english. risālat ḥayy ibn yaqẓān. english ibn ṭufayl, muḥammad ibn ʻabd al-malik, d. 1185. pococke, edward, 1604-1691. ashwell, george, 1612-1695. [29], 217, [1] p. printed for richard chiswell ... and william thorp ..., london : 1686. translation of: risālat ḥayy ibn yaqẓān. translation by g. ashwell. cf. bm. advertisement: [1] p. at end. reproduction of original in newberry library. theologia ruris, sive schola & scala naturae, or, the book of nature": p. [193]-217. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy, islamic -early works to 1800. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-07 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur . c. alston . jan. 27. 168 5 / 6. the history of hai eb'n yockdan , an indian prince : or , the self-taught philosopher . written originally in the arabick tongue , by abi jaafar eb'n tophail , a philosopher by profession , and a mahometan by religion . wherein is demonstrated , by what steps and degrees , humane reason , improved by diligent observation and experience , may arrive to the knowledge of natural things , and from thence to the discovery of supernaturals ; more especially of god , and the concernments of the other world. set forth not long ago in the original arabick , with the latin version , by edw. pocock . m. a. and student of christ-church , oxon. 1671. and now translated into english. london , printed for richard chiswell , in s. paul's church-yard , and william thorp bookseller in banbury . m dc lxxxvi . to the right honourable . philipld wenman , baron of kilmaynham , and viscount tuam . my lord , you may please to remember , that some while ago i acquainted your lordship , with my intention to translate into english the life of hai eb'n yockdan , or the self-taught philosopher ; which had been set forth some years before , in arabick and latin , by the care and pains of our learned professor of the oriental tongues in the university of oxford . at which time you were pleased , not only to encourage me unto the work , but even to ingage me to the undertaking it . since that , i have dispatched it at last , after many diversions , and amidst as many interruptions . and upon the review have ventured to send it abroad into the world ; being willing to hope , that it may not only please for the rarity of the subject , but profit also in some measure and degree , in regard of its commodiousness and seasonableness ; among the men of this licentious generation , whereof some are too loose in their principles , and others in their practices ; the one living by no rule , and the other by no certain one , but giddily following their own phancies , or other mens opinions , whom they have unadvisedly chosen to themselves for the guides of their faith and manners . whereas the philosopher , whose life is here described , will instruct them in such principles of morality and religion , and such alone , as the light of nature discovers , and which must needs be acknowledged for true by all those , who will judge and act as men , according to the dictates of reason , and the conclusions resulting from experience . and i heartily wish indeed , that all of us were arrived even thus far , by the guidance of this light , and agreed in such principles as humane reason teacheth out of the book of nature , which sets forth to our view gods works of creation and providence . for this foundation being laid , there would be more hopes of agreement about that , which the supernatural light of revelation discovers to our faith , and superstructs thereupon . but your lordship will find the usefulness of this history , in its philosophical and theological discoveries , more amply set down in the preface , which comprehends the chief particulars , and acquaints the reader with the main of it design . and however my design in publishing this translation thrive abroad in the world , yet i have good hope that it will not fail of its end in obtaining your lordship's favourable acceptance , and remain as a testimonial of my gratitude for the many , and long continued favours , received from your lordship ; which as they do at present , so will always ingage me for the future , to shew and approve my self upon all good opportunities , my much honoured lord , your lordship 's most humble , faithful , and much obliged servant , geo. ashwell . the preface . vve are told by our learned professour of the oriental . tongues in the university of oxford , who caused this history to be set forth in the original arabick , and thence translated into latine ; that the author hereof was abi jaafar eb'n tophail , an arabian philosopher , and a mahometan ; otherwise called , abubecher . as also , that he was contemporary with eb'n roshd , usually called averroes , and somewhat elder than he. now this averroes died , being very old , in the year of the heira 595 , which is co-incident with the year of our lord 1198. so that by this computation , this author flourished about 500 years ago . he wrote this history in the form of an epistle , and so entitles it ; for by this name the arabians use to call their shorter treatises . that both the author , and the book , were of good credit , appears by the testimony , not only of the arabians his countrymen , but also of the jews . the said averroes calls him , the honourable judge abubeoher ben tophail . this history also of his was of old translated into hebrew , and well accepted of by the jews . for moses narbonensis in his preface thereto , and comment there upon , commends the author . so doth also mardochaeus comtino , another jew , more than once . the design of the author in this book is to shew , how far a person of an excellent wit , and towardly disposition , being destitute of humane society , and consequently without the direction and assistance of any other , may advance himself in knowledge , by improving his own reason to the utmost pitch , in the search of things both natural , and above nature , with the sole help and exercise of his own meditation , and observations upon it . wherein he discovers and prescribes a method unto those , who will apply themselves to such contemplations , and delight to make a considerable progress in them ; such a safe and easie method as may be very serviceable and useful to this present age , though so many ages distant from that of the author ; an age so much inclined to fanaticism , sadducism , and atheism . he treads indeed a new unbeaten path , wherein by set and orderly degrees , he brings his reader at length to the knowledge of god , and the upper world ; beyond which steps , thus by him discovered and forepassed , no man can proceed any farther , but by the light and guidance of divine revelation . for humane reason is forced to fly hither , when dazled with the excessive light of these heavenly mysteries ; its poreblind sight not being able to discern objects so high , and so far off distant ; or rather groaping in the dark to find them , by reason of its innate dimness . this author therefore justly condemns them , who presume to make an over-curious search , by natural light only , into such things , as neither eye hath seen , nor ear heard , nor are discoverable by the heart of man. to prevent which , our author in his preface admonisheth his reader , what to fly , and what to follow ; and taxeth the errors not only of the vulgar , but of some of the more learned philosophers . it must be granted indeed , that some very ingenious and learned men of this latter age , have endeavoured to demonstrate the main fundamental truths of religion by the light of humane reason , and the principles of natural theology , which are generally acknowledged by mankind , although much differing in other points . and this may seem to render such a discourse as this , of little or no use to the world in these times . yet i am willing to think otherwise , when i consider that the discourses of these learned men concerning this subject , consist , for the general , of such notions , grounds , and proofs , as are too subtle , sublime , and metaphysical for common understandings : so that they leave men still in the dark ; yea , more perplexed than they were before . whereas this author proceeds by such gentle steps , in an easie and familiar way of reasoning , which is obvious to every ones apprehension , that he leads his reader in sensibly onward , without any toilsom labour , or perplexing of his brains , in the search of the truth , till he have brought him , before he is aware , unto the end of his journey . or like the easie ascent of winding stairs , which conduct to the top of an high tower , or pyramid , such as that in aegypt : or rather like the leisurely mounting of jacob's ladder , whereon he saw the angels ascending , as well as descending ; for like the rounds of that , are the degrees whereby he conducts his reader , till he have brought him up to the very top of the ladder , where god presents himself unto his view . this history then , being thus englished , and so communicated to the view of all , whereas before it was locked up to most in an unknown language , may , i hope , prove not altogether unuseful unto many in this idle , worldly and voluptuous age , wherein men generally seek after little else besides the concerns of this present life , studying , and busying themselves about their profit or their pleasure ; either , in heaping up riches with much care and toil , or spending their days in ease and carnal delights , and making it their study how they may pass away their time without any care or trouble at all . whereas this history shews the true and genuine concerns of humane life , with the means of obtaining that felicity , which man was born for ; which it makes to consist in a right and useful exercise of those faculties which god hath bestowed upon us , and improving them to the best advantage , by an industrious and continued experimenting of all things that come in our way , the knowledge whereof may be useful to us ; and making proper observations upon them , as this self-taught philosopher is said to have done ; and as any other man is capable of doing in like manner , who is endued with the same sagacity of mind , and ingenuity of disposition . and such as are not , may be his scholars , and learn with more ease such lessons as these , by what they find him to have experimented and observed . for here we find set down by what means , and by what degrees , in the seven septenaries of his age , ( whereinto his life is divided in this history , and the observations he made in each of them ) he arrived to a proportionable measure of knowledge , concerning all the accommodations of humane life , in this lower world ; how he came to find them out , and in what manner he managed and improved them : then , what he observed , as concerning the brute creatures , which he found in the island , wherein he is said to have been bred ; but more especially , concerning himself , both as to his body , with its several parts and faculties ; and to his soul , with its spiritual and immortal nature , and all the excellencies that attend it ; how he came to find them out , and what reasons he grounded his observations upon : then , how he examined the natures , properties , and uses of the elements ; and how he thence ascended to the contemplation of the heavenly bodies , with their light , motions , and influences . so that we have here set before us , opened , and exposed to our eyes , the whole book of nature to read , with the ways and means , whereby almost all arts and sciences came to be invented ; namely , physiology , anatomy , astronomy , and geometry ; also , logick , and metaphysicks , and the rules of morality , which he set to himself , and whereby he governed his whole life . but the utmost height and perfection of his learning , whereunto all the rest tended as so many steps or degrees , consisted in that natural theology , which he arrived to , from the serious and attentive consideration of gods works , and more particularly of himself ; whence he concluded , that god was the supereminent , the sole and independent being , of infinite greatness and goodness , wisdom and power , majesty and glory , whose all-seeing eye , and over-ruling hand of providence , extend themselves to all his creatures ; who is also most just and righteous in all his dealings with , and towards mankind , and therefore will one day call all men to give an account of their lives , when he will sentence , and reward them according to their works . whereupon , he discourseth of the resurrection , and the last judgment , with the felicities and miseries that attend men after the judgment is past , answerably to the condition and quality of their lives , which they led here on earth . the former he makes to consist in the beatifical vision of god : but the latter he describes in such figurative expressions , which although not altogether irrational for a meer natural philosopher to conjecture ; yet , i suppose , are taken out of the alcoran , the author of this history being a mahometan by religion . yet he brings in his self taught philosopher making some exceptions against that book , as it was described to him by his friend asal , and taxing it of imperfection in several particulars , whereto he makes no particular reply . this is the summ and the main design of the ensuing history ; which possibly ( being thus englished ) may do some good ( as i even now said ) in this profane and fanatical , as well as lewd and luxurious age. let them then who wilfully shut their eyes against the light of revelation , as being too pure and bright for them , at least suffer themselves to be guided by the less splendid and more familiar light of natural reason . let the enthusiasts also , who pretend so much to supernatural revelations , and are dazled with their fanciful lights , and sublime speculations , through the delusion of the prince of darkness , transforming himself into an angel of light , learn from hence to know themselves better , and to be wise unto sobriety . let the profane jesters and scoffers who speak slightingly and scornfully of the most serious and sacred things , and turn all religion into ridiculous drollery , learn to speak more reverently of god , and things divine , from a meer natural philosopher , who is the subject of this history , and a mahometan who is the author of it . let them who are unkind , and unneighbourly to those they live amongst , and so far from succouring and relieving them in their dangers and distresses , that they make no conscience of getting what they can from them , either by fraud or force , whensoever it lies in their power , and they can find an opportunity , learn of this self-taught philosopher to be kindly affectioned towards their neighbours , whenas they find him so kind towards all his fellow-creatures , though of a diverse kind ; so ready to supply their wants , and to free them from whatsoever evils that molested them . let the covetous worldlings , who take so much pleasure in heaping up unnecessaries , which are burdens rather than blessings , learn of him to rest content with such a competency , as nature only requires , and to be satisfied with the just conveniences of life . let , lastly , the rude , and intemperate , and inordinate livers , who are so ready to run into excess , and to forget all the rules of order and decency , learn the contrary vertues of temperance , and modesty , and regularity , from him who took such an exact care about his food and clothing , that so he might not transgress in any particular , relating to either of them . these , and other good lessons , may be learned from hence . but there are some few other particulars , which it will not be amiss to advertise the reader of , to prevent some exceptions which otherwise might be taken against them . first , that i have omitted two discourses in my translation , which i conceived little or nothing pertinent to the main design of the history . the one treats of the several sects among the mahometans , with the heads of those sects , and passeth a censure on their opinions . the other argues the possibility of mans body being formed and produced out of the earth , as frogs and mice , and some other of the ignobler animals sometimes are , though more ordinarily bred of male and female . ' an opinion which our author is said to have received from eb'n sina , commonly known by the name of avicenna , who held that some earth may be so well fitted and prepared through the excellent temper and disposition thereof , as to become a convenient habitacle for an humane soul , to be infused thereinto by god. such an original as our author saith , some fancied that hai eb'n yockdan had . but he determines nothing in the point , leaving all to report and the opinion of certain philosophers . it being all one to his design , whether his self-taught philosopher had his body formed out of the earth , or were born elsewhere , and thence transported into that desart island , wherein he is said to have lived , and learned what he did , by his own experiments and observations . secondly , in my translation , i have not strictly tied my self to the letter of the latin , as he did his latin to the letter of the arabick , for a good reason shewed in the preface . but i , being not alike concerned , have thought fit to use more liberty , yet so as to keep unto the sense , which i have endeavoured to render more clear and full , hereby intending the greater profit , as well as pleasure of the reader . thirdly , whereas the author brings in his self-taught philosopher very much perplexed about the original of the world , whether it were made by god in time , or from all eternity , and not able to resolve either way , by reason of the equipoise of reasons on both sides , it is not to be wondred at ; as well , because it is a point very hardly , if at all , determinable by meer natural reason , which was the only guide this philosopher is supposed to have had ; as also because the author of this history , was an arabian philosopher , amongst whom aristotle's philosophy is of the chiefest , and almost the only repute . now it is generally known , that he held the world to have been from all eternity . fourthly , whereas he brings in his said philosopher placing intelligent forms in the heavenly bodies , which he calls by the name of essences , and makes them to enjoy the vision of god in a more eminent manner , as being of a most excellent nature , and placed near to him ; it is somewhat less to be wondred at ; not only because aristotle held the like intelligences to reside in the spheres , and move them about ; that plato also , and his followers ( as is confest ) held the spheres and stars to be living bodies , informed by the like intelligences ; but philo judaeus too , and origen among the ancient doctors of the church . s. jerom is not averse to it , in his comment on eccles. 1. 6. s. aug. in several places of his works leaves the question undetermined . he also , and aquinas tell us , that it was never determined by the church ; whence it is that he , and other schoolmen that followed him , speak so doubtfully concerning it . lastly , whereas we find in this history several passages cited out of the alcoran , whether for the confirmation or illustration of some things therein said , it is least of all to be wondred at , when we consider the author to have been a mahometan ; and though they seem sometimes to disturb the sense , and interrupt the coherence of the discourse , yet they pass for elegancies and ornaments , as well as proofs , among the mahometans , as citations out of the old testament or the talmud , do with the jews . the history of hai eb'n yockdan , an indian prince : or the self-taught philosopher . we have received from our pious § 1 ancestors , that amongst the indian islands there lies an uninhabited one , situated under the equinoctial , and blest with a most pleasant and temperate air : also , that not far from this , there lay another island of a large compass , abounding with all the commodities of life , and well inhabited ; which was then govern'd by a prince of a proud and jealous disposition . this prince had a sister of an excellent beauty , whom he held in strict custody , and restrained from marriage , because he could find no one in his country , whom he thought an equal match for her . but he had withall a near kinsman , named yockdan , who privately married her , according to such matrimonial rites , as were commonly known and used by the inhabitants of that island . by him she soon afterwards proved with child , and was delivered of a son. but she then fearing lest the business should be known , and both her marriage and child come to be discovered , after she had suckled the infant , she put him into a small chest , which when she had shut up again , and close fastned , being accompanied with certain of her servants , and some faithful friends of hers , about the beginning of the night , she conveys him to the sea-shore ; where out of an heart equally affected with , and divided betwixt love and fear , she took her last leave of him , and recommended him to god in this prayer ; o god , who didst create this poor infant , when as yet he was nothing ; then cherished'st and nourisht him , whilst he lay confined and imprisoned within the dark closet of my womb ; and tookest a special care of him , until his body grew up to perfection , and became entirely furnished with all its limbs ; i now fearing the displeasure of that unjust , proud , and perverse prince my brother , do a-new recommend him to thy goodness , hoping that thou wilt be favourable unto him . thou who art supereminent , and excellest all in mercy , help and assist him ; let thy gracious providence continually guard , direct , and govern him , and never leave him destitute of thy care. having said this , she committed § 2 the chest unto the sea ; which the water receiving , and then swelling with the tide , conveyed it the same night to the shore of that other desart island , of which we even now made mention . thus it hapned to arrive there at that time of the year , when there was an extraordinary spring-tide , which made the sea-water swell to that height , that it overflowed the neighbouring shore , and by the force of the flood cast the little chest into a shady grove near adjoyning , and thick set with trees ; a very pleasant place , sheltered from wind and weather , rain and sun , which molested it not , either in its receding from it , or returning to it . but soon after , the sea-water retiring from the shore , upon the ebb , the chest , wherein the infant lay , rested in the same place whereinto the floud had cast it ; and the sands being afterward heaped together and driven thitherward by the winds , stopt the passage to the grove , so that the waters could not enter any farther into it . now it hapned withall , that when § 3 the sea flood drave the chest into the grove , the nails thereof were loosned by the motion , and consequently the boards , whereof it was compacted . then the child being hungry and crying aloud for relief , the noise of its cry came to the ears of a roe newly robbed of its fawn , which too boldly forsaking its covert , and venturing abroad , had been carried away by a vulture . she therefore hearing the clamour of the child , and supposing it to be the cry of her fawn , follows it so far , till she came unto the chest wherein the infant lay ; whither as soon as she was come , she strove to break it open with her claws , and ( the child in the mean time strugling to get out ) never gave over till a board which covered the top of it sprang forth . whereupon , getting a sight of the child , she took pity on it , and being moved with a tender affection towards it , gave it her dug to suck , and having sweetly satisfied it with her milk for the present , afterwards constantly came thereto , took care thereof , made much of it , covered and guarded , and kept it from all harm . and thus the roe , enjoying a fat pasture , and having plenty of milk , bred up the child very well , continuing still near him ; nor at any time leaving him , but when of necessity she went forth to graze . the child also , being accustomed to its nurse , could not be contented when she was gone , but , whenever it hapned that she was absent a little longer than ordinary , used to cry aloud , and as soon as she heard its voice , she instantly ran back to it . this happiness withall the child had , that there was no ravenous , or hurtful wild beast throughout the whole island , wherein it was thus bred up . thus the infant grew up , being § 4 nourished with the milk of the roe , till it came to be two years old , when it began by degrees to make use of its feet , and have its mouth furnished with its fore-teeth . but it still followed the roe , which always used it very kindly , and took an especial care of it , conducting it to places where fruit-bearing trees grew , and feeding it with such pleasant ripe fruits , as fell therefrom ; and if any of them had harder shells than the rest , breaking them with her teeth . then , when it desired milk , she gave it suck ; and when it thirsted for water , she brought it to the place . when the sun-beams were at any time troublesome to the child , she shaded him ; and when he was cold , she warmed him . and when night approached , she brought him to the place where she first found him ; and partly with her own body , partly with such feathers , as remained of those wherewith the chest was stuffed , when the infant was first put thereinto , she covered him . also , whensoever the child and his nurse , either went forth in the morning , or returned in the evening , the whole herd of deer accompanied them , both in their egress and regress , and lodged in the same place together . so that the child keeping company always with them , imitated also their voice , without any considerable difference to be perceived between them . in like manner , whatsoever other voice he used to hear , either of birds , or what other brute creatures , he exactly repeated it , by vertue of that rare apprehensive faculty wherewith he was endued . but amongst all the rest , the voices which he chiefly and most commonly repeated , were those of the wild deer , amongst whom he was bred ; those namely , wherewith they cried out for help , or whereby they call'd to their fellow-deer , that they should draw nearer to them , or get them farther off . for it may be easily observed , how they have diversity of notes , fitted to these several ends and uses . thus the child and the wild deer kept company with each other , they neither flying from him , nor he from them . but whenas the images of such § 5 things as he saw , began now to remain fixed in his mind , after they were removed out of his sight , he perceived that he became diversly affected towards them , having a love and desire for some , an aversation , and a distaste for others . in the mean time , whilst he looked about , and took a diligent view of all the wild beasts , and birds , that were in the island , he observed that every one of them was provided of some natural cover , either wooll , or hair , or divers kinds of feathers . he took notice also of their swiftness , and strength , and what arms nature had afforded them , wherewith to repell , and defend themselves against their enemies , whensoever they had occasion to contend with them ; such as horns , hoofs , teeth , spurs , nails , claws , and the like . but when he reflected upon himself , he saw that he was naked , destitute of all such arms , slow in his motions , and of a feeble strength , in comparison of them ; so that when they chanced to contend with him at any time , about feeding on the fruits which grew in the island , they were still too hard for him , taking them away from him , & keeping them to themselves ; he contrariwise , being neither able to drive them away from him , nor to fly away from any of them . moreover , he observed , that his § 6 fellow-fawns after a while began to have little horns sprouting out of their heads , which they had not at first ; and that though they were at first but weak , and unable to run far , yet in process of time they grew very vigorous and nimble , and active in their motions . but when on the other side , he observed that none of all this befell him ; as oft as he pondered and examined these differences in his mind , wherein he varied from all the rest of the living creatures , he could not imagine what should be the cause thereof . when he also beheld such living creatures as had any blemish in them , or defect of limbs , neither among them could he find any one that was like unto himself . also , when he considered those passages in the beasts , whereat they voided their excrements , he saw them all covered ; that which served them for the voiding of their grosser excrements , with a tail ; that which served for the voiding of urine , with hair , or some such like thing . their privy parts also he observed to be more concealed than his were . now the consideration of all this § 7 made him pensive , whensoever he thought thereupon , working in him no small anguish , and distraction of mind . so that when he had been a long while solicitous in examining the reason of the difference between himself and the brute animals , and at last wholly despaired of finding it out , or of being supplied with that , the want whereof so much troubled him ; he being now well nigh seven years of age , took some broad leaves of such trees as grew in the island , wherewith he might cover his nakedness , the sight whereof was so troublesome to him . with some of these he covered the fore-part of his body , and his hinder parts with the other ; and when he had withall made him a girdle of palm-tree leaves and rushes , he girt them about him . but it was not long , before those leaves growing withered and dry , fell off from his body , so that he was ever and anon forced to take fresh ones in their stead , some whereof he folded together and plaited upon the other , so that they hung upon his body in a double rank . by which means they hung indeed somewhat longer upon him , but however they continued for no very long time . after this , he broke off the bough of a tree , the ends whereof having fitted to his mind , and smoothed the body of it , he made him a staff , wherewith he began to affright and threaten such wild beasts as durst oppose themselves to him , assaulting the weaker of them , and resisting the stronger , that had the confidence to set upon him . and by this means , he came in some good measure to understand his own abilities , and to find by experience , that his hand alone far excelled all those natural instruments and arms , which the brutes were furnished with ; as that which sufficed , and well inabled him , both to cover his own nakedness , and to provide him a staff wherewith to defend himself against his adversaries . so that now he saw , that he had neither need of any tail to cover the nakedness of his hinder-parts , nor of those natural arms of the brute animals , which he had formerly so much desired , and been so much trouble for the want thereof . in the mean time he grew up , and § 8 was now past seven years old . and whereas it had been for a good while very troublesome to him , ever and anon to gather fresh leaves , wherewith to cover his naked body , it came at length into his mind to take unto him the tail of some dead wild beast , which he might put on , and gird about him . but when he saw , that all the living beasts of the same kind shunned the carcasses of the dead , and refused to come near them , so that it was somewhat difficult for him to compass his design ; he at length lighted on a dead eagle , upon the sight whereof he now seemed ready to become master of his wishes . for taking the opportunity of this accident , when he perceived that none of the wild beasts avoided the carcass , drawing near to it , he cut off the wings and tail whole and entire as they were , and then spread abroad and smoothed the feathers . after this , he took off the remainder of the skin with the feathers , and dividing it into two parts , he hung the one upon his back , and the other upon his belly . the tail also of the eagle he placed behind him , and both the wings he fitted to his shoulders . thus he got wherewith both to cover his nakedness , and to keep him warm ; wherewith also to strike a terrour into the wild beasts , so that now none of them durst contend with him , or make opposition to him : no nor so much as come near him , except his nurse the roe , which had bred him up , for she never forsook him , no not when she grew feeble with age. neither did he forsake her , but took care to conduct her unto the best pasturage he could find , withall , gathering the pleasantest fruits for her , and giving her them to eat . notwithstanding , leanness and § 9 feebleness grew daily more and more upon her , until at length they so far prevailed , that death seized on her , whereby all her motions and actions ceased . which when the child perceived , he was exceedingly amazed , and so stricken with grief , that he was almost ready to die with her . he call'd therefore to her with the same kind of voice , which when she formerly heard , she was wont to answer . but though he cried out to her as loud as possibly he could , he could perceive no motion , or change at all in her . he began therefore to look into her ears and eyes , but could find therein no visible blemish or defect ▪ in like manner , he took a view of all the parts of her body , wherein he could spy nothing amiss . but that which he most earnestly desired , and sought after , was to find out that place in her body wherein the defect lay , that so , upon discovering thereof , he might remove it from her , and she thereupon return to her former state of life and vigour . but he had nothing at hand , wherewith to compass his design , nor knew by what means to bring it about . now that which moved him to § 10 consider of this , was , that which he had before observed in himself . for he took notice that when he shut his eyes , or cover'd them with any thing , he could see nothing till the obstacle was removed . so also , whensoever he put his fingers into his ears , and stopt them , he could hear nothing , till he took them away from thence . in like manner , when he hard pressed his nose with his hand , and closed the passages of his nostrils , he had no sense of any odour , until he let go his hand , and opened those passages . whence he concluded , that all his sensations , and what other natural actions proceeded from his body , were liable to certain impediments , which hindered them in the exercise of their several operations ; and that these being removed , those operations returned to their former course . when therefore he had taken a thorough and exact view of all the outward parts of the roe's carcass , and could find no visible fault or defect in any of them ; yet withall perceived that there was a general cessation of motion in the whole body , which could not be attributed to one part more than to another ; at length this thought came into his mind , that the fault whence all this proceeded , must needs lie in some other part , which lay removed from sight , and hidden within the body . he judged also , that this part must needs be of such a nature and use , as that without its help and constant supply of spirit and vigour , none of the outward parts could exercise their proper functions , and therefore , that some disease having seized on that part , the hurt and damage became universal , as appeared by the ceasing of motion throughout the whole body . he desired therefore , if it might § 11 be , to find out that part , and to remove that evil , whatsoever it were , which had seized upon it . for he thought that then it would return to its former state , that good from thence would redound to the whole body , and that all the actions thereof would be exercised as formerly they were . he had also before observed , that in the dead carcasses of wild beasts , and other living creatures , all the outward parts were firm and solid , without any hollowness in them , except the brain-pan , the breast , and the belly . whereupon he guessed that the part , which was thus ill-affected , could not be found any where else , but in one of these three . and among these three , he was more inclined to think , that it was placed in the middlemost of them . for it had been some while ago throughly fixed in his mind , that seeing all other parts stood in need of it , it must necessarily follow , that it had its seat in the midst of them all . moreover , when he reflected upon himself , he was very sensible that he had some such part in the middle of his breast . for when he considered his other parts , as hands , feet , ears , nose , eyes , he supposed that these might be taken from him , and yet it seemed to him , that he could subsist without them . but when he considered that part which he felt moving in his breast , he was perswaded that he could not subsist without it , no not during the twinkling of an eye . he likewise observed , that when he chanced to contend with any of the wild beasts , he still took a great care to guard his breast from their assaults , out of a natural instinct , as he judged , and an innate sense of the necessity which lay upon him , to defend that part , which lay there , against any the least harm . now being thus certainly resolved , § 12 that the part so disaffected , and seized upon by the hand of death , lay in the breast of the roe , he determined to search after it , if so be he could possibly find it out ; and when he had discovered what ill it was that had befallen it , to remove it thence . but then he feared too , lest this very endeavour of his should be more hurtful to the dead roe , than that evil which had befallen it ; and that whatsoever he should do in the prosecution of this design , would turn to its damage . then he considered with himself , whether he had ever seen any of the wild beasts , or other of the living creatures , after they had lain as the dead roe did , return to life . but when he could call to mind no such instance , he began to despair of the roe's return to her former state and condition , in case he let her lie as she did . yet he had some hope that she might possibly recover that former state of hers , if so be he could possibly find out the disaffected part , and remove the disease from it . he resolved therefore to open her breast , and upon search to discover what he could find in it . to this purpose he got him broken pieces of sharp stones , and splinters of dry , hard canes , like to knives , wherewith he made an incision between her ribs , until at last he came to that cover which lay in the inside of her breast . which when he found to be a very strong one , he as strongly conjectured that such a cover as that belonged to such a like part , and perswaded himself , that when he had pierced thorow it , he should find that which he sought after . he attempted therefore to cut a way thorow it , which he found very difficult for him to do , in that he wanted fit instruments , whereof he had none other , than such as were made of stones and canes . when therefore he had furnished § 13 himself anew with such , and sharpned them , he made use of his best skill and strength in piercing that cover , until at length he had made his way thorow it , and came as far as the lungs ; which at the first sight he thought to be that part which he had searched after . whereupon he ceased not to turn them up and down , that so he might therein find out the seat of the disease . and first , he lighted on that half of the lungs which hung on the one side , and took notice that it leaned towards one side of the breast ; whereas before he conceived , that the part he looked after , could not have his seat but in the midst of the body , as well in regard of latitude , as longitude . he left not therefore off to search farther into the middle of the breast , until he had found the heart ; which when he saw to be closed about with a strong cover , and fastned with very firm ligaments , the lungs also compassing it about on that side , whereby he had begun to open a passage thereto , he said within himself , if this part be so disposed and situated on the other side as it is on this , it is certainly in the midst of the body ; and therefore doubtless it is that very part which i have been seeking after ; especially , whenas i here see such a fitness of situation , such neatness of shape , such firmness also and solidity of flesh , and all this both fenced and adorned with such a cover , as i find in no other part of the body . he made search therefore into the opposite side of the breast , where whenas he found the same cover within the ribs , and the lungs in like manner disposed , he concluded with himself , that the heart was that part which he had sought after . he attempted therefore to remove § 14 the case thereof , and to cut the pericardium in sunder ; which at length , when he had used his utmost endeavour , with much trouble and difficulty he effected . and thus , having laid the heart bare , when he saw it to be solid on every side , he diligently looked about , whether he could espy any visible fault or defect in it . but when he could find none , he squeezed it together with his hand , and thereby it appeared to him that it was hollow within . whereupon he said to himself , perchance the utmost which i seek after lies within this cavity , and i have not yet come home to it , and so not attained the end of my design . then upon the opening thereof he found a double cavity therein , one on the right side , and the other on the left . that on the right side was fill'd with clotted bloud ; but that on the left , was empty , and had nothing at all in it . wherefore , he said to himself again , it cannot be , but that the seat of the thing i search after , must needs be in one of these two cavities . he said moreover , as for that on the right side , i can see nothing in it but this clotted blood ; and doubtless this blood became not so clotted , till the whole body came into that state wherein it now lies . for he had observed , that all blood when it issued out of the body , and was separated therefrom , became thickned and congealed ; and that this clotted blood , which he found in the right ventricle of the heart , was like unto all other so separated from the body . i see also , said he , that the same kind of blood is found also in other parts of the body , and that it is not appropriated to one part more than to another . but that which i seek for is no such thing ; for that is somewhat whereof this place is the peculiar seat , and such a thing as i am sensible that i cannot subsist without one moment . now that is it which i have been seeking after all this while . but as for this bloud , as oft as i have lost some considerable quantity of it , when at any time i chanced to be wounded by some wild beast that fought with me , yet i found no considerable harm thereby , seeing it hindered me not from performing any action of life , as i formerly did . therefore , that which i seek after , is not in this ventricle . and as sor the left one , i find it indeed empty , yet i cannot think that it was made altogether in vain . for i see that every other part of the body is designed for the exercise of some office or other , and for that operation which is proper to it . how then can this ventricle of the heart , which is of so excellent a frame , as i see , serve to no use at all ? i cannot then imagine , but that the thing i seek after , had its seat herein , but is now departed from it , and left its seat empty ; and that by this means that cessation hath hapned , whereby the whole body is now deprived of all sense and motion . but then when he saw that it left that house , wherein it formerly dwelt , before it fell to ruine , and to have forsaken it , whenas as yet it continued sound , whole , and entire , he thought it very improbable that it would ever return again to its former habitation , after it had been thus torn and mangled , and destroyed by him . in the mean time , the whole body § 15 of the roe which he had in this manner dissected , and searched into the inner parts thereof , seemed to him a very contemptible thing , and of no value at all , in respect of that which he was perswaded had formerly dwelt therein , and now forsaken it . he applied his mind therefore to meditate on that only , and to find out , if it might be , what it was , how it came to be conjoyned unto the body , and what so conjoyned it ; whither it was gone , and through what door it made its passage , when it left the body , and what it was that caused it to depart thence , whether it were forced to leave its mansion , or left the body of its own accord ; and in case it went forth voluntarily , what was the cause which made the body so odious and loathsome to it , that it departed quite from it . now , whilst his thoughts were much distracted with such variety of doubts , he laid aside all solicitude about the body of the roe , and threw it away from him , whenas he perceived , that this nurse of his which had been so kind and indulgent to him , and fed him with her milk , was that thing properly which was now departed ; and that from it had proceeded all those actions , whereby she shewed her love to him , and care of him ; not from that dull and senseless body , which was not able to help it self , but had served only as an instrument , which she made use of in performing those actions ; or like that staff which he had taken to him , wherewith to fight with the wild beasts . so that now , his care and study was quite taken off from the body , and transferred to that which had moved and governed it . but whilst his mind was thus busied § 16 about that , which had left the body of the roe , the dead body it self began to putrifie , and to exhale stinking vapours , which made him the more to loath it , and unwilling to look upon it . but a little after this , it hapned , that he beheld two ravens fighting together , till at last the one of them overthrew the other , and struck it down dead ; when the surviving conquerour began to scrape the earth with its claws , and never ceased scratching till it had digged up an hole , wherein it laid the carcass of its adversary , and cover'd it over . then said he within himself , how well hath this raven done in covering the body of his fellow-combatant , though in killing of him he did ill ! how much rather should i have begun to perform this good office for my mother and nurse ? whereupon he digged a deep hole in the ground , and having put the body into it , threw earth upon it . then he proceeded to meditate on that thing which had governed the body , whilst it was alive , but could not apprehend what kind of thing it was . only , when he severally beheld all the other roes , he saw them all to have the same figure and form with his dam. whence his mind gave him , that every one was moved and governed by somewhat like unto that which had moved and governed her . he therefore still followed them , and loved to keep with them , for that likeness's sake . in this state he continued for a while , contemplating the divers kinds of animals and plants , walking round the shore of the island , and seeking every where , whether he could meet with any other creature like unto himself , as he had observed many of every other sort of animals and plants ; yea , every single individual , to be like to each other , if it were of the same kind . but when he had thus considered them in order , one after another , after all his search he could find none like himself . and when as he walked this round , he saw that the island was compassed about with the sea , he supposed that there was no other land besides . but upon a time it hapned , that in a § 17 certain dry wood , fire chanced to be kindled by the mutual knocking and dashing together of the boughs of some trees , which consisted of a gummy or rosiny substance . which when he perceived , he saw somewhat that affrighted him , being a thing which he had never seen before ; so that he stood a good while much wondering at it . yet he ventured to draw nearer and nearer to it by degrees , still observing its glittering light , and that wondrous great force , whereby it seized on every thing that it touched , and converted it into its own nature . then , to satisfie his wonder yet farther , and being incited also by that innate courage and boldness , which god had planted in his nature , he was induced to put his hand to it , and had a mind to lay hold thereon . but when he felt that it burnt his hand , and that he was not able to lay hold on it , he attempted to take a stick from the burning tree , which the fire had not as yet wholly seized upon ; and laying hold on that part which was yet untouch'd , ( the fire having possessed the other end only ) he easily effected what he intended and desired ; and brought the fire brand in his hand to the place of his habitation . for he had before retired into a certain covert , which he had made choice of for himself , as a fit lodging , and place of retirement . and when he had brought the fire thither , he ceased not to feed it with stubble and dry sticks , and other combustible matter . so that partly out of his admiration at it , and partly out of the delight he took in it , he would not suffer it to go out , nor could endure to be long absent from it . but the chief reason that caused him to make so much of it , and frequent it in the night-time , was this , that it supplied the place and office of the sun , as well in regard of light as heat ; insomuch that he was extreamly taken with it , and esteemed it the most excellent and useful of all those things which he had about him . when he also observed , that the flame tended upwards towards the heavens , he began to be perswaded that it was of kin to those celestial bodies which he saw moving and shining above his head. he tried also the force and strength thereof upon all manner of bodies , by casting them into it , by which experiment he found that it prevailed over all of them sooner or later , according to their several natures and dispositions , which rendered them more or less combustible . and among other experiments , § 18 wherewith he made trial of its strength , he put thereinto certain fishes which the sea had cast upon the shore ; which being fried , and the steam thereof coming to his nose , his appetite was stirr'd up , and became quickned thereby , insomuch that he ventured to taste some part thereof ; which when he found acceptable to his palate , and agreeable to his stomach , from thence forward he accustomed himself to eat flesh ; and to that end , used all kind of arts he could think on , which might enable him to hunt both by sea and land , and to catch such living creatures as were fit for him to feed on , until at length he became to be very expert in them . by this means , his love and regard for the fire encreased daily , because by the help thereof he provided himself with various sorts of good food , which he had never afore been acquainted with . and whenas now his affection to § 19 the fire was grown very great and earnest , both in regard of its beneficial effects , which he daily took notice of , and its wonderful force , whereby it conquered all things ; it came into his mind , that doubtless that thing which had departed out of the heart of his nurse the roe , and forsook it when she died , must needs be of the same substance with it , or at leastwise of a like nature . and he was farther confirmed in this opinion , because as well that heat , which he had observed to be in all animals whilst they lived , as that cold , which seized on them after death , was , as he found , constant , and continued without any intermission . and he was the more confirmed in it upon the observation of that high degree of heat which he felt within his own breast , near the place which he had cut up in the roe . hereupon , he began to think with himself , that if he could catch some living creature , then open its heart , and look into that ventricle thereof which he had found empty , when he opened it in the dead body of his dam the roe , that he should then see the heart of such a living creature full of that substance , which had resided in her heart whilst she lived ; and by that means should be certified , whether or no it were of the same nature with the fire , and whether there could be found any light or heat in it . upon this therefore , having caught a wild beast , and tied up the shoulder , he dissected it in the same manner as he had the roe , until he came to its heart , and then having first essayed the left ventricle , he opened it , and discovered it to be full of a certain airy or thin vaporous substance , like to a white cloud , or mist. then thrusting his finger into it , he found it so hot , that it scalded him ; and the wild beast instantly died . now upon this experiment he assuredly concluded , that the moist vapour , which he found there , was the thing that gave life and motion to the beast ; and consequently , that there was somewhat like it in every living creature of what kind soever , upon the departure whereof it died . then a very earnest desire arose in § 20 his mind , of enquiring into the other parts of living creatures ; that so he might find out their order and situation , their quantity and shape , their qualities also , and the manner of their mutual connexion , or knitting together with each other . withal , how that moist vapour was communicated unto them , so that the other parts and members of the body did live thereby ; how that vapour subsists , as long as it continues in the heart ; whence it hath its supplies , and by what means it comes to pass that its heat doth not decay and perish . all these particulars he diligently searched out , and to that end dissected wild beasts , both dead and alive . neither did he leave off to make an accurate enquiry into them , untill at length he arrived to the highest degree of knowledge in this kind , which the most learned secretaries of nature ever attained unto . and now it appeared very clearly § 21 to him , that every single creature of what kind soever , although it had much diversity of parts and members , with great variety of senses and motions , yet was but one in respect of that spirit which derived its original from one and the same center of the body , the heart ; whence the distribution of its vertue and influence into all the body had its rise , as from a spring-head . and as for the rest of the parts and members , they were all subservient to it , or provided for and supplied by it ; so that the office of that spirit in exercising and making use of the body , was like that of a man who assaults his enemy with all sorts of weapons ; or hunteth after any kind of prey , whether by sea , or land , and maketh use of such instruments to catch it , as are variously fitted for the taking of each kind , and most proper for his purpose . now the weapons which a man makes use of against his adversaries , are either defensive , whereby he repels his blows ; or offensive , whereby he assaults him . in like manner , the instruments of hunting , wherewith he catcheth his prey , are divided into those , which are fitted to catch such creatures as live in the sea ; and those , which are proper for the taking such as converse upon the land. so also , those instruments which himself made use of to cut wood , or stone , or what other materials , were of divers sorts ; some fitted for cleaving , some for breaking them in pieces , a third sort for boring thorough ; and though it were one , and the same body , which he had in his hands , yet he handled it in a different manner , according as his instruments were fitted for it ; and with relation to those ends , the effecting whereof he had proposed to himself . upon these considerations , he likewise § 22 conceived that it was one and the same animal spirit , the action whereof was seeing , when it made use of its instrument the eye ; hearing , when it made use of the ear ; smelling , when it made use of the nose . in like manner it exercised its faculty of tasting by the tongue , and of touching by the skin and flesh , more especially of the hand . so when it made use of any limb to work ought by , the effect was motion . when it made use of the liver , the effect was nutrition ; when of the stomach , it was the receiving and concocting of the aliment . and every one of these actions had its proper part subservient to it , none of which could discharge its office but by the vertue of that influence which was thereunto derived from the forementioned spirit resident in the heart , thorow those passages which are called the arteries ; insomuch , that whensoever they chanced to be broken off , or cut asunder , or else obstructed , the action of that part of the body presently ceased . he found also that all these arteries derive that spirit from the ventricles of the brain , and that the brain receives it from the heart ; as also , that there is a great quantity thereof in the brain , because that is the place wherein he found several vessels in which it lay , and whereby it was thence distributed into all parts of the body . he also perceived , that if any part of the body came by any means whatsoever to be deprived of the influx of this spirit , the action thereof immediately ceased ; so that it became like to a contemptible tool or instrument , cast aside , as of no use at all . also , that if this spirit forsook the body altogether , or by any means came to be wasted or dissolved , the whole body at the same time became deprived of motion , and was reduced to the state of death . these observations of his , and meditations § 23 thereupon , had brought him to that degree of knowledge , which i forementioned , at what time he had attained to the end of his third septenary , viz. to the twenty first year of his age. within the fpace of which time he found out many things of very great use to him for the conveniencies of life . for he clothed himself with the skins of wild beasts , when he had cut them out for his use . he also shod his feet with them , having made him thread of their hair , as also of the rind of the stalks of althaea , mallows , hemp , and the like plants , which were easie to be parted asunder , and drawn into threads . and this he had learned to do out of his former experience in making use of the rushes ▪ he made himself also a kind of 〈◊〉 or bodkins , of the strongest thorns he could get , and of small pieces of canes , whetted and sharp pointed with stones . then for the art of building , he was taught it by what he saw the swallows did . so he fitted himself with a room , wherein to repose and rest himself ; and another place for a larder , wherein he laid up the remainder of his victuals . he guarded it also with a door , compacted of canes joyned close together , lest any wild beast should chance to enter into it , when he happened to be from home upon any occasion . he also got into his hands certain birds of prey , which he made use of for hawking ; and others of the tamer sort , which he bred up , and then fed upon their eggs , and young ones . he also took to him the horns of wild bulls , which he found lying on the ground , the sharp tips whereof he affixed to strong canes , and to thick staves made of the wood of the tree alzan , and others of the like kind . and so , partly by the help of fire , and partly of sharp edged stones , he so fitted them , that they served him instead of so many spears . he made himself also a shield of the skins of beasts , parted into several folds , and then compacted together . and all these he made him , because he saw himself distitute of natural armes . and when he now saw that his § 24 hand served him instead of all , and supplied whatsoever desects nature had made him liable to , so that none of all the various kinds of wild beasts durst oppose him , but fled away from him , and so excelled him only in their nimbleness ; he bethought himself of finding out some art , whereby to meet with them in their flight , and master this nimbleness of theirs . to which end , he judged nothing could be more convenient , than to take and tame one of the swifter sort of the wild beasts , and so long to breed it up , nourishing it with food agreeable to its nature , until at length he might get upon the back of it , and therewith pursue other kind of wild beasts . now there were in that island wild horses , and wild asses ; out of which number having made choice of some which seemed fittest for his purpose , he made them by degrees so gentle and tractable , that at length by their help and service he became master of his wishes . and when he had made for them out of thongs and skins somewhat that competently served him instead of bridles , and saddles , it was no hard matter for him to compass his ends in catching those wild beasts , which he very hardly , if at all , could have taken any other way . all these arts and devices he found out , whilst he was otherwise busied in dissecting of bodies , and studiously searching after the properties of the several parts of animals , and wherein they differed from each other . and all this he did in that space of time , which even now we assigned , viz. within the compass of one and twenty years . but after this , he began to expatiate § 25 farther in his contemplations , and to take a large view of all such bodies in the world as were subject to generation and corruption ; as the various kinds of animals , plants , minerals , and divers sorts of stones : likewise , the earth and water , the exhalations and vapours , the ice , snow , hail , smoke , fire , and hoar-frost : wherein he discerned much variety of qualities , with diversity of actions and motions , partly agreeing with , partly disagreeing from each other . for as he gave his mind to a serious consideration of all these , he saw that in part they agreed , and in part disagreed , in respect of their qualities ; as also , that as they were one , in respect of that wherein they agreed , so they were many and diverse , in respect of what they differed in . when therefore he sometimes looked into the properties of several creatures , whereby they were distinguished from one another , he discerned them to be so various and manifold , that they were past numbring ; and that nature diffused it self so far and wide , that it was wholly impossible to comprehend it . yea , his own nature seemed also to be manifold unto him , whilst he considered the diversity of parts whereof his body was made up , and each of them distinguished from the rest by some action or property which was peculiar to it . yea , when he beheld every single part , he observed it to be yet farther divisible into more parts , whence he concluded , that the nature of his body was manifold in respect of its parts ; and , in like manner , the nature of every other thing . then , applying himself to another § 26 speculation , in the second place he saw that all the parts of his body , though many in number , yet were so knit and conjoyned together , that they were no way divided from each other , but made up one and the same body ; nor differed among themselves any otherwise , than in regard of their actions and uses ; which diversity was caused by that which proceeded from the animal vertue of that spirit , the nature whereof he had before searched into , and found out ; and that this spirit was one and the same in its nature ; and withall , the cause , and very substance of his being , seeing all the other parts , which belonged to its body , served only as so many instruments , whereby it performed all its operations . so that in this respect also his essence was but one . after this , turning his eye hence , § 27 and looking on the other kinds of animals , he saw that every one of them was one and the same thing , under this consideration . then , as he contemplated them distinctly according to their several kinds , as roes , horses , asses , and all sorts of birds , he saw that the individuals of every kind were like each other , both as to their outward and their inward parts , their apprehensions , motions , and inclinations ; and that they differed not from one another but in some sew things , in comparison of those wherein they agreed . whence he concluded , that the spirit which was in the whole kind , was but one thing , not otherwise differing but in this , that it was distributed into several hearts ; insomuch that if it were possible to recollect all that spirit which was dispersed into so many hearts , and gather it together into one vessel , the whole thereof would be but one thing ; even as water , or some other liquour , which being first dispersed into several vessels , and afterwards gather'd into one , is one and the same thing in both states , as well that of dispersion , as that of recollection ; seeing that the multiplying thereof was only accidental , in regard of the distribution into several vessels . now , by this way of contemplation , he saw , that the whole kind or species of animals was but one . whence he concluded , that the multiplicity of individuals in every kind , was but like the multiplicity of parts in the body of one and the same person , which indeed are not many after this , having presented to the § 28 eye of his mind the several kinds of animals altogether , and attentively considering them , he saw that they all agreed in this , that they had sense , received nourishment , and moved of their own accord whithersoever they pleased ; which actions he well knew were the proper effects of the animal spirit . and as to the others wherein they differed , they were not very proper thereunto . upon which consideration it appeared to him , that the animal spirit , so communicated to the generality of living creatures , was in very truth but one , though it admitted of some small difference whereby the properties of those animals became distinguished from each other ; even as spring-water , which originally had the same cool nature , being poured into several vessels , may have one part hotter , and another cooler , according as the one was heated , and the other left to its natural coolness . so likewise may the animal spirit differ in regard of some qualities or proprieties , according to the variety of constitutions in several animals , notwithstanding that it may be esteemed but one and the same , as that spring-water is , although in some respects it be thus diversified . and so , under this notion , he looked on the whole kind of living creatures , as one . then afterwards , upon contemplating § 29 the diverse kinds of plants , he observed that the individuals of every kind were like one another , in respect of their boughs and branches , their leaves , flowers or blooms , buds and fruits , with their vertues and operations . and when he compared them with animals , he found that there was some one thing in them , which resembled the animal spirit , whereof they were all partakers , and that all of them in that respect were but one thing . whereupon , as he took a thorow view of the generality of plants , he determined with himself , that they were all but one in respect of that agreement between themselves in their operations , viz. in their nourishment and growth . after this , he comprehended the § 30 generality of plants and animals altogether , in one and the same conception of his mind ; and thereby saw , that they all agreed in regard of both these , namely , in nutrition and augmentation . only , animals did exceed the plants , and excel'd them in this , that they had sense and apprehension also . notwithstanding , he observed withal that there was somewhat in plants which resembled the sense of animals ; as that flowers turned themselves towards the sun and that the roots of plants spred themselves towards that part of the earth which afforded them nourishment ; and some other operations like to these . whence it appeared to him , that both plants and animals were but one in respect of that one and the same thing , which was common to them both ; although in the one , it were perfect and compleat ; in the other , more limited , and restrained by some impediment ; like water distributed into two portions , whereof the one is bound up and congealed into ice ; the other loose and fluid . thus far then he concluded , that plants and animals were one kind of thing . then he contemplated those bodies , § 31 which have neither sense , nourishment , nor growth , such as stones , earth , water , air , and fire ; all which he saw to have these three dimensions , length , breadth , and thickness ; and that they differed not otherwise among themselves from one another , but that some were coloured , others not ; some hot and others cold ; and the like differences . he observed also , that the hot bodies waxed cold , and that the cold waxed hot . he saw too , that the water rarefied into vapours , and that the vapours thickned again , and turned into water . withal he observed that the bodies which were burnt , turned into coals , ashes , flame , and smoke ; and that the smoke when it met in its way with an arch of stone , as it mounted upwards , thickned there into soot , and became like other earthy substances . whence he resolved with himself , that they were all indeed but one thing , after the same manner that the animals and plants were , although in some respect multiplied and diversified . then considering with himself that § 32 one thing wherein he observed plants and animals to be united , he saw that it must necessarily be some body like to these bodies , having length , and breadth , and thickness ; and that it was either hot or cold , as one of these other bodies , which are destitute of sense , and uncapable of nourishment ; but that it differ'd from them in such actions as proceeded from it , in regard of the organical parts , which belong to plants and animals , but not otherwise . and perhaps , such actions were not essential to that body , but derived to it from some other cause , that was extrinsecal thereto ; so that , if they were in like manner communicated to other bodies , they would be like unto this . when he therefore considered that body in its essence , as stript naked of all these operations , which at the first sight seemed to proceed from thence , he saw that it was no other thing , than a body of the same kind with these . upon which contemplation it appeared unto him , that all bodies taken in general were but one , as well those which had life , as those which had none ; as well those which moved , as those which rested in their natural places . only it appeared , that actions proceeded from some of them , by means of their organical parts , concerning which he as yet knew not , whether they were essential to them , or derived to them from without . now , whilst he was in this state of mind , he extended not his thoughts beyond bodily substances ; and thereby he saw , that the whole frame of the creatures was but one thing , which formerly he had looked upon , and esteemed as many , without number , or end . in this opinion , and state of mind , § 33 he continued for some time . but afterwards , upon a view of all bodies , as well animate , as inanimate , ( which sometimes seemed to be but one thing to him ; but otherwhiles , many and innumerable ) he saw that one of these motions was natural and necessary to them , viz. upward , or downward ; upward , as in smoke , flame , and air , when detained under water : downward , as in water , earth and its parts , all earthy bodies , with the parts of animals and plants . also , that not one of all these bodies was void of both these motions , neither ever rested , but when some other body came it its way , and interrupted its motion ; as when a stone in its descension meets with the solid surface of the earth , which it cannot pierce through ; whereas if it could , it would move downwards still , as every body knows . and therefore , if one do but lift it up from the earth , he will find it to resist that motion ▪ by pressing down his hand , out of a propension it hath to descend again unto the same place . in like manner , smoke in its mounting upward is not beat back again , unless it meet by the way with some solid arched body , which stops it in its course ; and then it will turn aside to the right hand or to the left ; but as soon as it hath got out , and freed it self from that body which hindered its motion , it mounts up again , and makes its way through the air , without any interruption . he observed also , that if a leather bag be filled with air , then tied hard together , and plunged into the water , it will strive to get upward , and struggle under the water that detains it , nor ever cease to do so , until it hath got forth , and returned unto the air ; but then it is quiet , all that reluctancy , and strong inclination to move upwards , which it had before , ceasing altogether . he also made a diligent search , to § 34 see whether he could find any body , which was at any time destitute of both these motions , or a propension to them ; but he could find none such among all those bodies , which he had at hand to view . and this be sought after , out of a desire he had to find out what was the nature of a body in general , and abstractedly considered , without any of those qualities , which cause a multiplicity , and diversity of kinds . but when he found this too difficult a task for him ; and that having considered all those bodies , which among the rest were least subject to these qualities , yet could he see none of them in any wise void of one of the two , viz. either of heaviness or lightness ; he farther considered with himself , whether these two qualities belonged to the body , as it was a body , or to some other notion superadded to the body . now upon this consideration , it seemed to him , that they agreed to some notion superadded unto the body , because that if they belonged to the body , as it was a body , no one body could be found wherein both of them were not , whereas we find some heavy bodies which are void of all lightness , and some light bodies which are void of all heaviness ; and these two are doubtless two distinct bodies , to either of which belongs some notion superadded to its bodily nature , whereby it is distinguished from the other ; which notion is that , whereby the one of them becomes diverse from the other ; seeing if this were away , they both would be the same thing in every respect . it appeared therefore very plainly to him , that the nature , or essence of both these bodies was compounded of two notions ; the one , wherein they both agreed , and this was the notion of corporeity ▪ or bodily substance : the other , whereby the essence of the one was diversified from the essence of the other ; and this was the notion of heaviness in the one , and of lightness in the other ; whereby the one moved upwards , and the other downwards ; both which were adjoyned and superadded to the notion of corporeity , or bodily substance . in like manner , he contemplated § 35 also the bodies of other creatures , whether they were animate , or inanimate . whereupon he saw , that the essence of every one of them consisted in this , that they were all compounded of a double notion , namely , that of corporeity , and of some other thing superadded thereto , whether the thing were one , or manifold . and thus the forms of bodies came to be known unto him , according to their diversity ; which were the first notions that he had relating to the spiritual world , to wit , the notions of these forms , which are not perceiveable by sense , but apprehended only after a certain manner of intellectual speculation . and among the rest of this kind , which were thus made known unto him , it appeared also to him , that his own animal spirit , which was seated in his heart ( as hath been afore declared ) must needs superadd another distinct notion to his corporeity , as that whereby he was inabled to perform such wonderful operations , as appeared in the various manners of sensation , and ways of apprehension , with the diversity of motions which it caused in the body ; as also , that this notion was his proper form or difference , whereby he was distinguished from other bodies ; viz. the same , which the philosophers call the animal , that is , the sensitive soul. so likewise , that the principle which in plants supplies the place of that radical heat which is in animals , is somewhat that is proper to them , and is their form , namely , that which philosophers call the vegetative soul. so also in all inanimate bodies ( which , besides animals and plants , are found in this lower world of bodies , and are liable to generation and corruption ) there is somewhat proper to them , by vertue whereof every one of them performs such actions as are peculiar to it , namely , various ways of motion , and kinds of sensible qualities ; and that the same thing is their form , the same which philosophers express by the name of nature . now whenas , upon this contemplation , § 36 he was well assured that the true essence of that animal-spirit , which his mind had been so intent upon , was compounded of the notion of corporeity , and some other notion thereto superadded ; and that this notion of corporeity was common to him with other bodies , but that the other , which was adjoyned thereto , was peculiar to himself ; the notion of corporeity appeared vile to him , and of no account , so that he utterly cast it off , and his mind wholly fixed it self upon that second notion , which is called by the name of the soul , the true nature and state whereof he earnestly desired to understand : upon that therefore he fixed his thoughts , and began his contemplation , with considering all bodies , not as bodies , but as having forms , whence necessarily flow certain properties , whereby they are distinguished from one another . and upon his instant prosecuting § 37 this notion , having at last fully comprehended it in his mind , he saw that the whole multitude of bodies agreed in this , that they had some certain form , whence one or more actions proceeded . he saw also , that a certain part of this number , though they agreed with all the rest in that form , yet had over and above another form superadded unto it , from whence certain actions issued that were proper thereto . he saw too , that there was another classis or order of bodies , which although they agreed with this part in the first and second forms , yet were distinguished from them by a third , which was superadded unto the two former , and from whence also certain actions issued . as for example , all terrestrial bodies , as earth , stones , minerals , plants , animals , and whatsoever other heavy bodies , do make up one number , which agree in the same form , namely that whence descensive motion proceeds , whilst there is nothing to hinder their descent ; so that whensoever they are forced to move upwards at any time , and after left unto themselves , they move downwards of their own accord , by vertue of that their form. again , some part of the same number of heavy bodies ( viz. plants and animals ) though they agree with the former in the same form , which is common to them all , yet they have another form besides , from which proceed nutrition and augmentation . now nutrition is performed , when the body nourished doth substitute into the place of that which was consumed , somewhat of the like kind , which it draws to it self , and then converts into its own substance but augmentation is a motion tending to the threefold dimension of length , breadth , and thickness , according to the just proportion of the body augmented . these two actions therefore , being common to plants and animals , doubtless arise from a form which is common to both , to wit , that which is called the vegetative soul. but some also of this sort of bodies , ( and particularly animals ) although they have the first and second forms common to them with the former , yet they have a third also superadded , whence proceed sensation and local motion . he saw likewise , that every peculiar kind of animals had some certain property whereby it was diversified , and distinguisht from all the rest . he knew also , that every such diversity proceeded from that form which was proper to it ; that namely , which was superadded to the former , and which was common to it with other animals . and the like he saw happen'd to the several kinds of plants . it was also evident to him , that § 38 among the sensible bodies , the which are found in this lower world , liable to generation and corruption , the essence of some of them was compounded of more notions , superadded to the notion of corporeity ; and others , of fewer . he knew likewise , that the knowledge of the fewer must needs be more easie to him , than the knowledge of such as were more in number . he therefore sought in the first place , how he might attain the knowledge of the true nature of the form of some one body , whose essence was made up of fewer notions . whereupon as he considered the animals and plants , he sound that their essence consisted of many notions , by reason of the various kinds of actions which he observed in them . wherefore he laid aside the enquiry into their forms . so also , as to the parts of earth , he saw that some of them were more simple than others . he proposed therefore to himself the contemplation of such bodies as he could possibly find to be the most simple of all . so he observed , that the water was a body very little compounded , as he judged by the fewness of those actions which proceeded from its form. the same he also observed in the fire , and air. withall , he had before observed , § 39 that some of these four elements were converted into the other ; and therefore , that there must be some one thing , which they joyntly participated of , and that this thing was the notion of corporeity . he concluded also , that this one thing whereof they all participated , must needs be void of all those notions , whereby the four elements were distinguished from each other ; namely , that it could not move either upward or downward , that it was neither hot , nor cold , neither moist , nor dry ; seeing that none of these qualities was common to all bodies , and consequently did not belong to the body , as it was a body . so that if it were possible to find a body , wherein there was no other form superadded to its corporeity , none of these qualities would be found in it ; yea , that it were impossible any quality whatsoever should be found in it , but what agreed to all bodies , whatsoever diversity of forms they had . he considered therefore with himself , whether he could find out any one adjunct which was common to all bodies , as well animate , as inanimate . but he could find none which agreed to all of them , besides the notion of extension towards those three dimensions which are found in all of them , viz. length , breadth , and thickness . whence he gathered , that this notion belongs to the body , as it is a body . however , his sense could not represent to him any body existent in nature , which had this only adjunct , and was void of all other forms : for he saw , that every one of them had some other notion superadded to the said extension . after this , he considered with himself , § 40 whether this threefold extension were the sole notion belonging to a bodily substance , or whether there were not some other notion besides contained in it . upon which consideration , he perceived , that besides this extension , there was another notion of that wherein the extension did exist ; seeing that it could not exist of it self , as neither that body which was extended could exist of it self alone , without extension . then he farther considered the nature of this extension , in some of those sensible bodies which were indued with forms ; as for example , in clay ; and he observed , that when it was moulded into any figure ( as for instance , a globous one ) it had length , breadth , and thickness , according to a certain proportion . then , if afterwards this globous body of clay were changed into a four-square or oval figure , that the length , breadth , and thickness were changed , and had another proportion than before they had ; but that the clay was the same still , and remain'd unchanged ; only , it had that which it must necessarily have , length , breadth , and thickness , in some proportion or other , seeing it could not be wholly deprived of them . then he farther discerned , by this § 41 successive change of figures in the same body of clay , that this diversity of figures was a distinct notion from that body ; as also , in that he saw the body of the clay could not be altogether without them , it plainly appeared to him that they belonged to its essence . and from this contemplation it was apparent to him , that a body , consider'd as a body , was indeed compounded of two notions . as for example , the body of the clay , as consider'd under a globous figure ; and the same consider'd as having only the threefold extension of length , breadth , and thickness , whether in a globous , or a square , or any other figure . he saw also , that it was impossible to conceive any body , which was not made up of these two notions ; and that the one of them could not possibly subsist without the other . withall he saw , that the one notion , ( namely , that of extension ) which could be changed and successively put on diversity of figures , did represent the form in all those bodies , which were indued with forms or figures ; but that the other , which still abode in the same state , ( as for example , the substantial body of the clay ) did represent the notion of corporeity which belonged to all bodies of what forms soever . now , that which we call clay in the precedent instance is the same which the philosophers call materia prima [ the first matter ] and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is wholly void of all sort of forms . now , when his contemplation § 42 had proceeded thus far , and had withdrawn it self from the objects of sense , so that he now drew near to the confines of the intellectual world , he began to be somewhat amazed ; and thereupon , bending his thoughts again downwards , he returned more seriously to consider , and more throughly to examine that in the sensible world , whereunto he he had been accustomed . wherefore he retired back a little , and forbearing to meditate on the nature of the body in general , ( it being a thing which he could not take hold of by his sense , nor as yet comprehend in his mind ) he undertook to consider the most simple of those sensible bodies which he had seen , namely , those four about which his contemplation had before exercised it self . and first of all he considered the water ; as to which , he saw , that when it abode in that state which its form required , there appeared therein a sensible cold , and a propension to move downwards ; but that when it was heated by the fire , or the warm beams of the sun , the cold first withdrew it self , and departed , the propension to move downwards still remaining ; but that afterwards , when it became more vehemently heated , its propension to move downwards then likewise forsook it , so that it strove to move upwards , and evaporated into the air ; so that both of these qualities wholly left it , which before had always issued from its nature and form. neither knew he any thing farther concerning its form , but that these two actions proceeded thence , and that when they both forsook it , the nature or state of the form was wholly taken away , so that the watery form departed out of that body ; seeing that actions proceeded therefrom which properly belonged to another form ; and that another form in its place arose , which before was not in the water , seeing that actions proceeded from it , which could not naturally proceed thence , whilst it retained its former form . now he well knew , that when § 43 any thing was a-new produced , it must needs have some producer . and from this contemplation there was wrought in his mind a kind of a general and confused impression of the effector of that form . then he farther directed his speculation to the considering of those forms , to the knowledge whereof he had before attained , contemplating them one after another . whereupon he saw , that they all had their existence anew , and so necessarily required some efficient cause . then he examined and diligently considered the essences of forms , and saw that they were nothing else but such or such a disposition of the body , from which those actions proceeded . for instance , in water when that is vehemently heated , it is disposed to move upwards , and made apt thereto ; and that disposition is its form ; seeing there is nothing present in this motion but the body of the water , and some accidents proceeding thence , which existed not before , and are the objects of sense ( such as qualities and motion ) and the efficient which produced them ; whereas those accidents had no existence before ; so that the aptitude of the body to some motions before others is its disposition and form . and the same truth appeared to him , as to all other forms . he also clearly saw , that the actions which proceeded from these bodies were not properly theirs , but belonged to that efficient , which by those actions , produced those attributes that are ascribed to them . and this notion which thus appeared to him is the same thing which was said by the messenger of god ( viz. mahomet ) [ i am his hearing whereby he hears , and his sight whereby he sees . and in the text of the alcoran , cap. al anphali . [ you have not slain them , but god hath slain them . and , thou hast not cast them away , but god hath cast them away . ] now , whenas he was certainly § 44 assured of this efficient , ( the which appeared to him in general , and confusedly ) a vehement desire seized on him to get a distinct knowledge thereof . but because he had not as yet withdrawn and sequestred himself from the sensible world , he began to seek this voluntary agent amongst things sensible ; neither as yet knew he , whether it were one agent , or many . wherefore he took a view of all the bodies that were near him , those namely , which his thoughts had been continually fixed upon ; all which he saw were successively liable to generation and corruption , if not in the whole , at least in their parts . as for example , he saw that the parts both of water and earth were corrupted by fire . he saw likewise , that the air was so far corrupted by a sharp cold that it was turned into snow , and that snow melted again into water . also , as for other bodies which he had near him , he could see none of them which had not its existence a-new , and required some voluntary agent to give it a being . wherefore , he rejected all these sublunary bodies , and transfer'd his thoughts to the heavenly ones which were above his head . and thus far he reached in his contemplations about the end of the fourth septenary of his age , viz. when he was now twenty and eight years old . now , he knew that the heavens § 45 and all the stars therein were bodies , as being extended according to the three dimensions of length , breadth , and thickness , and that none of them was void of this attribute , and that whatsoever had it , must needs be a body . all these therefore he concluded to be bodies . then he considered with himself , whether they were extended infinitely , so that they stretched out themselves to an endless length , breadth , and thickness ; or , whether they had any bounds , and were confined unto certain limits , beyond which they proceeded not . but here he stopt a while , as in a kind of amazement . yet at length , by the quickness of § 46 his apprehension , and sagacity of his understanding , he found that an infinite body was an absurd and impossible thing , and a notion wholly unintelligible ; which opinion he was confirmed in by many arguments that came into his mind , when he thus argued with himself . this heavenly body is doubtlesly finite on that part which is next me , and obvious to my sense , seeing i perceive so much by my eye . then likewise , as to that part which is opposite to this , and concerning which this doubt ariseth in my mind , i know also that it must needs be impossible it should be extended infinitely . for if i conceive two lines beginning at that part which is bounded , and thence passing through the thickness of this heavenly body , extend themselves unto an infinite distance ; and then suppose a great part to be cut off from one of these lines where its extremity is bounded ; and the extremity of the remainder of that line which had part cut off applied to the extremity of that other , which had nothing cut off from it ; and then that line , which had some part thereof cut off , placed parallel to that other line which had nothing cut off , the understanding going still along with both lines to that farther part of each which is said to be infinite ; either you will find these two lines to be continuedly extended , without coming to any end , so that neither will be shorter than the other ; and consequently , the line which had somewhat cut off from it , will be equal to the other which had nothing cut off , which is absurd : or , in case it go not continuedly along with it , but have its progress interrupted , and so fail of its being extended together with it , throughout that infinite space , it will be finite ; and when that part shall be added a-new to it , which was before cut off , and therefore must needs be finite , the whole line too will be necessarily finite , as consisting of two finite parts . moreover , when it is thus made up again , and become entire in it self , it will be neither shorter than the line which had nothing cut off from it , nor exceed it in length , but precisely equal to it . seeing therefore this line is finite , that also must be finite likewise ; and consequently , that body wherein both those lines are supposed to be , and are thus mathematically designed , must needs be finite too : for every body , wherein such lines may be designed , is finite ; and there is no body wherein they may not be designed . therefore , if we determine any body to be infinite , we determine that which is absurd and impossible . now when he was thus assured by § 47 the singular excellency of his wit , which he had awakened to the consideration of this subject , that the body of heaven was finite ; he desired in the next place to know of what form it was , and in what manner it was bounded with the superficies that compassed it round about . first of all then he contemplated the sun and moon , and the rest of the stars , and saw that all of them arose in the east , and set in the west . he saw also that those heavenly lights , which past directly over his head , described a larger circle ; and on the other side , that those which declined from the vertical point towards the north or south , described a less one ; and that every one of them , as it moved at a greater distance from the vertical point towards either pole , described a lesser circle than that which was nearer to it ; so that the least circles wherein the stars moved were those two which were nearest the poles , namely , the circle of the star sohail [ that is , canopus ] which was nearest the southern pole ; and the circle alpharkadain , which was next the northern . and whereas he dwelt in an island situated near the equinoctial ( as we before shewed ) all these circles were straight towards the surface of the horizon , and had alike reference to the north and south , seeing both the poles appeared to him at once . withall he observed , that when one star arose in a larger circle , and another in a less , so that they arose both together , that both of them also set at the same time . and this he observed to be alike true and the same in all sorts of stars , and at all times . and from hence it was evident to him , that the heaven was of a spherical figure . which truth was also farther confirmed unto him from what he saw of the return of the sun , moon , and the other stars , to the east , after their setting in the west ; as also , in that they all appeared to his eyes in the same proportion of magnitude , both when they arose , and when they set ; as also , when they were got up to the height and midst of the heavens . for if their motion had been any other than circular , they must needs at some times have been nearer to his sight , than at other times : and if so , their dimensions and magnitudes would not always have appeared the same , but various ; seeing that they would have appeared bigger when they were nearer to him , than when they were farther off . but whenas he saw no such diversity in their appearance , he was well assured that the figure of heaven was spherical . then he proceeded onwards to observe the motion of the moon , and saw that it was carried from the east towards the west [ or perchance from the west to the east ] as the other planets were in like manner . so that at length a great part of astronomy became known to him . it appeared also to him , that the motions of the planets were in different spheres , all which were comprehended in another that was above them all , and which turned about all the rest in the space of a day and a night . but it were too long to set down the manner and degrees of that progress which he made in this science ; and besides it is published in many books . neither is it requisite , as to our present design , to say any more thereof , than what we have already discoursed . now when he had proceeded thus § 48 far in the astronomical science , he found that the whole orbe of the heavens , and whatsoever it contained within its compass , was as it were one entire thing , composed of parts mutually conjoyned to each other ; and that all the bodies which he had before considered , as earth , water , air , plants , animals , and all the rest in like manner , were comprehended in it , so that none of them went beyond its bounds . he found also , that the whole body or frame of the world very near resembled some one single animal ; so that the stars which shined therein answered to the senses ; the diversity of the spheres which were contiguous to each other , resembled the variety of limbs ; and that all those bodies therein which were liable to generation and corruption , resembled those things which are contained in the belly of an animal , such as various excrements and humours , whence animals also are often generated , as they are in the greater world. now , whenas he was thus well § 49 assured , that all these things made up as it were one compleat substance , which stood in need of a voluntary agent , [ viz. to produce , settle , and order it ] and that its manifold parts appeared to him to be but one thing , in like manner as the bodies in this lower world , which is subject to generation and corruption , seemed but one ; he proposed to his consideration the world in general ; and debated with himself , whether it were a thing which arose a-new , whereas before it had not a being , and so came forth of nothing , to obtain an existence : or whether it were a thing which had always existed , and never wanted a being . concerning this matter he had very many and great doubts within himself , so that neither of these two opinions did oversway the probability of the other . for when he proposed to himself the belief of eternity , many objections came in his way touching the impossibility of an infinite being , in like manner as the existence of an infinite body had seemed impossible to him . he saw likewise , that whatsoever substance was not void of accidents a-new produced , but always indued with them , must also necessarily be produced together with them , because it cannot be said to be produced before them . seeing then such a substance cannot be said to be existent before such accidents produced a-new , it must also be said to have its existence a-new . on the other side , when he proposed to himself the belief of its being produced a-new , some other objections thwarted him : especially this , that the notion of its production a-new after non existence , could not be understood , unless some time were supposed which was precedent to its existence ; whereas time was in the number of those things which belonged to the world , and was inseparable from it , so that it could not be said to be later than time , or to have its being after it . he also thus reasoned with himself , if the world were produced a-new , it must needs have some cause that produced it . and if so , why did that cause produce it now , and not before ? was it because some motive supervened , which it had not before ? but it is supposed , that there was nothing then existent besides the cause it self . was it then by reason of some change which befell the effence of this cause . if so , what caused this change ? thus he ceased not for some years to ponder these things in his mind , and to argue with himself pro and con. for many arguments offer'd themselves to him on either side , so that neither of these two opinions in his judgment overpoized the other . whereas therefore this seemed to § 50 him very difficult to resolve , he began to think with himself what would be the necessary consequence of either opinion ; for perhaps , thought he , there would be the same consequence of both . whereupon he saw , that if he supposed the world to have been created a-new , and so to have had its existence out of nothing , it would necessarily follow thence , that it could not have risen to this existence by any power of its own , but contrariwise required some efficient cause which gave it an actual being . withall he saw , that this efficient could not be apprehended by any of the senses ; for then it would be a bodily substance ; which if it were , it would be one of those things that belong to the world , and so would have had its existence a-new ; and withall , would have stood in need of some other cause which should have produced it a-new . and if this second efficient also were a body , it would have needed a third to produce it , and that a fourth , and so there would have been a progress in infinitum , without fixing in any first cause ; which to suppose is absurd and irrational . the world therefore must necessarily have such an efficient cause , which is not a bodily substance ; and seeing it is not a body , there is no reason that it should be apprehended by any of the senses . ( for the five senses apprehend nothing but bodies , or such accidents as adhere to bodies ) and seeing it cannot be apprehended by sense , neither can it be comprehended by the imagination . for the imagination is nothing else but the representation of the forms or images of those things , ( which were apprehended by sense ) when the bodily objects themselves are removed . seeing then that it is not a body , neither can any properties of the body be attributed ot it . now the first and chief property of a body is the threefold extension , viz. towards length , breadth , and thickness . wherefore he is far from having any such extension , or any accidents of bodies which are consequent to this property . and seeing that he is the maker of the world , doubtless he knows what it is , and whatsoever is in it , and withall hath the sovereign command and ordering thereof . [ shall not he know it , who created it ? for he is most eminent in knowledge , and omniscient . ] he saw also , that if he believed § 51 the eternity of the world , and that it hath been always as it is now , and that it came not out of nothing , it would necessarily sollow from thence , that its motion also was from eternity , and so without a beginning , whenas no rest preceded it , whence it should take its rise , and begin its course . now every motion necessarily requires some mover , or cause of motion . and that must be either some power diffused in a certain body , viz. either in the body of the thing which is moved , or in some other body which is without it , or else , it is some power which is not diffused and spread throughout any certain body . now , every power which is diffused in any certain body , and dispersed throughout it is also divided together with that body , and multiplied with it . as for example , heaviness in a stone , which causeth it to move downwards . for if the stone be divided into two parts , so will the heaviness also ; and if some other stone of an equal weight be added thereto , another like heaviness will be likewise added . and if it were possible that the stone should grow still bigger , till it reached to an infinite extension , the weightiness would increase also in the same proportion . and on the other side , if the stone should attain to a certain size of bigness , and there stop , the weightiness also thereof would arise unto the same bound , and increase no farther . but it hath been already demonstrated that every body must needs be finite , and therefore every power which is inherent in that body , must needs be finite too . on the other side , if we meet with any power which produceth an infinite effect , it must needs be such a power as is not inherent in any body . now we find that the heaven is moved about with a perpetual motion , without any set bound or end , or cessation at all . therefore , if we affirm that its motion had no beginning , it will necessarily follow from thence , that the power which moves it , is neither inherent in the body of the heaven so moved , nor in any other body that is without it ; and therefore it must be somewhat which is abstracted , separate , and wholly diverse from all bodies ; such a thing also , which cannot be described , nor have its nature set forth by any corporeal adjuncts . besides , it was evident to him , from his former contemplation of this lower world which is liable to generation and corruption , that the true notion of the existence of any body agrees to it in respect of its form , the nature whereof consists in a disposition to variety of motions ; but as for that existence which it hath in respect of its matter , it is very poor , weak , and worthless , and such as can hardly be conceived . therefore the existence of the whole world consists in respect to its disposition to the motion effected by this first mover , who is void of all matter , and of all adjuncts belonging to the body , abstracted and separate from every thing which sense can apprehend , or which our imagination can find a way to approach unto . and seeing that he is the efficient cause of the heavenly motions ( though there be diverse kinds of them ) which considered singly are free from any difference or deformity , alteration or cessation , doubtless he hath power over them all , and a perfect knowledge of them . by this means , his speculation § 52 reached up to the same pitch of knowledge , whereto it had arrived by the same steps before . neither did this lie like a stumbling-block in his way , that he as yet doubted , whether the world were existent from all antiquity , or created a-new in time. for whether the one , or the other were true , this was evident to him , that the maker of the world had an incorporeal existence , not conjoyned with any body , nor separated from any body , as being neither within such , nor without it . for conjunction and separation , to be within and without , are the adjuncts of bodies , from all which the maker of the world is free . and because the matter of every body stands in need of some form , seeing it cannot subsist but by that , nor indeed exist without it ; and that the form hath really no existence , but from this voluntary agent ; it appeared to him , that all things which had a being in nature , stood in need of this agent for their existence , and that none of them could subsist without it ; and that therefore this agent was the cause of them all , and they all made by it , whether they had received their existence a-new , and came out of nothing , or else had no beginning in respect of time , without any privation foregoing it : for upon either of these two supposals , it would follow that their being was caused , and consequently that they necessarily required some efficient cause , from which they depended for their being ; insomuch that they could neither continue , unless that continued , nor exist unless that existed , nor have their being from eternity unless that were eternal . but as for the efficient cause it self , it stood not in need of any of them , nor any way depended upon them . for how could it be otherwise ? seeing it hath been demonstrated , that its vertue and power is infinite , whereas all bodies are finite and bounded ; and therefore , that the whole world , and whatsoever is in it , whether heaven , or earth , or stars , and whatsoever belongs to them , either above or beneath , is his work and creation , and consequently posteriour to him in nature , although not in time. as if thou hold any body in thine hand , and then move thine hand with it , that body also must be necessarily moved , consequently to the motion of thy hand , viz. with a motion which is in nature posteriour to the motion of thy hand , though not in time , seeing both motions begin together . in like manner , the whole world is made and created by this efficient , without time ; whose command it is , when he would have any thing made or done , that he say to it , let it be , and it is . alc. c. gapher . now , when he saw that all things § 53 which had a being were his work , he again considered them in his mind with relation to the power of the efficient . in which contemplation he much admired the rareness of the workmanship , proceeding from such accurate wisdom , and the most subtle knowledge imaginable ; so that from his considering but a very few of the creatures , and much more from many , there appeared unto him those footsteps of wisdom , and wonders of the work of creation , which affected his mind with an excessive admiration . and he became assured hereby , that all these things must proceed from such a voluntary agent as was infinitely perfect , yea , above all perfection ; such an one , to whom the weight of the least atom , was not unknown , whether in heaven or earth ; no , nor any other thing , whether lesser or greater than it . then he considered all the kinds § 54 of animals , and how this agent had given such a fabrick of body to every one of them , and then taught them severally how to use it . for if he had not taught them all to use those members which he had given them , and to find out those services and imployments for which they were appointed , the animal would not have received any benefit or advantage from them , but they would rather have been a burden to it . hence therefore he knew , that the maker of the world was supereminently bountiful , and exceedingly gracious to all his creatures . moreover , when upon his viewing of the creatures , he found any of them , which had any thing above the rest of shape , beauty , comeliness , power and strength , perfection , or whatsoever excellency in any kind , he cast in his mind , and then concluded , that whatsoever it were , it must needs proceed from the influx of that voluntary agent , so illustriously glorious , the fountain of being , and of working . he knew therefore that whatsoever excellencies were by nature in him , were by so much the greater , more perfect , and more absolute , more beautiful , illustrious , and more lasting ; and that there was no proportion between those excellencies which were in him , and those which were found in the creatures . neither did he cease to prosecute this search , till he had gone through all the kinds of perfection , and seen that they were all in him , and proceeded from him , and that he was most worthy to have them all ascribed to him , above all the creatures which were intituled to them . he also searched into all sorts of § 55 defects or imperfections , and saw that the maker of the world was void of them all , and separate from them . and how indeed should he not be free from all such ? for what other notion is there of a defect , besides that of meer privation , or what depends upon it ? and how should he any ways , or in any degree partake of privation , who is a most simple being , and of a necessary existence in himself ; who gives a being to every thing that exists , and besides whom there is no existence ? [ for he alone is existence ( as who alone hath it of himself ) he is absoluteness he is perfection , he is beauty , he is brightness , he is power , he is knowledge ; he lastly , is that he who is the only he , and all besides him are subject to perishing . alc. c. alkesas . ] thus far his knowledge had brought § 56 him towards the end of the fifth septenary from his birth , that is , in the space of thirty and five years . and the consideration of this supream agent was then so fixed in his mind , that it hindred him from thinking on any other things besides , so that he forgat the contemplation of the natural existence of them , wherein he had before exercised his thoughts , and left off to enquire any farther into them ; until at length he came so far , that the eye of his mind could not light upon any thing in the world , but that he straightways discovered therein some sootsteps of this supream agent . so that letting pass the work , he presently removed his thoughts to the opificer , on whom his study was most earnestly bent . insomuch , that his heart being wholly now withdrawn from thinking on , or minding this inferiour world , which contains the objects of sense , became wholly addicted , and altogether applied it self to the contemplation of the upper , intellectual world. now , when he had attained to the § 57 knowledge of this supream being , this permanent existence , which hath no cause of its existence , but it self is the cause of the existence of all other things ; he next desired to know by what means he came to this knowledge , and with what faculty he apprehended this prime existent . he made enquiry therefore into all his senses , viz. hearing , seeing , smelling , tasting , and touching ; and saw that all these apprehended nothing but what was bodily , or inherent in a body . for hearing apprehends nothing but sounds , which arise from the agitation of the air , when bodies are dasht one against another . sight apprehends colours . the smelling , odours . the taste , savours ; and the touch , the temperatures or dispositions of the body ; such as , hardness and softness , roughness and smoothness . in like manner , the fancy apprehends nothing , but as it hath length , breadth , and thickness . now the things which are thus apprehended are all of them the adjuncts of bodies , and our senses apprehend nothing else , inasmuch as they are faculties diffused throughout our bodies , and divisible , according as they are divided . whence it follows , that these senses of ours can apprehend nothing besides a body , which is liable to division for this faculty , seeing it is diffused through a divisible body , as often as it apprehends any thing , must needs be divided answerably to the divisions of that body wherein it is . whence we may conclude , that every faculty which is seated in the body , can apprehend nothing except a body , or what is inherent in a body . now , it hath been already made evident , that this supream being which hath a necessary existence , is in every respect free from all things whatsoever belong to a body ; and that therefore there is no other way or means of apprehending it , but by somewhat that is not a body , nor a faculty inherent in the body , or any other way depending upon it ; by somewhat that is neither within nor without the body ; neither joyned to it , nor separated from it . it appeared also now unto him , that he apprehended this supream being by that which was his essence , and that he had a firm knowledge of this being . whence it was clear to him , that his essence , whereby he apprehended it , was somewhat incorporeal , which had no adjunct of a body agreeing to it ; and that whatsoever bodily thing he apprehended by his outward part [ that is , by his bodily senses ] was not the true state or nature of his essence ; but that some other thing it was , of an incorporeal substance , whereby he apprehended that absolute , perfect , and independent being , which is necessarily , and of it self existent . thus when he came to know that § 58 his essence was not a corporeal substance , apprehensible by any of his senses , or compassed about by his skin , as his entrails were , his body began to appear a very contemptible thing to him , so that he wholly addicted himself to the contemplation of that noble essence whereby he apprehended that super-excellent being , which necessarily existed . then by vertue of that same noble essence of his , he considered with himself whether it could perish , be corrupted , and vanish away ; or , on the other side , were of perpetual duration . whereupon he saw that corruption and dissolution belonged to the adjuncts of bodies , and consisted in putting off one form , and putting on another ; as for instance , when water is turned into air by rarefaction , and air turned into water by condensation ; when bodies also are reduced into earth , or ashes ; or , when the moisture and vigour of the earth is changed into the substance of various sorts of plants , which grow . out of it , and are nourished by it . for this is the true notion of corruption . so then we cannot any way suppose that to be liable unto corruption , which is neither a body , nor needs a body for its subsistence , but is wholly diverse and separated from all bodily things . now , when he was thus well assured , § 59 that his essence truly so called [ viz. his soul ] was incorruptible , he desired to know what would be the condition thereof , when it left the body , and was separated therefrom . upon which consideration it appeared to him , that it took not its farewell of the body untill it became an instrument wholly unfit for its use . so then , as he weighed in his mind all his apprehensive faculties , he saw that every one of them apprehended its object , sometimes potentially , and sometimes actually ; as when the eye winketh , or turns it self away from the visible object , it is potentially apprehensive ; that is , though it do not actually apprehend it at present , yet it is able to apprehend it , and can do it for the time to come ; but when the eye openeth it self , and turns to the visible object , it is actually apprehensive , that is , it apprehends it at present . and the same is true of all the other faculties . moreover , he saw that if any of these faculties never actually apprehended its proper object , yet as long as it is potentially apprehensive , and no more , it hath no inclination to apprehend any particular object , because as yet it hath no knowledge thereof , as it is seen in him who is born blind . but if at any time before it hath actually apprehended its object , and becomes afterward potentially only apprehensive , as long as it so continues , it is inclinable to apprehend its object actually , because it hath been already acquainted with it , is attent upon it , and hath a propension towards it ; as when one who hath before enjoyed his sight , afterwards becomes blind . for such an one doth not cease to long after visible objects ; and by how much that which hath been thereby apprehended , and is still apprehensible , is more perfect , bright , and beautiful , his desire thereof will be still the greater , and his grief the greater for the want of enjoying it , arising from that desire . hence it is , that his grief who is deprived of that sight which he once had , must needs be greater than his who is deprived of his smelling , because those things which the sight apprehends , are more perfect and beautiful , than those things which the smelling apprehends . so then , if we can find out any thing which hath an unlimited perfection , and which hath no bounds set to its beautifulness , comeliness and brightness , but far exceeds them all , insomuch that there is no perfection , beauty , brightness , or comeliness , which doth not proceed and flow from it , he who is deprived of the apprehension thereof , after he hath once known it , must doubtless be afflicted with an unexpressible grief , as long as he remains destitute of it . as on the contrary , whosoever hath it always present to him , and fixeth his mind continually on it , must needs be made partaker of an uninterrupted pleasure and perpetual felicity , with the possession of an infinite joy and gladness . now , it had been already made § 60 evident to him , that all the attributes , and kinds of perfection , as they belonged unto , so ought of right to be given unto that being which is necessarily , and of it self existent ; and that the same being was wholly free , and separated from all kinds of defect , and whatsoever had any relation thereto . he was certain withal , that the faculty whereby he came to the apprehension of this self existent being , was somewhat not like unto bodies , and such as was not corrupted together with them . and hence it was apparent to him , that the person who was endued with that faculty , which was meet and proper for such an apprehension , when he put off the body at the time of his death , was either , first such an one , who whilst he lived in the body , and made use of its service , never knew this necessarily existent being , nor had any society with him , nor had heard any thing of him ; and that such a man when he departed out of the body , was neither conjoyned to that being , nor was any way afflicted with the desire of enjoying it , whilst it was absent ; ( for he well knew that all the bodily faculties ceased to work when the body dies , neither desire their proper objects , nor have any inclination towards them , nor are in any trouble or pain for their absence ; which is the state and condition of all brutes , whatsoever shape or form they be of ) or secondly , such an one , who whilst he continued in the body , and made use of it , knew this self-existent being , of how excellent perfection , greatness , dominion , and power it was , but that he turned himself from it , and followed the vain fancies , and vitious affections of his own mind , until at length death seized upon him , whilst he was in this state ; so that he then came to be deprived of that vision , yet so as to be afflicted with a longing after it , and thereupon tormented with a most tedious pain , and unspeakable grief ; whether he be to be freed therefrom after a long and wearisome suffering , and so come to that vision which he before desired ; or , everlastingly to abide in the same torments , according as he was fitted and disposed for either of these two , whilst he lived , and continued in the body : or lastly , were such an one , who well knew this necessarily existent being before he put off his body , and with his utmost power applied himself thereto , and had all his thoughts continually bent and fixed upon his glory , beauty , and brightness , nor ever turned away from him , until he was seized upon by death , whilst he continued in this state of contemplating him , and liaving the eye of his mind fixed upon him . now as for this man , it appeared unto him , that when he took his leave of the body , he abode in perpetual pleasure , and constant felicity , joy , and gladness , by reason of the uninterrupted vision of that self existent being , and the entire freedom thereof from all impurity and mixture ; and that all those sensible objects would be then removed from him , upon which all his bodily faculties had been formerly intent and busied about ; and which indeed , in regard of his present blessed state , were no better than afflictive evils , impediments and torments . thus when he came to be assured , § 61 that the perfection of his own being , and the true pleasure thereof , consisted in the vision of that necessarily existent being , namely , in the actual and continued vision thereof , without intermission , or end , so that he ought not to turn away from it , no not during the twinkling of an eye ; that so death may seize upon him whilst he is in this state of actual vision , by which means his joy would be still continued , without the interruption of any grief to molest or disturb it ; ( which was the same that al-jonaid , that eminent doctor and prince of the suphii , pointed to , when he was now ready to die , saying to his friends about him , this is the time , when men should begin to say , god is the most great , and which minds us to be most attentive unto our prayers . ) then he began to consider in his mind , how this actual vision might be continued , so that he might not at any time , or by any means , be diverted from it . and for a little while he fixed his thoughts on this divine object . but he could not persist long in this contemplation , before some sensible object offer'd it self to his sight , or the voice of some living creature pierced his ears , or some extravagant fancy interposed it self , or some pain in one of his limbs seized upon him , or that either hunger or thirst afflicted him , cold or heat discomposed him , or he had need to rise for the easing nature of her excrementitious burdens : so that his meditations were ever and anon interrupted , and he himself was forced to retire from the enjoyment of that state of mind , wherein he was so exceedingly delighted , and so fully satisfied ; forasmuch as he could not but very hardly , and after a difficult strugling with himself , return to that state of vision , wherein he was before ingaged . whereupon he feared , lest being prevented by suddain death , whilst he was in that state of aversion , he should fall unawares into eternal misery , and the grief of being everlastingly separated from the beatifical sight of that object , wherein he solely delighted . whenas therefore he was thus afflicted § 62 with the consideration of his present state , nor was able to find out any remedy for it , he began to examine and consider in his mind all sorts of brute creatures , to take notice of all their actions , and what they imployed themselves about ; if so be he could perceive that any of them had any knowledge of this supream and self-existent being , and made shew of any inclination , or tendency thereto , that so he might learn of them what was the true cause and means of that happiness which he sought after . but he soon perceived , that they were imployed in getting their food , and in satisfying their desires of meat , drink , and propagating their kind ; that they betook themselves to the shade in hot scorching weather , and took care to keep themselves warm in the cold of winter , and the night season ; and that they diligently applyed themselves to these imployments both night and day , until the very time of their death , and departure out of this life . neither saw he any one of them which diverted its course of living from this ordinary way , or was at any time solicitous in the pursuit of any other design . whence it clearly appeared to him , that these brute creatures understood not any thing of the supream being , nor were affected with any desire of him , nor were in the way , or in any manner of capacity , of obtaining the knowledge of him ; but that on the contrary , they all tended to nothing , or to a state near of kin thereunto . and whenas he had concluded thus far concerning brute animals , he quickly saw that it was more rational to judge the same of plants and vegetables , which had but few of those sensible apprehensions or operations that brute animals had . for seeing those creatures , which were of a more perfect apprehension , could not arrive to this knowledge , much less could they obtain it , whose faculties were less perfect ; when he saw withall , that all the operations of plants extended not beyond nourishment , and the propagation of kind . after this , he considered with himself § 63 the stars , and the spheres of heaven , and observed that they all moved in a set constant order , and were all carried about in a regular course . he saw also that they were bright and shining bodies , and far from being subject to any alteration , or corruption . whereupon he strongly guessed that besides their bodies they had essences or forms which knew the necessarily existent being ; and that these intelligent forms or essences were like unto his , and so neither bodies , nor inherent in bodies . for how should these heavenly bodies want such forms or essences as are free from any bodily mixture , whenas he had the like , who notwithstanding was so weak and frail , and stood in need of so many sensible and bodily things to maintain his life ? for seeing he who was ranked in the number of corruptible bodies , yet notwithstanding all his defects , was not thereby hindred from having such an essence within him as was incorporeal and incorruptible ; much more then concluded he the same of the heavenly bodies , and thereby assured himself that they knew that necessarily existent being , and enjoyed a perpetual vision thereof , because there ▪ was no obstacle found in , or about them , arising from sensible objects , which could hinder them from the continual enjoyment of this vision , as they ever and anon interrupted him . then he began to consult with § 64 himself , wherefore he alone among all the sorts of living creatures should be endued with that essence or form , whereby he was made to resemble the heavenly bodies . for it had been manifestly made appear to him before , what was the nature and condition of the elements , and that some of them were changed into others ; that whatsoever was found upon the surface of the earth , did in no wise continue in the same form , but that generation and corruption perpetually succeeded each other ; as also , that most of these bodies were mixt , and compounded of contrary ingredients , and therefore tended to corruption ; that there was nothing to be found amongst them which was absolutely pure ; but that which was nearest to purity and simplicity , and farthest removed from mixture among these earthly bodies , was also farthest removed from corruption , as the body of the gold , and of the hyacinth . but as for the heavenly bodies , they were simple and pure , and for that cause farther distant from corruption ; so that they were not liable to any succession of forms . here also it appeared to him , that as to the bodies which are found in this lower world , and are subject to generation and corruption , some of them were such whose essence consisted of one form alone , superadded to their corporeity , as the four elements ; others , whose essential state , or nature , consisted of more than one , as plants and animals . it appeared also to him , that the nature of those bodies which consisted of fewer forms , had fewer operations , and were farther distant from life ; and that if there were any body to be found which was destitute of a form , it had no capacity of obtaining life , or exercising vital actions , but was in a state like to privation , or nothing ; but that the body , whose essential subsistence consisted of more forms , withal exercised more actions , and had a more easie and ready entrance to the state of life ; and if the form were so disposed , that there was no way of separating it from the matter whereto it properly belonged , then was the life thereof very manifest , firm , and vigorous ; but on the contrary , whatsoever body was wholly destitute of a form , was nothing else but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or matter , having no life at all in it ; so that it was near of kin to nothing . furthermore , he saw that the bodies which subsisted in one form , were the four elements , which had the first and lowest degree of existence in this lower world , which is subject to generation and corruption ; and that all other bodies , which had more forms , were compounded of these ; but that these elements had a very weak kind of life , or principle of action , seeing they were moved but one kind of way , and every one of them had some contrary which manifestly opposed it , resisting it in that whereunto its nature tended , and endeavouring to deprive it of its form ; so that both its existence , and its life must needs be very infirm ; but that plants had a stronger life ; and animals , a life more manifest than the plants . the reason whereof is , because if there be found any body among the compound ones , wherein the nature of any one of the elements prevails above the rest , that , as far as it is able , will conquer the nature of the other elements , and make void their activity , so that the whole compound will lie under the power of the prevailing element ; whence it will follow , that such a compound will be in a capacity to exercise but a very small portion of life , according as that domineering element is disposed to exercise it . but if among these compounds § 65 there be any found , wherein the nature of one element doth not prevail above the rest , then all the parts thereof will be of an equal temper , and alike vigour ; so that no one of them will repress the operation , or abate the force of the other , any more than its own force is abated by it ; so that they work upon each other with a like strength and activity , the operation of one element not being any way more observable than the operation of another , nor any one prevailing above the other ; in which respect it is far from being like any single element , but appears as if there were nothing contrary to its form , whereby it becomes very apt for , and capable of receiving life . and by how much the greater this equality of temper is , and by how much the more perfect , and farther distant from inclining to any one extream , by so much farther is it distant from having any contrary to it , and its life is the more perfect . seeing then that the animal spirit , the seat whereof is the heart , is of a most equal temper ( for it is more pure and subtil than earth and water , as it is more gross and thick than fire and air ) so that it obtains the nature of such a mean , as is contrary to none of the elements , in any evident kind of contrariety , by this means it is disposed to become that form which constitutes an animal . from whence he saw this would follow , that the most equal in temper amongst the animal spirits was disposed to exercise the most perfect life in this inferiour world , which is subject to generation and corruption ; and that we may well-nigh affirm of such a spirit that there is nothing contrary to its form ; and that upon this account , it resembles those heavenly bodies which in like manner have nothing contrary unto theirs ; and that therefore it becomes the spirit of that living creature , which hath the most perfect life , because it is indeed placed in the middle of the elements , not being at all moved either upward or downward . and if it could be placed in the midst of that space which lies between the center , and the highest place whereto the fire reacheth , and that no corruption at all seized on it , it would fix it self there , nor would have any propension to move either upward or downward ; but if it should be locally moved , it would move in a round , as the heavenly bodies are moved ; and if it were moved in its place , it would be moved about its own center , and be of a spherical figure , seeing it could not be otherwise , and therefore would become very like to the heavenly bodies . and when he considered the properties § 66 of animals , nor could see any amongst them , concerning which he could in the least suspect that it had any knowledge of this necessarily existent being ; but on the other side well knew , that as for his own form or essence , it had the knowledge of it ; he thence concluded , that he was a living creature endued with a spirit of an equal temperature , like unto the heavenly bodies . it was evident also to him , that he was of a diverse kind from all other sorts of animals , created to another end , and destined to the obtaining of some great perfection and happiness , whereunto no other animal was appointed . and it was enough to shew the nobleness of his nature and condition , that the most vile part of him , viz. the bodily one , was most like of all to the heavenly substances , which are removed from this lower world , ( that is liable to generation and corruption ) and free from all accidents which relate to deficiency , change , and alteration : and that the best part of him was that thing whereby he knew the necessarily existent being ; that also his intelligent form was somewhat heroical and divine , such as was not changeable , nor liable unto corruption ; such as nothing was to be attributed unto , that properly belonged unto bodies ; such a thing , lastly , as could not be apprehended by any of the senses , nor by the imagination ; and the knowledge thereof could not be obtained by any other instrument , but by its own faculty alone . so that it was all in one , namely , the essence of man , or thing which knew , the thing known , and the knowledge it self . neither was there any diversity in any of these , seeing that diversity and separation are the attributes and adjuncts of bodies , whereas here there was neither any body , nor any attribute of a body , nor any thing adherent or belonging to it . and whenas the way now manifestly § 67 appeared , whereby it was proper and peculiar to him , among all the rest of animals , to be made like unto the heavenly bodies , he saw that it was a duty necessarily incumbent on him to resemble them , to imitate their actions , and endeavour to his utmost , that he might become like unto them . he discerned also by the vertue of that more noble part of his , whereby he knew the necessarily existent being , that there was in him a certain resemblance thereof , inasmuch as he was separated from all that belonged unto bodies , in like manner as that being was separated . withall he saw , that it was his duty to labour by all manner of means , how he might obtain the properties of that being , put on and wear his qualities , and imitate his actions ; to be diligent also and careful in promoting his will , to commit all his affairs unto him , and heartily to acquiesce in all those decrees of his , which concerned him , either from without , or within ; so that he rejoyced , and pleased himself in him , although he should afflict his body with pain , and do him harm ; yea , though he should altogether destroy his body and kill him . he saw also that he resembled the § 68 other kinds of animals in his meanest and vilest part , which he had from this lower world , subject to generation and corruption ; viz. this dark , dull , and gross body , which necessarily required of him , for its maintenance and preservation , several sorts of sensible things , such as meat , drink , and clothing , besides propagation of kind , which he observed in the brute animals , as necessary for the continuing of each species , by supplying the mortality of individuals . withall he saw , that his body was not made him for nothing , nor conjoyned to his better part for no good end or purpose ; and that therefore it behoved him to take care of it , and have a due regard of its preservation ; which care he could not shew , and make good as he ought , but by performing such actions which were correspondent to the actions of other animals . now , the actions which seemed necessary for him to perform , had a threefold respect ; being either such , whereby he resembled , and acted alike to the brute animals ; or such , wherein he resembled the heavenly bodies ; or such , wherein he resembled the necessarily existent being . the first sort of actions were necessary for him in regard of his dark , vile , and gross body , consisting of distinct members , endued with several faculties , and acted with diverse kinds of motion . the second resemblance was necessary for him in regard of the animal spirit , the seat whereof was his heart , which was the prime part of the whole body , and the fountain whence all its faculties , and their operations issued . lastly , his third resemblance was necessary for him , as he was himself , that is , as he was that being , whereby he knew the necessarily existent being . and before this , he was well assured , that his felicity , and freedom from misery , consisted in the perpetual vision of that necessarily existent being , whereby he should be placed , and continued in that state , wherein he might not divert the eye of his mind from beholding him , no not for a moment . then he considered those ways and § 69 means , whereby he might acquire the continuation of this vision ; in contemplating whereof he at length determined , that it was necessary for him to exercise himself in the foremention'd three kinds of resemblance . and as to the first of them , he saw that he could not get from thence any thing pertaining to this vision , but that it rather withdrew his thoughts another way , and hindred him ; seeing it was conversant altogether in sensible things , all which were a kind of vail , which interposed it self between him and this vision . notwithstanding he saw , that he had need of this resemblance to preserve his animal spirit , whereby the second resemblance , which he had with the heavenly bodies , was acquired ; and that in this regard he had need of it , although it was not wholly void of hurt and damage . but as to the second conformity , he saw indeed , that an ample portiou of that continued vision was thereby acquired , but such a vision withall as had some mixture in it , seeing that whosoever contemplates the vision after this manner , together with it contemplates his own essence , and casts a look upon it , as shall be shewn hereafter . but then , as for the third conformity , he saw that an entire vision of the self-existent being was thereby acquired , and such a sincere attention thereto , as had no way any respect to any other object , but that alone ; so that whosoever thus contemplated it , was wholly abstracted even from his own essence , which then quite vanished out of his sight , and became as nothing ; as all other beings in like manner , whether more or fewer , except the essence of the one , true , necessarily existent , great , high , and powerful being . now when he was thus manifestly § 70 assured , that the summ and perfection of his desires consisted in this third conformity ; and that this could not be acquired but after the exercise of , and long applying of himself to the second conformity ; and that he could not continue in applying himself thereto , but by a precedent attending of the first conformity , ( which , although it was necessary , yet he knew was an impediment in it self , though an help by accident ) he so restrained his mind , and bridled his appetite , that he allowed it no part of that first conformity , but such as necessity required ; and that was such a proportion , as less than it could not suffice to the conservation of his animal spirit . he saw also , that there were two things necessarily required to the conservation of this spirit ; the one , to continue it within the body , and make a constant supply of that nourishment which continually wasted ; the other , to preserve it from without , and to repell the various kinds of adversaries , which were still at hand to hurt and indamage it , as cold , heat , rain , the scorching of the sun , harmful beasts , and the like . he saw also , that if he took of that which was necessary unadvisedly , and at adventure , it might so happen that he fell into excess , by taking more of it than was expedient for him ; and so , by his rash endeavour after self-preservation , might before he was well aware , prejudice his health . he conceived therefore that he should act most advisedly , if he set such bounds to himself , as he would not in any wise transgress ; and certain measures , which he would not exceed . and it appeared very clearly to him , that he ought to set this rule to himself concerning the kinds of meat which he was to feed on , both in regard of their quality and quantity , and the set times of feeding on them . and first of all , he considered the § 71 several kinds of those meats which he used to feed upon , and found that there were three sorts of them , viz. either plants that were not full ripe , nor had yet attained to their highest perfection ; such as were the several kinds of new-sprung green herbs , and fit for food : or the fruits of such plants which were grown to perfection , and ripe , and had brought forth their seed , whence others of the same kind might be produced : and such were the kinds of fruits that were newly gathered , and dry : or some animal that was fit for food , whether living on land , or in the sea. now , he was well assured within himself , that all these creatures were made by the necessarily existent being , in drawing near to which he saw that his felicity consisted , and to whom therefore he desired to be made like . he was certain too , that his feeding on these creatures did hinder them from attaining their perfection , and interposed it self between them , and that end which they naturally aimed at , and endeavoured to obtain ; in doing whereof he should by that means oppose himself to , and resist the work and design of the supream agent ; which opposition would be contrary to that nearness and conformity thereto , which he so earnestly sought after . he thought therefore that it would be best for him , in case it were possible , to abstain wholly from all manner of food . but seeing this could not be done , and that he saw that a total abstinence from food manifestly tended to the destruction of his body , which would be a greater repugnancy to his creator than the former , seeing he was a nobler creature than any or all of those , whose destruction was the cause of preserving his life , he judged it best of two evils to choose the least , and to allow himself the lesser of the two repugnancies . it seemed good therefore to him , in § 72 case other food was not to be had , to take of the forementioned creatures whatsoever came to his hand , in that proportion which he should afterwards find to agree best with him . but if all sorts of meat were at hand to use , he judged that it then behoved him to deliberate with himself , and to make choice of that amongst them , by the taking whereof there would arise the least opposition to the work of the creator ; such as was the pulp , or soft inward part of such fruits as had attained to their full maturity ; and whose seeds were in them , apt and ready to produce the like ; yet so , as he took care to preserve those seeds , so that he neither ate them , nor marred them , nor cast them away into such places , which were unfit for them to spring up and grow in , such as smooth and hard stones , salt earth , and the like . but if he could not meet with such fruits as had a pulp fit for nourishment , as apples , pears , plums , and the like , then he would take his food out of such fruits which had nothing in them fit for nourishment besides the seed it self , such as walnuts and chesnuts were ; or of such herbs , as had not yet attained to their full ripeness ; yet so , that of both kinds he took those only to feed on , whereof there was the greater plenty , and which had a faculty to produce others of the like kind . withall , he took care , neither to pluck them up by the roots , nor to destroy their seeds . but in case these also were wanting , then he thought fit to take his food of the brute animals , or of their eggs : yet so , that he took his food of those which were most in number , that so he might not wholly destroy any one kind of them . these were the rules which he set § 73 to himself , and thought fit to observe , concerning the kinds of food . but for the quantity , he saw that was to be observed which sufficed to satisfie his hunger , so that he ought not to exceed that proportion . and for the distance to be observed between his meals , he judged it best , that when he had taken so much food as at present sufficed him , he should abide contented therewith , nor seek after any more , until he found some disability in himself , which hindred him from exercising any one of those actions that belonged to the second conformity ; those namely , which i shall by and by mention . but as for those things , which necessity required of him towards the conservation of his animal spirit , in regard of defending it from external injuries , he found no great difficulty therein , seeing he was well clothed with skins , and had a convenient place to lodge in , which was shelter enough for him , and guarded him sufficiently from all harms that might betide him from without . these therefore he thought enough for him , and judged it superfluous to take any farther care about them . then , as to his diet , he observed those rules which he had prescribed to himself , namely those which we even now set down . after this , he applied himself to § 74 the second operation , which consisted in a conformity to the heavenly bodies , by imitating and resembling of them , and expressing their proper qualities in himself . now when he had run over all their attributes in his mind , they seemed unto him to be comprehended under these three kinds ; whereof the first belonged to them in relation to the inferiour bodies , which are placed in this earthly world , which is liable to generation , and corruption , viz. such as heat , which they imparted to them of their own nature ( as cold by accident ) light , rarefaction and condensation , together with other effects which they work in them , whereby they are qualified and disposed for the receiving into themselves the influences of those spiritual forms from the supream cause the necessarily existent agent . the second kind of attributes were such , as agreed to them in regard of their own nature , as it is considered in it self ; as that they were clear , bright , and lightsome bodies , pure , and far removed from all feculent matter , and whatsoever kinds of impurity . also , that they were moved circularly , some of them about their own center , and some about the centers of other planets . the third kind of attributes was that , which they had in relation to the necessarily existent being ; as that they always beheld him , nor at any time turned away their eye from him ; that they were also imploied in that which he appointed them to do , and performed his will with a most ready , constant , and exact obedience ; neither were ever moved but according to his will , and by his power . he therefore endeavoured with all his might to resemble and imitate them in every one of these three kinds . as to the first kind of conformity , § 75 he judged that his imitation of them consisted in this , viz. that he were so disposed and affected , as to see no brute animal or plant , which wanted any thing , or which suffered any hurt or loss , or was molested with any impediment , which he was able to remove from it , but he should remove it ; and that when he chanced to see any plant which was deprived of the benefit of the sun , through the interposal of another body , or whereto some harmful weed stuck close , or was dry , and withering , and even ready to die , he should remove that which so interposed it self , if it could be removed , and separate that hurtful weed from it , which hindred its growth and thriving ; yet in such a way , as not to hurt that which hurt that other . he thought it also behoved him , to water that plant which he found dry and thirsty , as far as it lay in his power . and when he chanced to see any brute animal which some wild beast pursued , or was intangled in a snare , or molested with any thorn or brier that laid hold on it , or stuck to it , or had some hurtful thing fallen into its eyes or ears , or which was afflicted with hunger or thirst , he indeavoured to his utmost power to remove all such evils from them , and to give them meat and drink . also , when he saw any water , which conveniently flowed for affording moisture to any plant , or drink to any brute animal , in case he observed any impediment which interrupted its free course , whether it were some stone which chanced to fall thereinto , or whatsoever other thing brought down by the stream , he took care to remove it out of the way . neither ceased he to go on still in this kind of conformity , until that he had therein attained to the very height of perfection . as to the second kind of conformity , § 76 in his assimilation , to the heavenly bodies , it consisted in this , that he preserved himself in a constant cleanliness , by removing all manner of impurity and filth from his body ; and to that end , washing his body oftentimes with water , and keeping clean his teeth and nails , as also the more hidden and secret parts of his body , as far as lay in him , by sweetning them with odours , and by oft making clean his garments , and perfuming them , until he had made his body throughout , and the garments which he wore , most gay , neat , and trim , indued with beauty and brightness , cleanliness and sweetness . moreover , in imitation of these bodies , he used himself to several kinds of circular motion , sometimes compassing the island wherein he lived , walking about the sea-shore , and going round the utmost bounds thereof ; otherwhiles , going round his house , or whirling about a stone many times together whilst he walked , or ran , and sometimes turning himself round , till he became giddy . lastly , as to the third kind of § 77 attributes , his likeness to them consisted in fixing his thoughts upon the necessarily existent being ; and to this end , removing from himself all impediments arising from the objects of sense , by shutting his eyes , and stopping his ears , restraining himself with all his might from following the giddy motions of his fancy , and doing his utmost endeavour to think upon nothing but the same supereminent and self-existent being , nor admitting any other thing together with him , to become the object of his contemplation . and that he might the better promote his study therein , he used to turn himself round , and put himself often upon this motion ; which whensoever he did swiftlier than ordinary , all sensible objects presently vanished ; his fancy , and the other faculties , which he had necessary use of as corporeal instruments , waxed feeble and lifeless ; and on the other side , the operation of his form ( that is , his rational soul ) which depended not on the body , grew strong and vigorous ; insomuch that sometimes his meditation was pure and free from any bodily mixture , so that he could thereby apprehend the necessarily existent being . but then his bodily faculties , not long after returning to their former actings , interrupted this state of his , and brought him back to the lowest degree , so that he returned to his former condition . but if any weakness or indisposition of body , which diverted him from his intended course , seized on him at any time , he took some kind of meat according to the forementioned laws which he had prescribed to himself , and afterwards returned to that state wherein he was assimulated to the heavenly bodies , in the three kinds which i have before spoken of . and hereto he continued very attent for a while , and opposed himself to the bodily faculties , whilst they also on the contrary opposed him , thus mutually strugling with each other . and at such times as he got the better of them , he kept his thoughts pure from mixture , so that there appeared to him somewhat of the state of those who had attained to the third assimilation . then he began to make enquiry into § 78 this third assimilation , and endeavoured to understand it by weighing in his mind the attributes of the necessarily existent being . now , it had appeared very manifestly to him , in the time of his theoretical speculation , before he set himself to the practical part , that these attributes were of a double sort , viz. affirmative , and negative ; affirmative , as knowledge , power , and wisdom ; negative , in being free , and separate from any thing of corporeity , and from those things which are confequent thereto , and depend thereon , at whatsoever distance it be . yea , even in the affirmative attributes , he thought that the same immunity was requisite , so that none of the corporeal attributes could agree to them , of which number multiplicity was one ; and that therefore the essence of the supream being was not multiplied by these affirmative attributes , but that all of them returned to , and met in one notion , viz. the truth of the essence it self . whereupon , he set and addressed himself to consider , how he might become like the supream being in both these kinds of attributes . as for the affirmative ones , whereas he knew that they all returned to , and were the same with the truth of the essence it self , and had in them no multiplicity at all ; ( seeing that multiplicity belongs to the corporeal attributes ) and whereas he knew that the knowledge of his own essence was not a notion superadded to his essence , but that his very essence it self was the knowledge of his essence , and that his knowledge of his own essence was his very essence ; it appeared very plainly to him , that although he himself was not able to know his own essence , yet that knowledge , whereby he was to know it , would not be a notion superadded thereunto , but the very same with it . moreover , it seemed to him , that his assimilation to the supream being in any affirmative attribute consisted in this , that he knew him alone , admitting nothing together with him of the corporeal attributes into his mind . so then he had his mind attentive upon this object . but as to the negative attributes , § 79 he saw that they all tended to , and agreed in this , that they denoted a separation from bodily things . he began therefore to cast off , and remove from his essence all such attributes as related to corporeity ; and even already he had cast off many of them by his former discipline , whereby he indeavoured to assimilate himself unto the heavenly bodies . yet many relicks of them still remained behind , as his circular motion , ( motion being one of the most proper attributes of bodies ) as also the care that he took of brute animals and plants , with his commiseration of them , and his studious diligence to remove all such things from them , as any way prejudiced or indamaged them . for he well saw , that all these belonged to corporeal attributes , because he had neither at first taken notice of them , but by means of a bodily faculty , nor actually applied himself to those helps and assistances , but by the like faculties . wherefore he attempted to remove all these things out of his way , seeing they were all such as did not conduce to the acquiring of that state of mind which he sought after . neither did he cease to go on in this search and attempt , till he had conquer'd himself so far , as to sit mute and solitary in the bottom of his cave , with his head bent down , and his eyes fixed on the ground , thus alienating himself from all sensible things , and corporeal faculties ; his mind and thoughts being wholly intent on that one necessarily existent being , without admitting any other object of contemplation ▪ together with him . and when ever it hapned , that any other object presented it self to his fancy , he repel'd it thence with his utmost force , and straightway rejected it . withal , he so long exercised himself in this study , and constantly persisted to go on therewith , that sometimes many days passed over him wherein he took no food , nor so much as moved out of his place . yea , whilst this earnest study wholly possest him , and took up all his thoughts , all beings , besides his own , slipt out of his memory , and were altogether banished from his mind . but he found by experience , that § 80 his own being was not excluded his thoughts , no not at such times when he was deeply immerst in the contemplation of that first , true , and self-existent being ; which not a little troubled him , seeing he well knew that this also was a kind of mixture in that simple vision , and the admission of an extraneous object in that contemplation . he ceased not therefore to indeavour , that he might wholly vanish out of his own sight , and so be wholly taken up with the vision of that true being , until he had perfectly attained it ; insomuch , that the heavens and the earth , and whatsoever is comprehended between them , all spiritual forms , and corporeal faculties , and all faculties separated from matter , which are those essences that have the knowledge of that self ▪ existent being , were removed out of his memory and thoughts , together with his own essence also amongst the rest ; so that all things seemed to vanish away , to be reduced to nothing , and to become like so many atoms sever'd from each other , and scatter'd here and there , whilst nothing remained with him besides that being , which is the only one , and the true one , and of a permanent existence . and thus he spake in that saying of his , ( which is not a notion superadded to his essence ) [ to whom now belongs the kingdom ? to the one , almighty god ] alc. c. gapher . ] which words of his he understood , and heard his voice ; so that neither the ignorance of the language , nor his own inability to speak , hindred him from understanding what he said . wherefore he deeply immerst himself into this state , and saw that which neither eye hath seen , nor ear hath heard , neither ever yet entred into the heart of man to conceive . do not fix thy thoughts therefore § 81 too intentively upon the description of that thing , which is not conceiveable by the heart of man. for many of those things which are conceived by the heart of man are hard to express . how much more hard then is that , which we can find no way to conceive with our heart , as being not any thing of this world , nor contained within its bounds ? now by heart i do not understand the bodily substance of the heart , nor the spirit which is in the cavity thereof , but i understand thereby the form of that spirit , which by its faculties diffuseth it self in the body of man. for every one of these three is called by the name of the heart . now there is no way or means , whereby this thing may be conceived by any of these three , neither can we express any thing by words , which is not first conceived in the heart . so then , whosoever desires me to set forth , and describe that state , asks that which is impossible to be done ; and is like unto him , who would taste painted colours , as they are colours , and desires that the black be either sweet , or sowre . yet notwithstanding this , we will not send thee away without some marks and signs of discovery , whereby we may paint out at a distance that which he saw , by way of similitude , concerning the wonders of that station , though not so far as to knock at the doors of the truth ; seeing there is no way that lies open to the certain knowledge of what is to be seen in that place , but by coming thither . hear then with the ears of thy heart , and discern with the eyes of thy understanding , that which i shall now shew thee ; and it may be thou wilt find such a direction as may lead thee unto the right way ; so that thou observe the condition which i now ask of thee , that thou require not of me at present any farther explication , by interrogating of me face to face , than what i deliver to thee in these papers . for the field of discourse concerning it is of a narrow compass , and it is an hazardous adventure to determine in words touching that thing , the nature of which is not such that it can be exprest by words . i say then , that when he was abstracted , § 82 by having withdrawn himself in his meditations , from his own essence , and all other essences together with it , so that he beheld nothing in nature besides that one , living , and permanent being ; and that after he had seen that which he saw , he returned to the beholding of other things diverse from it , and from one another ; when he came to himself again out of that state of his ( which was a kind of spiritual drunkenness ) he conceived that he had no essence , whereby he differ'd from the essence of that true being , the most high ; but that the true nature of his essence was the essence of that true one , and that what he formerly thought to be his own essence distinct from the essence of that true one , was nothing else indeed but his essence ; and that in this he resembled the light of the sun which falls upon solid bodies , and which we see to appear in them ; for although that be attributed to the body wherein it so appears , and which thereupon is called a lightsome body , yet in reality is nothing else but the light of the sun ; for when that body is removed out of the sun , the light thereof is removed with it , and the light of the sun alone remains , which is neither diminished by the presence of that body whereon it shines , nor augmented by its absence when it is removed out of the light . but when it happens that the said body is fitly disposed to receive the light of the sun , it actually receiveth it ; and when it is removed out of the sun , the reception of the suns light is removed too , and comes to nothing . now this opinion prevailed with § 83 him , because it seemed manifest to him , that the essence ▪ of that true , powerful , and glorious being was not any way multiplied , but that the knowledge of his essence was the very same with his essence ; from whence this seemed unto him necessarily to follow , that he must needs have the essence of that whereof he had the knowledge . seeing then , the knowledge of that object was present with him , the essence thereof must be so too ; for this essence could not but be present to it self , so that the presence being the same with the essence , it must needs be all one with the essence of the object so present . in like manner , all the essences that are separated from matter , and which have the knowledge of that true essence , though he had before looked on them as many , yet according to this opinion of his seemed but one to him . and this misgrounded conceit had thoroughly and very deeply fixed it self in his mind , unless god had pursued him with his mercy , and prevented his farther progress therein by his gracious guidance ; by which means he knew at length , that this conceit arose within him from the relicks of that obscurity which is natural to bodies , and the corruption which adheres to the objects of sense ; for many , and few , unity and multiplicity , the collection of many into one , and their separation from each other , are in the number of corporeal attributes . but as for those separate essences which have the knowledge of that being , who is the true one , the powerful , and the glorious , seeing they are wholly separate from matter , it ought not to be said of them that they are either many , or one , because multiplicity implies the distinction of some essences from others , and unity cannot be effected but by conjunction ; whereas nothing of all this can be understood but in compound notions , which are mixt with matter . besides , the explication of things relating to this place and state is very streight and difficult ; because if one express that which belongs unto these separate essences by the term of multitude , according to the use of our common speech , it would seem to denote the notion of multiplicity in them , whereas they are free from it : and if one express that which belongs to them , by the term of separation , it would seem to signifie the notion of unity , which neither can agree to them . and now methinks i see one standing § 84 near , of the number of those bat-mice , whose eyes the sun dazles , to move himself in the chain of his folly ; withall saying , surely thou hast exceeded the mean by this subtilty of thine , in that thou hast far withdrawn thy self from the state and condition of all intelligent men , and hast disdainfully cast away the way and means of understanding intelligible things ; seeing among those things which are determined and resolved on by the understanding , this is one , that every thing in nature is either one , or manifold . but let not such an one make too much haste , let him also abate somewhat of the harshness of his censure , suspect his own judgement , and weigh those things which are to be seen in this vile , despicable world , made up of sensible objects , ( wherein himself also is contained ) after the same manner that hai eb'n yockdan weighed and considered them , when contemplating them one kind of way , he saw them to be many in that kind of multiplicity , which could not be comprehended nor contained within any bounds ; then again , considering them another way , he saw them all to be but one thing : so that he stood in doubt what to think , and was not able to determine either way . so it was with him , and so he thought , although this lower world , made up of the objects of sense , be the proper place of multiplicity and singularity , and that their true nature is understood there , and that therein are found separation and union , severing into parts and distinction , agreeableness , and difference . what therefore should he , or any other , think of the divine world , in or concerning which we cannot justly say , all , or some , neither can we utter any thing concerning what belongs to it , whereto our ears are accustomed . but contrariwise , we are apt to conjecture somewhat concerning it , otherwise than the truth is ; forasmuch as it is such a world , which no one certainly knows besides him who hath seen it ; the true nature and state thereof being also such , as is not conceivable by any one , who hath not reached so far , and attained thereunto . but as for that which he saith , § 85 thou hast transgressed the bounds , and exceeded the natural reach of intelligent men , and rejected the usual means of apprehending an intelligible object , we readily grant it him , and give him leave to go on in his own way , in the company of his intelligent men. for that intelligence which he , and other men like to him , mean , and please themselves in , is that rational faculty which contemplates the singulars or individuals among the objects of sense , and thence fetcheth out upon a diligent search , universal notions ; and the intelligent men , whom he means , are those , who use the same kind of speculation ; whereas that kind of speculation , whereof we speak , is above all these things . wherefore let him stop his ears against it , whosoever understands nothing beyond these sensible objects , and the universals collected from them ; and let him return to his own company , to wit , the society of those , who enquire after , and understand the visible things of this world , being very little , or not at all solicitous for the other . but if thou be one of the number of those , who are satisfied with this kind of marks and characters , whereby we describe that divine world ; neither dost fasten any other interpretation upon our words , than what is commonly put upon them [ or rather , neither fastnest that interpretation upon our words , which is commonly put upon them ] then we will farther declare something to thee concerning that , which hai eb'n yockdan saw in the place and state of those , who are capable of the truth , whom we mention'd before . and it was this . after he had been wholly immerst § 86 in the speculation of these divine things , and altogether abstracted from other objects , so that he truly comprehended these sublime ones , which he thus contemplated ; he saw that the essence of the highest sphere , beyond which there is no body , was immaterial ; yet that it was not the essence of that one and true being , neither was it the sphere it self , nor yet any thing diverse from them both ; but that it resembled the image of the sun , which appears in a smooth , well polisht looking-glass . for that is neither the sun it self , nor the looking-glass , nor yet any thing distinct from them . withall he saw , that such was the perfection , beauty , and brightness of that separate sphere , as was greater than could be exprest by the tongue ; more subtle also , fine , and delicate than could be clothed , as was meet , with humane words , composed of articulate breath , or letters made up of black , inky characters . he saw also , that this supream sphere was placed and settled in the highest degree of delight and joy , exultation and gladness , by reason of the vision of that true and glorious being . he saw also , that the essence of § 87 the next sphere to it , which is the sphere of the fixed stars , was immaterial , being neither the essence of the one and true being , nor of the supream separate sphere , nor the sphere it self , nor yet any thing diverse from them ; but that it was like the image of the sun which is seen in a looking-glass , upon which the resemblance of the sun is reflected from another looking-glass , which was set opposite to the body of the sun. withall he saw , that the brightness , beauty , and delight , agreeing to the essence of this sphere , was like to that of the supream . after the same manner also , he saw that the essence of the next sphere , which is the sphere of saturn , was separate from matter , and that it was none of those essences which he had before seen , nor yet somewhat diverse from them , but that it was like the image of the sun which appears in a looking-glass , upon which the image of the sun was reflected from another looking-glass , set opposite to the body of the sun. withall he saw , that it had the same brightness , and the same delight , which that other sphere of the fixed stars had . and thus he went on , till he saw that every sphere had its separate essence free from all matter ; such an one , as was not any of the foremention'd essences , nor yet diverse from them , but like to the image of the sun reflected from one looking-glass to another , ranked in a set order according to the placing of the spheres . moreover he saw , that every one of these essences had that beauty and brightness , that pleasure and gladness , which neither eye hath seen , nor ear hath heard , and which never came into the heart of man to conceive ; until he came at length to this lower world , subject to generation and corruption , which comprehends all that , which is contained within the sphere of the moon . he saw also , that the essence of § 88 this lower world was separate from matter , and that it was none of those essences which he had seen before , nor yet any thing diverse from them . he saw likewise that it had 70000 faces , and every face 70000 mouths , and every mouth 70000 tongues , wherewith it praised the essence of that one and true being , hallowed , and uncessantly magnified it . withall he saw , that this essence which he supposed to have been liable to multiplicity , although it were not liable thereto , yet had the like perfection , and the like pleasure , which he had seen before in the heavenly spheres ; so that it resembled the image of the sun which appears in the trembling water , and is reflected from the last and lowest of those looking-glasses , to which the reflection came , according to the foremention'd order , from the first looking-glass , which was set opposite to the sun. now after this he saw , that himself also had a separate essence , which ( if it were possible that the foresaid essence of 70000 faces could be divided into parts ) would be a part of it ; and except this essence had been produced a-new out of the state of nothing , we might say were the very same with it ; and except it had been so made , that it properly belonged to his body , and to it alone , as soon as it existed a-new , we might say that it had been hardly produced a-new . and in this order he saw other essences also , like unto his , which had necessarily been heretofore , then were dissolved , and afterward necessarily existed together with himself : and that they were so many as could not be numbred , if we might call them many ; yet that all of them were but one thing , if we might call them one . he saw also , that his own essence , and those other , which were in the same degree with himself , had infinite beauty , brightness , and pleasure , such as neither eye hath seen , nor ear hath heard , nor ever entred into the heart of man ; such as they cannot describe who describe other things , and none can understand , but they who know it by having first attained to it . moreover , he saw many essences § 89 too , that were separate from matter , which resembled rusty looking-glasses , cover'd over with filth , which also turned their backs upon , and had their faces averted from those smooth and fairly polished looking-glasses , that had the image of the sun imprinted upon them . and he saw that these essences had much filthiness adhering to them , and manifold defects ; such , and so many , as he could not have conceived . he saw them also to be afflicted with infinite pains and griefs , which caused incessant sighs and groans ; to be compassed about with torments , as those who lie in bed are with curtains ; to be scorched with the fiery vail of separation ; and to be cut asunder as it were with saws , between the thrusting back , and drawing unto them , the punishments which they suffered . here also he saw other essences besides these , that were in torments , which now appeared , and anon vanished away ; which were sometimes joyned together , and soon after parted asunder . but here he stopt himself ; and having § 90 well considered them in his mind , he saw very great terrours , and as great troubles ; a rabble of folk very busie , and an earnest imployment still going on ; a smoothing and levelling of such as were rough or overswollen , and a blowing up of those who were too low , and cast down ; a production of some , and a destruction of others . but after a very little while , his senses returned to him again , and he awaked out of this state of mind , as out of an ecstasie ; and his feet as it were insensibly sliding away out of this place , the sensible world appeared to him as before , and this divine world departed from him . for this , and that other , wherein we now live , are like two wives belonging to one husband , the one whereof if you seek to please , you will provoke the other unto anger . now if you chance to say , it seems by § 91 that which you have spoken concerning this vision , that separate essences , if they were in a body of perpetual duration , such as is incorruptible , as the heavens are , they also would be of perpetual existence ; but if they be placed in a body , which daily decays , and makes on towards death , ( such an one as belongs to us reasonable creatures ) they also will be liable unto corruption , vanish away , and be reduced to nothing , according to the similitude you proposed of reflecting looking-glasses . for the image so reflected hath no duration of itself , but what depends on the duration of the looking-glass ; so that whensoever the looking-glass is broken , or otherwise defaced , the image is withall most certainly destroyed , and vanisheth out of sight . if any one thus object , i have this to reply : that you have soon forgot the agreement made between us , and transgressed those bounds that were fixed by mutual consent . for did not i tell you before , that the path which we tread in , in passing to the explication of this divine subject , is here very strait and narrow ; and that the words which we use on either side , to express our meaning by , occasion men to think otherwise thereof than indeed it is ? so that the opinion which thou holdest concerning this matter , hath caused thee to pitch upon this determination , that the thing whereto another is compared , and that which is compared with it , are in every particular of the same nature , and condition ; whereas this ought not to be taken for granted , not so much as in any kind of our common discourse ; much less in this place , where ▪ on we even now discoursed ; where the sun and its light , its image and representation , the looking glasses and reflected figures of bodies conspicuous in them are all such things as be not separated from bodies , neither have any subsistence but by them , and in them ; and therefore need them , as requisite to their existence , and cease to be upon their being taken away . but as for the divine essences , and § 92 heroick spirits , they are all free from , and independent of bodies , at a far distance from them , and separate from all that relates unto them . neither is there any connexion between them , or dependence of these upon them : so that it is all one to them , whether the bodies they possess and actuate , abide in the same place , or be removed from thence ; whether they exist , or perish : but their connexion and dependence is from the essence of that one , true , necessarily existent being , which is the first being of all , their principle also and cause , which makes them to exist , gives them the duration of their being , and supplies them with the continuation and perpetuity thereof . neither need they any bodies to subsist in , but the bodies need them to subsist by . for if it were possible that they should be taken away , their bodies also would be taken away with them , seeing that these essences are the principles of those bodies . in like manner , as if it could be supposed , that the essence of the one , true , most high , and holy one , and far removed from any body [ there is no god , besides him ] might be taken away , all these essences would be removed together with him , and their bodies with them ; whereupon this whole sensible world would vanish away , neither would any part thereof remain , seeing all of them have a mutual connexion with each other . yet although this sensible world § 93 doth follow the divine one , as the shadow does the body ; and that the divine world stands in no need of this , but is wholly freed from it , and independent of it ; notwithstanding , it is absurd to suppose , that it will or can be taken quite away , because it so follows the divine world ; but the corruption thereof consists in this , that it be changed , not utterly annihilated . [ and that precious book spake of this , where this notion happened to be mention'd concerning the moving of the mountains , so that they became like wooll , and men like fire flies ; also concerning the darkning of the sun and moon , and the breaking forth of the seas in the day , when the earth shall be changed into another form , and the heavens likewise . ] alc. c. altacwir . &c. akareah . ] and this is the summ of what at present i can relate unto thee , concerning that which hai eb'n yockdan saw in that illustrious state of his ; neither ask of me , that i should any farther use more words to express it , for that is even impossible to be done . but that we may finish his history , § 94 god willing , i shall go farther on to add somewhat more . when he had returned to the sensible world , after this his digression or departure into the divine one , he began to loath , and to be weary of this mortal life here on earth , and to be afflicted with a most eager and earnest desire after the life to come . whereupon he indeavoured a return to that former place and state of speculation , that he might enjoy it in the same manner as he had done before . and he persisted in this studious endeavour of his , until he had attained it ; and that , with less labour than he had done formerly ; withal , this second time he continued longer in the same state , than he had done before . then he returned again to this sensible world , and afterwards the third time betook himself to enter into his former place and state of speculation , which he found somewhat easier to him , than it had been the first and second time ; and his abiding therein continued longer too than formerly . neither did the way of attaining that noble state cease to be still more easie to him , and his continuance in it longer , until at length he had made a progress so far in this way , upon his oft returning to it , that he thereunto attained as oft as he pleased , nor departed therefrom but when he pleased . wherefore he kept constant to this place and state of speculation , nor withdrew himself at any time from it , but when his bodily necessities required it at his hands ; which necessities he had restrained within such narrow bounds , as narrower could hardly be found , or allowed unto him . and whilst he was thus exercised , he often wished that the almighty and most glorious god would free and deliver him altogether from this body of his , which detained him from entring into that place , that so he might entirely and without intermission enjoy the pleasure thereof , and be freed of that pain and grief wherewith he was afflicted , as often as he was forced to avert his mind from that state , by attending on his bodily necessities . now , he continued in this state until he had passed the seventh septenary of his age , that is , till he was fifty years old. and then it hapned that he obtained the society of asal ; the narrative of which meeting of theirs is that , which by gods leave we shall now set down . they report , that there is an § 95 island nigh unto that , wherein hai eb'n yockdan was born , whither a certain sect betook it self to dwell , of the number of those good and vertuous ones , which had some one of the ancient prophets of pious memory for its author . a sect which exprest and made known all things , which had a real existence in nature , by similitudes aptly framed , and fitted to those things ; thus representing their images to the fancy , and fixing their impressions in the minds of men , as is commonly used in our vulgar discourses . neither ceased this sect to spread it self , and prevail , and wax famous in that island , till at length the king himself embraced it , and constrained others also to adhere unto it . now , there were two excellent § 96 men born in this island , and lovers of goodness , ( the name of the one being asal , and of the other , salaman ) who meeting with this sect , embraced it after the best and most perfectmanner , addressing themselves to observe all its precepts , and being continually conversant in the works thereby required ; and to this end , they entred into a league of friendship with each other . now , among other passages contained in the law of that sect , they sometimes made enquiry into those words wherein it treats of the description of the most high , and most glorious god , and of his angels ; also , of the resurrection , and of the rewards and punishments after the end of this life . and whilst they were busied in these enquiries , asal began to search farther into the inmost natures of things , was more enclined to search into the mystical senses of words , and diligently imploied himself about interpreting them . but salaman , his friend and fellow-student , chiefly observed the outside , and visible surface of the law , which appeared to him at first sight ; restrained himself more from interpretations , and abstained from all curious examining and speculation of things . notwithstanding , both of them in the mean time , were very careful and diligent in performing all such outward works as their law enjoyned , in recalling themselves to the rule of reason whereby to guide their actions , and maintaining a constant fight , in contending against their unruly passions , and inordinate affections . but whereas there were contained § 97 in that law certain sayings , which seemed to exhort and incourage men to affect solitude , and embrace a solitary life , withal intimating that in such a kind of state happiness and salvation consisted ; and other sayings which seemed to exhort men unto civil acquaintance and fellowship , and applying themselves to enter into , and embrace humane society : asal addicted his mind to seek after solitude , and prefer'd those sayings of his law which tended thitherward , seeing that by nature he was much given to uncessant contemplation , and to seek after the unfolding of things , and searching into the signification of words ; for he had great hopes of attaining to his ends by this study , through the advantages which a solitary life afforded him . but salaman , on the other side applied himself to humane society , and mutual commerce , chiefly valuing those sayings of the law which tended that way , because that by nature he was inclined to a dread of contemplation , and the more subtle examining of things ; and therefore loved humane society , because it drove away evil thoughts , and banished that diversity of opinions , which intruded themselves into his mind ; and withal withdrew him from hearkning to , or attending the motions and solicitations of evil spirits . and the difference of their opinions concerning this one thing waxed so great , that it caused them at length to take their leave of each other . now asal had heard of that island , § 98 wherein we have related that hai eb'n yockdan had his breeding . he knew also the fertility and conveniencies thereof , and the healthful temper of its air ; so that it would afford him such a commodious retirement as he had in his wishes . he resolved therefore to go thither , and withdraw himself from humane society for the remainder of his life . so then , having gathered together all his goods , with part thereof he hired a ship to convey him into that island , and distributed the rest unto the poor ; and having taken his farewell of his friend salaman , he committed himself unto the sea. and the mariners transporting him into the island in a short space of time , as soon as they had set him on shore , departed from him . thus asal abode in that island , serving the almighty and most glorious god , magnifying him , and meditating upon his glorious names , and noble attributes . neither was his mind interrupted , or his thoughts disturbed , whilst he was busied in these meditations . but when he had any need of food , he took of the fruits of the island , or of what he got by hunting , as much as satisfied his hunger . and in this state he continued for a while , in the mean time enjoying the greatest pleasure imaginable , and the most entire tranquillity of mind , arising from the converse and communication which he had with his lord ; whereby he saw , through the daily experience he had of his favours , and most pretious gifts , and that he readily presented him with those things which he sought for , to wit , the necessaries of life ; he saw , i say , that which confirmed the certainty of his faith in him , and afforded him no small comfort . now whilst he was thus exercised , § 99 hai eb'n yockdan was wholly taken up with his high and heavenly speculations , neither came he forth of his cell above once in a week , to the end that he might get him some food , which he could hap to meet with . and this was the reason , why asal at his first coming into the island , did not so soon light upon him , as otherwise he might . for as he walked round about the shore , and compassed the utmost bounds of the island on every side , he neither saw any man , nor could perceive the footsteps of any one ; from whence his joy was much increased and heightned , and his mind exceedingly pleased , in regard of his compassing that design which he had set to himself , and so earnestly sought after , to wit , solitariness and retirement . but at last it fell out , that hai § 100 eb'n yockdan coming forth of his cell to get him some food , at the same time wherein asal also was come near the place , that each of them cast their eyes upon the other . now as for asal , he doubted not but that the man he saw was one of those religious persons , who had devoted themselves to solitude , and therefore had betook himself to that island , that he might withdraw himself from humane converse , as he in like manner had retired himself thither for the same end : he was afraid therefore , lest in case he met him , and made himself known unto him , he should disturb that state and condition of life , wherein he saw him ingaged ; and by that means , become an impediment to him in compassing his hopes , and accomplishing his desires . but as for hai eb'n yockdan , he knew not what to make of that sight ; for he soon perceived that he was like in shape to none of those living creatures which he had seen before . and whereas he saw him clothed with a black coat , made up of hair and wooll , which he took for a certain natural kind of covering , he stood a long while wondering at it . whereupon asal turning his back , fled from him , fearing lest he should divert him from attending that , wherein he was so intentively busied . but hai eb'n yockdan followed him , out of an innate desire he had to know the truth of things . yet when he saw that he ran away from him , as fast as possible he could , he stopt , and withdrew , and hid himself from him ; so that asal thought he was returned , and gone far away from that place where he had seen him . hereupon , he began to apply himself , as his custom was , to his prayers and reading , to invocation and weeping , to supplication and complaints , until these exercises had wholly averted him from minding any other thing . in the mean time , hai eb'n yockdan § 101 by little and little drew near to him , asal not at all perceiving it , until at length he came so nigh as to overhear his reading , and the praises which he uttered ; to take notice also of his humble gesture , and the knocking of his breast , whence he heard a voice to proceed which was very pleasing to him , consisting of letters digested into order , the like whereto he had never observed before in any kind of animals . when he also took notice of the form and lineaments of his body , he saw that he was one of the same shape with himself ; and it appeared to him , that the coat which he wore was not his own natural skin , but an habit borrowed elsewhere , like to his own garment which he had on . and when he observed the comeliness of his submiss , and lowly gesture , accompanied with his supplication , and weeping , he doubted not but he was one of those essences , which had the knowledge of the true one , and therefore had a great desire to be acquainted with him , coveting to see what was the matter with him , with the cause of his weeping and supplication . whereupon he drew nearer to him , until asal perceiving it , betook himself again to his heels ; and hai eb'n yockdan likewise ( answerably to that vigour and power , both of knowledge and body which god had bestowed upon him ) pursued him with all his might , untill he had overtaken him , then seized on him , and held him fast , so that he could not make his escape from him . now , when asal beheld him clothed § 102 with the hairy skins of brute animals , and the hair of his head so ▪ long that it covered a great part of his body ; when he saw also , that he was so swift in his running , and so able for strength of body , he was very much afraid of him , and began for to pacifie him with gentle stroaking of him , seconded with kind words and humble entreaties , which hai eb'n yockdan did not understand , nor knew what they meant . only he observed signs of fear in him . he therefore did what he could to allay that fear of his , by such kinds of voices as he had learned of certain brute creatures . he also gently stroaked his head , and both sides of his neck , with his hand , entertained him with very kind looks and gestures , and made shew of much joy and gladness , till asal's fear was asswaged at last , and he perceived that no harm was meant to him . now asal long before , out of his § 103 earnest desire to obtain the knowledge of things , had learned most languages , and was well skill'd in them . he began therefore to bespeak hai eb'n yockdan , and to interrogate him concerning his condition , in every tongue that he knew , and endeavoured , what he could , to make him understand what he said . but he could not effect what he intended . on the other side , hai eb'n yockdan , taking notice of all this , wondred at that which he heard , as being ignorant of what it meant . he observed only the ferenity of asal's countenance , and manifest signs of the good will he bare him . thus each of them wondred at the condition of the other . afterward , asal having kept still § 104 by him some remainders of that food which he had brought with him out of the island wherein he had lately dwelt , offer'd them to hai eb'n yockdan ; but he knew not what it was , as having never seen any such food before . asal therefore , as he was eating some of it , made signs to him that he also should eat of the same with him . but hai eb'n yockdan , considering those laws whereto he had tied himself concerning the taking of his food , and seeing he knew not what was the nature of that food which was set before him , and so whether or no it was lawful for him to take ought of it , restrained himself from eating whereupon , asal ceased not to intreat him and kindly to invite him thereunto . so that hai eb'n yockdan , being very much taken with his company , and fearing that if he still persisted to deny him , he should alienate his affection from him , and lose his acquaintance , at length was perswaded to take part of that meat , and to eat of it . but as soon as he had tasted it , and found it very pleasant , it seemed to him that he had done ill , in that he had broken his contract , and the resolution he had made to himself touching the conditions about taking his food . he repented him therefore of what he had done , and had a mind to withdraw himself from asal , and betake himself to his former state of life , by indeavouring to return unto his former exercise of divine speculation . but when he saw , that this his intellectual § 105 vision did not presently return to him , as formerly it had , he judged it best for him , to abide so long with asal in this sensible world , until he might be certified of the truth of his condition ; so that after this , there might remain no farther inclination towards him , and then he might return to his former place and state , without any diversion from without , or distraction from within . wherefore he applied himself to the society of asal , who seeing that he was not able to speak , was well assured , that no damage could arise to his religion by keeping company with him ; but contrariwise , he hoped that he might teach him speech , knowledge and religion , whence he should obtain a very great reward , and a nearer approach unto god. he began therefore to teach him how to speak : first , by shewing to him the particular things which he was to name , then by uttering their names , which after he had repeated to him again and again , he moved him also to pronounce them as himself had done ; which he accordingly did , applying each word to the thing thereby signified , until at length he had taught him the names of them all . and thus by set degrees he leisurely advanced him so far , that in a short time he was able to speak his mind . then asal began to interrogate him § 106 concerning his condition , and from whence he came into that island . but hai eb'n yockdan , in his reply , told him , that he knew not what original he had , nor who was his father , nor any mother that he had besides the female roe , which had bred him up . then he declared to him his whole state and condition of life , and what progress he had made in knowledge , until at length he had attained unto that degree of conjunction with god. when therefore asal had heard from him the declaration of those truths which he related , of those essences which are separated from the sensible world , and which have the knowledge of the essence , of that true , most potent , and glorious one ; and when he had heard him describe the essence of him , who is the supream , the most mighty , true and glorious one , with all his glorious attributes ; and had explained to him , as much as he could explain of that , which he had seen upon his attaining to that conjunction , and converse which he had with god , concerning the joys of those who are near united unto god , and the sad griefs of those who are separated from him ; he doubted not , but that all those things which were deliver'd in his law , touching the mandate of the mighty and glorious god , as also of his angels and books , of his messengers and the last day , of his paradise , lastly , and fire , were similitudes or representations of those things , which hai eb'n yockdan had seen ; so that the eyes of his heart were opened , and his mind illuminated , whenas he saw , that the same which was apprehended and discerned by reason , and that which he had received by tradition , agreed so well together . for the ways of interpretation now became easie to him , neither remained any thing dark or difficult in those precepts which he had received , that was not now plain and perspicuous ; nor shut up , that was not opened ; nor deep and profound , which was not now made manifest and apparent to him . by this means his intellectual faculty grew strong and vigorous , and for that reason he had hai eb'n yockdan in so great honour and admiration , that he exceedingly magnified and reverenced him , and assured himself that he was one of the saints of god , such as were not molested with any terrifying fear at present , nor should hereafter be afflicted with any kind of grief or pain . whereupon he addressed himself to wait upon him , to imitate him , and to follow his counsels in the performance of such works as he had occasion to make use of , namely , those legal ones , which he had formerly learned in the books of his religion . then hai eb'n yockdan began to § 107 interrogate him also concerning his affairs , and the condition of his life , intreating him that he would declare them to him . asal accordingly began to describe unto him the state of that island wherein he had lived , and from whence he came ; what kind of men inhabited it , and what kind of life they led before that religious sect came thither ; in what state also the island was , after its coming thereinto . he explained to him also all those things , that were delivered in the law , concerning the description of the divine world , of paradise and the fire of gehenna , of the awakening and resurrection of mankind ; of their gathering together unto judgment , and the account then to be given up ; of the ballances wherein men's actions were to be weighed , and the way through which they must pass . now hai eb'n yockdan understood all these things , neither judged he any of them disagreeable to that which he had seen in his sublime place or state of contemplation . and from hence he knew that he who had thus declared these things , and delivered them unto men , had thereby delivered the truth in so declaring them , and that in these his sayings he was a true and faithful messenger sent from his lord. whereupon , he believed him , and acknowledged the truth of what he said , and gave testimony to his mission . then he began to ask him concerning § 108 the precepts which the messenger of god had deliver'd , and the rites of worship which he had ordained . asal therefore declared them to him , namely , prayer , alms , fasting , pilgrimage , and the like external works ; which hai eb'n yockdan thereupon received , and embraced , and took upon him to perform them , in obedience to the command of the law-giver , as being assured of the truth and fidelity of him who delivered the same . notwithstanding two things yet stuck in his mind , neither could he perceive any manner or kind of reason in them . the one was , why the messenger of god , in describing most things which relate to the divine world , used to express them unto men by parables or similitudes , and waved a perspicuous explication of them ; by which means a great part of mankind were made apt to fall into that errour of asserting a corporeity in god , and so believing somewhat concerning the essence of that true one , which is far from it , and from which it is absolutely free ; and in like manner , concerning those things which relate to the rewards and punishments of the other world. the other was , that he proceeded no farther than those precepts , and the rites of worship , permitting men to study and seek after the getting of wealth , and to enjoy their liberty as to matter of food ; by which means they vainly imployed themselves about vain things , and turned away from the truth . whereas his judgment was , that no more nor any other kind of food , ought to be taken by any one , but such , and so much , as wherewith he may sustain the remainder of his life . and as for riches , he judged them of no value at all . when he therefore took notice of what was set down and prescribed in the law , concerning what belonged to the use and employment of riches , namely , in the bestowing of alms , in the distribution of them , and trading with them ; also , concerning usury , mulcts , and punishments ; all these seemed strange and uncouth unto him . for he judged them all to be superfluous , saying , that if men would judge of the matter according to truth , they would certainly withdraw themselves from those vain things , and follow the truth ; which if they did , all that was written in the law concerning them , would become superfluous ; neither would any man challenge the propriety in riches , as to exact his debts , or to cause his hand to be cut off who privily stole them ; or their lives to be taken away who openly robbed him of them . thus he thought , and that which § 109 prompted him to this perswasion was this , that he judged all men to be indued with an ingenuous disposition , and a quick understanding , and a mind constant to it self ; whereas he was ignorant , how dull and blockish they were , how void of understanding , how ill advised , and how inconstant in their resolutions ; insomuch that they were wholly like unto brutes , yea more apt than they to wander out of the way , wherein they are directed to walk by the law of nature . seeing then he was affected with a great deal of pity towards mankind , and had an earnest desire that the procurement of their good and welfare might be wrought by his means , a resolution came into his mind of going over to them , that so he might put himself in a capacity of unfolding and declaring to them the truth of things . this therefore he made known to his companion asal , and asked him whether he could find out any way , whereby he might come to the speech of them , and discourse with them . asal contrariwise signified to him § 110 their want of ingenuity , and how averse they were from obeying the commands of god ; but he could not understand it , in that his mind was very intent and fixt upon that which he hoped to compass . asal also very much desired , that god by his means would direct in the right way some of his late companions and acquaintance , whom he had left behind him in the island whence he came ; such namely , as were more docile and plyant , and willing to follow a good guide , being not so far distant from sincerity as others . so then , he was ready to further this design and endeavour of hai eb'n yockdan . whereupon , it seemed good unto them both , to betake themselves unto the sea-shore , nor to depart thence either by day or night , till god should please to afford them an opportunity of crossing the sea. and all the while they were intent upon this , they made their prayers and supplications unto the most high god , that he would please to direct them in this their business , and bring it to an happy issue . now it came to pass by the appointment § 111 of the most mighty and glorious god , that the winds and waves drove a ship , which had swerved from her intended course in her passage through the sea , to the shore of that island . and as it drew nearer to land , they who were in it seeing two men upon the shore , made towards them . then asal calling to them , desired them to carry him , and his companion along in the ship with them ; who when they had yielded to this request , and taken them both into the ship , god granted them a ready wind , which in a very short space of time conveyed them to the isle which they desired ; where being arrived , they went forth of the ship , and landed , and soon after entred into the city . whither as soon as they were come , asal's friends came about him , to whom he made known the state and condition of hai eb'n yockdan . whereupon , they flocked together , very earnestly desiring to see and talk with him , as having a great opinion of him ; so that gathering about him , they highly magnified and reverenced him . then asal told him , that these islanders were of that sect of men which excelled all others in understanding and sharpness of apprehension ; so that if he were not able to instruct them in the truth , and make them learn the lessons which he should teach them , much less would he be able to teach the vulgar sort of men. now the prince , and sovereign of § 112 this island was salaman , the friend of asal , who had thought it best to apply himself unto humane society , and judged it unlawful to give himself over unto solitude . wherefore hai eb'n yockdan began to instruct them , and to unfold unto them the mysteries of wisdom . but when he began , in the progress of his discourse , to proceed but a little beyond that , which was plain and obvious to them ; and to inculcate that , the contrary whereto had been settled , and deeply rooted in their minds , they began to withdraw themselves from him , and their minds had an abhorrence for what he spake ; so that inwardly in their hearts they were angry with him , though in his presence they made shew of good will towards him , and paid him honour , in regard he was a stranger amongst them ; and out of the observance which they thought due to his friend asal . yet hai eb'n yockdan ceased not day and night to deal gently with them , and to clear the truth to them , both publickly and privately . but this had no other effect than to increase their enmity and ill will towards him , and to cause them to flie off , and remove farther from him , though otherwise they were lovers of that which was good , and desirous of the truth . howbeit through the fault and corruption of their nature , they sought not the truth in the right way , neither understood it as the nature of it required , nor searched out the way leading thereto , with that diligence and constancy , as was requisite to find the truth out at length , but sought the knowledge thereof only after the vulgar fashion , as ordinary men do ; insomuch that he despaired of their amendment , and the correcting of their errours , and all hope failed him of reducing them to a better condition , because he perceived that what he spake was not acceptable to them . and afterwards , when he looked § 113 round about him , and diligently consider'd the various ranks and orders , conditions and degrees of men , he saw that every sort and society of them pleased themselves , and rejoyced in that which they had and possest at present ; and made choice of their lusts for their god , which they assumed to themselves for the object of their worship . withall , that they lost and destroyed themselves in seeking after , and gathering together the empty , worthless , trifling vanities of the world ; the eager desire of getting them into their hands , still blinding their eyes , and captivating them by means of their delusive fancies , even until they came to their graves : and that , on the contrary , no sound advice would prevail with them , nor good words move them , nor reproof work any other effect upon them , unless to cause them to go on the more obstinately in their former ways , which they had chosen to walk in ; but that , as for wisdom , they found no way or access to it , neither did any portion thereof belong to them , [ folly hath wholly overwhelmed and covered them , and that which they so eagerly sought after , hath seised on their hearts like rust ; god hath sealed up their hearts and ears , a thick mist is before their eyes , and a grievous punishment abides them . alc. c. 83. sc. altafif . &c. 2. ] whenas therefore he saw them § 114 compassed about with punishments as with a curtain , and covered over with darkness as with a vail , and that all of them , a few only excepted , held their religion no otherwise , than with respect to the world ; and though the exercises thereof were but light and easie , yet they cast them behind their backs , and made little or no account of them ; that merchandise and trading so far took up and possessed their minds , as to take them quite off from the remembrance of the most high god , so that they never feared whither they were going , or what would become of them at the end of their journey ; their hearts and eyes being constantly imployed about their worldly affairs : when , i say , he saw all this , it was apparent to him , and he held it for certain , that it was impossible for him to speak unto them to any purpose , after the way of a plain , free , and open proposal ; neither that it was expedient , any works should be enjoyned them beyond this measure , and that the benefit which accrued to the common sort of men by the law , was wholly placed in relation to their life in this world ; to wit , that the course and manner of their life , whilst they continued here , should proceed on in good order , so that none of them should be injurious to another in respect of those things which he could properly call his own : but that none of them obtained the felicity of the other world , except a very few ; those namely , who make themselves ready for it , and rightly indeavour the obtaining of it , that is , such an one , who believes and follows the truth . but as for him who errs from the way of truth , and prefers a worldly life before it , hell shall be his place of habitation . and what sorer labour , or more grievous misery than his , whose works if thou well consider , from the time that he wakeneth out of sleep , till he return again to it , there will not be found so much as one amongst them , whereby he studies not , and imploies his endeavour , for the obtaining of some end of his , arising out of these sensible things that are of no value ; namely , either out of riches , to heap them up ; or pleasure , which he may take ; or lust , which he may satisfie ; or wrath and revenge whereby he may pacifie his mind ; or power , whereby he may defend himself ; or some outward work commanded by the law , whereof he may make a vain-glorious shew ; or whereby he may save his own neck . [ now all these things are darkness upon darkness in the depth of the sea , neither is there any of you who doth not enter in thither , for such is the unchangeable decree of the lord. l. alc. c. al. nur. &c. miriam . ] whenas therefore he understood § 115 the state and condition of men to be such as this , and saw that most of them might be justly ranked amongst irrational creatures , he knew that all wisdom and direction of life , and correction of errors , was grounded on , and consisted in that , which the messengers of god spake , and the law had delivered unto them ; and that no other rule could be possibly attained , or any thing added thereunto ; also , that men were destined to every work which they undertook , and that every man was more especially capable of that whereunto he was disposed by nature ; and that those , who long ago departed , were not destitute of the law of god , neither hath there been any change at any time found in that law. whereupon , returning to salaman , and those that were of his way , he craved pardon for those things which he had said unto them , and entreated them to excuse him , seeing that he was of the same opinion with them , and approved of the same way wherein they walked ; withal exhorting them to stick to their resolution , and avowed custom , concerning the ends of the law ▪ , and the observing of outward works , without intruding themselves into , or intermedling with that which belonged not to them ; and that in doubtful things they would give credit , and yield a ready assent to those rules and lessons which they had of old received ; that they would shun and detest new opinions , and alienate themselves from all corrupt affections ; that they would follow the steps of their pious ancestors , and forsake novelties . he gave them also in charge , that they would avoid that neglect of the laws , which is seen in the vulgar sort of men , and the love of the world ; and this he chiefly bad them take heed of . for he , and his friend asal well knew , that as for this ductile and obsequious , but weak and defective sort of men , they could not otherwise obtain salvation and happiness , than by this means ; and that if they were forced away and taken off from hence , to make a curious search into , and examination of high matters , their condition would be much worse , insomuch that it were impossible for them to obtain the state and degree of the blessed ; but that they would be still wavering and uncertain in their motions , and tossed up and down , so that at last they would meet with a bad end . but on the contrary , if they continued in that state wherein they were at present , until death seised on them , they would at length obtain salvation , and be placed amongst those who stand at the right hand . but as for those that forepassed , and out-went them , they took place withal of them ; yet these came next after , and approached near to them . thus he and asal , after these admonitions , § 116 having bid farewell to prince salaman and his islanders , took their leave of them , and waited for an opportunity of returning unto that desert island from whence they both lately came ; until at length the most mighty and glorious god was pleased to afford them a convenient passage thither . whither when they were come , hai eb'n yockdan sought to return unto his former sublime state of speculation , in the same way and by the same means , whereby he had heretofore attained to it , until within a while he recovered it . and asal followed his example , until he had well nigh attained thereunto , or at least came but very little short of it . and thus they worshipped god in that island , until death at last seised upon them . and this is that ( god assist thee , § 117 and us by his spirit ) which we have received of the history of hai eb'n yockdan , of asal also and salaman ; in setting down whereof we have made choice of such kind of words , as are found in no other book , nor are accustomed to be heard in our vulgar speech : and it is a part of that hidden knowledge , which no one receiveth , but he that knoweth god ; nor any one is ignorant of , but he who hath not the right knowledge of god. we indeed , in handling this subject , have gone in a different way from that of our pious ancestors , as to the silencing of these things , and forbearing to divulge them . but that which easily perswaded us to the publishing of this secret , and the breaking through this vail , was the multiplicity and diversity of those corrupt and perverse opinions , which have arose in this our time , being devised by some bastard philosophers of this age , and divulged among the people ; insomuch that they are now spred abroad into several countries , and the mischief proceeding from thence is grown too common ; so that we are solicitous in behalf of the weak ( who have rejected that which they had received by tradition from the prophets of pious memory , and made choice of that , which hath been delivered by foolish men ) lest they should think those opinions to be a secret , that ought to be withheld from them , who are not capable of it ; and lest this conceit should heighten and increase their favour towards them , and by that means they would have a more eager appetite after them . we thought good therefore to present them with a slight view of this secret of secrets , whereby we may lead them into the way of truth , and avert them from that wrong path. nevertheless we have not committed the said mysteries to these few leaves , without a thin vail for a covering , which will easily be disclosed by those who are capable of understanding them ; but thick and gross to every one , who is unworthy and unfit to proceed farther , so that it will be impossible for him to pierce through it with his eyes . but now i crave pardon of as many § 118 of my brethren , as shall read this treatise , that they would excuse me in regard of those things , which i have so readily declared , and so freely described ; seeing i had not done so , unless i had been elevated to those heights which transcend the reach of humane sight , and that i studied to render my discourse easie to be understood , by a right ordering thereof , that so i might quicken and excite in men a desire of entring into the right way . so i crave mercy and pardon of god , and that he would please to bring us to the true and certain knowledge of himself ; for he is bountiful , and liberal of his favours . peace be to thee , my brother , whose promotion is decreed , and the mercy and blessing of god come upon thee . the end . let praise be given to god alone . theologia ruris , sive schola & scala naturae : or , the book of nature , leading us , by certain degrees , to the knowledge and worship of the god of nature . theologia ruris , sive schola & scala naturae : or , the book of nature , leading us , by certain degrees , to the knowledge and worship of the god of nature . how hardly and unwillingly am i forced from you , o ye pleasant fields , ye hospitable shades , ye green grassy hills , ye clear running brooks , and most pure , gentle air ! i have spent the day , as innocently , as delightfully , amongst you . i have sucked in , and then breathed forth , in alternate motions , the fresh air of the spring , with equal pleasure ; and whilst my eyes wandred up and down to contemplate , on every side , this delightful variety , i was of a suddain in a manner inchanted , and besides my self ; so that forgetting where i was , i could not stir from the place , but stood fixed in a rapture of joy and admiration , upon the contemplation of this earthly paradise . but god grant , that i may so fix my eyes here , and gratifie my senses , as not to neglect the improvement of my mind , which consists in making good use of the pleasures you afford me , and all the rest of mankind ; and so following your conduct , as to make my way unto him , to whom you conduct me . o thou , who art the original and end of nature , from whom all this beautiful variety of creatures proceeded , and to whom they tend , make all these pleasures advantageous , and saving to me . oh , what else mean these allurements of wantonizing nature , this youthfulness of our mother earth in her old age , neat , and trim , and decking her self with flowry garlands , like a young sprightly bird ? is she at all this cost and pains , to please the fancy of fools , who are wholly led by sense , and can see no farther than their bodily eyes discover ? no sure . know therefore , o man , that nature , in this gay and most delightful spectacle , opens a large book unto thee ; a book as profitable , as it is pleasant ; a book , which if thou attentively lookest upon , and constantly studiest , thou wilt find therein as many letters , as there be flowers of the spring , piles of grass , or drops of dew . these letters of single creatures , when they are fitly joyned together , ( as by divine providence , so by humane meditation ) meet as it were in words ; and those words , through the vicissitudes of certain seasons , close in set periods . yea more : there is an entire sense in every letter . for dost thou not see , how perfect and compleat the several creatures are , when taken apart , and single ; how self-sufficient ; how fairly provided , and well furnisht , with what is requisite for their preservation , and well-being ? sufficient also for thee , if thou bring a clear , and well-purged mind to the contemplation and use of them ? thou beholdest this ample furniture of nature , the variety of utensils and ornaments in this great house of the world , which is the palace and temple of the great god ; and thou judgest , that it is all thine , because it serves to thy use . be it so . but then consider too , whose thy self art ; and learn what thou owest unto him , by what thou hast received from him . for dost thou think , that thou art so highly valuable , as that for thy sake alone , and the concerns of this mortal life , the heavens above thy head should whirle perpetually round , and observe their set laws of motion ? that the sun , moon , and stars should send down their light , and heat , and variety of influences ? and withal , that the plants , and brute creatures here below , should serve thy uses only , and maintain thy life by their own death and destruction ? doth the great sun , thinkest thou , that high steward , and universal dispenser of golden light , and life-preserving heat , manage the set courses of day and night , of summer and winter , and order the alternate motions of the vapours in their ascents and descents , and their removes hither and thither towards the several quarters of the heavens , meerly to wait upon thee , or to applaud himself at thy approbation ? sure thou canst not think so . for thou art not the utmost end of the creation , but the means or instrument , whereby the rest of the inferiour creatures make their recourse unto that god , from whom they originally proceeded . and ( as it is usually seen in the feasts of great princes ) god calleth thee into this richly furnisht palace of his , not to be a judge but a witness of his munificence ; neither furnisheth he his large spread table with such variety of dishes , for the pampering of the guests , but for the praise of himself the entertainer , who is the soveraign lord and father of the whole family . thou then hast not the absolute command , but the sole use of nature . but what use ? that by the guidance thereof , thou mayest be directed to walk onwards towards god , to ascend still higher towards him by set steps , and insensible degrees , and so acknowledge the author of nature to be thy father , to praise his bounty , admire his wisdom , and imbrace his love. neither doth nature lead thee towards god by a far-fetched and winding compass , but in a short and straight line . the sun waits upon the rain , and dew ; the rain and dew , upon the grass ; the grass serves the cattle ; the cattle serve thee ; and if thou serve god , then thou makest good the highest link in that golden chain , whereby heaven is joyned unto earth . then thou standest where thou oughtest to stand , in the uppermost round of that divine ladder , next to the most high. then thou shewest and approvest thy self to be indeed , what thou wert designed by god to be , the high priest and orator of the universe , because thou alone , amongst all the creatures here below , art endued with understanding to know him , and speech to express thy knowledge of him , by thy praises of him , and prayers unto him . so that all the rest of the creation , by the ministry and mediation of thy mouth , pay the just tribute of laud and thanks to the great creator ; and are all joyned according to their several distances and degrees , unto the most wise maker and governour of the world , by the interposition of thy mind , which alone understandeth both , and considereth their relation to each other . but if thou never observest the sky with thine eyes , but to guess at rain , and fair weather : if thy looking up to heaven be bounded with the starry firmament : or if , like the vapours which arise out of the earth , thou never mountest upwards but to fall down more gross and thick , as they do in mists and rain , in snow and frost : thou hast then that in thy station which bears thee downwards , and causeth thee to lie groveling on the earth . indeed , if thou removest from thee the love and honour of god , and the contemplation of him who dwelleth in the heavens , thou hast no just cause to raise thy self above the brutes , thy fellow inhabitants of this lower world. for the sun ariseth , and the rain falls , as well for them , as for thee . the earth for their use waxeth green , and flourisheth , and bringeth forth abundance of provisions in all variety of plenty . and all this it yieldeth to them , neither wounded by the plough , nor watered by the sweat of the tiller . yea nature , in these things , is a more indulgent nurse and mother unto them , than unto thee , by imparting to them more strong native abilities , an healthfuller body , a securer ease and rest , and a natural sort of clothing , which never grows old , or thread-bare . whereas beggerly thou art fain to rob and strip these brute creatures , that thou maist be clothed with their spoils ; and all thy bravery is at best but borrowed . in this alone thou excellest the brutes , that thou knowest god , and art inabled to contemplate his perfections ; and , by vertue of that contemplation , to love and serve him , who is the maker of all ; whereas , in other respects , thou art inferiour to the meanest of them , and below the very lowest . therefore raise up thy self still higher towards god , in thy meditations and affections ; for thou maist do this , even whilst thou lookest downwards . thou maist behold the wisdom and power , and goodness of heaven , even when thou lookest upon the earth under thy feet ; and contemplate the image of god with steady eyes in these inferiour looking-glasses of his works , at whose brightness , as he is seen in his heavenly majesty , the eyes of the most eagle-eyed beholders are dazled ; insomuch that the seraphims themselves are fain to cover their faces with their wings . this then god requires at thy hands ; or , if it be meet to say so , desires of thee . and withal , it is a duty , which all his other works call aloud upon thee to perform , as themselves go before thee in performing the like , according to their several kinds ; and thereby both incourage , and oblige thee thereunto , through their example . god would be seen by thee in all of them , but with clear sighted , and well purged eyes ; such eyes , which attentively consider , and considering duly value his divine wisedom , greatness , and goodness , without having respect to thine own interest and advantage . if therefore thou lightest upon snails or caterpillers , which gnaw thy fruits , and deface the glory of thy orchards , and gardens ; thou oughtest not to fix thy eyes so much upon the loss thou fustainest by them , as upon the wit , and artifice , and industry of nature , which plays and sports as it were in the skins and shells of these contemptible creatures , by adorning them so beautifully , and painting them over with such delightful variety of unimitable checker-works , and embroideries ; so that thou maist justly admire that which thou treadest upon , in the curious workmanship bestowed upon the vilest insects ; and canst not choose but highly commend the excellent contrivance of all , even the most despicable creatures , by the wisdom of divine providence , which so frameth and ordereth them , that even that , which indamageth thee , cannot but delight thee . when thou likewise takest a view of thy flocks and herds , thou hast not sufficiently perfected thy meditations on them , and discharged thy duty in that work , if thou only computest how much wooll thou shalt have this june , how many lambs this year , how many young colts are growing up for thy plough or saddle , how many fat bullocks for the stall , and at what price to be sold the next fair. neither is it enough for thee to survey thy arable lands , only to guess how many bushels of grain such a quantity of acres will yield thee . it is far more worthy of thee , and proper for thee , thus to reckon , and reason with thy self : all these i am richly supplied with by the liberal hand of god ; and they all perform that service for my use and advantage , which they owe not unto me . shall i then either deny , or neglect that service , which is due unto my god , who hath so freely and undeservedly bestowed them all upon me ? shall i cause that chain of god's works , wherein and whereby they are so orderly linked unto him , the maker and sovereign disposer of all , to be broken off through my default ? shall i who am a debtor to god for all these , repay nothing to him ? but what shall i return unto god ? my duties and services reach not him , neither can any thing properly be repayed to him , who is the owner of all things . but though thou canst give back nothing to him by way of repaiment , yet thou maist humbly and dutifully receive his gifts , return hearty and constant thanks to him for the receit , use them soberly and chearfully , and so approve thy self a meet receiver , a candid accepter , and a prudent manager of the divine bounty . whensoever also thou walkest forth to recreate thy self , as thou walkest amidst the pleasant fields , the flowry meadows , the cool groves , and shady woods , delightfully varied , and interlaced with clear running brooks , and winding rivulets ; think not that these delicious tempe's , and terrestrial paradises , which thou beholdest here below , are to be looked upon only as pleasant walks , wherewith to divert thy mind , when it is over-burd'ned with cares , or tired with business ; and to refresh thy senses with a pleasing variety of new objects , on every side offering themselves to delight thee , as thou passest along amidst them . no ; there is far more to be gained from them , and which the god of nature expects from thee . for that which thou so pleasingly beholdest in all this variety , which surroundeth thee on all sides , and exposeth it self unto thy view , thou oughtest to look upon as man's school , and god's temple . thou pleasest thy self with the pretty purling noise of that clear small rivulet , which runs with a trembling motion , among the pure party-coloured pebbles . but thou shouldest consider , that this soft gentle murmur yields thee not this pleasure , meerly to invite thee unto sleep , as thou liest down carelesly on the bank of the rivulet . no ; it teacheth thee a lesson far more excellent , than this harmonious musick of the purling stream . for this continued course of the water , which passing through several turnings , winding circuits , and interrupting by-falls , by reason of rough , uneven places , which it meets with in its channel , yet never loseth its way , nor stops its current , nor is ever weary of running , till it find its way home again into the ocean sea , from whence it had its original : this continued course , i say , of the stream teacheth thee this useful lesson , that thou never make a stop in thy course of piety and vertue , nor ever rest in making thy way forward still , till thou arrive at that boundless ocean of the deity , whence thou , with all the rest of the creatures , originally proceededst , and so at length be swallowed up in that abyss of felicity . thou art also hereby admonished to take care in the mean time , whilst thou art passing thorow this world , that neither the manifold turnings , and winding meanders of humane life , nor the various impediments which constantly attend all secular affairs , hinder thee in thy passage ; nor the sudden down-falls , occasioned by unexpected evils , and mischances , that we meet with in our travel , which also deject and precipitate so many , as they are journeying onwards , interrupt thy course thitherward , and so stop thy farther progress in the way to heaven . and as the clear , bright face of the heavens is not discerned but in clear and calm waters , so clear and calm souls only reflect the splendid image of the god of heaven , not such as are troubled and disturbed with furious lusts and passions , as with so many tempestuous winds ; or muddied with gross , earthly affections , and the foul vicious habits of sin. moreover , when at any time thou risest early , and goest forth in the morning , the very first sight which thou beholdest is a ready reward of thy diligence ; the sun , i mean , which ariseth amidst a most pleasing diversity of variously colour'd clouds ; and shedding its orient beams of light upon the small round drops of dew , which hang upon the tops of flowers , the leaves of the lower shrubs , and spires of the verdant grass , reflects its bright face in them as in so many small broken mirrours , shines and sparkles in each of them , creates an infinity of new stars , and thereby represents unto thine eyes a kind of another heaven in this lower orb of the earthly world. and when thou seriously contemplatest the pleasing variety of shapes and colours in the clouds above , and the flowers below , especially when adorned with , and shining in their starry mantles , thick set and interlaced , and as it were imbroidered with the pearly drops of dew , as with so many rich jewels , dost thou not begin to undervalue , and despise all the artificial pomp of the court , and those costly vanities of the court ladies , who so much pride themselves , whilst they shine and glitter in their borrowed glories ; yea , are fain to rob and plunder both the indies , that they may make themselves brave ? for how slight and worthless may we justly deem this stollen and counterfeit , and far-setcht glory , wherewith poor , beggarly art , with so much cost and labour , clotheth the greatest princes , and their gorgeous train of attendants , in comparison of that true and genuine one , which nature produceth , and makes shew of ; and that , not only unforced , and of her own accord , but of a sudden too , and in a surprizing variety . for every day almost we see new creations , according to the vicissitude of seasons . of how little value then is all that , which we are so apt to admire in the affected glories of fanciful mankind , whilst we take little or no notice of those things , which the god of nature every day presents and recommends to our observation , and such as indeed are the proper and deserved object of our just admiration . but why should i go any farther in the prosecution of all particulars ; which would be a task as needless , as endless ? in a word then : in and by all these things which thou meetest with here below , if so be thou wilt approve thy self an attentive student , thou may'st learn the knowledge both of god , and thy self ; and withall , be minded of some duty , which the sight and observation thereof prompts unto thy thoughts . if so be then that thou entrest a shady grove , let that venerable horrour , which the sight thereof strikes into thee , present a deity to thy mind , and affect it with a thorow sense of his fear . if thou walkest in a green flowry meadow , bethink thy self how many vegetables thou treadest under-foot in thy walk , whose vertues and properties thou canst not reach unto with thy mind , as high as it mounts in its soaring flights , and as large a compass as it takes in its vast comprehensions . when thou hearest the small singing birds warbling forth their shrill notes in variety of tunes , think them to be so many hymns , which these feathered sons of musick , like the children of asaph , sing to the great creator in this august temple of the world. and if thou lightest upon one of their nests , thou may'st be both ashamed of thy own dulness and blockishness , and contemplate with wonder that natural wit and industry in a small silly bird , which we men , who esteem our selves the only wise , and the masters of all arts , can neither equal with our best skill in framing the like , nor so much as find out with all our wit , how they are made . let the tulips , and other gay flowers , which are so gorgeously arrayed in variety of the most rich and beautiful colours ; ▪ and yet neither spin , nor weave : let the beasts of the field and forest , with the fowls of the air , which never provide for , nor trouble their thoughts with care of the future , yet always find their food ready and prepared , and as it were a large table always spread for their use , serve to correct thy covetousness and carking , and daily read new lessons to thy mind , lessons of calmness , contentedness , and confidence , when thou findest it at any time over-solicitous for the future ; as indeed it is too often in the best of us , doubtful and distrustful of the love and fatherly care of god , though still watching over us for our good , and giving us all things richly to enjoy , 1 tim. 6. 17. lastly , thus meditate with thy self . all these delights of the garden , and the field , which the country affords me ; this flowry tapistry of nature ; this fresh and pleasant greenness of the earth , which now so fairly flourisheth , and flattereth our eyes , within some few months will fade and vanish , and perish altogether , by the cold and killing breath of winter ; and then lie buried under the covert of that earth , the face whereof they now so beautifully adorn . so likewise , this mortal life of ours , with all its flourish ; this strength and vigour of ours , with all its helps and supports ; this flattering air of fortune , with all its warm breathings , and delicious gales , will sooner or later pass away , consume , and come to nothing ; either wearing away , and spending themselves by insensible degrees , or be impaired and wasted by some malignant causes from without ; namely , either through the manifold ill casualties and miseries , constantly attending our humane life ; or , the diseases and infirmities , that old age brings along with it : until at length , we be all cut off by the fatal hand of death , and then cast into the dark prisons of our graves , there to remain till time shall be no more ; and the day of eternity begin , wihch never shall have an end. now , this prospect of our latter end , so certain in it self , and so uncertain for the time of its coming , should in all reason awaken us to consider where we are , in what state and condition , and whither we are going ; and consequently mind us to make the best use of the present season ; not to neglect our seed-time , or our harvest ; nor to spend those days idlely , which when they are once past away , can never be redeemed . let us then take care to sow as much good seed as we can in the spring-time of our age , that so we may reap a plentiful harvest in the autumn . and when that comes , let us take care to reap our grain , and to gather in our fruits , and then lay them up in safe repositories , before the winter over-take us , wherein no man can work ; when the sun withdraws its light and heat , when the rain chokes the earth with a surplusage of moisture ; or the frost imprisons it , and binds it up in close fetters . and this if we take care to do , we shall not fail to enjoy the fruits of all those good works , which in this short season of our frail mortal life , we have taken pains to sow and reap , and lay up in our store-houses . these store-houses are the several mansions prepared for us in heaven ; the most secure repositories , where no vermine consumes what is once laid up there , no thief breaks in to carry it away , no fire devours , nor age consumes the mansion . to conclude ; if we mind heaven whilst we live here upon earth , this earth will serve to conduct us unto heaven , through the merits and mediation of the son of god , who was made the son of man , and came thence on purpose into this lower world , to convey us up thither ; fitly therefore represented and fore-signified by that ladder seen of jacob , in his nighly vision at bethel , which was set indeed on the earth , but the top of it reached unto heaven gen. 28. 12. finis . books sold by richard chiswell and william thorp . 1. of the principles and dutie of natural religion , two books . by dr. iohn wilkins , lord bishop of chester . 8o. 2. several sermons preached by the same author . 8o. 3. a demonstration of the divine authority of the law of nature , and of the christian religion . by dr. samuel parker , arch-deacon of canterbury . 4o. 4. several discourses , of ●urity , charity , repentance , inordinate desire , loving our enemies , hospitality , quietness , redeeming time , understanding the will of god , exact walking , doing good to all men , education , and the advantages of christianity , in two volumes 8o. by hez . burton . d. d. 5. a disswasive from revenge . by nic. stratford , d. d. dean of st. asa●h . 8o. 6. primitive christianity , or the religion of the ancient christians . by william cave . d. d. nature's cabinet unlock'd wherein is discovered the natural causes of metals, stones, precious earths, juyces, humors, and spirits, the nature of plants in general, their affections, parts, and kinds in particular : together with a description of the individual parts and species of all animate bodies ... : with a compendious anatomy of the body of man, as also the manner of his formation in the womb / by tho. browne ... 1657 approx. 270 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 170 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29782 wing b5065 estc r16043 11730672 ocm 11730672 48387 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29782) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48387) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 17:4) nature's cabinet unlock'd wherein is discovered the natural causes of metals, stones, precious earths, juyces, humors, and spirits, the nature of plants in general, their affections, parts, and kinds in particular : together with a description of the individual parts and species of all animate bodies ... : with a compendious anatomy of the body of man, as also the manner of his formation in the womb / by tho. browne ... browne, thomas, sir, 1605-1682. [2], 331 p. printed for edw. farnham ..., london : 1657. the authorship of this work was denied by sir thomas browne, to whom it is apparently ascribed on the t.p.; the actual author is unidentified. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy of nature. plants. physiology -early works to 1800. 2002-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nature's cabinet unlock'd . wherein is discovered the natural causes of metals , stones , précious earths , juyces , humors , and spirits , the nature of plants in general ; their affections , parts , and kinds in particular . together with a description of the individual parts and species of all animate bodies , similar and dissimilar , median and organical , perfect and imperfect . with a compendious anatomy of the body of man , as also the manner of his formation in the womb. all things are artificial , for nature is the art of god. by tho. brown d. of physick . london , printed for edw. farnham in popes-head alley near cornhil . 1657 of physiology , treating of bodies perfectly mixed : with comments thereupon . chap. 1. of metalls . 1. we shall here treat of those bodies which are perfectly mixed , and substantial . 2. that body is perfectly mixed , ●…hich is made solid by the concretion of the elements , and therefore daily grows harder and harder . 3. all the elements do abide and are concentricated in a mixed body , because all mixed bodies are carried to a place of the earth ; and therefore much of earth must needs be in them : and if earth be in them , then water , without which earth cannot consist ; for all generation happens from their contraries ; so that if there be one contrary , it 's necessary that there should be an opposite contrary to that : arist. lib. 2. de gen . & corrupt . c. 8. 4. and these bodies are either inanimate or animate . 5. inanimate bodies are such as are void of life ; as metalls , stones , precious earths . 6. metall is a body perfectly mixed , and inanimate , of sulphure and quicksilver , gotten in the veins of the earth . 7. sulphure and quicksilver is often found in the veins of metalls : and of these , for the variety of the temperament , and mutuall permission , the professors of the rosie cross do adjudge metalls to have their original . 8. they define sulphure to be a metallick matter , consisting of a subtill exhalation , fat , and unctuous , included in the earth . 9. quicksilver , ( b ) is a metallick matter , consisting of a vapour more subtil then water ; which is conglutinated with the earth , and cocted by the heat of sulphure . 10 the peripateticks will have a double vapour to lye hid in the bowels of the earth : the one dry , that is , more terrene then water ; the other moist and glutinous , that is , more watry then terrene ; and from these do stones and fossiles grow ; and these do produce proper metall , arist. 3. met. c. 7. 11. the chymists do not dissen●… from this opinion of aristole : for he maketh the matter of metalls to be a remote vapour ; they , a nearer matter , sulphure and quicksilver , which do grow from the aforesaid vapour , as the remote matter of metalls . 12. the efficient cause of metall , is heat and cold ; for heat , whether elementary or celestial , doth animate , digest , and exactly mingle all portions of matter : which mass so temperated , and prepared for this or that kind of metall , doth grow by cold , and is condensated . 13. the place in which metals are ingendered , is the bosom of the earth , arist. 3. met . c. 7. 14. many are made amongst stones ; and that oftner in mountains then in plains ; for according to their solid●…ty , they do retain their colour better ; which is easily decayed and dispersed in plains , because of the softness of the earth . 15. if it be demanded , whether their form be one or more , ( c ) that is to say , whether they can be distinguished amongst themselves in specifical differences , which do effect divers and incommunicable forms amongst themselves : 16. to the latter , it is agreed , first , because every species hath its essence , and that perfect : secondly , its definition : thirdly , its heats : fourthly , it strength and use , scal. exer. 106. sect . 2. 17. but it is a great dispute amongst late writers , whether metalls are bodies inanimate , or whether they live ? it is most certain they perform no vitall action , as other bodies that are endowed with a vegetive soul ; therefore they are not animated , scal. exer. 102. 18. but metalls are either pure or impure . 19. pure metall is , when there is a perfect decoction exquisitely made ; as in gold and silver . 20. gold ( e ) is a pure metall , begotten of pure quicksilver , fixed , red , and clear , and of pure red sulphure ; not too hot , but well qualified . 21. this of all metalls is the softest and tenderest , wanting fatness ; it is heavy , having a sweet , pleasant , and excellent sapor and odor . 22. but whether the chymists , by the industry of art , can make true and approved gold , it is a question much disputed of late ; yet in my opinion it is clear , that though it be very difficult , experience witnessing it , yet it is ●…ot altogether impossible : for if art be a follower and imitator of nature , i see not why ▪ nature may not be imitated in framing of true gold. 23. and whether it may be made potable , that is , so prepared , that it may be taken into the body without danger , is a great controversie between the chymists and galenists . 24. the favourers of galen defend the negative ; to which scaliger doth subscribe , being perswaded with these two reasons . i. there is no similitude to be discerned between gold and our body , as there is between aliment and body to be nourished , ii. because gold is more solid , then that it can be overcome by our heat , or changed from its substance . scal. exer. 272. 25. silver is a pure metall ( g ) begotten of clear quicksilver , shining white ; and of pure sulphure almost fixed . 26. such metalls are impure , which do consist of impure sulphure and mercury . 27. of these , some have more of the humor or mercury , and some more of the earth or sulphure . 28. lead and tinn do participate more of the humor . 29. lead ( h ) is a metall procreated of much crass , and less-pure quicksilver , and burning sulphure . 30. its species are various , according to the matter of which it consists , and the heat by which it is cocted . 31. and hence it is black or clear . 32. black-lead doth consist of impure quicksilver ; and it is less elaborate , therefore of a baser value . 33. clear or white-lead , is fully cocted , and doth co●… somewhat of a more purer matter . 34. tin ( i ) is a white-metal , begotten of much ( yet not so pure ) quicksilver , outwardly white , but inwardly red ; and of impure sulphure not well digested . 35. brass and iron , have more of earth ; to which is added copper . 36. brass ( k ) is an impure metall , begotten of much sulphure , red and gross , and a little impure quicksilver . 37. cyprian brass , is a species of it , which doth grow copiously in the island cyprus ; whence it is called cuprum . 38. iron is ( l ) a metall impure , begotten of much sulphure , crude , terrestrial and burning ; and a little impure quicksilver . 39. and although it 〈◊〉 hard , yet it is bruised with daily labor , because there goes to its generation less quicksilver , or humor , but more sulphure or terrene . 40. copper is factitious brass clarified , of the colour of gold , or rather more yellow . 41. the native is now of no use , and therefore by some rejected from the value of metalls . 42. though in times past , the native was in much use , and more nobler by far then brass : as pliny witnesseth , l. 34. c. 2. the commentary . ( a ) the name metall , is derived from the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is to search , because it is sought for with much pains and cost , in the veins and caverns of the earth . pliny adjudges it to be derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies near another ; because where one vein is found of metall , not far from thence another is found : for they have a kinde of sympathy with them , as gold and silver , brass and iron . others are called minerals , which are generated in the veins , pores , and bowels of the earth ; those are called fossiles , which are digged out of the earth . fossiles are separated and distinguished from metalls , by aristotle 3. met. ch . 7. because fossiles are cast up out of the earth , onely by digging , needing no other art , or further labor , for their discovery : but metalls are much boyled , and separated by the fire , and purged several ways , as need requires . now the definition of metall delivered , doth consist of a genus and difference : the genus is a body , because a metall doth receive three dimensions ; the difference contains four . in the first place , it is called a body perfectly mixed , to the difference of meteors ; for there is not so light a concourse of elements in metalls , as in meteors . in the second place , it is called inanimate , to difference it from animate , as are plants and animalls ; whence brighthus did right comment in scribonius , who defines metallick-bodies , imperfectly to be called animates : if they have a soul , they must have it perfectly , because the soul doth not receive more or less of quantity , but is the very perfection and absolution of a thing . the opinion therefore of cardan is to be reproved , who asserts all metalls to be perfect animates ; but seeing they produce no vitall action , they cannot have a soul attributed unto them . in the third place , the matter of metall is credited to be sulphure and quicksilver , which are as it were the father and mother of metalls ; which two are mingled variously ; and from the mixtion of these two , are all metalls imediately procreated . but cardan resists this opinion , who denies that metalls do consist of sulphure and quicksilver ; and that upon this account , because by the act of two existents , a third cannot be made . scaliger answers , exer. 106. sect . 6. that it is the property of things mingled , that by the act of many existents , a third to be made : and cardan himself doth affirm , that copper doth consist of tinn and brass , which are two , in one existent act . aristotle following plato in timaeus , doth demonstrate of a double vapour doth lie hid in the bowels of the earth ; the one dry , that is more terrene then watry ; the other humid and glutinous , that is , more watry then terrene : from the former , he thinks hard fossiles , as stones , to grow ; and from the latter , that which is properly called metall . but this controversie may easily be reconciled , if we say that these vapours or habits , are the more remote matter of metalls ; but the proximate and proper , to to be sulphure and quicksilver : but let it seem strange to none , why such hard bodies , as metalls are , should be generated of vapour ; for this vapour is crass and fumid : whence it happens , that in those pits and mines , where metalls are digged , that many are suffocated and killed by those vapours ; and hence it is that those who are daily laborer●… therein , are ●…oxious to various diseases and catarrhs : but i say , that the matter of metalls is not simply a vapour or watrish humor , but that which is more watry then earthy ; for the watry vapour , simply , cannot be the matter of metalls : for how should they then cohere , or how come metalls so solid ? hence it is that they have certain mixed parts of that and slimy earth ; yet notwithstanding , they obtain more of water then of earth , because they may be powred out & melted ; which can never be done , without there be some inward moisture ; for it is the faculty of an humor to soften : & therfore those of them that have most humidity as gold , silver , &c. are the soonest powred out and melted ; but such as have but little humor , as iron and brass , are hard to be melted . but it is said in the definition , that metalls are begot ( as by sperme ) of sulphure and quicksilver , mixed and tempered . in which words the efficient causes are included , which are two , heat and cold ; heat indeed doth precede , cold follows the generation of metalls : for heat , whether celestial or elementary , doth mingle , digest , temper , and concoct , all the portions of the matter ; which mass so tempered , is rudely prepared for this or that kinde of metall , and so grows and condenses with cold ; for because all metalls are dissolved by the force of heat , then it remains , that they must be concreted by cold ; so that it is needful , that one contrary be the cause of another : what is more clearer to sence , then that which is soluble by heat , must needs condense by cold ? for if gold , silver , or lead , be melted , and removed from the fire , they presently come into their pristine form ; for cold is the privation of heat ; and according to the various preparations of that mixtion , divers kindes of metalls are gotten of the same mass : for by how much more subtil and defaecate the matter is , by so much the more nobler and purer the metall will be . in brief , all heat and splendor , and all the excellency of metalls , doth depend upon a decent and legitimate mixtion and temperation of the matter ; unto which the temperature of the air , the soyl of the place , doth much profit ; for the various influence and efficacy of the sun , moon , and stars , as in other things , so in the procreation of metals , is of great moment : and hence it happens , that all sorts of earth will not bear metalls , although the matter of it be contained within it : so we see also in such regions as are too dry , as affrica , that metalls will not easily be generated , because the matter , to wit , the moist vapour , doth not abound there ; nor in regions too cold , will gold or silver be found , but in places onely moist . fourthly , in the definition , the veins of the earth are the subject of metalls ; for these are as it were the mothers of these bodies : but sometimes they are found in stones , and that rather upon mountains , then plains ; in higher places , rather then groves : for according to their solidity , they do retain their colour better ; which in plains is sooner dissipated , by reason of the softness of the earth . and this shall suffice for the explication of the definition . ( b ) it is called quick , metaphorically , because it always moves . and it is called mercury , because as mercury is joyned to all the planets , so this to all metals ; or as mercury turns round , so is this moveable : but why doth quicksilver , like a drop of water , in powder , or dust , and also upon a dry substance , be globular and round ? the question is subtil and difficult . cardan renders this reason : what things are dry , do fly from touching or mixing with their contrary ; and therefore in hatred thereof , is compelled into a globular form . this opinion is refuted by scaliger , exer. 105. 1. this happens not in a dry substance onely , but in water , which is moist . 2. that it will gather it self in the dust of lead , and not fly from it , because lead is like to the nature of quicksilver ; and therefore it doth not fly from its nature , but rather desire it . 3. a drop of water , when it falls in the air , is globular and round , but doth not refuse the air which is moist ; therefore the flight from dryness , will not be the cause of its globular form , if it be the same in moistness : but the truest reason is taken from the material cause , to wit , quicksilver , for its exquisite mixture of moist and dry , to be forced into one , and conglobulated : for pure water alone cannot be convolved into a globular form ; but if there be any thing of earth exquisitely mixed with water , then indeed it will be globular ; as we see in drops falling upon dust , with which assoon as any dust is mingled , it becomes round ; for from dryness it received a certain firmness to cause that roundness : from which example , the substan●…e of quicksilver may be easily understood , because it hath the same form , way , or station , in nature , as water gathered in dust ; therefore quicksilver , according to the definition of scaliger , is nothing else then a watry earth , or earthly water , not without much air : and i shall adde to these , another cause of conglobulation , both from the form and the end desumed : for whatsoever they be , they are always one ; but unity in its kinde , is excellently preserved in a globular form , because there is nothing different , nothing absent , no inequality ; and therefore quicksilver , that it might better conserve its unity , it goes into a globular form . ( c ) it is a controversie to this day agitated , whether metalls are distinguished amongst themselves , in specificall differences , which do effect divers and incommunicable forms amongst themselves ; so that one kinde of metall cannot be changed or converted , into another : or rather , do they differ in the manner of perfection , and imperfection ? this last tenent is defended by the chymists ; to which , cardan and danaeus subscribe : the first the followers of galen and julius scaliger defend . reas. 1. metals have their divers definitions , divers colours , strength , seats , weights , and many such like differences between them . 2. in species , what is imperfect cannot be reposed , or exist in any species ; for the essence of every thing , is indivisible ; but the essence alone , is perfection , as scaliger saith , exer. 106. sect . 2. 3. metalls , between themselves , are not changed ; therefore they have a proper and compleat essence , and do differ in specificall forms . i confirm the proposition ; for either its nature must change , or art : but it doth not change its nature , because its place is not outward , as to operation ; then much less art , which is an imitator of nature . 4. saith scaliger , there are both other metalls appointed by nature , that of them gold should be made , and other animates , that of them man may be made : therefore it is not true , that gold is the perfection of metalls . so thomas erastus his second part of dispute against paracelsus , and iacobus albertus , and thomas more . ( d ) in this place , that long controversed point , whether metalls live , or produce vitall action , as other bodies do , that are endowed with a vegetable soul ? cardan de subtil . lib. 5. pag. 150. doth affirm it ; and these are his reasons . 1. every thing that is nourished , or generated , doth live : every mingled body is nourished , or at least generated ; therefore it lives . to this scaliger answers , by denying the proposition : the tophus or gravel-stone is generated , yet it doth not live , because it wants a soul ; therefore the name generation is common to all things , generable and corruptible , as also to inanimate and corporall simples ; for this water is generated of the air , without a living soul. the second reason , which is judged the most valid , is this : where there is heat , there is a soul ; where a soul , there is life . in a stone there is heat , therefore also life and soul. the major is deniable ; for in fire there is heat , which notwithstanding wants a soul : the minor also is false ; for a stone is rather cold then hot . 3. attraction comes from the soul ; the loadstone attracts iron , therfore it hath a soul , or is animated . scaliger answers , that all attraction not to be from the soul , as is plain from fire , which doth gather and attract its kinde , neither is it animated . 4. metalls have veins and pores , therefore the office and end of veins ; the end is the passage of aliment , but aliment is onely of the soul. scaliger answers , and denies the first , that there is no true veins in metalls , but rather certain internalls , by which the parts are distinguished : and grant they were true veins , and necessary , then they would be found in all metalls , which are not in the most precious metalls , as in gold , the adamant , and others ; therefore they are not true . 5. metalls do grow , therefore they have a vegetable soul. i answer , metalls do grow and increase , not by the benefit of a soul , but rather by accretion or apposition of parts extrinsecally adhering , no otherwise then as a stone in the bladder ; therefore a soul cannot rightly be attributed unto them . 6. metalls do suffer diseases and old age , as albertus doth attest ; which must necessarily proceed from life . we answer , that old age and diseases are metaphorically given to them , when by much preservation , we say they have lost their first goodness and vertue ; as scaliger doth instance in the adamant , which never can be said to wax old . ( e ) these properties are denoted of gold ; first , that it is of all metalls , the most softest and tenderest , and therefore it may be dilated into a thin leaf , insomuch that one ounce of gold will cover eight of silver . 2. it wants fatness , and therefore it doth not tincture , not defile , neither is it con●…umed with fire ; for gold , according to aristotle , of all metalls , loses nothing in the fire ; the oftner it is burnt , the better it is . 3. it is heavy , considering the thickness of its substance , because it is compacted well with heat . 4. it hath a pleasant and excellent sapour , and odour ; for it is temperately hot and dry , whence it is said to exhilarate the heart of man , and to corroborate the vitall spirits : native gold is found in the mountains about arabia ; in caverns and ponds in germany ; in rivers at tago , and sometimes in the heads of fishes : it is also generated and mingled with other metalls . ( f ) there is a great controversie amongst latter chymists , and followers of galen , whether gold may be made potable , or no ; that is to say , so prepared , that without any danger it may be received into the body ? the chymists stiffly maintain it , and by this very golden potion , have miraculously preserved , restored , increased , repaired , the strengh of the heart , and principall members , lengthned out age , and revoked youth . the galenists deny it : to which scaliger subscribes , who confutes them with these two reasons especially : 1. between aliment and the body nourished , there is a certain necessary similitude : but between gold and our body , there is no apparent similitude , but far different from our nature ; therefore gold cannot nourish our bodies , nor restore strength . i prove the minor : our bodies are concreted especially of mixed elements ; for the elements by the various and almost infinite mixtures , are infinitely altered and changed , before they become fit matter for animalls ; but there are but few mixtions , that do precede the concretion of metalls , and therefore elements that are but lightly altered and changed , do exist in them : and what similitude is there between inanimate and animate ? 2. whatsoever cannot be overcome and changed by our native heat , that cannot possibly recreate our native bodies : gold is such-like , therefore doth not nourish . the minor is proved , because gold is of a solid and hard substance , insomuch that it is impossible for it to be melted by coction , like to aliment . ( g ) the nature of silver is cold and moist , and it is found in deep mines ; sometimes it is entangled with stones , hairs , trees , fishes , whole serpents , scorpions , with the species of many other things which it brings with it : now for the generation of silver , there goes more quicksilver then sulphure , because it represents its colour ; and whilst it melts , it contains almost all its accidents in it self ; for it doth not melt , nor is it diffunded , as water and oyl , nor doth it adhere to the tangent , which are the faculties of quicksilver ; and hence it is that it is not so ponderous as gold. now that a certain portion of sulphure doth concur to the procreation of silver , is clear by this , because a sulphurous odour doth offend the nostrils , when it is melted ; the natural mixture of this metal is not so absolute and perfect , as gold : and hence it is that it doth not resist the fire , like to gold , but every time that it is melted , something is lost of it : and it is more easie to engrave , then gold ; neither are the liquors which remain in silver vessels for several days together , so sincere and clear , as those in gold , but become after a certain manner venenate , both in odor and sapor ; especically if the liquor be sowre or sharp . ( h ) that there is much crudity and imperfect concoction in lead , the faecies demonstrate , which is left when it is melted ; and hence it is , that it doth not sustain the fire as gold , but doth easily melt and consume by fire ; if it long remain therein , it will be brought to ashes : yet it is thought to increase of its own accord , when it is laid upon the roofs of houses , both in weight and quantity . galen rehearses a story of lead , buried in a humid place under the earth , to have increased both in magnitude and weight : it is of a cold and astrictive nature ; hence it is that many leaden vessels are hurtful , especially that lead which is white . ( i ) tinn doth differ from white lead , because this doth arise by it self , the other always with silver : and although tinn doth emulate the splendor of silver , yet it is far better , and doth excede more from the fire : whence it is judged of many to be a species of candid lead ; but in the excellency of its nature doth far exceed lead ; its substance is thin , and less excocted . ( k ) brass having more mixtion of earth then humor , doth melt more difficultly , because all its humor is almost dried away ; for which cause it is of greater price and esteem then iron : and therefore in ancient time , armour and weapons were made of brass , bucklers and launcets also ; so highly was this metal esteemed . ( l ) iron is found in deep mines , a powdry mass , red and ponderous . now to the generation of iron , there is less quicksilver , but more of sulphure ; hence it is that it is so hard and obscure ; and the hardest of all is steel , which is onely a species of iron , or iron purged , and so hardned by many quenchings in water ; and hence it is ▪ that it is more frangible then iron . native steel , in times past , was found about thrace , where the people chalibes do inhabit . chap. i. of stones . 1. metals being explicated , stones do follow ; which neither the heat of the sun , or the blows of the hammer , can extend . 2. stones are ( a ) bodies perfectly mixed , inanimate , hard , of a dry exhalation , mingled with a certain watry unctuosity , by the continuance of time , the strength of heat and cold , and so conglutinated by a mineral vertue . 3. these like as other friable bodies , of which a little after , because they have in them sulphure and quicksilver , of a weak nature , are not accounted by some for metals . 4. stones ( b ) are both vulgar ●…nd precious . 5. the vulgar do congeal of a gross and impure matter . 6. and they are either porous , or solid . 7. they are porous , which do consist of a matter not well compacted ; and therefore they have rare or thin parts , as the tophas and pumice . 8. the tophas is a stone thin , easily to be crummed , or friable , rough , and not equal . 9. here it is disputed , whether it be cold or hot : this cardan affirms ; which scaliger re●… , saying , who told thee that the tophas must be hot ? it cannot be discovered , by the touch , or the taste ; or medicinal experience , such a quality was never found out , or experimented , exer. 57. 10. the pumice ( c ) is a stone rare and cavernous , or spungie , very fit to be rubbed to powder ; of which there are three sorts , according to scaliger , exer. 133. 11. solid stones are those , which have continuated parts , and strongly coacted . 12. and these either do want nitre , or endeavor it : those that want nitre , are these ; the flint , the whetstone , a rock , the emrod , the marchasite . 13. the flint is a solid and hard stone ; whence if it be smitten upon with steel , fire will appear , scal. exer. 108. 14. the whetstone is a solid stone , wanting nitre , consisting of little grains ; whose use is to sharpen iron . 15. the lydian stone is a species of the same , which if any metal be rubbed thereupon , it will discover the true from the counterfeit . 16. the rock is a stone large and hard , consisting of a great quantity of matter strongly concreted . 17. khe emrod is a hard stone , which doth cut glass . 18. the marchasite is a stone , upon which if any hard body , as steel , be struck , sparks of fire will erupt . 19. solid stones , which incline to nitre , are these : 20. marble is a solid stone , precious and clear , bespangled with various colours and spots . 21. and according to the colour of it , various species and differences do arise ; but especially the alabaster , the ophite , and porphirite . 22. the alabaster is clear marble , and white ; of which boxes for odoriferous spices are made . 23. the ophite , is a marble with spots like to serpents . 24. the porphirite is a marble , distinguished with reddish spots , garnished therewith like stars . 25. precious stones are congealed of a subtil and tenuious matter , by the onely influx of heaven ; and they are called ( d ) gemms . 26. yet in other places , for the diversity of the suns beams , other precious stones are produced . 27. hence precious stones are generated in ethiopia , and india , by reason of the vicinity of the oriental and meridional sun ; because there the matter is better cocted . see scal. exer. 99. 28. a gem therefore is a precious stone , of famous and noble vertues , engendred of a most subtil and elegant matter . 29. pliny reckons up many occult vertues , that it is endowed withal , lib. 37. c. 10. 30. the adamant is ( e ) a translucid gem , of a shining colour , not unlike to iron ; of a great hardness , and greater price . 31. and it is either begotten without gold or in gold. 32. that which is gotten without gold , is in bigness of the indian hazle nut , but that of arabia is lesser . 33. that which is gotten in gold , is , first the adamant , called cenchros , answering the grains of gromwel-seed ; secondly , the macedonian , proportionable to the seed of cucumber ; thirdly the cyprian , which is of the colour of brass ; fourthly , the starry adamant , called syderites , shining in colour like iron : and of this latter , there are two kinds to be had . 34. but so great is their hardness , that they will resist the blows of iron hammers ; neither will they give place to the furious flames of the fire , but are onely broken with the blood of a goat ; especially , if the goat before his blood be shed , eat parsly , and silermountain , with a little wine : and the reason why it should do thus , scaliger professes he knows not , exer. 344. 35. the saphire is a ( f ) transparent gem , of great hardness , endowed with a blue and celestial colour ; preserving chastity , and corroborating the heart . 36. the smaragd is a transparent gem , fragil , though hard ; of a green colour , but clear , and sometimes of an earthly colour . 37. they call this the chafte stone , because it is believed to break in the act of copulation , and resists venery , scal. exer. 33. sect . 2. 38. the hyacinth is a gemm of a small magnitude , shining like unto a violet-colour ; comforting the heart , and exciting chearfulness . 39 the amethyst is a gem , obtaining the same colour with the hyacinth ; onely , that it glisters more with purpureous fulgor . 40. according to the opinion of aristotle , if it be applied to the navel , it draws to it the vapour of winde , and so discusses it . 41. the carbuncle or pyropus , is a gem , representing the flame of clear fire ; it is a great enemy to poyson . 42. the chalcedony is a gem also clear and beautiful , shining like unto stars ; whose vertue is to resist fear and sadness . 43. the ruby is a red gemm , shining in the dark , like a species of a spark . 44. the chrysolite is a shining gem , of a golden colour , glistering with variety of light ; and resists melancholy . 45. the asterite is a hard gemm , and splended ; which if it be turned , will shew the sun and moon shining within it . 46. the achates is a gemm ( h ) excellent in the variety of colours ; which one , may be opposed to all the colours in other gems ; and it is a great preservative against pestilent poysons , and it is believed to help the memory much , and increase prudence , scal. exer. 117. 47. the sardis is of a deep yellow colour , making men joyful , sharpning wit , and stenches blood flowing from the nostrils . 48. the jasper is a green gem , bespangled as it were with spots , representing drops of blood ; which if hung upon the ventricle , doth strengthen it . 49. the onix ( i ) is a pellucid gem , like unto the nail of a mans finger in colour . 50. the turcois is an obscure gem , of bluish colour , yet somewhat inclining to a green ; it recreats the heart and sight . 51. and these are the noblest of gems ; those that are less noble , are the chrystal , coral , blood-stone , and load-stone . 52. the chrystal ( k ) is a pellucid stone , clear , and concreted of ice vehemently congealed ; as much of it is found to be generated under the earth , where winter-storms and snow is frequent , as about the alpes . 53. the coral ( l ) is a ramoustone , begotten of a plant of the sea , hardned by the air . 54. and it is white , black , and red ; the last whereof , is the noblest and best . 55. gagates or amber , is a stone , begotten of liquid bituis men , flowing on the sea-shore , and condensated with cold . 56. and there are three sorts reckoned up ; the yellow , which is of the colour of honey ; the second is of the colour of muskadine ; the third is candid , which is judged the best . 57. the stone hematites , is externally of the colour of blood , inwardly like to iron ; and of so great hardness , that it can scarce be pierced : it stenches blood . 58. the loadstone ( m ) is endowed with bluish green colour , attracting iron by a natural faculty . aristot. lib. 7. phys. 57. those stones are reckoned amongst gems , which are generated in the bodies of animals , by a peculiar glutinous seed , and is concocted by native heat in a little progress , and so by cold congealed . 60. the most noble of them , are those which are found in terrestrial animals ; the chelidony , which is a slender stone , found in the ventricle of yong swallows , mingled with a black but reddish colour . 61. the alectory is a stone , more obscure then crystal , generated in the ventricle of a goat , about the ninth year of its age , and about the bigness of a bean . 62. aetites is a stone with a hard cortex , scabrous and light , found in the nest of an eagle . 63. borax , otherwise cheloutites , is a stone found in the head of an old and great toad . 64. quadrus is a stone found in the brain of a vulture ; quiris , in the nest of the bird upupa ; saurites , in the belly of a lizard ; limarius , in the head of a snail not covered with a house . 65. these stones are found in water-animals ; gem●… percarum , found in the head of a little fish , called a pearch ; lapis carpious , found in the jaws of a carp ; oculi cancrorum , are stones clear and white , found in the eyes of crabs , especially in the females . 66. the margarite is ( n ) a stone , begotten of sea-shell-fishes , being of a globular form . the commentary . ( a ) the matter of stones is a watrish humor , and an unctuous and gross earth : stones are not procreated of the earth alone , because its parts are dry , and easily dissipable into powder , but also of a certain humid unctuosity , which as glue doth connect the earthy parts together ▪ nor can this simple humor alone , flowing by it self , and of its own nature , constitute stones , but earth is necessary to the composition , which doth afford matter for the unctuosity to astringe ; therefore stones are gotten of gross earth , by the coalition of this humour : which must be so understood , not that the two other elements , to wit , the fire and the aire must be separated from their mixtion , if so be the opinion of philosophers be true , that every mixed thing doth consist of four elements . the efficient causes of metals or minerals , are two ; heat and cold : heat persisting in the matter , doth diduce moisture , and unctuosity of ●…errene substance , by certain tender parts , and so doth coct and digest , and perfectly mingle the portions of the several elements , but especicially of water and earth , and so purge them from all the excrementitious parts , and at last doth prepare that matter rightly to produce the form of a stone ; and so cold at length doth condensate it with its astrictiveness , & expel all its superabundant humor , and so indurate it into a stone . but some may say , that cold rather is the cause of corruption , then generation : i answer , it is true in animate bodies , but in inanimates , to wit , in meteors and metals , coldness is the cause of generation . yet it may further be objected , if stones do coalesce from coldness ; it follows by the same rule , that they must melt by heat , and so be resolved ; but that cannot be , a●…●…erefore nor the former . i an●…wer , stones cannot be melted by heat alone , without the affusion of some other humor , because there is in them such an exquisite & natural commixture of moisture and dryness , that they refuse liquation by their contraries ; neither are they to be reduced to the action of their external faculty , without the sympathy of some familiar quality . ( b ) according to the divers and various subtilty of the matter , whether pure or impure , crass , viscous , or the like ; stones , both pure and impure , noble and ignoble , are ingendred ; whence it is that there is so great variety of stones and gemms : and here an objection will arise , whether precious stones may change the matter of the earths generation ? gems , because of their noble fulgor and transparency , do not seem to persist of earth , which is dusky and blackish , an enemy to such pulchritude ; whence many are of this opinion , that gems are partakers equally of celestial fire and water , and from them to receive their fulgor and christalline clearness . but we must know that gems , also , do consist of certain earthly matter ; but not obscure , but subtil , mixed with a watrish humidity , well cocted and tempered : for the matter , according to logicians , doth vary the dignity of things ; but the propinquity of the sun , cocts better and stronger the matter of stone in oriental regions , makes the gems and stones , both more excellent , and precious . another question will here arise , whether stones do differ in forms and species ? we maintain the affirmative , with this one undeniable reason ; divers actions and vertues do arise from divers forms ; but there are divers actions in divers stones ; therefore , &c. the assumption is proved , because one stone resists poyson ; another discusses swellings , another draws iron ; which are indeed divers effects . ( c ) pliny relates of the generation of the pumice , that it is gotten of fruits , some of bays , some of thyme , beyond the columns of hereules , which are transformed into the pumice : which if it be true , it is not strang●… , why the pumice , cast into the water , doth swim , when it is made of porous and rare matter , and therefore it hath its levity from its matter , and will not sink to the bottom of water : but that for use is accounted the best , which is candid , light and very spungious . the flower of it , according to theophrastus , doth take away drunkenne●…s . ( d ) a gemm properly is the sprouting or bud of a tree , fair , and round , bunching out at the first out of bun●…s , and chiefly of vines ; and so those precious stones which re●…mble this form , are wont to be called gems , because they respond thereunto in figure and form . but the vertues and the effects of gems are wonderful , if we may believe cardan . some , says he , are effectual in prolonging life ; others available in love , in obtaining riches ; some for divination , others for consolation ; some for wisdom , others for good fortune : some work effects to make men dull , others joyful ; some sad , others fearful : some do resist poyson , others help the concoction of the ventricle and liver . but concerning the vertues of gems , read scaliger , exer. 106. but heaven no doubt hath infused into gems , many admirable properties and vertues ; concerning which , hermes trismegistus hath sufficiently treated . ( e ) but why doth the adamant preserve its substance whole against the weighty stroaks of the hammer , and furious flames of of the fire , yet suffer it self to be dissolved with the blood of a goat ? there are some of our later writers , who will admit of no occult property at all , but go about to manifest every thing by plain reason ; therefore they judge goats blood , by reason of its analogy , which is in the beginning common , to pierce the adamant . but says scaliger , what other thing is that anology of its common principle , then an occult property ? no doubt but it is a great miracle of nature ; and why it should pierce so hard a body , no man well can demonstrate . ( f ) the carbuncle comes from the eastern regions , shining like to white clouds ; but because it hath golden spots , it is reckoned by some amongst gems . ( g ) of which there are three sorts : first , that which shines in the dark , they call pyropus ; secondly , that which is put in a black vessel , shining , water being powred upon it : thirdly , that is the basest , which glisters onely when the light shines . ( h ) achates is of so many various kindes , that it will scarce be credited to be one stone ; for it is clear , red , yellowish , cineritious , green , dark , blue ; insomuch , that this one answers to all the colours of other gems . ( i ) albertus magnus relates , that he hath tryed this , that if this stone be hung about the neck , it roborates the strength of the whole body : which is incredible ; for by its frigidity it constringes the spirits : by the same reason it is related , that if it be hung about the belly , it hinders venery ; whereupon the indians every-where preserve themselves . ( k ) whether chrystal be glass , is a subtil controversie , between cardan and scaliger . he denies it , upon this reason , because glass is dissolved by the fire , but chrystal not , unless for several days it lie in the midst of a vehement fire , and be continually blown : therefore chrystal can never be glass . scaliger answers , glass that hath never obtained the hardness of a stone , is as yet water ; and therefore easily dissolvable by fire , because it is but congealed with a little cold : but when it is concreted and congealed by a diuturnal cold , insomuch that it hath obtained the perfect form and hardness of a stone ; it will not easily melt , or not at all : but it is generated oftentimes under the earth , and sometimes upon the tops of high mountains , where there is perpetual snow ; therefore it must needs be congealed into a hard substance , for much of it is brought from the alpes , helvetia , and italy . ( l ) coral is called by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it were a shrubby stone ; for it is called frutex marinus , because being extracted from the sea by the air , it is hardned into a stone , under the water : the coral is green and soft ; but assoon as it is taken out and reposed to the air , it grows hard and red , because of the tenuity and subtilty of the air , which compels and hardens its parts . ( m ) the loadstone is called magnes , as is supposed , from its first finder out : by some it is called the herculean stone : it hath a wonderful vertue in attraction ; it doth not onely strongly draw iron to it self , but also infuse an attractive vertue into the iron drawn ; insomuch that it will attract other iron to it : which thing can hardly be demonstrated with reason . if any say that iron is drawn by the similitude of substance , he errs not ; for similitude and the flight of the vacuum are the two causes of attraction : heat draws by the flight of the vacuum ; every part doth draw its proper aliment , according to the similitude of the substance : whence iron is as it were the aliment of the loadstone , and therefore it is drawn by it ; for in the flakes of iron , the loadstone is preserved ; although scaliger by no means will assent to this : but we say that iron is the proper aliment of the loadstone , not so as to say that it lives , as scaliger well infers , but as it were nourished by it : but as the elements move spontaneously to their places , as to their end and perfection ; so the loadstone , because it is kept in the filings of iron , and as it were nourished by them , moves to the iron ; therefore we may well rest in the opinion of the antient , that iron is drawn by the loadstone , by the similitude of substance ; and therefore it is that this stone is of the colour of iron . yet some say , that the loadstone doth not always draw iron : i answer , that happens by accident ; for when the adamant is near , it hinders and impedes its attraction . cardan yet denies that the adamant can hinder the attraction of iron , or can be hindred by leeks and onyons ; but maintains , that it will always attract iron ; as he hath proved by experience . ( n ) the manner of the generation of pearl , is this ; shell-fishes in the spring time , being incited to the desire of copulation , or conception , whereupon they come out to the shore , and dilate themselves , attracting the heavenly dew ; return , as it were , burdened , and so bring forth margaries : hence it is that there is so much difference in the goodness of the pearl ; which happens according to their age or magnitude , and also the quality of the dew received : of round shell-fishes , the best pearls are gotten . those are the best pearls , which are found in the bottom of the sea ; and sometimes found floating upon the shore . chap. 3. of juices or precious earths . 1. vve having explained the nature of hard metallick bodies , we shall now treat of such as are so●…t ; which precious earth●… are of a milde nature , between metals and stones . 2. and many of these bodies are fricable , that is to say , rubbed small , or brought into fine powder . 3 some of these may be melted , others not ; those that are soft may , that may be hardned into the body of a stone . 4. of the first kinde of these , are those that are dry and concreted ▪ as salt , alom , bitumen , vitriol . 5. salt is ( a ) a metallick body , friable , begotten of a humid and watry juice and gross earth , mixed and boyled together . 6. it hath force to absterge , expurge , astringe , dissipate , and attenuate . 7. and it is either natural or artificial : that which is natural , is called fossile ; that which is artificial , factitious . 8. the fossile is found either in the earth , or out of the earth . 9. that which is found in the earth , is either digged out of mountains , or effoded out of the fields or sandy places . 10. of these there are various differences , according to the diversity of places where they are found ; but four especially are most known to us : sal ammoniack , sal gemm , sal nitre , indian salt . 11. ammoniack is a bitter salt , found in or about the sand of cyrene ; whence it is called cyrenaicus . 12. salt gem is a fossile salt , found in mines or pits , shining , and resembling the form of chrystal . 13. salt nitre , or salt-peter , consists of a coagulated humor , in moistsubterraneous places , shining like to congealed snow upon walls : to this day by art it is made . 14. the indian is a salt , blackish , cut out of the mountain oromontus in the indies . 15. those salts that are found out of the earth , are such as are digged or effoded out of waters ; and they are called either fontal , when fountains or rivers by the heart of the sun are dryed , and converted to salt ; or fluvial , when the arm of some river is condensated into salt ; or stagnal , when ponds in the summer are dryed , and a salt remains ; or marine , when in the shore a certain tender salt is gotten , which dioscorides calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : pliny interprets it the spume of the sea ; we call it the dry spume of the sea ; or more rightly , a salt made by heat of the sea-spume . 16. factitious 〈◊〉 cocted salt is made of water , and that either marine , fluvial , fenny , fountain , or of the water of ponds . 17. alome , by the definition of pliny , is a certain salsugo , or the salt sweat of the earth , concreted of a muddy and slimy water . 18. and it is either clear , or black . 19. that which is clear , is judged the best ; and it is either thick or liquid . 20. the liquid is soft , fat and clear . 21. the thick is either round or scissile , and it hath the form of of sugar . 22. the black is found in cyprus , which purges gold. 23. bitumen is the juice of the earth , gentle and tender , like to pitch easily taking fire . 24. and it is either hard 〈◊〉 soft . 25. the hard is strongly concreted , not unlike to the clods of the earth . 29. of this sort are asphaltus , pissaphaltus and amber . 27. asphaltus is a blackish bitumen , like to pitch , but harder and more inspissated , splended , and less olcous ; and this sort is gotten all over babylon . 28. pissaphaltus is a certain bitumen , in a manner black , but of a more terrene concretion . 29. amber also is a bitumen , and fat of the earth , proceeding from the heat of the sea ; and the colour is sometimes white , yellow or obscure . 30. the liquid bitumen , is that , which flows like an oleous liquor ; of whose species are , naptha and the arabian amber . 31. naptha is liquid bitumen , of an oleous crassitude : the fire hath such force over it , that it will leap into it , where-ever it is ; neither can it be quenched by water , but the rather more inflamed by it . 32. that is called petreolum , which flows from rocks ; and sometimes naptha petra . 33. amber is fragrant bitumen , and kept amongst the richest merchandise , and it is gotten about arabia . 34. vitriol is a concreted juice , looking like the clearness of glass ; it is called by the latines atramentum sutorium , and sometimes chalchanthum . 35. the native is found concreted in the veins of the earth , or clefts of the rock ; and from thence doth distil by drops , part thereof hanging like frozen ice , and part found in the bottom of channels . 36. furthermore , juices which cannot be melted , yet not indurated into stones , are auripigmentum , sandarach , chalk , gypsum , lime , oker , argil , sealed earth , armenian earth . 37. auripigmentum , or arsnick , is ( b ) a concreted juice , of a yellowish colour , flourishing pictures with a golden colour ; is hot and dry , in the fourth degree , and a present poyson . 38. sandarach is a reddish earth , of the colour of cinabaris , yet something inclining to a yellow : much of it is gotten in the veins of metals with auripigmentum , smelling strong of sulphure . 39. lime is a dry earth , cocted to a stone ; which after it is burnt , is inflamed with water , and extinguished with oyl ; it is called viva or living , because it contains fire hidden within it . 40. gypsum is a shining earth , gentle and light , akin to lime , but not so dry nor hot ; which is digged out of the bottom of the earth : the factitious is made of a certain stone , and so placed in walls , for the ornament of houses . 41. chalk is a tender earth , and white , plentiful in the island of crete . 42. ocher , is a light and yellowish earth , which when it is burnt is red . 43. argil is a fat and soft earth , of which figuline vessels are made . 44. sealed and lemnian earth , is a portion of earth that is very red , digged out of the island lemnos , and sealed with the seal of diana's high priest ; it is also digged daily in silesia and hassia , it resists poyson . 45. the armenian is a portion of earth , digged out in armenia ; drying by nature , and of a pale colour . the commentary . ( a ) salt is derived a saliendo , from leaping , because it leaps in the fire . some judge it to be called salt from the sun , because it is gotten of its own accord of sea-water : the spume thereof , left upon the shore , by the sun , is concreted into salt . the efficient cause of salt , is the heat of the sun , and the rest of the stars ; which drawing the sweeter and tender parts , out of the saltish matter , leaves the terrene ; which being boyled , makes a saltish substance . two things are required to a salt sapour ; the dry and terrene parts , and their adustion : of the first is made a sapour , of the latter a salt sapour . erroneous therefore is that opinion which judg'd salt to concrete , as ice , of cold : for if salt doth concrete of ●…old , it is dissolved with heat , because it is a general rule with naturalists , every thing to be dissolved by the contrary , wherewith it was congealed ; but salt is dissolved with nothing less then with heat , for that hardens it , and dryes it more ; but it is quickly dissolved with water : therefore it is not constringed of cold . the matter is a terrene juice , adust , and dryed with heat : the forme is dryed vapours , with concocted water : the end and use of salt , is various in the whole course of life ; whence it is rightly said , that nothing is more profitable , then salt and the sun . and old homer called salt , divine , because ●…t is accommodated to various ●…ses . salt hinders putrefaction , and ●…akes away superfluous humidity ●…n our bodies : without salt , a perfect concoction cannot be made : besides , it is of frequent use in the cure of wounds . ( b ) auripigmentum is double ; native and factitious : that which is like to ackorns , erupts of its own accord from metals : this again is double ; the one is made of arsnick and natural salt , of equal parts mixed , and burned in a crucible till the vapour appear like chrystal ; hence it is called , christalline arsnick : the other is made of natural arsnick and sulphure mixed together , and combustible : both of them are dry and hot in the fourth degree , and a present poyson . chap. 4. of the nature of plants in general ▪ and of their corruptions . 1. hitherto we have spoke●… of an inanimate body , perfectly mixed . now we proceed to animate bodies , which are perfectly mixed , endowed with soul and life . 2. there are two parts in the life of a furnisht body : the external body , and the soul , which subministers life ; of the former we have spoken before , of the latter we shall now . 3. an animate body is expert of sense , or sensitive . 4. a plant is a body expert in sense , which is also called stirps ( a ) which is a body perfectly mixed , endowed with a vigent soul , which doth grow , live , wax green , is nourished and increased from the earth . 5. for when plants are nourished and increased , and bear flowers and fruits ; it proceeds from the soul , and they are the works of animated bodies ; neither can they be without this soul 6. therefore rejected is that opinon of the philosophers , which call that the form , which vivificates plants ; and that their nature , which indeed is the soul. 7. and also erroneous is that opinion , which maintans plants to be animals endowed with sense ; which scaliger refutes , exer. 138. 8. for they are not accommodated with organs , which are requisite to sensitive faculties ; neither can the actions of any such faculties be apprehended in plants : for which of them can see , hear , smell , taste , or feel ? arist. lib. 1. de planc . c. 1. 9. we do not deny , but some sense is resident in plants , in attracting to them what is profitable , and shunning what is unprofitable ; but then the question will be , how can plants which are always fixed in a place , properly be said to draw what is profitable , and shun what is incommodious ? 10. the vegetable soul alon●… that is within the plant , is used as an instrument to the preservation of life , by heat , both native and adventitious , lawfully temperated ; which the plants draw out of the earth , where they are fixed by the roots . 11. that heat adhering in the moist matter , it attracts as convenient to its nature , and so alters and converts it into the substance of the plant. 12. hence there are two vital principles in every plant ; heat , and humour : the want whereof , as it is death to animals , so it is a corruption and decaying to plants . 13. corruption doth either infest part of the plant , or the whole . 14. a total corruption is either natural or preternatural . 15. the natural is made , when plants are rendred more dryer ; for their internal heat , and their moisture , decayed by progress of time . 16. some are corrupted sooner , others later ; and so accordingly they live long or short . 17. the cause of which variety is especially the form , yet sometimes it happens from the gluish●…ess of the humour , and the plenty thereof ; whereby the 〈◊〉 heat , the instrument of form , is nourished , together with the firmness and solidity of the whole plant. 18. for such grow a long time , as first , have much soft and gentle humidity in them ; secondly ▪ a solid substance ; thirdly ; their roots long and thick ; fourthly ▪ those that are barren and fruitless ; fifthly , such as grow in a dry place . 19. on the contrary part , those plants are short lived , and sooner perish by natural corruption , as have not the contraries to the former . 20. preternatural or violent ●…ruption , happens either by ●…tinction , or ●…nt of nourish●… 21. corruption happening 〈◊〉 extinction , is when the plant perishes by too much cold . 22. when cold 〈◊〉 go●… to the bottom , it hinders 〈◊〉 warm vapour , or heat , from coming to the roots , and at length causes the whole to perish . 23. this corruption doth not happen , but when an extream cold comes and invades the roots , denuded of earth . 24. corruption happening from want of nourishment , and that by heat , by which the plant is as it were scorched , the humidity thereof being ( c ) exhausted by the vehemency of heat . 25. and there are two seasons especially , wherein plants are exposed to this injury ; the one when they begin to bud , because then they are more laxi the other when they bear fruit , when their juice is exhausted ▪ and made weak . 26. that is called partial corruption , or sideration , when the native heat of any part is extinguished , either by cold , or heat , or with a wound , mortification of that part following . 27. furthermore , some kinde of plants grow of their own accord , and some are propagated by the art and industry of man. 28. such arise of their own accord , of seed , as are either manifest or obscure . 29. those that grow of manifest seed , have but one manner of rising ; as in all herbareous plants , that are sown of seed ; and others are propagated divers manner of ways . 30. from manifest seed , after this manner : seed falling into the moist earth is thereby softned , and is cherished both with naturall and celestial heat ; and so swelling , by reason of the plenty of humour flowing into them from the earth , it breaks ; and out of that part which is broken , a certain soft and tender sprout doth grow , & by so little becomes more firm and crass ; one part whereof , being partaker of the airy nature , ascends up ; the other , which is terrestrial and crass , resides in the earth , and there coa●…esces . 31. so then , plants arising ●…rom seed , are cherished by the humour of the earth , decocted ●…y heat , and attracted by their ●…nternal nature . 32. but the time of sprouting of plants , is not one and the same , ( d ) for some do begin to grow within three days , as the bafil and rape ; some on the fourth day , as lettice ; some on the fifth , as the gourd ; some on the sixth , as beet ; some on the eighth , as arach ; some on the tenth , as colwort : leeks in twenty days ; smallidg forty or fifty : last of all , pyony and mandrake , ●…rce in the space of a whole year . 33. the causes of this diversity of sproutings , are these : first , 〈◊〉 strength of form ; secondly , the strength or weakness of their inward heat ; thirdly , the variety or density , fatness or hardness of the seeds ; for in hard and dense bodies , the humour cannot be illicited out of the earth so readily , whereby seed must swell before it erupts . 34. certain plants , ( e ) according to the opinion of theophrastus , are said to grow without evident or manifest seed : and he declares the cause to be , a certain permistion of earth and putrefied water ; which being , as it were , preserved both by the heat of the sun , and the propriety of the matter , renders a fit generation of spontaneous plants . 35. this opinion is probable enough ; for as a strange heat is the cause of putretude , so also into things of new forms , which are putrefied ; and he makes the heat of the sun and stars , to be a beneficial induction ther●… . 36. but besides these , the air and the earth may be the cause of sproutings of such plants as grow spontaneously ; if it be true , that according to the various station of first and second qualities in substance , various mutations and generations of things may be made . 37. moreover , a plant sometimes is produced out of a hard stone ; which happens , when air is included therein , and endeavors to as●…end ; but when it cannot finde a passage , it is reflected , and so waxes hot by its agitation , whereby it draws the humor of the stone to it self . that vapour with the humour , breaks out , and of that vapour and humour brought out of the stone , a plant is ingendered by the concurrent heat of the sun , arist. lib. 2. de plantis , c. 5. 38. furthermore , plante are variously propagated by the art and industry of men , by setting of roots , or ingrafting yong slips . 39. by setting of roots , as liquorice , lilly : for these do easily attract aliment , and so live . 40. by ingrafting or planting , and that either by fastning them in the earth , or upon the stock of a tree . 41. planted or fixed in the earth , as the rose , willow , vine , mulberry ; which is called a propagation . 42. engrafted upon the stock of a tree , by thrusting a slip into the wood of another ; which properly indeed is called insition ; as an apple-tree into a pear-tree . 43. indeed most plants may be propagated all these ways ; as olives , figgs , and cherry-trees . 44. but there are invented other manner of propagations , more artificially , whereby a leaf digged out of the earth to bud in a new stock . 45. but it is a question not to be contemned , ( f ) why the dissected parts of plants , do live , and thereby propaga ed , when it is the cause of death in animals ? this is said to happen , because plants have the strength and force of the soul engrafted within them , and so diffused over all their parts . heat also , which is an individual companion of the soul , and moisture gentle and thin , and therefore not dissipable ; but it is not so with animals , for they stand in need of that faculty , which flows from the heart . 46. therefore part of a bough , which is planted in the earth , doth preserve in it self heat , humour , and strength of the soul ; and by that attracted humour , begins to swell and receive spirit , and by the strength of the soul , it detaines , and by the help of its innate heat , it distributes the grossest parts of the humour , from whence the roots are framed ; and the thinnest part it preserves , which causes it to grow higher . 47. the same manner is observed in engrafting : for as plants out of the earth , as out of a womb ; so grafts from those where they are grafted , do preserve , keep , and attract the nutriment of the plant , by the force of the soul and heat ; and by a continued action , a generation of parts is made . 48. but aliment , which the graft draws , is by far more elaborate : first , in that was concocted before in the mother ; secondly , in that is made more exact , in its new guest . 39. hence it is that wilde plants , if they be engrafted , do remain firm , because they are nourished by a more sincere aliment ; so that a domestick or garden plant , engrafted into a wilde plant , w●… grow better , and yield more pleasanter fruit . 50. the fruits of these respond in sapour , colour , and odour : the nature of the plant , whence the graft was taken , because the juice whereby the fruit is nourished , is of great moment in this matter . the commentary . ( a ) nature doth proceed always from the less perfect , to the more perfect ; therefore it is in the first place disputed , seeing that plants , by reason of forms , do want of the perfection of animals , whether it be a body perfectly mixed ? first , it is defined to be a body perfectly mixed , to difference it from meteors , in which there is an alteration of elements made ; whereas in plants , and also in metals , there is a notable mutation of elementary parts ; therefore there is added in the definition , endowed with 〈◊〉 vegetive soul. therefore in the first place , that i may take away the opinion , both of philosophers and physitians , who call that the form which governs the plant , and that the nature which is the soul ; for when plants are nourished and increase , they bear fruits and flowers , which are the works of animate bodies ; and they cannot want that soul : secondly , to take away their opinion , who declare , that plants are endowed with sense , as animals are ; concèrning which , plato , anaxagoras , empedocles , and many others maintain , to which many later writers assent , but especially cardan . first , flight , hatred , aversion , appetite , cannot be attributed to any bodies , but such as are endowed with a sensitive soul ; but plants refuse and fly too much : heat ( as the vine hath no propinquity with the cabbadge ) and many other plants also ( the vine desires the elm , and almost all other plants do gather what is familiar unto them , and fly from what is unprofitable ) therefore by these actions , it is not obscure that plants are endowed with sense . secondly , they are distinguished in the sex ; the feminine plant cannot consist with the masculine , each other desiring their congress ; neither can they come to ripeness , or bear fruit , without their mutual society . but to the first we answer , that the hatred , flight , and appetite of plants , is not proper , but translated , as danaeus speaks : indeed they contract and extend themselves by the benefit of their fibres , and so receive what is familiar and profitable , by a certain natural faculty ; yet not with any sense , onely endowed with the strength of a vegetive soul , and led by the impulse of nature , which cicero calls an instinct ; for what things love or hate by sense , those cannot hate or love , as scaliger saith , exer. 138. but for example , the cabbadge always refuses the vine , and hath a continual enmity against it ; and hence doth manifestly evade it : but this flight and appetite of plants , is altogether without sense ; yet some attribute this to the sex of the plants , which is to be understood metaphorically , as a certain similitude taken from strength and weakness : for the masculine is more stronger then the feminine , the feminine more weaker then the masculine ; therefore we are to understand , that masculine plants are always strong , and robust , the feminine weak and fecundine . but it is said in the definition , which do grow out of the earth , for this is , as it were , the belly of plants , as anaxagoras saith ; and out of this the fibres of the roots , whatsoever is profitable to them and agreable to their nature , they attract , and convert into their substance . further , it is said to grow , live , nourish , and increase ; in which vital actions , the plant differs from other inanimate things ; which as they are destitute of a soul , so they want these actions : hence it is , that a plant is said to be dissolved , not that it hath onely an animate body , but organical also ; and so of it self alone , and not of the earth , as the soicks would have it , to have the beginning of its actions : but although these strengths and actions are common to animals ; yet notwithstanding they are insited in plants , the soul is used to the life and preservation of the plants , instrumentally , with heat well tempered , which plants do draw out of the earth , where they are placed by the roots ; and that heat which cleaves to the humid tressel and subject , the defect whereof as it is death to animals , so it is dryness and corruption to plants . ( b ) the plenty of the inward humour , causes the longevity of plants ; for thereby the innate heat , which is the instrument of form , is thereby made : first therefore , when plenty of heat is discerned , it suggests the aliment not easily to be dissipated : but that the plant will live long , and yield much oleous and resinous juice : secondly , when they are dense and compact , they faithfully preserve their vital heat and moisture , neither can they suffer external injuries ; and for this cause , trees are more diuturnal then fruits , and fruits then herbs . thirdly , the longitude and crassitude of roots is of great moment , by reason of their hardness , for lengthening of life : first , because by how much the roots are deeper , by so much they stick more firm , and the more do resist the external injury of winde and heat : secondly , the roots are , as it were , the beginning of plants , in which the hot moisture doth chiefly flourish , and the subterranean heat and humour daily cherished : for it is consonant to reason , where there is much humidity and calidity , there the roots must needs be ample and profound ; and therefore a small and simple root , is defective of calidity and humidity , and thereupon cannot grow long . fourthly , fecundity also is the cause of shortning its life , because of the too little dissipation of juice , whereby the inward humour is nourished ; which juice should go into the seed and fruit . ( c ) heat hurts plants less then cold , unless arridity accede , which is called squalor ; and those are easily hurt by cold , whose roots are not deep , for there the sun doth the sooner pierce unto them ; and the proximate parts of the roots , are affected strongly by the beams of the sun , because the earth is wanting to nourish them . ( d ) but why certain plants do arise quickly after sowing the seed , and others a long time after ; the first and chiefest cause , is the force of form ; the second is the strength and imbecility of the insited heat ; the third is the rarity and density , the softness and hardness of the seeds : for in hard and dense bodies , the humour is elicited , not so readily by the force of heat out of the earth , whereby the seed doth swell : and for this cause it is , that the seed of pyony doth bud so long after sation , and mandrake longer : which is more hard and dense , which certain space of days of budding , or sprouting happens according to the variety of the suns influence , and heavens concurrence : and hence it is , that if dung be commixed with the earth where seed is to be sowen , the seed will sooner erupt , not onely excited thereunto by the innate heat of the seed , as the extream calidity of the earth ; so the seeds of palmes , if infused and macerated in water , before its sation , it sooner sprouts . ( e ) theophrastus saith , that experience teaches , that certain plants do grow without seed , and that some have been seen to grow in the earth , where none was sowen or planted before : he instances in laserpitium , which sometimes hath been seen in affrica , and never found before , in the same place . some of the philosophers do inquire out the seminal cause of these plants . anaxagoras judges the air to convey the seed from some other place , and there to fix according to the course of nature ; others judge it to happen by the inundation and conflux of waters , whereby seeds are conveyed from some places to other parts of the earth more remote . and although these things are not spoken altogether foolishly , as without reason , yet the truth thereof is to be questioned ; but it is certain that many plants , however , have been found to grow of their own accord , without any seed ; as polypody of the oak : as we see certain little animals to have their original by accidents , as lice , worms , and other insects that are generated by accidents . ( f ) it is a question deserves solution , whence it is that the insected parts of plants do live longer , then if they had remained whole , nay and are thereby propogated ; whereas it is not so with animals ; for if their parts be cut , they perish : for we see that boughs plucked from their stock , and plants plucked up by the roots , to grow and are thereby propagated ; but with animals , after the division of a foot , ear , arm , leg , or ther parts , forthwith they die . i answer , that plants do longer survive after their section , if again planted or engrafted , because they have the force of the soul insited , and that diffused through all and every part : and besides , they have scattered abroad their native heat , the individual companion of the soul ; and their humidity , which is lent and crass : and therefore less dissipable through all the parts ; by which two principles they live , and undergo all the functions of nature : and hence it is , that part of a plant sejoyned from its stock , is said to live in the earth ( the matrix as it were of plants ) by the benefit of the soul , which is correllative in the whole , and every part ; and to beget a root , or take rooting ( which is a new principle ) from the humidity resident and attracted out of the earth ; or sprout and grow out of another trunk planted therein by insition , and so coalesce after the same manner even now declared . for as long as plants preserve that humidity of theirs , stedfast and dense , so long are they capable of life and soul : but such as are perfect animals , and are consequently of a stronger and better nature , do not onely stand in need of an insited , but an influent faculty , which is drawn from the heart : and hence it is , that their humidity is not so stedfast , viz. substantial , but more thin and tenderer , and therefore doth the sooner expire . hence it is , that if a hand be separared from the body , all the life therein is extinguished , because it is destitute of an influent faculty from the heart ; for that thing cannot have a soul , unless it have a continued derivation from the heart ; which if it once be destitute of , it loses to be an animated being . chap. 5. of certain affections of plants . 1. hitherto we have treated of the rise of plants , both natural and artificial . now we shall proceed to their affections or corruptions , wherewith they are infested : their affections may proceed , either from their native soyl , or rather the ground where planted : from the variety of their germination , fecundity , and propriety of substance ; or from their qualities . 2. the soyl or rather matter of the rise of plants , is either terrestrial or aquatical . 3. terrestrial , viz. their native place in the earth , and that either in gardens or fields , sative or wilde . 4. the sative are domestick plants , such as grow in gardens . 5. the wilde , are such as grow in the woods , mountains , valleys , and the like . 6. aquatical , such as grow in waters , and that either in the ocean or lesser waters , as in fountains , rivers , ponds , &c. arist. 7. again , some plants are delighted in a hot place , some in a cold place ; some in the open field , some in the shade ; some upon rocks , and some upon sandy-ground . 8. but why ( a ) plants should delight to grow in such variety of soyls , is not easily determined ; yet notwithstanding the place where the thing is sited , is the conservation of that thing , and indeed of all things sublunar : therefore divers plants are of divers natures , and accordingly do attract convenient aliment out of that soyl , for the preservation of life ; and do therefore rejoyce , as it were , in a fit and convenient soyl . 9. furthermore , notice must be taken in the germination of plants , the time when they germinate , their celerity and tardity . 10. the time of germination is the spring , when there is plenty of humour abounding , which was gathered in the winter-season ; and then their innate heat is excited by the extremity of external heat , insomuch that the cutis of plants , and the meatus of the universal body , begins to be opened , which causes the juice to be educed abroad , and a budding or germination to be made . 11. others put forth their summer-fruit sooner or later , according to their naure ; which happens according to the greater or lesser force of the innate heat and humour , and also the rarity or density of the plants body . 12. sometimes , notwithstanding , tilled or pruned plants do bud later then the untilled : first , by reason of the less revocation of the inward heat to the outward parts , and by reason of the wounds made by pruning : secondly , either from the debilitation or weakness of the same heat , or the denudation of the root , or from the incrassitude of the humour : thirdly , from the density and thickness of the plant , induced or brought into the root by the force of nocturnal frigidity , and by the root into the whole plant. 17. and they do not generate forthwith , in their first age ( neither do animals , whilst young and tender , bear young ) because all their aliment at that time , is diverted into their increment : secondly , their force is more weak , whereby it cannot concoct it , nor condensate it into fruit . 14 neither do all plants generate ; for so some are fruitful , others not fruitful . 15. the cause of fruitfulness , is referred by some onely to heat ; but when there is heat without matter , that is , copious aliment , it can effect or frame nothing . hot and succulent plants are onely fruitful . 16. of fruitful or fecundine plants , some do bear fruit once in all their life , others oftner . 17. those that bear fruit oftner , are such as fructicate annally once a year , some twice , and some three times a year : the proximate cause of which , is no other then the proximate form of every species . 18. of fecundine plants , some are fertile continently , and that by the reason of the abundance of their heat , and fatness of their humour : as the fig-tree , which fructicates sometimes but every year ; the same is observed in pear-trees and apple-trees . 19. these trees are very profuse , for they require so much aliment for the generation of fruit , that if they receive not annually so much , by reason of the season of the year , they become barren for that year . 20. the property of the substance of plants may be discerned , by their various affections , whereby they exercise and act . 21. plants exercise their strength in things that are either animate , or inanimate . 22. inanimate things ; as upon other plants , or animals . 23. upon plants , they either exercise a sympathy or antipathy , friendship or enmity ; so that the olive-tree will be averse to the oak , the cabadge to the vine , the reed to the fearn : but on the contrary , there is a friendship & sympathy between rue and the fig-tree ; that each other profits much by their vicinity . 24. the inquisition of these things is so obscure , insomuch that some have referred their original to an occult cause , and others have gone about to demonstrate it by reason . 25. but however , this is most likely the true meaning why they prosecute such a sympathy and antipathy , by reason of the substraction of aliment and corruption : for this cause it is , that where the oak is , the olive will not live , because the aliment is corrupted by the dryness of the oak , and therefore is made more arrid then the nature of olive is . so the cabbage and the vine cannot grow together : first , because the roots of the vine do draw abundance of aliment from all the parts of the ground where it is planted : secondly , because the bushiness of the vine obstructs the reflection of the sun upon the cabbage . 26. so in like manner do they exercise sympathy and friendship : the rue seems to have nutriment with the fig-tree , which is the cause of this loving correspondence ; for if the nature of the fig-tree be hot , it must needs attract hot nutriment , which corresponds with the nature of rue . 27. plants also have a sympathy and antipathy to animals , and that either to man alone , or other animals . 28. some plants are friendly to mankinde , others are adverse to humane nature , and others do partake of a certain medium between both . 29. those that are friendly , do repair and defend the universal body , or determinated parts . 30. those which are said to preserve the life of the universal body , are such as have a strong faculty in nourishing , whose is the consent of principles , if so be all things be nourished with its like . 31. but whether this consent happens from the form , or rather matter , is an intricate doubt . indeed the hability of the matter is altogether necessary , but the consent of the form ought to accede . 32. and these plants do nourish either in the whole , or in part . 33. whole plants that do nourish , are such as these : pot-herbs , lettice , cabbage , water-cresses , brooklime . 34. part of plants ; as the roots of rape , parsnip , radish : fruits ; as of mellons , cucumbers : seeeds ; as of beans and pease : corn ; as of barley , wheat , rye , &c. 35. what things do defend a certain part of the body , are various : as pyony the head , saffron the heart , mint the stomack , egrimony the liver , capers the spleen , hermodactyls the arteries ; the cause of which is a certain similitude and consent of that plant , with the form of that part to which ordained . 36. some plants are enemies , pernicious and hurtful , and that either to the whole body , or part : to the whole they prove fatal , by everting the continuity of union , and depraving of life , or stupefie or benum part of the body : as henbane to the head , pepper of the mount to the liver , ervus to the reins and bladder , aloes to the hemorrhoids ; the cause of which antipathy or corruption , is the controversie of the form . 37. one and the same plant , is sometimes salutary to one man , but noxious and death to another , by reason of the peculiar constitution of the individuum . 38. some plants there are , partly friends , and partly enemies to our bodies , partaking of a middle nature between sympathy and antipathy . 39. they are enemies indeed , which are infested with a bad sapour or odour ; they are friends that are correspondent to our constitution , which do bring out unprofitable juices out of our bodies ; as coloquintida and oth●…r purging plants . 40. but as far as medicaments act by purgation , so far they operate upon nature , by a ●…ertain force , which may be accounted under the name of being an enemy to nature : and those which draw corruption with humours , are enemies , though they be judged to draw them by a certain similitude and congruity . 41. the strength of plants have also a certain friendship and enmity with other animals : for fennel is a friend to the serpent , but rue an enemy ; the ash to the scorpion , but wolfs-bane infests him , & white hellebore is a friend to him ; for if he be laid thereto , he revives : so basil , in which he hath been seen to ingender : so the herbs oenothara , crateva , lysimachus , hung about the necks of mad animals , or untamed bulls , they will cause them ( as antiquity hath observed ) to turn round : all which do express necessarily a certain tacite consent of forms . 42. plants also do produce various effects in inanimite things ; for the ancients have left upon record , that by the force and touch of missletoe , and the herb aethiopis , all locks and bolts do fly open : the spina of theophrastus doth congeal water : radix , hybisci , and the juice of purslain and mercury , doth abate the force of fire ( this hath often been experimented in our time ) all which in reason we ought to believe to be acted no other ways , then by the power of proper forms . 43. lastly , for the nourishment and contemperation of the elementary qualities in plants , four degrees are constituted in plants , to wit , that some be hot or cold , moist or dry , in the first or second , third or fourth degree . 44. and these degrees respectively taken , are either remiss or intense : those that are remiss , are such as are placed in the first degree ; the rest are intense , so that the fourth be the chief , and exceed altogether mediocrity . the commentary . ( a ) vvhy plants are delighted to grow in various places , is a thing not easily unfolded ; yet it is a thing worth inquiring . therefore according to the opinion of the philosophers , the place is the conservator of all things ; that as the nature of plants is various , so they have need of divers places to preserve life : therefore that place alone , or soyl , is proper and profitable to the life of plants , which doth suggest convenient aliment unto them , and in which the roots of the plant may have foundation commodious for its nature : on the contrary , that place is altogether unprofitable for plants , where moderate aliment is not afforded in plenty , according to the nature of the plant and its substance , in the first and second qualities ; or where the soyl is such , that the roots can neither go lower , nor rise higher , as occasion serves and need requires : therefore these plants , which stand in need of pure aliment , much and sweet , can never profit or thrive , where the place suggests nothing but impure , little , hot , and saltish aliment : so such as have robust and long roots , will not live in a dense soyl ; and those that have small and tender roots , cannot thrive in a thin soyl , because they cannot draw aliment from the bottom . some are bettered with a dense air ; which happens , because of their dissipation by the airs tenuity : some thrive gallantly in a sunny place , because they stand in need of the heat of the sun , to excite their denser substance : and here also is a certain tacite consent proceeding from the peculiar form of plants : for in cold places hot juyce doth grow ; and in a cold and moist place , sometimes hot and dry plants do live . chap. 6. of the parts of plants , and their kindes . 1. hitherto of plants which have a body both organical and animate . now of their parts . 2. whatsoever that is from which the body of plants is constituted , is either within the ground , and then it is called a root ; or above the ground , then superficies . 3. and this whole body is distributed into parts ; or principals , or less principal . 4. those which are called the true principals , are those parts in which the vegetable soul doth perfect nutrition , and conserve life . 5. and they are either similar , or dissimilar . 6. similar parts , which have one and the same substance altogether : and because many of them want proper words , they change the appellation of parts of animals , by a certain analogy . 7. and these are either liquid , or solid . 8. the liquid are juices and tears . 9. juice is that liquid part , diffused in the substances of plants ; by which , as with blood , their life is preserved , arist. 1. de plant. c. 2. 10. lachryma , or tears , are humours which drop from plants spontaneously ; either induced thereunto by the heat of the sun , or the plenty of humour dehiscing upon any occasion . 11. and they are either watry , as such as do concrete into gums ; or pitchy , such as are converted to rosin . 12. the solid parts are the substance , called flesh and the fibres . 13. the flesh is the gross substance of the plant , consisting of a concreted humour , responding to the muscles of animals . 14. the fibres are long parts , continued & fissile , carried in the same manner over the whole plant , as veins and nerves in animals ; and accordingly in plants , they are called veins and nerves : the succulent fibres , are the greater veins ; the dry , the lesser . 15. the dissimilar parts do consist of the similar . 16 and these are either universal or anniversary . 17. the universal , or parts during for a long time , are the root , the caule , matrix , and bough . 18. the root is the lowest part of the plant , which is as it were the mouth of the plant , fixed in the earth ; thereby attracting nutriment for the enlivening of the whole , and the supplying of every part . 19. the caule is the trunk , stock , or body of the plant , which doth arise next from the root above the earth ; into which , as it were into the vena cava , the aliment doth first ascend from the root , and after a full concoction , is carried to the other parts . 20. the matrix , or medulla , or sap , is the internal part of the plant ; lying hid in the midle of the plant , consisting of flesh and humour . 21. the boughs are parts of the plant which do stretch out and dilate themselves from the caule or trunk , as the arms of the body from the shoulders . 22. anniversary , that is , those parts that grow afresh yearly , young twigs , flowers and fruit . 23. a twig is part of the plant which arises new from the boughs yearly ; and upon these twigs , do the fruit and flowers hang. 24. the less principal parts are the barks and leaves . 25. the bark is , as it were , a certain tunicle made of fibres , wherewith the body is involved ; and is called the rinde . 26. leaves are , as it were , the excrements of plants ; and they do consist of humour and fibres . 27. but plants are either perfect or imperfect . 28. i call those perfect , which evidently have the first and principal parts of plants , to wit , the superficies and the root . 29. and these have by nature , for their superficies , a caul , or none . 30. those that have a caule , have it either perpetual , that is to say , for a long time , or not perpetual . 31. those whose caules are not perpetual , they have no liqueous substance , as all kindes of herbs ; and these amongst all plants , are the least . 32. an herb ( a ) therefore is a little plant , whose superficies consists of a caule or stem , void of wood , continuing for a year . 33. under this we comprehend all fruits and pot-herbs , which are no other then such as are fit to be eaten . 34. those which have a caule perpetual , that is , for a long time , have it either by nature simple or compound , one or more . 35. those which have it simple , are plants of the greatest crassitude , as trees . 36. a tree therefore is a liqueous plant , hard to be dissolved ; amongst all plants , the firmest and highest , whose candex is perpetual , and by nature simple . 37. and this hath either a firm caul , or not firm . 38. firm , as the oak , the apple-tree , pear , and cherry-tree , &c. 39. infirm , as the vine and others , which are fain to be supported . 40. which have many caules , and the same either thin or crass . 41. those which have a thin caule , are reckoned amongst less liqueous plants , as broom and bavine . 42. brush or bavine is a plant accounted the least amongst liqueous plants , both in altitude and crassitude , not unlike to the rose-tree , sage , and marshmallow . 43. those which , have crass caules , are reckoned amongst middle plants , easily passing into the nature of trees , by the abscission of the unprofitable branches , as shrubs . 44. a shrub is a liqueous plant , of a middle altitude and crassitude , who hath for its superficies a perpetual caule , by nature multifarious and crass ; as the hazle and elder . 45. imperfect plants are those which want a superficies and root , or that is obscurely in them , or not in them . 46. of this sort are mushrooms and toadstools , whose substance is spungy , in which but one superficies can be discerned ; so also missletoe , dodder , and epithimus , in which no root can be seen . 47. there are so many varieties of plants in the universe , that they cannot be comprehended within our brevity ; their species and several natures may be known , by reading of pliny , theophrastus , and other writers of herbs . the commentary . ( a ) an herb may be distinguished several ways by divers arguments : we shall onely distinguish of those which are idoneous to be eaten ; of which sort are edible fruits and herbs : fruits ; as wheat , rye , barley , oats , &c. all manner of pulse ; as pease , &c. pot-herbs ; as radish , fennel , &c. and all other herbs that are eaten or mingled with meats ; as the cabbadge , lettice , &c. those which are not fit for esure , are healthful or exitial ; the use whereof is in medicine , either to absterge , calefie , or refrigerate ; with many other properties , which medicine requires : exitial are those that have an excedent quality , as hemlock . but why have plants and animals such a familiarity or hatred amongst themselves , is a question worth resolving . there are certain herbs which are edible , which preserve the life of animals : now the consent must be in principles ; for all things are nourished by their simile , and corrupted by their contrary : but whether this consent be from the form or matter , is a question not yet resolved . that it doth proceed from the matter , is a thing seemingly to be proved , because the aliment doth not come from the naked form , but body of the plants ; and when it begins to nourish ( for those aliments which nourish , must be concocted by the innate heat of the animal , and so be changed divers manner of ways ) it seems rather to belong to the matter , then the form : but we must know that matter cannot be idoneous for the nourishment of any body , unless also the consent of form doth concur ; for neither without the help of other , can be the cause of any action . for whatsoever is made from a body that doth consist of matter and form , is so made , that the actions may be given rather to the form then matter , and the passions rather to the matter then form : and therefore the familiarity of nutriment , is chiefly to be referred to the form , although that the concurrence of the hability of the matter , be necessary . from these may be gathered , why certain herbs are so averse from putrefaction ; but on the contrary , apt and ready to the breaking of the whole body , and everting of life : for the cause of corruption is the contrariety of form ; and the matter makes repugnancy , lest that any nutriment happen to the other : for so the seeds of grapes have of the matter , and yet not nourish men ; and the wolf thos hath of form and matter , and yet averse from the life of men . chap. 7. of parts contained in animate bodies ; and first of all , of humors . 1. hitherto we have spoken of the first kinde of natural animates , to wit , of plants : we shall now prosecute the other kinde , aistheton , or such as have sense . 2. aisthetice is a nature which is indowed with sense . 3. and it is zoophyton , or an animal . 4. an animal is a ( a ) sensible and animated body , moving it self to a place . 5. for sense belongs onely to animals , and they are constituted for them ; and herein they differ from plants . 6. this animated body ( b ) is one , and simple harmony of many parts , by continuation and union of form ; and it is dividual and variable into almost infinite parts . 7. therefore all that is part of an animate body , into which the same body cannot be divided , or remain well whole , arist. 7. polit. c. 8. 8. and some things are contained in these parts . 9. they are contained , which when they have a fluent and coherent nature , are yet sustained by help of others . 10. of which sort ( c ) are both humours and spirits . 11. an humour is the liquid and fluent part of a body , contained in the spaces of an animate body , and so placed therefore for the preservation of the same . 12. therefore whatsoever doth flow in and from the body , insomuch that a vessel is required to be subjected , in which the thing may be contained , is called an humour . 13. and humour is either insite or acquisite : the insite is engendered of the whole mass of the body , having its rise from the seed and menstruous blood , for the conformation of the body ; and it is also called radical , or primogenial . 14. and it is either airy , or oleous , in which the native heat is preserved , even as a flame by the candle . 15. it is daily made of aliment : for whatsoever suffices in its place , it is needful to be changed by the help of heat ; but heat in product of time begins to fade , and therefore what happens of aliment , is impure ; and if it be destitute of fit aliment , then heat at length quite dissipates . 16. the acquisite doth come out for reparation sake , for the more profitable parts of aliments . 17. and it is either primary or secondary . 18. the primary is gotten immediately of aliments concocted in the liver . 19. chylus therefore is not to be accounted the first humour , both for that it is unapt of it self to nourish the body or any part thereof , and also that it is not as yet truly fluid , and not cocted in the liver . 20. primary humours are either profitable or excrementitious . 21. those that are profitable , and make much to nutrition , are blood and flegme . 22. blood ( d ) is a hot humour , temperate , sweet , rubicund , prepared in the miseraick veins , and confected in the liver , of the most temperate , oleous and airy parts of chyle . 23. with this alone , are all the parts of animals nourished . first , when it is certain , that we are nourished of those things of which we consist ; but we are made of pure blood in the womb . secondly , because this humour alone is distributed by vessels , over the whole body , and so doth accede to every part . thirdly , this alone also is sweet , and apt to nourish : other humours are either bitter or acid . fourthly , this alone can concrete by the benefit of the fibres , and be assimilated to the body , arist. l. 2. de part . anim . c. 23. 24. therefore this alone is contained in the veins , not mingled with any other humour , although it be conflated of four divers parts , which do so constitute the sanguineous mass , as cheese and whay belongs to the substance of milk . 25. therefore , because nature is not one and the same in all parts , therefore from this mass several stocks of juices may be drawn . 26. those parts are various , of which blood doth consist : some improperly entitle them by the name of excrementitious humours . 27. for those humours are not carried with blood into the body , if it injoys fully its native health ; but if infested with any preternatural affection , then it is not blood , but an excrement , as aristotle calls it ; and the philosophers , nosodes haima , diseased blood . 28. flegme ( e ) is a cold humour , moist , white , and insipid ; gotten of a cold portion of chyle in the liver , that by the progress of time and greater concoction , it may divert to blood , and so nourish the body . 29. therefore , nature prudently hath hid no receptacle , which might expurge it : therefore , seeing it cannot be evacuated , it requires to be altered . 30. furthermore , there are excrementitious humours , which are unprofitable to nourish the body ; therefore they are purged by nature . 31. and these are made either by the second concoction , together with the blood in the liver , and may be discerned ; or of the third , of what is left of every part . 32. two excrementitious humors , are generated in the second concoction in the liver : the one representing the flower , the other the fecies of wine , to wit , yellow and black , choler and whey . 33. yellow bile or choler ( f ) is an excrementitious humour , hot and dry , bitter also , being procreated of the tender and hotter parts of chyle ; and so gathered into the bladder of the gall . 34. this humor doth flow from the bladder of the gall , by the passage of the choledochum ( from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , choler , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to receive ) to the end of the intestines , that it may stimulate the dull intestines by its acrimony to excretion ; and so bring down the slow flegme adhering to the interior membranes . 35. black choler ( g ) or melancholy is a cold and dry humour , crass , and black , acerb , acid , arising from the gross●…r and feculent part of aliment , and expurged from the spleen . 36. serum or whey , is an excrementitious humor , begotten of drink or any other liquor , wherewith meat is digested in the stomach by the action of heat in the liver . 37. part of it is mild , and distributed together with blood into the veins , and so the same made gross by the coction , and plenty of fibres ; and as it were deduced in a chariot , to the extremities of the body : the other part which is unprofitable , is forthwith expelled to the ●…ins ; and hence by the uretra's to the bladder . 38. this serum , therefore , is matter of urine ; for this is no other thing then serum , altered in the liver and vessels , attracted from the reins , and expulsed into the bladder : and at last excreted by the passage of the vein , that purer blood may be made . 39. but the excrementitious humours , which are discerned in the third concoction , do either break out of the whole body , or by some determinate part . 40. of which sort are sweats , and tears , which we put amongst the excrements of the third concoction : not that they are then generated ( for their matter is the same with serum ) but after that the concoction is made , they are discerned . 41. sweat therefore is serum altered in the liver , and by the conveyance of the blood , is transmitted by the veins ; and at length out of these veins , by the insensible passages of the body , expulsed into the species of water . 42. the usual and natural sweat of our body is of a watry colour ; but sometimes it is yellowish , and reddish , by reason of the tenuity of the blood , which aristotle mentions . 43. a tear is a drop , contained in the head and angles of the veins which are in the eyes , and doth break out by the watry holes , to the internal angle of the eye ; and by compression and dilatation , by the scissure of the conjunctive tunicle . 44. hence it is , that the coming of tears , doth not proceed from the eyes ; for they are , as it were , but the emissaries of the drops . 45. it behoves also that nature should have given to every man tears , properly so called , because sometimes he is sad , and sometimes rejoyces ; whence his veins are dilated and compressed . 46. they are most prone to tears , whose bodies are endowed with a cold and moist , tender , soft , and effeminate constitution , and with a moist and languid brain : hence it is , that children and women , more then men , are addicted more to pour out tears in such a plentiful manner . 47. great plenty and abundance of tears do flow from them also , who have the carnucles and angles of the eyes great and lax . 48. and on the contrary , some by no force , nor means , can be made to weep , because in them the lachrymal flesh doth obduce the veins , and so hinder the flux of tears . 49. let these suffice to have been spoken of the primary humours , both excrementitious and profitable : the secondary humours , are those which are made new , of insited or radical moisture , or of blood much concocted . 50. of which sort are these two , ( h ) ros and gluten . 51. ros is an humour , which doth distil like a dew , generated of blood resolved into vapour , and doth resude by the tunicles of the veins ; and partly flows from or by the pores thereof . 52. gluten is an humour begotten of ros : applied first to the substance of the part , and there adhering ; and then changed by the heat of the parts : and it is called gluten , because it agglutinates the parts . 53. therefore we shall exclude the rest ; either because they are or may be referred to what hath been said ; or that they are improper , wanting names , whereby they cannot be appropriated to any class . the commentary . ( a ) it is delivered in the definition , that an animal doth consist of matter and form. matter is an animate , or organical body : form is endowed with sense ; for sense ought to belong , and is necessary to such an animal ; and of that alone are animals constituted : and therein do they differ from plants , which indeed are animates , but destitute of sense . now in animals , motion doth always accompany sense , as a thing necessary to the conservation of the animal : for because it is preserved by nutriment , it stands in need of motion to procure that nutriment : but every animal by divine ordination , doth generate the whole and perfect simile to it self ; in which generation , matter is the seed of both sexes , masculine and feminine ; or a certain simile , that is in stead of seed : although sometimes certain animates are produced out of putrefaction , yet there must be some certain seminal force therein , or else it could not be the efficient cause of any such generation . ( b ) because these ▪ sublunaries do consist of dissimilar natures , therefore they are mortal & corruptible : therefore lest that god should seem to be wanting to them , he hath or dained that they that cannot remain in the same number , or at least in the same species , be revived by annual succession ; and therefore by the benefit of procreation , that one species should proceed out of another ; whence the life of the dead ( as we may say ) is placed in the memory of the living ; and the father doth live in the son , as the artificer in his work . but as god is always the first cause of all natures , so is he the true , proper and first efficient cause in the rise of all animals : the secondary or instrumentary , are the animals themselves , whether masculine or feminine of the same species , that they may make one when they are united , and distinctly ordered to the obscene parts and instruments of generation : for the masculine is generated in another , and not in it self ; the feminine doth generate in it self , and not in another : where observe , that perfect animals onely can be said to proceed from the congress of the masculine and the feminine ; yet some may be excepted : for of little animals , as insects , which are produced of putrid matter alone , without seed ; so the flye cantharis , hath neither masculine nor feminine : nor is it a p●…enix in nature : so an eel is of neither sex ; and many other . ( c ) it is disputed by some , whether humours or spirits may be rightly reckoned amongst animal parts ; because they obtain no figure , nor certain mode of increment , like solid and dimense parts : but know , that we take the word part largely in this place , for all that which is necessary to the constitution of an animate body : for whatsoever may not be taken from the whole , without a dissolution of that whole , that may properly be called part of that whole : therefore humors and spirits , because if they be taken away , the animal whole cannot consist ; therefore they are adjudged to pass under the name of parts . but here it will be demanded , whence doth the dissimilitude of the four humours depend , from the efficient or from the matter ? galen and avicen do assert , that blood doth arise from a moderate and temperate , choler from an intense , and flegme from a remiss heat . but fernelius more rightly refers the cause of so great variety to the aliment , that is , ●…o the material cause , because it ●…s not consentaneous , the same ●…eat , in the same time and part , ●…o produce contrary effects : ●…herefore the cause of this dissi●…ilitude is referred to the mat●…er . for whereas aliment ( which ●…s the matter ) taken into our bo●…ies , doth consist of divers parts , ●…t is altogether consentaneous to ●…uth , that those humours which ●…o arise from it , cannot be alto●…ther of one and the same genus , ●…ut divers ; for what part of the ●…yle is more temperate , is converted by the liver into blood ; and what more hotter , is changed into ▪ yellow choler ; and what is crude , into flegme ; and what is terrene , into melancholy . and these are familiar to the body , four manner of ways , as hippocrates saith , by which we are constituted and nourished : for because the bodies of animals do disperse those things which are excrementitious , by certain occult foramens , and that by diflation ; therefore they need aliment . ( d ) blood may be understood two manner of ways : first , for all the four humours , which are contained in the veins , which when opened , blood doth flow out , endowed with the four humours ; for blood is not similar , but a mass conflated of different humours : secondly , blood may be taken peculiarly and properly , for a pure sejoyned humor , which is known by this sign , that assoon as it is let out into a vessel , it concretes , and turns into clots , by reason of its fibres : this humour is called by hippocrates , hot and moist , because it conserves the life of the animal , which consists of a humid , as though material , and a calid principle as formal ; and it is also called temperate by galen , because a hot and moist temperament , doth next accede to the temperature , because it is the fittestto produce animal-operations ; and it is called sweet , because it arises from a moderate heat , and of a temperate and best part of chyle : it is called red or rubicund , because it acquires a colour from the liver , that is red : for every part propounds this as its end , to assimilate that to itself , which it altered ; therefore chyle is taken from the ventricle , and transmuted by little and little to the liver ; and so by degrees , doth pass , and is converted into its nature : and hence it is , that it receives its colour ; from this doth every part attract aliment ; whence blood is called by some , the treasure of life , which nature so keeps in such safe custody , that all the other humors may receive loss , before blood : nay some have gone so far , as to go about to demonstrate , that the soul resides in blood ; others do affirm , that blood is essentially the very soul. ( e ) flegme , is gotten of the gross and watrish part of chyle : sometimes it is called sweet ; not that any dulcitude or sweetness doth possess it , as it is with honey or sugar : but so to be understood , as when we say sweet water , or water is sweet : and when we ascribe frigidity to it , we do mean , that it is not partaker of the contrary , viz. heat ; but because that coldness is predominant in it : for if flegme were onely cold exactly , then it would be coacted like unto ice ; and if it were exactly humid , it were void of all crassitude and lentor : the effect of it is to nourish the flegmatick members , together with blood ; and it is alimen●… half cocted , and in progress of time may easily make blood , and nourish the whole body . ( f ) the matter of black choler or melancholy is the more gross and feculent part of aliment , not unlike to the fecies of wine , or the setlings of oyl . this humour is cold and dry , because terrene : neither yet so cold , but that it is a partaker of some heat , otherwise it would concrete like ice ; nor void of all humidity , otherwise it would not be an humor , but a hard body like to an adamant : its proper colour is black , or rather oleaceous , which in a temperate man , is called black : if compared with the colour of other humours , it is crass , by reason of its terrene nature ; and it hath sometimes a sowre sapour , when much heat cocts the humidity ; and sometimes sharp , when less heat , &c. its use is to nourish the gross , hard , and terrene members . but here a question may be handled : whereas it is said , that melancholy is terrene , cold and dry , therefore unapt to all the motions , both of body and minde ; its strange why aristotle will have all melancholy persons to be ingenious , either in the study of philosophy , or moral policy , in poetry , and many other arts and sciences . it is answer'd , that the strength of wit is discerned and discovered , either by quickly learning , or strongly retaining . in this latter , melancholy persons do excel , because siccity is necessary and appropriated to the retentive faculty : therefore the brain is made firm and contemperated from this humor , by the heat of blood and spirit ; and indeed , those that are without this humour , are very forgetful : and though they may be ingenious , yet they are always found to be light and unstable , seldom persevering in the thing proposed , by reason of the levity of spirits ; for judgement and prudence , is no●… perfected in motion , but in rest : whence aristotle could affirm , that the soul is rendred more intelligible , by rest and quietness , then commotion and trouble . ( h ) avicen , besides those two before named , doth make other two adventitious humours , amongst which those spoken of do possess a medium : the first is called innominatus , because it never flows out of the veins ; but the second , the barbarians call cambium , because it desires to flow out , and would be changed into the substance of flesh : but both of them are rejected : yet fuchsius would have this humor to be the same with the radical , but without reason . here it may be demanded , whether it may perpetuate life ? because the oleous or radical is preserved and nourished with humidity , and new always substituted in the place of that which is absumed ; for i do not see why , if radical humidity be wanting , that death should follow : but answer may be made , that the privation or defect of the radical humor , depends upon the impotency of heat : for whatsoever suffices in the place of its native humour , that is necessary to be changed by the help of heat ; which as scaliger thinks , is altered and grows feeble , by use and diuturnity of time : therefore what accedes of aliment is more worse and impure , then that which decedes ; therefore heat destitute of idoneous aliment , is dissipated . and hence it is that man necessarily must dye . chap. 8. of spirits . 1. hitherto of humors so called : now we shall handle the doctrine of spirits : they are called ( a ) spirits , because they fly away by their subtil and aereal tenuity , which after a certain manner responds to the nature of spirits indeed . 2. but here the word spirit is taken ( b ) for a very small or thin substance , aereal and vaporous ; the first instrument of life , as to the performance of action . 3. here its essence is not to be understood ethereal and celestial , but in a manner elementary : first , because such like spirits are what like their matter is ; but their matter is elementary : secondly , they can accend , refrigerate , increase , diminish , and extinguish : but the celestial , on the contrary , want these ; neither can they be changed by natural cause : thirdly , because to their preservation , the inspiration of the air is necessary : fourthly and lastly , the spirits do restore again an elementary body , in a swounding fit . 4. a spirit is either insited , or fixed , or influent . 5. insited , which is ordinarily ( c ) complanatus , is an aereal and tender substance , lying within several solid members , and procreated of the genital seed , from the governess faculty of the principal parts , the first and proximate seat of native heat , and a certain faculty , as it were , the band of unition of the soul with the body . 6. of this there seems to be so many differences , as there are natures and temperaments of parts , if it may be accommodated to these , and attemperated to the nature of every part . 7. the influent is that which is implanted ; and lest it should dissolve and vanish , it remains fixed . 8. and here it is threefold ; natural , vital , and animal . 9. and as in mans body , first , there are three vertues , natural , vital , and animal : secondly , so also there are three principal bowels , if i may so call them , the liver , heart , and brain : thirdly , three organs also administring to these , the veins , arteries , and nerves : so there are so many spirits , distinct in species and form , which are , as it were , the chariots of strength . 10. the natural is ( d ) a thin vapour , procreated in the liver , of the purer part of blood ; and thence diffused by the veins into the habit of the body , to absolve all natural actions . 11. concerning this , many great questions are made : some do expunge it from the catalogue of spirits : first , because it takes its natural faculty from the liver : secondly , that it doth renew the same faculty insited from every part : thirdly , and by this spirit or captain , the gross blood is carried to distant parts . 12. the vital spirit ( e ) is a thin halite vapour , or breath , begotten of inspirated air , and natural spirit ; carried to the left side of the heart , and so runs by the artery over the whole body , and so supplies the vivifical strength unto them . 13. all the ancient neotericks do conclude this to be coacted , when it is chiefly necessary to life : for as plato doth affirm , if the sun should quiesce one moment , the whole world would perish , because it excites spirit and heat , by its motion : so here , if the spirits be prohibited , forthwith the animal perishes . 14. the animal spirit is ( f ) a pure halite , begotten of a portion of vital spirit , carried to the brain and insited in its faculty , diffused by the nerves into the body , that it may incite it to motion , sense , and all animal actions . 15. this , as it pleases some , doth not differ from the vital , in kinde and nature ; because they maintain , that there is but one universal spirit : but as aliment doth take a new form , by a new coction , and thence a new denomination : so that first , there are divers organs : secondly , divers faculties : thirdly , divers manner of generations ; so also this spirit is diverse from the rest in species . the commentary . ( a ) by spirit here we understand not an incorporeal substance , or the intellect of man , which is rightly called by the philosophers , a spirit ; which scaliger , otherwise a man very learned dothseem to dissent from ; for he speaks theologically , and is to be understood , as speaking of an incorporate substance : but by spirit we mean a thin and subtil body . ( b ) because nature is not wont to copulate one contrary to another , unless it be with some medium , not unlike a band : for mortal and immortal , do differ more then in kinde ; and therefore an incorporate being , is not consentaneous to a brittle body , and immortality cannot be united to the intellect of man without the concurrence of a medium : and this is no other then a spirit , which doth bring mortality to the body ; having a thin and tender substance , as it were , acceding to the intellect . the medium between both , is nature : and this spirit is not void of a body , but begotten of the elements which were in the seed : and it is most elaborate , nearly acceding to the nature of celestial spirits ; and most thin , that it may fly all sense ; very apt to pass , by an incredible celerity : for it passes over the whole body with a great celerity , that it may give motion , sense , and strength to its parts , and perform other functions of the soul. ( d ) concerning this spirit , many great questions are agitated : some do-banish it from the catalogue of spirits , moved thereto by these arguments : first , because there is no use nor necessity for it . we answer , its use is great : for first of all , it is the chariot of aliment ; for the humours gotten in the liver , can scarce penetrate of themselves , through the narrow passages , by reason of their crassitude ; nor can they well be carried to the other parts of the body , by reason of the slowness of their motion . furthermore , this spirit takes its natural faculty from the liver ; whose work is to attract , retain , and concoct familiar aliment to all the parts of the body ; and by a certain force , doth expel the excrements . secondly , they will have no place to be given by nature proper for this spirit . we answer , the liver is its fountain and principle ; as the heart of life , and the brain of the soul. thirdly , they alledge , that this spirit doth not lead any thing to any part , or carry any thing thereunto . but we say , that as the animal spirit is carried by the nerves , the vital by the arteries : so the natural spirit is carried by the veins , together with the aliment blood , into the general mass of the body . but here another question will arise , how can the spirits flow into the inward and most remote parts , but by penetration , and dimension . answer , some bodies are crass and solid , and some thin and tender : through those that are hard , they cannot penetrate ; but the spirits , because they are thin , do fly all manner of sense , and are diffused without impediment in a moment , this way and that way , with a certain kind of celerity , and do pervade the members ; neither by their presence filling them , nor by their absence emptying them . ( e ) and in this spirit all the causes come to be considered : the matter is the natural spirit , procreated in the liver , thence carried by the vena cava , with the arterious blood ( that is , the purest of blood ) upwards , going into the right side of the heart , where it is attenuated most accurately , by the passages , not altogether occult ; but if a dog be dissected , it will be found in the left side : the efficient cause is the strong heat of the heart , attenuating and making thin the vital spirit : it 's form its rarefaction , not unlike to the tenuity of a little flame : its end is to conserve life diffused from the heart , by the arteries , into the universal body . ( f ) the matter of this spirit is that vital , which is carried by the crevices of the arteries , to the basis of the brain ; and it doth slide thereinto as into a net ; which is placed there by nature , as a labyrinth : for when any matter would exactly elaborate , it doth devise a longer stay in the instruments of coction , and afterwards by another context is intromitted into ventricles of the brain : the efficient cause is motion , but chiefly the proper force of the solid substance of the brain , whereby this spirit doth exactly elaborate , and so become animal : the form of it is rarefaction , made perfect by the degeneration of the vital spirit into the animal : its end is to shew a sensitive and moving faculty , with great celerity , from the middle ventricle of the brain , by the nerves , into the whole body ; by which spirit the animal faculty is apprehended in man of reason and memory , if its force or motion be not hindred . chap. 9. of the similar parts of an animate body . 1. having expounded the contained parts , the continent do follow , which consist of substance , by reason of that firmness and solidity they have . 2. and they are either homogeneous or heterogeneous , similar or dissimilar . 3. a similar ( a ) part is that which may be divided into similes , according to the particles of sense , and into the same species . 4. of similar parts , some are spermatical , others carnous . 5. the spermatick parts are those , which are generated immediately of the crassament of seed , and so coalesced into hard substances . 6. of which sort are bones , cartilages , ligaments , membranes , nerves , arteries , veins , fibres , fat 's , skin . 7. bones are the hardest parts ( b ) of animates , dry and cold , begotten of the crassament of seed by exustion , to the stability of the whole . 8. these are endowed with no sense : because first , no nerves are disseminated by their substance : secondly , if they were sensible , they could not endure daily labors without great pain ; and that sensation would either take away the greatest part of action , or render it frustraneous . 9. a cartilage ( c ) is a kin to these , which is a substance or part a little softer then bones , and harder then any other member ; and flexible after a certain manner , made to the keeping of motion in its destinated parts . 10. a ligament ( d ) is a simple part of the body , hard , and begotten of seed , yet softer then a cartilage ; and yielding to the touch , knitting the bones together . 11. a certain portion of these is called tendous , which is a similar part , begotten of fibres , nerves , and ligaments , mixed in a muscle ; all which are called articles . 12. a membrane is a similar part , begotten of seed , tender , covering several other parts . 13. the nerves are spermatick parts , arising from the brain , or back-bone , the interior part of the marrow , the exterior of the membrane , carrying the animal spirit to sense and motion . 14. they are distinguished into softer or harder . 15. they are soft which do arise from the former part of the brain . 16. and they are seven conjugations : for none of all the nerves are simple , but all conjugated ; whence they are called paria nervorum . 17. the chiefest of these are inserted in the centre of the eye , and are called the visive or optick nerves , carrying the faculty of seeing unto them . 18. the second propagation of moving of the nerves , is the eyes . 19. the third society is partly scattered into the tunicle of the tongue , to propogate to the taste ; and part dispersed in other parts of the face . 20. the fourth conjugation is a certain proportion dispersed in the palate . 21. the fifth is carried by the auditory passage , to the drum of the ears ; and they are called the auditory nerves . 22. the sixth is a large portion of nerves , wandring and running almost through all the bowels . 23. the seventh arises from the hinder part of the head , and the marrow of the back-bone , and inserted into the muscles of the tongue , and is said to move the tongue . 24. the crasser nerves , in which there is a more obtuser faculty , and they do come out of the marrow of the back-bone , carrying sense and motion to the internal parts . 25. and thirty of these are alike , and combined , seven to the hinder part of the neck ; twelve to the thorax ; five to the lungs ; six to the sacred bones : all which do disperse themselvs like boughs into the other parts of the body . 26. the arteries ( f ) are hollow vessels , long , having two tunicles , and those crass and substantial , ordained for the deducing of the vital spirit ; and for temperating and expurging of the heart and other parts to heat . 27. and they do arise out of the heart ; of which two principal arteries do spring out of the left side thereof : from which two , all the other take their original , arteria aorta , et arteria venosa . 28. the great artery aorta is the foundation of all other arteries , and doth carry the vital spirit to all the other parts of the body . 29. the venous artery is stretched out , like a quill , from the same side of the heart , into the liver , from whence it brings air to cool the heart . 30. a vein ( g ) is a similar part , and round and hollow , like to a reed , arising from the liver , consisting of one tunicle contexted of three fibres , carrying blood for nutriment , together with the natural spirit , to the several parts of the body . 31. veins are distinguished into principal , and less principal . 32. the principal are those out of which , as out of a trunk or stock , others do arise ; and they are two ; vena porta , and vena cava . 33 vena porta is a great vein , coming out of the hollow part of the liver , and excepting all the mesenterian veins ; by which it takes chyle out of the ventricle and intestines , and so doth carry it to the concavity of the liver . 34. vena cava , which is also called the great vein , doth arise from the bunchy part of the liver ; and running over the whole longitude of the animal , carries the blood to all the parts for nutriment . 35. the less principal veins are branches of the former ; and either they have peculiar names allotted , or not . 36. the branched veins are partly mesenterial , and partly hemorrhoidal . 37. the causes of these are either external or internal . 38. the internal are the emulgent or seminal veins . 39. the exterior are the jugular veins in the head , the intercostal in the trunk , and the auxiliary in the arms : of these , and all the branches dispersed from them , into both the exterior and interior parts of the body , no particular names are allotted them . 40. the fibres are ( h ) similar parts , begotten white and solid , of seed , and dispersed every where over the whole membrane . 41. and they are either right , oblique , or transverse . 42. they are right , which are carried according to the longitude of the membrane , and do serve to attract aliment . 43. those that are transverse , are such as are placed cross the body , and they retain the attracted aliment . 44. oblique are those that are obduced with an organ crooked , and do crosswise cut the two former , and have an expelling force . 45. fat is a similar part ( i ) of the body , moist , without blood , concreted of the aereal and fatty part of blood , erupting by sweat , through the tunicles of the vessels , and congealed by the frigidity of the nervous parts . 46. the skin ( k ) is a similar part , ample and spermatick ; and it is the covering of all the parts of the body . 47. to this may be added that which is no other then a thin and tender skin , not unlike to the peeling of an onyon . 48. hitherto of similar parts , which are spermatick : they are carnous which are generated of blood , and they are the flesh of the muscles . 49. flesh ( l ) is a tender part soft and rubicund , and concreted of coagulated blood . the commentary . ( a ) many definitions of similar parts are delivered , both by ancient and late writers . aristotle doth call that a similar part , which is divided into like parts ; which definition almost all have kept ; which notwithstanding seems to be imperfect ; for it must be understood of those things that may be divided into similar parts , both according to sense and reason . as for example , flesh in the judgement of sense may be divided into parts , which are similar mutually to it self , and to the whole : but in reason or imagination , it is divided both into the four humours of which it consists , and also into the four elements ; which neither are similar mutually to it self , or by being compound to the whole : therefore this particle is rightly added in the definition , according to sense ; whence also galen makes mention of sense , saying , that these are similar parts , which are like in sense ; and therefore those parts are called rightly similar , which do admit of no division altogether sensible , into diversities ; and therefore they are called simple as to sense : for although the elements alone are truly simple , because they acknowledge no composition onely of matter and form , notwithstanding they are called simple and similar parts of animals , by a certain similitude and analogy : for those things which are truly similar cannot be divided into the parts of a divers species , neither in sense nor reason ; so that what things are onely similar in sense , are not to be divided into diversities , sense being judge . ( b ) bones are called by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because their substance is hard and dry ; whence it follows , that the same is chiefly terrene , that is , partaking more of earth , then of any other element : they are void of sense , because much portion of the nerves is disseminated by their substance , by the benefit whereof all the parts are sensitive . but because some do assert that there is a notable sense in bones : we answer , that this sense doth not arise from the bones , but from that membrane , which doth cover the bone ; for that being abrased , the bone may not onely be cut without any pain , but without sense . but it may be objected , that the teeth are bones , which experience doth teach to be most exquisite in sense : i answer , that happens by accident , and not of it self ; for certain soft and tender nerves do appear to be derived from the teeth ; which because they are disseminated to the inward parts of the teeth , do so affect the substance thereof , that it causes great pain . furthermore , in hollow bones , marrow is contained , which is a simple substance , moist , fat , and white , and the aliment of those bones : this marrow is without blood , yet hath its original of blood , which doth distil out of the orifices of the vessels , to the periostium , and so doth pierce into the cavities of the bones : the efficient cause is the frigidity of the bones ; whence it is , that cold , and moist bodies do abound with much more fatness and marrow , then the hot and dry : and for this reason , the bones of a lyon do want marrow , which of all creatures is the dryest and hottest , because they have bones hard and dense . it s use is to nourish the bones , and to binde with i●… incalescency , with motions , and other causes . ( c ) a cartilage is called by the greeks , condros : its substance is terrene and solid , but not so much as the bone ; whence aristotle doth rightly write , that the matter of a cartilage and bone , to be one and the same matter , onely differing in dryness : for a cartilage is softer then a bone , and somewhat flexible ; whence it gives place with its softness ; neither doth it so resist , as the bone . it s use is multifarious : for first , it is a certain stay and prop , and makes the proximate parts more stable : secondly , it admirably defends the bones from knocking or grinding together ; but being annexed by the same , they may be more firm and stable : thirdly , they promote and cause certain light parts to a promptness of motion , in the arteries : fourthly , they defend them against many accidents ; for their substance is idoneous to cover them , and defend them , because they being hard cannot easily be broken , or cut : hence we conclude with good reason , that a cartilage is void of sense . ( d ) the most noted ligaments are in the trunk , or artubus : the ligaments of the trunk , are either in the head or thorax : in the head , either in the whole or in part : for a ligament doth convert the whole head with the spina , so the tongue with the jaws . in the trunk of the joynts , there are ligaments knitting the bodies intrinsecally , and cloathing of them , as it were , extrinsecally : the ligaments of the joynts do connect other bones , os ilii with os sacrum . but there is a certain portion of a ligament , called a tendon ; consisting of the fibres of the nerves , and compelling them into one of the ligaments , serving the arteries to a voluntary motion : the fibres of the tendons growing of the junctures , are joyned amongst themselves . ( e ) they are called spermatick parts , because they are generated of seed , and not of blood ; which argues that their colour must be white and cold in substance : all nerves do arise from the brain , and not from the heart , as aristotle imagined : their use is to carry that animal spirit gotten in the brain , and the motive and sensitive faculty , and to communicate it to the body . ( f ) the veins and arteries are joyned with a friendly intercourse , that the veins may supply them with matter of spirit ; for the spirit doth cherish the blood with its heat in the arteries ; and there are mutual orifices , that the spirit may take nutriment out of the veins ; and the veins , spirit , and heat , out of the arteries . but the arteries and veins , do differ , first , in their original , because they come out of the sinister ventricle of the heart : secondly , in their function , because they subminister vital spirits to the whole body : third●…y , in their substance ; for the ar●…eries , so likewise the veins , do ●…onsist of a membranous body , ●…et more solid , harder , and con●…rmed by more crasser tunicles . now a tunicle is twofold , exterior , interior : that fibre , which is knit with many strait and crooked windings , hath the like crassitude and firmness with the tunicle of the veins ; but this hath five times a more harder and grosser substance , lest the subtil spirit should exhale , and the artery it self be broken with the perpetual motion of the heart : fourthly , in motion ; for the arteries are moved without intermission , by dilatation and contraction ; when dilated , they draw the cold air ; and when contracted , cast out hot fumes . ( g ) this question is moved by physitians and philosophers , about the veins , whether they have a force or faculty to generate blood ? some maintain it , that the blood which the veins contain within themselves , to elaborate more exquisitely , and to be made by an insited force and faculty ; and therefore in that blood , that the chiefest degree of perfection is gotten . but the falsity of this opinion is easily known by those who diligently mark the thin tunicle of the veins , and its white substance . now it is provided by nature , that every part of the body should be converted to the other , and transmuted into its colour : then how can the veins with their thinness and whiteness , change white chyle and gross , into red and pure blood ? therefore more truer is that opinion , that the generation of blood is onely the work of the liver , which doth make blood , by a certain force and faculty , within it self seated : all the sanguifick force is given to the veins , yet they receive it from the liver , as avicen demonstrates . ( h ) aristotle and hippocrates do prove , that fibres do concrete the blood by their frigidity , because that blood out of which fibres are taken , can never be concreted by any cold : for when blood is let out of the veins , if it doth not concrete , it is a sign of death . ( i ) fat is the matter of blood : and although it be made of the cream of blood , yet notwithstanding it is cold , and without blood , degenerating into fat by the want of heat , and frigidity of the membrane : it consists of coldness and dryness , because by heat it is melted , and by the humidity of other parts coagulated by cold . the efficient cause is the want of heat ; which is thus proved , because you shall finde no fat , as to any quantity , about the liver or the heart , or any other hot part , by reason of the heat of those parts . ( k ) take this as another definition of the cutis : the skin is a thin part , membranous , porous , endowed with blood ; the tegument or cover of all the parts of the body ; which as it is easily taken away by accident , so it doth easily grow again ; which denotes thus much , that the skin is not altogether endowed with a sensitive faculty , but onely so far as it hath the nerves , and of the faculty of blood in it : and whereas it is defined to be membranous , that is , smooth , simple , thin and white , and that it hath a middle nature between flesh and nerves ; for neither is it altogether without blood , as the nerves are , so neither doth it abound with blood , as the flesh doth ; whence it is adjudged to be the rule of temperaments : and indeed the skin about the hands , in it there is the most exquisite and perfect faculty of sense , but not so in other parts of the body : and the skin is porous , that it may thereby attract the coldness of the air , and expulse the excrementitious vapours of the body . now the excrement which comes out of the pores , is sweat : sweat is an excrementitious humidity of the third coction , breaking out by the skin , in the species or form of water : the matter of sweat , is the whole humidity which is gotten in meat and drink ; which thing is necessary to all animals , because it might make way for other aliment , and not longer lie in the vessels : it is of the same genus with urine , onely differing in this , that the urine is carried to the bladder , this with blood , a longer passage through the body : its efficient cause is heat , but not so vehement as to have a drying faculty , but moist ; so calefying the nature of sweat by the habit of the body , that it becomes thin , and so softens the skin by relaxation , that it may the better pass through : those whose skins are hard and thick , are very unapt to sweat . ( l ) flesh may be taken either properly or improperly : when properly taken , then absolutely that which is described by us , and it is the chiefest part of the muscles ; for the substance of them doth truly and properly deserve the name of flesh ; that which is taken improperly , is the flesh of the bowels , generated of blood poured out , as the liver , heart , and lungs . chap. 10. of external dissimilar parts . 1. hitherto we have spoken of similar parts . now of dissimilar or organical , which are diversly compounded of the similar . 2. and they are either external or internal . 3. the external parts are , first , the head ; secondly , the trunk of the body ; thirdly , the artus , under which we comprehend the arms and feet . 4. the head is the highest part of the body , globular , set upon the neck , the seat of the animal faculty . 5. its parts that are external , are chiefly the skull and the face . 6. the skull is a crafs bone of the head , round , distinguished into twenty bones , and certain futures , covering the brain , environing it on every side . 7. its bones are thus distinguished : there are two in the crown , one in the front , two in the temples , one in the form of a wedge , another in the form of a sieve , twelve in the superior jaw , and one in the hinder part of the head . 8. there are three sutures : the first is transverse the crown , going from towards one ear to the other , and doth knit the bone of the forehead to the rest of the body . 9. the second is called sagittalis , which goes along the head , and doth knit the two bones of the crown . 10. the third doth ascend from the posterior part of one ear , to the end of the sagittal suture , and again deflects to the other ear , in the form of the letter a , and doth knit the bone of the hinder part of the head with the rest of the body . 11. thus much for the skull . now for the face , which is called that whole in a man , which is under the forehead ; or , as aristotle saith , that interior part which is under the skull . 12. this doth comprehend the eyes , ears , nose , cheekes , and mouth . 13. the eye is no other thing , then the organ of sight , consisting of tunicles and humors . 14. and because it ought to receive the several species of light and colours , therefore it is formed of pellucid matter . 15. the tunicles of the eyes ( besides the white , which arising from the peritoneum , doth joyn the eye to the head ; whence it is called conjunctiva and adnata ) are four : first , the horny tunicle , which is clear , shining like to a horn : secondly , the uvea , which is like to the husk of a grape , and it adheres to the horny tunicle , embracing the apple of the eye : thirdly , the retina , or tunicle resembling a net , which is of the substance it self of the visive nerves , bringing an animal spirit to the eye , and again the idea of the object to the brain : fourthly , the aranea , or like to sand , containing the chrystalline humor , and separating it from the white . 16. the humors of the eyes are three : first , the watry humour , which serves for the gathering of resemblances : secondly , the glassy humour , for the forming of those idea's . 17. the ear is an organical part of the body , and the instrument of hearing . 18. it s nature is compounded of divers parts , very artificiously ; of nerves , membranes , bones , cartilage , which gathereth sounds and so accordingly altereth them . 19. its bones are first malleus : secondly , incus : thirdly , stapes ; of whose colision sound is said to be made . 20. the nose is an organical part , placed in the middle of the face ; the instrument of respiration and smelling . 21. it s part is either superior or inferior . 22. the superior is the bony part , which is immoveable ; and this the inferior part : the exteor is the back of the nose . 23. the inferior part is moveable , which is the end , being round , divided into parts consisting of muscles . 24. a cheek is nothing else then the superior part of the jaw , and the inferior . 25. the superior cheek is that part of the face next to the front , from both the ears to the lowest part of the jaws . 26. the inferior is the moveable part of the face , containing the teeth . 27. the whole mouth is called that space which is between the lips and the jaws ; in which is contained the teeth , the tongue , the palate , and throat-pipe . 28. the teeth are ( a ) the hardest of all bones , hollow within , endowed with veins , arteries , and nerves , ordained for to soften and prepare meat for the stomach . 29. those are in number thirty ; twenty whereof are accounted cheek-teeth , eight cutting , which are the foremost ; and four eye-teeth , in either jaw two . 30. the tongue is ( b ) a carneous part , rare , and lax , the organ of taste and speech . 31. the palate is the superior part of the mouth , a little concavated , bored through with many holes , by which flegme doth ascend from the brain into the mouth . 32. the throat-pipe ( c ) is fungous flesh , long , hanging from the palate to the mouth , conducing to the moduling of voice in a man. 33. truncus is the whole body , with head , arms , or legs . 34. some part of it is anterior , and some posterior . 35. the anterior again is either superior , and that is called the thorax ; or inferior , that is , the belly . 36. the thorax ( d ) or brest , is the anterior part of the trunk , which is subject to the neck ; and it is the seat of the vital members . 37. it s proper parts are either soft and fleshy , or bony and cartilaginous . 38. the carnous parts are those many muscles placed in the thorax , of which sort are all the muscles of aspiration , and scapulation ; some of them moving the arms . 39. to these carnous parts , belong the paps , which are parts sited or placed on each side , in the middle region of the brest ; glandulous , and woven with veins and arteries , serving for the generation of milk in women . 40. for these parts , for their rare and cavernous substance , which they have , do receive into them menstruous blood , which is the matter of milk , which afterwards is levigated , cocted , and converted into a white liquor , both by a specifical vertue of the flesh of the paps , as also from the heat of the heart , whereunto it is near . 41. hence aristotle rightly concluded , that milk was nothing else then superfluous blood , changed and made white . 42. the bony parts thereof are threefold ; the first bone is called sternon , and sethos ; and it is on the anterior part , in which the ribs do meet , and under which the mouth of the ventricle doth lie hid . 43. the cartilaginous extremity of this , is after the form of a spear , or buckler , and it is called malum granatum . 44. secondly , the two neck-bones , which are called cleides , and these bones are twins , subject to the neck , declining to the tops of the shoulders . 45. the thorax ( f ) consists of twenty four ribs , twelve on either side ; and they are either true , or counterfeit . 46. they are true which are coarticulated , and they are the seven superior . 47. the spurious or imperfect , are those that are not coarticulated ; and they are the five inferior . 48. the inferior part of the thorax is portended from the brest , where the true ribs end , backwards to the hips or pubes . 49. the exterior part of this , above the belly , is portended to the going down of the spurious ribs , and is called spigastrion : the inferior proceeds from the belly , even to the hairy parts of the genitals , and it is called hypogastrion . 50. the posterior part of the trunk is called the back , and it is all that part which descends from the neck to the buttocks . 51. it s substance is constituted 1. of the shoulderblade , 2. spina dorsi , 3. hip ▪ bones . 52. the shoulderblades , are two bones , placed after the thorax in the back , inarticulated in the arms , to strengthen the ribs , and for the implantation of the muscles . 53. spina dorsi is no other thing , then that series or structure of joynts , extended even from the first joynts of the hinder part of the neck , to the lowest , called ●…cygs . 34. there are in number of these joynts thirty four ; seven whereof are of the neck , twelve of the thorax , five of the loyns , six of the sacred bone , four of the ossis coccygos : twenty four of the formost are rightly named joynts , because by them the body is turned divers ways ; the rest are called rather by similitude , then reality . 55. the hip-bones are two strong bones , placed within the os sacrum , and ending in the buttocks . 56. but os sacrum ( h ) is conflated of many bones , to wit , five or six , sited almost in the middle of the body : other bones , both superior and inferior , resting upon them , are moved thereby . 57. the artus are two , the hands and feet . 58. the whole hand ( i ) is that which is portended from the shoulderblade to the end of the fingers . 59. it is divided by hippocrates , into three parts ; into the arm , the wrist , and the hand it self . 60. that is named the arm , which extends from the shoulder to the elbow , and doth consist of one great bone , and many muscles ; seven whereof do govern the motion of the arm , and four govern the motion of the wrists : and it doth consist also of three chief veins ; the humerary , axillary , and median . 61. the wrist is that part from the elbow to the hand , and consists of two bones , the greater and lesser whereof are both called ulna ; which consists also of thirty three muscles , prepared for the motion of the arms and hands . 62. the hand reaches from the wrist to the end of the fingers ; the organ of apprehension . 63. the parts of this again , are brachial , postbrachial , and the fingers . 64. the brachial , or wrist , is part of the hand ; it consists of eight bones , the ligament being ●…ransverse . 65. postbrachial is that part of the hand , placed between the wrist and the fingers ; whose posterior is articulated with the wrist , the anterior with the fingers . 66. the fingers are in number five , every one consisting of three little bones : the first is that which is the greatest in strength and magnitude , and is called pollex ; the second is called the index and demonstrator ; the third the middle ; fourthly , the ring-finger ; fifthly , the least . 67. the foot ( k ) is part of the body , which is inserted into the hip , the organ of walking and standing . 68. its parts are three ; the thigh , the shank , and the foot . 69. the thigh doth reach from the hip , even to the knee , consisting of a bone the greatest of all , with muscles , and glandulous flesh . 70. the knee is a knitting or dearticulation of the thigh and leg , whose anterior part is called patella , and posterior , poples . 71. the shank is a part , reaching from the knee to the foot ; the anterior part is called anticnemion , and the posterior gastrocnemion . 72. the shank doth consist of two long bones : the interior and greater , is called tibia ; the exterior , or less , fibula . 73. the foot doth begin at the end thereof , and reach to the extremity of the toe ; and doth consist of thirty eight bones , and two musces , whereby the toes are moved , bended and extended . the commentary . ( a ) teeth are said to have sense , by the communication of those soft little nerves proceeding from the third rank of nerves ; because those teeth that are ●…ormost , or extant without the jaws , are not capable of sense ; but those that are covered as it were , with flesh in the jaws , are very sensitive , because the nerves and their vertues are extended to their region . but now that part of the tooth , which appears naked is insensible : this i prove : if it be cut , filed , broken , or burned with a hot iron , it is not sensible of any of these : therefore in this very thing do teeth differ from other bones , because the teeth are perpetually nourished and increased ; which cannot be , except there were instruments to convey this unto them . but other bones onely take their determined increment . ( b ) the substance of the tongue is laxe , and therefore fit to be moved in every part : and because it ought to judge of sapors , therefore it ought to be rare , that it may be easily imbued with the humour of sapours ; and that it may perfectly feel and distinguish of all kind of sapours , it hath certain nerves implanted in it from the fourth rank . ( c ) this particle alone is proper to man : for it avails much to the tuning of the voice ; and therefore it is called by some plectron . ( d ) by ancient writers , that part of the body which reaches from the neck to the genitals , is called the thorax ; so that according thereunto , the belly is contained under the name of thorax . but later medicks , with galen , do account that part onely the thorax , which is included between the sides or the region of the paps : it is called thorax , apo to thoro , for the continued motion of the heart : its use is to be dilated and compressed , to the motion of the vital members , which contains in it self the benefit of respiration : the substance of the thorax doth consist of muscles , paps , and grisles , or bones . ( e ) they are called cleides , because they shut up the coarticulated humour , with the shoulderblade , lest it should slip into the brest , thorax , or arm . ( f ) the ribs are numbred to be twenty four , each side containing twelve ; where observe , that this number is not always found : for in some are found thirteen , and in some but eleven ; which happens by reason of the matter either abounding or deficient . therefore aristotle doth erre , in asserting that there are but onely eight bones in the side of a man , and in some nations onely seven ▪ and as many ribs as there are in a man , so many there are in a woman : and therefore altogether ridiculous is that comment , that there is one less in a man , then in a woman ; or one abounding more in a woman , then in a man. ( g ) the belly is a part of the body , which reacheth from the brest , where the ribs end , even to the privities : and it is divided into three regions ; the first above , about , and below the navel : above the navel , from the midriff to the navel , epigastrion , and hypochondrion ; the middle which is , as it were the center of the navel , which is formed of two veins , and so many arteries , which carries blood and spirit for the nutriment of the yong , and conveys back again the excrements : about this are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , both vi●…ine parts to the navel ; so called , because they are empty : below the belly is containted the hypogastrion , which is that part of the belly , which reaches from the navel , even to the genitals . ( h ) this bone is called sacred , because it is great , broad , and ample : hieron with the ancient is great : this doth consist of many bones , coagmented together ; which notwithstanding in tender age may be separated ; yet in old age , with much coction , so much coalesced , that it is almost incredible to believe : it con●…ts of many bones . ( i ) galen and hipp●…ates do call that the hand which is from the shoulder to the fingers ; that which aristotle calls brachium , we call manus ; and the germans , ein hand . ( k ) it consists of a superficies and substance : t●… superficies is distinguished into five regions , which are these ; calcaneus , and that is the posterior part , the mou●…t of the foot ; by the greeks called tharsos ; and by the arabians , rascheta : and it is the first part of the foot , along to the toes , planities , or planta pedis , which is called the interior part of the foot . vola , which is the concavity between the two mounts of the sole ; the toes called digiti , in number equal to the fingers of the hand ; its substance doth consist of thirty eight bones , and two vicine muscles , by which they are extended , bended , moved , and adduced . chap. 11. of the inward organical parts of the belly . 1. hitherto we have illustrated the external dissimilar parts . the internal compounded members do follow , which are not exposed to the eye , but contained inwardly in the belly , being covered by externals . 2. and they are contained in the belly , either in the bottom , middle , or top thereof . 3. those members ( a ) that are contained in the lower region of the belly , are called natural organs , because they serve the natural faculty , or vegetive soul. 4. and they serve either for nutrition , or generation . 5. those that are ordained to serve for nutrition , are either of the first concoction or second . 6. those that serve for the first concoction , are the mouth of the stomach , the stomach and intestines . 7. oesophagus or mouth of the stomach is a part membranous and nervous , consisting of two tunicles , coming from the jaws to the superior mouth of the ventricle , carrying meat and drink into the stomach . 8. the stomach ( b ) succeeding the oesophagus , is a membranous , hollow , and spherical part , consisting of two proper tunicles , placed under the diaphragma , almost in the middle of the body ; and it is the shop of the first coction , converting the ingested nutri●… into chyle ; whence it is properly called culosis . 9. it hath two orifices , whereof the one is frequently called the stomach ; and by ancient medicks cardian , because it is endowed with a most exquisite sense : the other which is inferior called puloros , is , as it were , the port or entrance . 10. the ventricle is enrolled in a little skin , which is called omentum ; and it is a membrane con●…ed of two tunicles , arising from the peritoneum , interwoven with many nerves , veins , and arteries , covering the ventricle , and cherishing its heat . 11. there are certain continued intestines to the ventricle , which are long , round , and hollow bodies , reaching even to the fundament ; appointed , constituted , and ordained ▪ , for the alterating of meats , distributing of chyle into the liver , and for the carrying away superfluities . 12. and although the intestines are one continued body , yet by reason of their substance and situation , are distinguished into gracila and crassa . 13. those intestines that ▪ are called gracila , are those whose substance is thin and rare ; and the superior are these three , duodenum , jejunum , and ileos . 14. and these are ordained for the receiving and distributing of chyle . 15. duodenum ( d ) is a slender intestine , or gut , adhering next to the ventricle , twelve fingers in length . 16. to this doth belong a certain passage , coming from the vessel of the gall , which conveys yellow choler ; and by its acrimony the intestines are stimulated to excretion , and disturbed by thin flegme adhering to the membranes . 17. jejunium is ( e ) a hungry gut , having many mesaraical veins , which snatch the best part of chyle out of the whole concoction ; so that the rest of the intestines seem empty . 18. ileos ( f ) is a gut more slender then the rest , having many anfracts ; and therefore doth retain chyle longer , that it may eliciate its juice better . 19. those intestines that are called crassa , are those which have a thick tunicle ; and they are three inferior , caecum , colon , rectum ; and these are the receptacle of excrements . 20. the matter of these excrements , is the terrestrial and dryer part of chyle , accommodated to no use of the body , daily swallowed up into the intestines with part of choler . 21. caecum is ( g ) a gross intestine , broad and short , having one orifice , into which comes the ileos and colon , receiving excrements , and elicitating the other juice , and so transmitting the rest of the fecies into colon. 22. colon ( h ) is an intestine grosser then the rest , having many great anfracts , like unto cells , receiving the fecies : and lest they should flow with an involuntary flux , it makes the passages more narrower . 23. rectum is ( i ) a gross intestine , lower then the rest , crooked with many windings and turnings ; it reaches to the very fundament , and carries out the excrements . 24. the inferior part of this intestine , is constringed with many muscles into a globular form . 25. in the middle of the intestines , is placed a certain pannicle , and it is called the mesentery , which is a membrane consisting of two tunicles , and an innumerable veins and arteries , full of fat , connecting it self , and gathering , as it were , into folds . 26. thus much of the members of the first concoction : the second serve either to elaborate profitable aliment , or to convey away inprofitable excrement . 27. the liver is occupyed in the making of good nutriment . 28. the liver is ( k ) an organical part of the lower belly , consisting of red flesh like to blood newly coagulated ; it is placed near to the diaphragma , and in the right side of the hypochondria ; and it is the shop of blood ; its action is cal'd , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 29. it hath two parts ( l ) or superficies , the exterior and interior : the exterior is called gibba ; and it is light ; the interior is named cava , and it is rough . 30. members ( m ) which are of the second concoction , serve to carry away excrements ; and they either evacuate choler , or serose humours . 31. choler is either black or yellow ; the gall receiving the former , the spleen the latter . 32. the little vessel of the gall is a membrane , having one simple tunicle , but woven strong after the manner of a hair bag , long and round , connexed to the hollow part of the liver ; drawing choler from it , and driving it into the intestines . 33. it hath two conduits , as it were , or channels ; the one is carried into the liver , alliciating choler into it ; the other into the duodenum , detruding the same into the intestine . 34. but it is not carried into the bladder of the gall , by the proper and alone motion of an elementary form ; but partly derived from the liver , because it is an excrement , and partly drawn from the vessel . 35. but it doth not attract for nutritions sake : first , if choler be an excrement , then it is an enemy to the body , not in quality alone , but in quantity also , because the humour is bitter and mordacious : secondly , neither doth it concrete like blood , therefore it cannot be assimilated to the body , but doth draw it for occult conveniences . 36. the spleen ( n ) is a thin member , spungy , consisting of obscure flesh , placed in the right-side of the hypochondria , adverse to the liver , attracting from it black choler . 37. the spleen doth allure to it self this juice , by a strange providence and occult familiarity , embrued not with pure and unmixed , but with better and mor●… nourishing blood , whereby it is cherished with profitable juice . 38. but a portion of this noxious humour , is gathered into the bottom of the ventricle , to excite appetite ; the rest slides into the intestines , and so is thrust out of doors . 39. the reins and bladder purge out a wheyish or serose humidity . 40. the reins ( o ) which are in number two , are carnous parts , thick and solid , purging out blood with a s●…rose humor . 41. both the emulgent veins and ureteres , serve to evacuate serose humidity . 42. the emulgent veins do arise from the vena cava , and are inserted into the reins , dispersing abroad an aguous humidity with blood , and carried to the reins . 43. the ureteres are two urinary channels , arising from the cavity of the reins , white , consisting of one simple tunicle , deducing the urine by the force of the reins , into the bladder . 44. the bladder ( p ) is a nervous part , consisting of two tunicles , interwoven with a treble kinde of fibres , round , and somewhat long , placed in the hypogastria , taking the urine brought from the ureteres , and conveys it out of the body . 45. there are two parts of it , the bottom and the neck . 46. in the bottom is contained the urine ; and this passes by degrees thorow the neck : a muscle there , as a portēr , obstructing its fluor , lest it come at unawares upon us . 47. and thus much of the members of the nutritive faculty . lastly , there are organs of generation , which are accommodated to continue and propogate their kinde . 48. and these are either common to both sexes , or peculiar to one . 49. the common are the seminary vessels , cods and stone●… . 50. the seminary vessels do ascend from the stones , upwards , inserted in the cods ( parastaten adunoeide ) and the seed is the profitable superfluity of the mass of blood , which is the matter of the seed and vital spirit , producing heat into the act of the seed , and carries it to the stones . 51. and they are two , the right and left ; the former arises immediately from the trunk of the cava , the latter from a branch of the emulgent veins . 52. the testicles ( q ) are soft parts , glandulous and white , rare , and cavernous , in which the seed is perfected and cocted . 53. in men they hang without the body , but in women they grow on the back ; one on each side . 54. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( r ) are two vessels , candid , cavernous , and glandulous ; arising from the testicles , carrying feed into the testicles . in men they are placed at the root of the yard ; in women , at the bottom of the matrix . 55. to conclude , there are members peculiar to one sex , either to man or woman . 56. competent to man ( s ) is the yard , which hangs on the forepart of a man , of a good length , fistulous on every side ; a fit instrument for the conveyance of seed . 57. and it doth consist of two hollow neres ; one passage common both to the seed and urine ; four muscles , and as many veins and nerves : and lastly , of a nervous membrane , and skin . 58. the end of it is called glans , consisting of a fleshly substance ; which is covered by a loose skin growing over it , which is called preputium . 58. proper onely to a woman is the matrix , or womb ; and it is the membranous part of a woman , consisting of a tunicle coagmented , as it were , of two things divided , round , and placed in the bottom of the belly ; forming the yong of prolifick seed ; and by a proper faculty , cherishing the same ; and when it comes to maturity , it excludes it . the commentary . ( a ) the aforesaid natural members are involved in three pannicles ; the peritoneum , omentum , and mesenterium . the peritoneum is a thin membrane , broad , and continued , like to a weavers loom , or spiders web ; involving and containing all the bowels of the inferior belly ; binding them to the back , lest they should fall down : it helps also the putting forth of the excrements ; which when it is too little , it is broken . the omentum is a double membrane , arising from the peritoneum , interwoven with many nerves and arteries , and covers the ventricle and intestines : its use is , that it may cherish the ventricle , in whose bottom it lies , and holds the heat of the intestines which is shut up , and so to increase with its own heat : it is called with the greeks , epiploon , because of its fatness with which it overspreads the belly . this tunicle is the first that appears after the incision of the belly . the mesenterium is a double member , consisting of two firm tunicles of the peritoneum , and of many veins , arteries , and nerves , placed in the middle of the intestines , as its centre : its use is to contain the intestines , that they may not lose their proper foldings ; and that it may contain them more strongly , it consists of a hard and double tunicle , which arises from the peritoneum : the veins which are in the mesentery , do arise from vena porta , and from thence do run between two of their membranes to the intestines , that they may 〈◊〉 take chyle : and they are called mesaraicae venae . ( b ) there is onely in man one ventricle , but in other animals more ; sometimes two , sometimes three ; as in sheep , goats , oxen , and harts ; that those hard meats , wherewith they are fed , may pa●…s through divers ventricles , for their better preparation and coction . the ventricle is called by the greeks gastor and colia ; its substance ought to be membranous , that it may be extended and again corrugated , according to the plenty or scarcity of nutriment : its figure is spherical , or round , like the form of a long gourd , for the capacity of aliments ; for if it were square , a portion of the food would remain in the angles ; which if it should happen , man would continually be in a feaver : it is long also , by reason of its situation̄ ; and hath two orifices ; the one whereof is at the top , for the receiving of aliment ; the other at the bottom , to convey it to other parts of the body , when it is made and converted into chyle : it hath two tunicles constituted of its proper substance , one whereof is internal , the other external : the internal is wholly nervous , gross , and woven with straight fibres , running down the back , that it may better contain humid bodies , lest they pass , as it were , through a strainer ; and also that it may be extended to all positions : the external is wholly carnous and soft , consisting of many fibres , and those transverse ; that after the meat is cocted , it may the better be driven out : it hath also a third tunicle arising from the peritoneum , and doth involve the ventricle to the duodenum intestinum , of which the temperament of the ventricle doth appear , which is cold and dry , and therefore convenient to the nature of nerves : it hath also a native heat , without which it cannot make a perfect concoction ; which is increased from the liver and spleen , and other vicine members : its seat is thus ; the superior part of it doth touch the diaphragma in the left side , and so falls into the the right side of the liver , where it rests ; its bottom reaches from the left side into the right , and shews the place of the spleen : its utility is famous ; for it serves the nutritive faculty , and that divers manner of ways : in its orifice the animal appetite doth reside ; for when all the parts of the body desire the aliment , which succeeds into th●… place of a vacuated substance , they endeavor to draw it from the veins , the veins from the liver , the liver from the vena porta , the vena porta from the intestines , and the intestines derive it from the stomack , in which forthwith there is a desire of more aliment , which is called hunger , or thirst ; it alters the aliment ; it receiving concocts it , and changes it into chyle , and that in the space of five or six hours . ( c ) the intestines are called by the greeks entra , whence doth arise that word , to exenterate , that is , to embowel : their substance is not much different from the ventricle , yet a little thinner ; they have double tuni●…es , partly that by a greater sorce they may drive out the excrements , and partly from a certain providence of nature , that if the interior be putrefied and ex●…rated , the exterior may be safe , that the chyle may not flow out : and the interior tunicle is more carnous , the exterior membranous : it is endowed with crooked fibres , the better to be enabled to propel matter . the intestines are folded with many windings and turnings , that the chyle may tarry longer in them , and the aliment may not so soon slide out : for those animals whose entrals have but few windings are voracious ; concerning which , pliny writes very gallantly . ( d ) intestina gracila , the first is the duodenum ; it hath no windings , but is strait , and that because it hath many cells , which do easily retain the fecies , and may thereby , at will , hinder the distribution of chyle : the passage also of this doth touch the vessel of the gall , which carries yellow choler ; and so by its acrimony , helps the propulsion of the chyle , and that it may cast out the flegmy excrements of the intestines . ( e ) it is called by the greeks , nesis , because it doth quickly transmit the chyle , both for the greater number of mesaraical veins , which are engrafted into this intestine ; and also because the more sincerer part of choler doth flow into it . ( f ) this last intestine , because it is more tender then the rest , is called lepton , because in it there is much chyle ; and that for this use , that it may draw a certain moderate quantity of meat into them , lest that it flow forthwith gross into the intestines : in this there is sometime an obstruction that happens ; and it is called iliacus morbus . ( g ) in some brutes , to wit , dogs and hogs , and other crude animals , this intestine is like to a thick broad bag : but in man it is a certain small appendix of the ileos , convolved in the manner of a worm , scarce exceeding the latitude of two singers , and longitude of one ; it is called by the greeks tuphlon , because it hath but one hole . ( h ) it is called colon , as though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a sheath or a case ; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , mutilate , or cut short , because it hath divers turnings cut as it were into cells ; which cells indeed do contain dry excrements , called scubala , that is , the dung of dogs , some call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , from its tormenting pain , and passion , which this intestine is often affected with , when its passage is stopped with cold and gross humours , or filled and dilated with winde . ( i ) the strait intestine is called apeuthymenon enteron , because it is not folded , and thereupon it makes a more easie excretion of excrements ; it is called principal , for its use which it hath : for if man did not enjoy that excretion it makes , how would he live ? it hath a muscle adjoyned , which goes about its seat , and constring ●…it ; and therefore it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it hath also the hemorrhoid-veins , which expurge feculent blood or melancholy . ( k ) the liver is a most generous member , and reckoned amongst the principal organs of the nutritive faculty ; it arises from effused blood , gross , and concreted , almost on the sixth day firm the seed conceived : and because it is like to the substance of blood , it retains its qualities or temperament of blood ; for it is hot and moist : and as it is gotten of blood , so it hath power to get blood ; for it doth convert into blood , or an assimilated redness , like to it , the chyle which it receives within it self , by a natural propension , or specifical vertue ; for it alters every thing into that colour , wherein it is to be altered . but some will say , that there are other humours gotten also ; therefore it is not the shop of blood alone . i answer , that happens by accident , but it is the instrument of blood alone by itself : again , blood is to be taken two manner of ways ; either for pure blood , or blood that doth contain in it the other three humors ; yet blood predominant over all : and in both the latter especially the liver is the shop of blood . but some again will say , a natural agent doth not produce divers affects , because nature acts by one and the same manner : but the liver is the natural agent ; therefore it doth not produce divers effects . i answer , that to happen for the diversity of matter , in which the liver acts and rests ; for of a terrene portion it produces melancholy ; of crude and cold parts , flegme ; of subtil and fervent , choler ; but of a mean or middle part , it produces true blood : for although the liver doth excite these functions by it self , yet it takes and uses as instruments , spirits , both natural and vital , which have their passage by small arteries . it s figure is a semicircle or half moon : it is placed in the right side of the abdomen , under the spurious ribs . ( l ) the gibba is the bunchy part of the liver , and sima the cavity thereof . the diaphragma succours the gibba , and the proper flesh of the liver doth reside in it ; and it is called culosis , which is a conversion of chyle , separated from its excrements , into an idoneous mass for nutrition , that is , blood : in this do the veins gather into one , which is called cava , which do carry the blood into all the parts of the body . sima is the hollow part of the liver , which doth cover the ventricle in the right hypochondria ; and in it is made haimatosis ; which is an alteration of chyle , into a fluent and succulent liquor : but in the middle part of the liver , where the branches of vena porta do meet , is made diacrisis , that is , a separation of profitable humours from the excrements . ( m ) as in an artificial kitchin , there are not onely vessels for the preparation and coction of meat , but also others for more baser uses : so in the kitchin of our bodies , that is , the middle of the belly , there are some organs which are constituted for the concoction of meat , and some for the receiving and conveying away of excrements ; and like as there are three concoctions in our bodies , so there are three excrements , and three kinds of vessels instituted for these . in the second species of concoction these excrements are generated ; one somewhat heavy , answering to secies , to wit , melancholy juice ; another somewhat light , and more of air , like to flour , to wit , yellow choler ; the third watry and serous : now every one of these hath distinct receptacles ; and because choler is expurged first of all , therefore its receptacle is nigh to the liver . and concerning these vessels , we have before treated : the use of this vessel , the gall gathered therein doth shew ; and the cause is expounded , why there is no branch carried into the ventricle from this vessel : the figure of this vessel is long and round , after the form of a pear ; its substance is membranous , that it may accordingly be filled or emptied , contracted or dilated : it hath one thick and proper tunicle , yet notwithstanding contexted of a treble kind of fibres : within it the fibres are strait , whereby it allures choler into it ; and they are somewhat crooked , by which it retains it ; but without they are transverse , by which it protrudes it . the use of this vessel of the gall , is to receive choler ; and if it be carried over the whole body , it offends , because it is endowed with a fiery vertue ; for it hinders nutrition , and inflames the body much . why gall is gathered into this vessel , is upon a double necessity : first , that it may heat the liver , and hinder putrefaction , it calefies the liver , because its humour is more hot and sharp , then blood : it hinders putrefaction , because it takes away the abundant humidity of the sharp humour : secondly , that it may drive out of the ventricle the chyle into the intestines , together with its superfluities . ( n ) the spleen is a terrestrial member , because it attracts by a certain symbole , to it self , the terrestrial part of blood : in man its flesh is obscure , but in hogs , it hath a white colour ; but in dogs a more splendid redness then the liver : it is lax and spungeous , that it may the better receive the feculent and gross humour into it self ; and that it may not quickly delabe out of it , but continue longer in it , that it may be made more apt for its nature , and so be nourished by its better part . ( o ) the substance of the reins are hard and dense , like to the substance of the heart ; the humour thereof is thin , and therefore with more difficulty attracted : when the humour here is very watrish , it cannot be expurged with a convenient celerity from one rein ; and therefore there are two , which are placed near the spina dorsi , at the beginning of the loyns : the right part thereof in a man , is under the liver ; the left , under the spleen : the emulgent veins and ureteres , serve to evacuate the serous humidity to the reins . ( p ) the substance of the bladder , is nervous and membranous , that it may more commodiously be extended & corrugated , when it is full or empty ; and it ought to be extended , lest the water flow out at unseasonable times , but contain a moderate quantity thereof : it hath two tunicles , the one proper and internal , whose substance is densē and firm , lest it should be eroded by the homour of the air ; and this is interwoven with fibres , within strait , and without transverse , which are for the attraction , retention , and expulsion of urine : the other is an exterior tunicle , improperly so called , and hath its rise from the peritoneum : it hath a fleshy neck , having a muscle , whereby it is constringed , that it may hinder an involuntary flux of the urine . ( q ) the stones in both sexes , are made for the ingendering of seed ; therefore the substance of them are glandulous , white , and soft , that such a seed may be produced , by reason of the required similitude between the generating , and that which is generated : but it is made crass , and in colour white , by reason of the exquisite coction made by the interior heat of the vessels and stones : as the menstruum of the dugs is converted into milk , and dealbated ; so the stones do make blood prepared in the spermatick vessels by coction perfect seed , which becomes idoneous for generation . ( r ) they are called parastatae , for their similitude : for parastatae signifies certain folds gathered within themselves . ( s ) the substance of the yard of a man , is spungious and rare , that it may be both erected and flank , stiff and soft ; but in other animals it is bony ; as in a wolf , dog , or sea-fox : but if it were bony in a man , it would be an impediment in the main business . chap. 12. of the parts of the middle belly serving the vital faculty . 1. having expounded the natural members of the lowest region , we proceed to the parts of the middle cavity , which are called vitals ; and they are placed in the thorax , and they are the heart and the lungs . 2. but these organs are distinguished from naturals , by a certain partition-wall , which they call diaphragma . 3. and the ( a ) diaphragma is a round pannicle , consisting of flesh , nerves and membranes , going cross to the sides , and tyed to the back , the twelfth joynt , dividing the natural members from the vitals . 4. a certain thin membrane called pleura , doth succinge and embrace all the parts contained in the thorax . 5. now the heart is ( b ) a principal part of the middle belly , consisting of hard , dense , and solid flesh , woven with a treble kind of strings , of a pyramidal form , not unlike to a pine-nut ; and it is the house of the vital faculty . 6. for it is the principle of ( c ) life , the fountain of heat , and nectar of life ; the rhisoma or the spring head of the arteries ; the primum mobile of the pulse and respiration ; which being ●…ively , the whole body is lively ; ●…f faint , all the parts are faint ; and if it perish , the rest of the ●…ody perishes . 7. and although the heart is ●…ut one in all animals , yet it may ●…e divided ( d ) into two parts , the ●…ight and the left . 8. the right resembles the form of the moon increasing , and it receives blood from the vena cava flowing into it ; and prepares it , and makes it more perfect ; and so distributes it partly into the lungs , for their nutrition ; and partly into the left side of the heart , by passages not altogether occult , and as it is with the matter of vital matters . 9. the left hath the form of the crest of an helmet , and is more overwhelmed into the substance of the heart , containing the vital spirit begotten of pure blood , distributed by the artery aorta into the body , and again receives the air out of the lungs , by the venous artery . 10. and both these sides have their vessels , two whereof appear in the right side , and so many in the left . 11. in the right indeed there are two veins , the vena cava , and the vena arteriosa : in the left there are two arteries , the great artery , and the venous artery . 12. there is a certain partition , which divides either side ; the vulgar call it the seventh medium , which at the first sight appears crass ; but after a more curious inspection , it is found to have many holes in it , that there may be an easie passage from the left side to the right ; notwithstanding what the neotericks exclaim against it , and urge to the contrary . 13. furthermore there are certain appendixes membranous , and full of windings , leaping to each side of the ventricle , which are called auriculae , not from its use or action , but similitude . 14. on the right side , it lies open to the door of the vena cava ; the left is placed in the orifice of the venous artery : and it is larger , because it is the receptacle of gross blood ; the latter is the less , because it contains air . 15. the chief use of those auriculars are , first , that they be ready receptacles of blood and air ; that they do not confusedly pass into the heart , and so to suffocate the heart by oppression : secondly , lest the vena cava , and the venous artery be broken in violent motions ; for they have great force in drawing of blood and air in to the heart . 16. the lungs ( e ) are of rare parts , light and spungious , and as it were concreted of spumous blood ; like the substance of a snail , seated in the thorax , filling its whole cavity ; the instrument of breath and voice . 17. and although it is but one in body , yet it is divided into two parts by the membrane called mediastinus , the right and left . 18. either part consists of two globes or knots : the one superior , the other inferior ; often discernable , and sometimes obscure . 19. the use of these is , that its flesh or substance should not be collaberated or tyred ; but that it may be more actively moved , and that the heart be embraced on every side . 20. the air is transmitted into the lungs by the asper-artery , whose structure is constituted of veins , cartilages , membranes , and nerves . the commentary . ( a ) diaphragma hath divers appellations ; for it is sometimes derived from the verb diaphratto , that is , to fortifie ; because diaphrattei , that is it separates out the middle and low belly ; and also it is called the seventh transverse : it is called diaphragma , and by ancient medicks called phrenas , because as some judge by its inflammation the minde is hurt . it s use is noble ; for it separates between the spiritual and vital bowels ; and the heart and the lungs , from the naturals : which separation aristotle thinks to be made by nature , lest the vapours , which do exhale from meat , offend the heart , in which the soul , he thinks , doth reside : but this opinion is false , because the fumes do pass by the oesophagum . to conclude , the diaphragma hath two holes placed in organs ascending and descending . again , it helps exspiration and inspiration : for when the thorax is contracted , then the inspiration is dilated ; but when it is laxed , then inspiration is made . again , it helps the ejection of the excrements by its motion , with the muscles of the abdomen . again , it is the rise of the organs , whereby it pleasantly affects the heart , and causes laughter . ( d ) the covering which defends the heart , and contains it in its seat , and hinders it lest it should be oppressed with its vicine members , is called capsula , which contains also a certain watrish humour , lest it should 〈◊〉 , and dry with too much heat : the substance of the heart is hard and dense , lest it should be broken by its violent motions : its substance , saith aristotle , is thick and spiss , into which heat is received strongly ; and therefore its temperament is the hottest of all the members : it is endowed with three kinds of fibres ; strait , crooked , and transverse ; that it may both draw , contain , and expel . now aristotle thinks these fibres to be nerves , and the principle of the nerves to be in the heart : but he is deceived ; its figure is pyramidal , but not absolutely so in brutes , but it is more flat then in a man : it is placed in the thorax , as the safest place , and on the left side thereof . ( c ) this is the shop of the vital faculty ; and therefore it is rightly called by aristotle , the first thing that lives , and ●…he last that dies : by its perpetual motion and heat , it begets vital spirits : for when it is dilated ( which motion is called dyastole ) it allures unto it , and draws blood , by the benefit of the strait fibres , from the vena cava , by the venous artery : but when it is constringed , which is called systole , it sends blood from the right ventricle into the lungs , by which they are nourished , and that by the venous artery : but the vital spirit out of the left , by aorta into the whole body ; and both ways it converts into vital spirit , by attenuating the pure blood into vapour . ( d ) there are two remarkable ventricles of the heart , the right and the left : between these there is a partition , which distinguishes the one from the other , which whereas it is crass and firm , it is not rightly called by aristotle the third side , or belly ; but lest that the passages may seem to be made by this , it sends out blood into another ventricle by narrow pores . ( e ) the lung is called by the greeks pneumon , a pneo , which is to breath , because it is the organ of breathing : therefore the lung ought to consist of such a substance , that it may be filled and distended with air , like a pair of bellows . the primary cause of which action is its proper substance , which helps the motion thereof : for when it is dilated , it draws air , and by the venal artery carries it to the heart ; by which the heat of the heart is allayed , and the vital spirit , as with food , thereby cherished . the figure of the lung resembles the hoof of an ox , which is divided by the mediastinum into two parts : it is the organ of voice ; which i prove , because no animal hath a voice , that hath not a lung : there are some that say , that there are two lungs : but truly it is but one , divided into two parts , the right and the left . and again , both the parts consist of two globes , the one superior , the other inferior ; sometimes seen open , and sometimes shut : the use thereof is , that it may be moved more nimbly , and so amplex the heart more easily . chap. 13. of the parts of the animal faculty . 1. vve have spoken sufficiently of the parts of the middle belly . now we proceed to the organs of the supream region , serving the animal faculty ; and they are such as are ●…ontained in the brain . 2. the brain ( a ) is a soft part , white and medullous , fabricated of pure seed and spirit , involved , as it were , in folds , compassed about with a thin skin , and contained in the cavity of the brain , the principle of the animal faculty , &c. 3. and this is the highest of all the bowels , and the next to heaven : this is the tower of the senses , the highest pinnacle , the regiment of the minde . 4. for the brain is not onely the seat of sense , but the artifex of motion , and the house of wisedom , memory , judgement , cogitation ; in which things , man is like to god. 5. therefore nature hath exceedingly fenced it , not onely by enrolling it within the skull , but also by covering it with other parts therein contained ; which are two membranes , whereof the one is called dura mater , the other pia mater . 6. menynx or dura mater , is an exterior membrane , hard and cuticular , covering the brain , and fencing it on every side . 7. after that is taken away , the pia mat●…r is visible , which is a tender membrane , the immediate and next cover of the brain ; not covering the exterior superficies onely , but going deep into part of the substance . 8. but its substance is thin , that it may insinuate it self about all the sides and parts of the brain ; and thin also , because it need not be troublesome to the brain , neither in gravity nor weight ; and that it may deduce the vessel through the whole body of the brain . 9. but the whole body of the brain is divided into two parts , the anterior and posterior . 10. the anterior , by reason of the magnitude of it , obtains the name of the whole , and is properly called encephalon , the brain . 11. the posterior is called pacencephalis , that is , cerebellum , which seems to be 〈◊〉 by nature , for the succor of the former , that it may keep the animal spirit transmitted from the ends of the brain , and that it may be adapted to the marrow of the back . 12 , the brain above the anterior hath two cavities , distinguished clearly by internals , called ventricles . 13. and these are the receptacles of the spirits , which are daily brought out of the heart by the artery ; and in them they are made more lucid , like to celestial flames of fire , and that for the better perfecting of the animal actions . 14. and they are three in number ; the right , left , and middle : the two formost are called by some , anteriors ; but more properly , superiors . 15. the dexter therefore consists in the right part of the brain , reaching over the whole length of it , from the anterior to the posterior ; resembling the figure of a half circle : its use is the preparation and generation of the animal spirits . 16. the left consists in the left part of the brain ; and it hath the same form , seat , and use with the former . 17. whence experience doth testifie , and the observation of physitians doth confirm , that if the brain be violently compressed , or the ventricles bruised , that then the animal must needs be deprived of sense and motion . 18. for they place in these superior ventricles , common sense , which doth discern the objects of divers senses . 19. the middle or third ventricle is nothing else , then the concourse or common cavity of the two former ventricles . 20. this doth produce of it self two passages : the first whereof receives phlegme , the latter is extended to the fourth corner or bosome . 21. they place also in it , the faculty of imagination and cogitation . 22. these are the three ventricles of the anterior part of the brain : the fourth is common to the cerebellum , and the marrow of the back : the last , yet the most solid of all the rest , because it receives the animal spirits from the former , and so transmits it to the marrow of the back . 23. this is the place where they say the memory is contained . the commentary . ( a ) the substance of the brain is soft , and medullous ; and they say it is so called , because it carries the substance of marrow : but it differs much from that marrow which is found in the cavity of the bones , because it is neither to be melted nor absumed , as the other is : its use is famous and noble ; for in this consists fear or courage , as also a voluntary motion of the senses , without which man stands as an image or pillar . and it is not onely the place of sense and motion , but the house of wisdom , and the shop of the cogitations , judgement and memory , whereby man comes to resemble god. and lastly , it is the treasure of the animal spirits : therefore by right the brain is the noblest of all members ; whose excellency if aristotle had known , he would never have written of the nobility and dignity of the heart . ( b ) whereas in the opinion os plato , the brain is the first and common sensery ; the question will be , and it is full of intricacy and obscureness , whether the brain be endowed with the sense of feeling ? it is the general answer of modest physitians and philosophers , that the substance of the brain doth want sense , though it be stirred with a daily motion ; but the membranes which encompass the body of the brain , are endowed with a most exquisite sense . but some will say , how can the brain be void of sense , and yet be adjudged the principle of sense ? this is a nonsequitur . if the heart , according to aristotle , be the principle of the motion voluntary ; shall we therefore say , that it is moved by the arbitrement of the will , when it is rather moved naturally ? so the brain communicates sense to other members , therefore it is endowed with sense : this is a nonsequitur . again i answer , that theoreme to be true in logick , onely in homogeneous causes ; and those also that are conjoyned , and not remote : for the senses do not remain in the brain immediarely , but mediately , by the benefit of the nerves , which arise out of the brain . yet scaliger answers , the brain to have the force or faculty of sense ; dunamei , but not the act . chap. 14. of the species of animals , viz. of beasts , and they both perfect and imperfect . 1. hitherto of the parts of an animate body : the species and differences of animals do follow . 2. therefore an animal is either ( a ) alogon , or logicon . 3. alogon is called a beast , and it is an animal wanting reason , and onely endowed with sense . 4. but here ( b ) some go about to make a noise in opposing this , both ancient and later writers ; in declaring , that certain beasts , by a singular sagacity and art , may be obstupefied by artificial operations , that they will act those things which cannot proceed from them , but they must be endowed with some prudence and reason ; and besides their particular sense , something that deserves to be ascribed to reason . 5. it s true , they are endowed with some remarkable actions ; but we must not conclude them to proceed from any reason in them , but from a natural instinct . 6. and how can brutes be said to have common reason , when reason is a faculty of the soul , which doth move and bufie it self to finde out causes from the effects ; and again , from the causes to those effects which are the causes of them ? 7. furthermore , beasts are either perfect or imperfect . 8. they are perfect , ( c ) which have a perfect body in substance , and not in shadow , and endowed with blood , procreated in them . 9. and they are such as either go or flie . 10. they are terrestrial , which draw in air by inspiration ; and they continue out of the water upon the earth , or at least receive their nutriment most part from thence . 11. and they are either such as go , or creep , or fly , arist. 1 de hist. an. c. 1. 12. they that go or creep , are such as move on the face of the earth . 13. and they are either four-footed beasts , or creeping vermine . 14. fourfooted beasts are those , that go upon four feet , or at least consist of four such parts : as man hath two arms , for two former feet . 15. there is a diverse constitution of these , as also of the temperament of man : for in dogs , choler doth abound ; in hogs , phlegme ; and in others , other humours : whence their temperament doth chiefly depend . 16. fourfooted beasts are distinguished by the manner of their generation , in oviparas , and viviparas . 17. those are oviparae , which bring forth eggs , or breed after that manner , out of which afterwards the animal is produced ; as frogs , crocodiles , lizards , salamanders , chameleons , and serpents ; all which are endowed with four feet . 18. although these in many faculties of the soul , and parts of the body , have no little similitude to man ; yet they differ much , nay more , then such as are born alive , called viviparae : for neither do we see the same ingenuity in them , which is in these , nor altogether the same parts and strength of body . 19. viviparae are such as bring forth perfect animals . 20. and those have a large lung , dense and carnous , filled with blood ; and therefore they breath . 21. the yong also ( d ) is nourished and brought almost after the same manner , in the bellies of their damms , as the childe in the womb of a woman . 22. therefore erroneous is that opinion of avicenna , albertus , and cardan himself ; who think that all animals that are gotten in the matrix , may arise without it , meerly of putrefaction : if so be it be true , that animals do proceed from a mutual copulation onely ; but never any man , or dog , did ever proceed from putretude , but seed , scal. exer. 193. 23. viviparae are wont to bring forth , either those which have solid feet ; as an horse , or ass , and many others which want horns : so likewise many cornuted beasts ; as the ox , hart , goat , and the like ; or such as have their feet divided into divers parts ; as dogs , apes , &c. 24. and their yong are multifarious , for the many cells in the womb , where the seed is contained . 25. creeping beasts ( e ) are those which crawl upon the ground ; and they are either serpents , which by convolving themselves , do move ; or all other kind of worms upon the earth . 26. furthermore ( f ) there are volatile beasts , which do use to fly much in the air ; and they are otherwise called birds . 27. aereal birds ( g ) have by nature two feet , and they do move themselves above the earth by their feathers by flying . 28. their bodies do consist like to other bodies , of the four elements of a legitimate commixtion ; and they have both similar and dissimilar parts . 29. yet they want reins and bladder ; whereby it happens that they never urine , because they drink little ; and by reason of the heat and dryness of their nature , which converts their water into aliment . 30. their generation is of an egg , and chiefly of the white ; for it is nourished by the yolk , till it is excluded : these eggs engender and do receive life from the heat of the damm , sitting upon them . 31. and they are sooner hatched in summer , then in winter . hens in summer usually sit but eighteen days , but in winter twenty five . 32. and unless they bring forth , they labor under a disease , and perish . arist. 33. birds ( h ) are distinguished by their meat : for some are very carnous , because as they feed upon flesh , as those which have crooked claws ; as the crow and hawk ; and some are fed by worms , others by herbs , and some by fruits . 34. so much concerning terrestrials . now concerning such as live in the water ; and they are called fish . 35. fish ( i ) is a sanguineous animal , of cold and watrish substance ; of a long body , and squamous skin , diving in the water . 36. their propagation is much by seed , onely this difference : some lay eggs , which are committed to the water , and thereby cherished : others bring forth their yong alive ; as the whale , dolphine , and the sea-calf . 37. in the time of copulation , male and female are conversant ; and the female , by a gentle touch , conceives eggs in the matrix ; but they are not perfected , till they be sprinkled with the seed of the male : for these eggs , into which the seed is ejected , do become 〈◊〉 ; the rest remains barren . 38. of the particular parts of fish , these things are to be observed : there is a heart in most of them ; but inverse , or much turned in , contrary to other animals ; whereby a certain passage is made to their gills , by which they return the humor , which they receive into their mouths . 39. all their teeth are serrated : yet some have teeth upon their tongues . 40. their tongue is hard and almost thorny , and so 〈◊〉 to the roof , that they seem ●…o be without a tongue . 41. they have the parts of hearing and smelling , but none of sensuality but the eyes : for the passage is broad and open , where they should have that sense ; their 's eyes are without lids . 42. they want lungs ( k ) and asper arteries ; therefore they neither have a voice nor breath . 43. aristotle proves it : first , because in breathing , water must be drawn in as well as air ; which two bodies , do mutually hinder themselves : secondly , because they do not move any particle of the belly , as other breathing creatures do : thirdly , because when they dye in the water , we cannot perceive any bubbles to be made ; which happens when there is any animal that breathes , suffocated in the water : fourthly , because if it were so , other animals also might breath in the water ; which experience denies . 44. but some ancient writers and neoterick philosophers , defend the contrary opinion ; who conclude , that all manner of fish do breath . 45. it is not for the former arguments onely , that we part from the doctrine of the peripateticks , but also julius scaliger defends it . 46. but some fish do onely live in the waters ; some partly on the water , and some partly on the earth . 47. those that dive in the water , are either those that have blood , or are without blood . 48. those which have blood , are properly called pisces . 49. and those are great , small ▪ middle , or little , according to their adjunct quantity . 50. those are called great ; the whale , the salmon , dolphine , and sea-calf . 51. those that are of the middle rank , the eel , pike , carp , pearch , stockfish , tench , &c. 52. the least are these ; a horsleech , turdus , sprats , &c. 53. those that are called exsangues , are such as are without blood , and do consi●… in its stead of a certain vital humidity ; and these are either soft or hard . 54. those that are soft , albertus calls them malachias ; and they are those that neither have scales nor a rough skin ; as the cutle , calimary , lollium , polipus , sea-wolf . 55. they are called hard , which have a crustous and scalous skin ; as the crab , muscle , and oyster . 56. and amongst the rest , it is doubtful whether those that are called amphibia , what their natures are ( they have lungs and breath ) and also whether they sleep by the mouth , or fistula ; in the water , or out . 57. and they are partly four-footed ; as frogs , crocodiles , otters , badgers : partly reptile , as the water-snake ; and partly aereal , as the cormorant , wild-ducks , &c. 58. and thus much of perfect animals : those that are imperfect are such whose bodies do not so cohere , but they may be said to be divided ; and they want ●…lood , and have their original from p●…action , and are called insects . 59. therefore an insect ( l ) is an imperfect animal , wanting blood ; having a body distinct by its open junctures , & so likewise breathes not . 60. whence these insects are said to consist of three chief parts ; the head , belly , and some space between both . 62. some of these insects ( m ) are ingendred of caenous earth , and putrid slime : as for example ; from putrid dung and wood , the palmer-worm ; from putrid water , gnats ; from mire and dirt , worms : and some from the pu●…action of a dead carcase ; as the beetle from the ass , bees from the bull , and wasps from a horse . 63. the cause of those that take their original from putrid matter , is celestial heat diffused in the ambient air . 64. of them which are gotten of a mixed or cadaverous putredue , they are procreated of the proper heat of the mixed putretude . 65. this the philosopher indeavored to find out , when he said , in those things that do putrefie , are animals procreated , because of the natural calidity existent therein , which being segregated makes a body . 66. therefore that calidity so segregated , doth dispose the matter , and doth produce both a form and substance of the same ; not by its proper force , as though an arridous could effect a living substance , but by the concurrence of the celestial heat . 67. and as the putrefied matter is diverse and various , into which the heat , both mixed with it self , and that which is by the influence of the heavens darted into it ; so it must needs produce divers and various insects , and they both noble and ignoble . 68. for if the matter be very terrene , then testaceous animals are generated ; if tender and subtil , then more slender animals are produced . 69. hence it is , that when there is much terrene portion in the sea existent , that of such a concretion , a shelly substance to arise ; so that the terrene part , doth quickly indurate , and co●…late . 70. but there are two kinds of insects : some are winged , some not . 71. amongst those that are winged , there are some that have two , and some four wings . 72. those that have two wings , are such as these ▪ flies , gnats , butterflies , &c. 73. four wings ▪ as bees , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beetles , spanish flies . 74. those that want wings , are such ▪ as 〈◊〉 upon the ground . 75. and amongst these , there are some that walk by degrees ; as the pismire , spider , horslice , locusts , fleas : others crawl slowly on the ground ; as worms , grass-worms , glow-worms , &c. the commentary . ( a ) between a rational creature , to wit , a man , and an irrational , to wit , a beast ; there is a certain medium , called a satyre or ape , which is rightly referred to monsters . ( b ) some things are here to be touched , concerning the reason or intelligence which seems to be in bruits : for there are some now in these days , who besides that particular sense and reason they attribute unto them , do believe that they are moved with a certain singular sagacity and do●…lity , in wonderful operations ; which they say cannot be acted without some prudence and reason . for the great bucephalus of alexander would permit no body to come upon his back , but his lord ; and at last one putting on alexanders robes , and mounting thereupon , was notwithstanding immediately thrown off . nicomedes is reported to have had a horse , who when he perceived his master to be lost in the battel , he refused to eat his fodder or provender , but pined away and died . the panther , after that it hath tasted of poyson , presently runs to mans dung , that it may be thereby helped . the goats in the woods of crete , being shot with darts , runs to the herb dittany , and thereby have their darts plucked out . swallows aslo shew a wonderful art , in building of their nests with clay . bees , in the making of wax and honey : and so many other beasts several other performances , which cannot be imitated by us ; all which ●…ms to some to be acted with reason . but for true solution of this , between the true actions of reason , and the sensitive faculty ; for the operations , performances , and actions of bruits , are not to be adjudged as proceeding from reason , but partly from the instinct of nature , partly from a phan●…e , and partly from a natural sagacity , or that daily assuefaction they perform . and though we should grant , that these actions did proceed from a certain kinde of force or faculty of discretion or prudence , existent in bruits ; yet it is different far from humane discretion and reason ; neither doth it differ in quantity , as more or less ; but in the quality or thing it self : for it cannot properly be called reason ▪ or be comprehended under the name of a rational faculty , but to be understood analogically ; for it is the property of reason , not onely to understand , know , and judge of its action , but to vary the same , according to its will : but beasts can do neither of these ; for those things wherein they are always occupied , in them they do continue , and from them do not depart , neither can they vary their action at will , as those that are endowed with reason . but some will alledge , first , that bruits are capable of discipline , because they are taught many things ▪ and to perform many works : therefore they are competent of reason , if by discipline they understand science , properly so , called ▪ i deny that ever any bruit was ever capable of any such discipline : for though they may learn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet they cannot learn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and therefore there are certain birds , which learn to speak by a certain custom and inclination ; but what they say , they are altogether ignorant . secondly , those that are fallen into frantick fits and madness , may be said to have had ratiocination , and understanding : but many bruit beasts are said to be mad ; as apes taken in drunkenness , dogs often run mad : the ox , horse , ass , camel , are said to suffer diseases , which physitians rank in the regiment of madness : therefore , &c. i answer , it cannot truly hence be gathered , that bruits have any similitude with mans reason ; for men are said to be mad , when they are void of that reason which distinguishes them from a 〈◊〉 . now bruits are mad , according to their internal senses , which are common to them , to wit , imagination & sensitive faculty , which some call cogitativam , and aestimativam : for madness , phrensie , and melancholy , are diseases that cannot hurt corporeal affections by themselves , to wit , simply alone , but corporeal faculties also ; for they disturb the minde by accident , because it is contained in that very house or situation , where this distemper raigns , and where the senses are used . but bruits suffer madness , by reason of imagination or their estimative faculty ; not for their reason or understanding . ( c ) it is common to all perfect animals to have blood , and therefore without it , they neither can be accounted perfect , or produce any vital action ; for blood is after a manner another soul. ( d ) it is a thing common almost to the universal genus of fourfooted beasts , that their generation proceeds from the commixtion of the masculine with the feminine ; and they copulate either at certain times or seasons , or promiscuously at any time . and whereas they are void of reason , especially , when they have a sensual appetite thereunto ; at which time , the male is so furiously , inflamed with such an irresistable light , that it will furiously assail the female , and prosecute her even till his appetite be satisfied : as we see often verified in stags . ( e ) all serpents are referred to fourfooted beasts , because they have blood , flesh , nerves , and other internal bowels , of that nature with them , although not so perfect , and also dissimilar from the members of those animals . this animal is crafty and wise , in the preservation of its life , in seeking out a den to lurk in , and food to live on . ( f ) volatiles do consist of all the elements , but chiefly of water ; which we may read and prove by sacred writ , where it is said , that the waters brought forth both creeping things on the earth , and flying things in the air : where a question will arise , why god produced flying things out of the water , rather then the earth ? because the greatest part of them do reside upon the earth : for upon the earth they feed , sleep , pull off their feathers ; and altogether haunt the earth and not the water , because , according to aristotle , we are nourished by those things of which we consist . birds consist of earth , rather then water ; therefore , &c. this argues that their substance is hard and dense , which must needs differ much from the nature of water , but little from earth . but for the further solution , we must know that there is no animal gotten , or procreated in the fire or air , but in the water and on the earth all bodies are procreated , and that of the commixtion of siccity with humidity ; but of the two other elements , they receive light temperaments and vertues ; therefore , because birds are wandring animals , they ought to be framed of an aery temperament , that it may be consentaneous to their nature . now birds are procreated from the water , which comes nearest to the nature of air , for it is made air , extenuated by heat , as we see the density of air to pass into water : and therefore birds are produced out of the water , into the air , as it were a proper element for their nature . ( g ) when in the definition , we say , birds to be two-footed and winged , this ought to be understood of perfect birds ; for there are certain birds found without feet , called apodes , and also without feathers , of which see scaliger : and it is called a bird from avia , because it cuts an uncertain flight in the air . for there are three things uncertain , and past finding out : the way of a ship in the sea , the way of a bird in the air , and the way of a yongman on earth . ( h ) other divisions there are of birds , of which see scaliger , exer. 227. and of the species of birds , see freigeus his physicks . ( i ) by fish i generally understand all water-animals , that swim in water , and all these are produced of the water : which their natures doth demonstrate ; for if they be taken out of the waters ; they die and perish , because they are robbed of their proper nature or womb ; but in water they grow and are nourished , by reason of the similitude and cogination of their nature with the place , which is cold and moist . but how can fish ; which seem to be constituted of a 〈◊〉 matter , and a mixed body , be produced from water alone , one simple element , and fluid ? i answer , first , the concretion of water in the producing of 〈◊〉 , to be done forthwith by the voice and command of god ; insomuch that it is so constricted , and firmly coagulated , that the body of fish is solid and well compacted . again , we do not deny , but that other elements concur to this aquatical constitution ; but water hath the dominion , whose nature fish emulates , because they are cold and moist : where notwithstanding we must observe , that this same watry constitution doth participate of heat and moisture , in which the vital faculty or life doth consist . ( k ) it is an old tossed question , whether fishes that want a lung , breathe ? aristotle denies it , but plato and all the ancient philosophers affirm it ; and these are their reasons : first , what animals soever have not the organs of respiration ( so called ) cannot breath : but fishes have neither lungs nor arteries , which are the organs of respiration in all other animals : therefore fish breath not : secondly , if fish do breath , it must either be by the mouth , or fins ; and then they both receive and let out the spirit together : but this cannot be , because these motions are contrary in themselves ; and contraries cannot act together in the same : therefore fishes do not breath : thirdly , if fishes that are destitute of attractive arteries and lungs , breath , then they must breath by the benefit of the belly ; but this is absurd ; therefore the consequence false : the reason of the minor is , that if the belly of fish doth attract air , then it would do so in other animals ; but it is not so , therefore , &c. fourthly , in all those animals that inspire and exspire , some part of their body may be discerned to move ; as in man , when he breaths , the brest is lifted up ; if he exspires , it is pressed down : but in fish there is no such motion to be seen , therefore they breath not : fifthly , when any breathing creatures are suffocated in the water , certain bubbles will arise , if they be there detained till suffocation ; but if fish be never so long detained , they cause no bubbles , therefore they breath not , neither do they receive any extrinsecal air : sixthly , if fish did breath under the water , it would follow then , that men and other animals might breath also : but the consequence is false , therefore the antecedent : seventhly , if fishes do breath in the water , then it is so that they may attract air , which they must do also without the water ; but they do not breath out of the water , nor attract air , ergo , &c. if all animals do breath , then insects also should breath , which are animals ; but they breath not , ergo , &c. the assumption is confirmed ; for those animals that breath , do breath whilst they live , and when they cannot breath longer , they cease to live . but insects do live , though they cannot breath ; for when they are cut in two parts , they will live in each part : whereas it is not possible , that all the parts of an animal should breath . observe this last argument , to impugne all the ancients opinion : fishes do therefore breath , because the life of animals consists not without breath . these are the reasons of arist. denying fish to breath . but because there is a heart in them , therefore they have need to have their heat temperated ; and that it may be so temperated , they draw in by their gills , water for air , and let it out by the same . for as in man , the lungs and the thorax are lifted up and down in breathing ; so the gills of fish are dilated and contracted , in drawing in of water to temper the heat of the heart : for when the gills are dilated , they draw in some small portion of water , which is conveyed by certain passages to the heart , which cools the heat thereof ; and when their gills are contracted , the water again is expelled . some do stifly oppugne these opinions ; whose reasons we shall now consider of : first , a fish is an animal , therefore breathing is necessary , because it hath need of air . i answer , if by breathing or respiration they understand refrigeration , then the consequence is to be received ; but if they mean the attraction of air , i deny it : for the spiration of air is onely competent to those animals endowed with lungs ; but fish may be refrigerated by that water , which both they draw in by the mouth and gills . secondly , air is contained under the earth , therefore under the water ; and by consequence , fish do attract it , and so breath . ans. i deny the consequence : though air may easily pierce into the earth , which is porous , cavernous , and dry : yet into the water it cannot pierce , because of the fluidness of its body , being so easily reduced to unity ▪ and so closely gathering it self together , that there can be no vacuity for air : for if a staff be thrust into the water , and drawn out again , there will be no hol●… left , or resemblance where it was , but will forthwith rise up , and swim at top : but if it be fixed into the earth , the hole whereinto it was put will remain , which is immediately filled with air ; and therefore it is that the breathing faculty of moles under the earth , is not taken away , because they always make a hole , whereby they receive breath . but now in water no pores or passages can be apprehended , whereby air may be attracted ; therefore it is impossible that fish should breath therein . thirdly , fishes do breathe by their gills , therefore breath is drawn by them , though not in the usuall manner . i answer , that some spiration i●… manifest or perfect ; some obscure and imperfect : 't is manifest in those animals that are endowed with the organs of spiration ; and then it is properly called respiration : but that ●…tion of the fishes gills , is more rightly tearmed transpiration , and onely answers by analogy to the true spiration : for as their parts , viz. lungs and gills , differ in species , so also their functions differ : for as the wings o●… birds and fins of fishes do agree analogically in themselves , as to the efficient cause , viz. of motion ; yet they are not of the same genus , because fish by their fins do not fly , as birds by their wings , but swim : so those gills that are given to fish in stead of lungs , are not of the same species with the lungs of animals . the fourth is taken from experience : if fish be put into a vessel with a narrow orifice , filled half full of water , and so the mouth of the vessel stopped ; there is so great a desire in them of the injoying of the air , that they strive who shall be uppermost , swimming one upon another , for no other cause then a desire to be next the air . scaliger answers , the reason of their so much strugling , is not for the injoyment of air , but the avoiding of their close imprisonment ; endeavouring to finde a way out of the vessel , to free themselves from that scarcity of water , into a place of more plenty and liberty . fifthly , if a vessel full of water , and with a row orifice be closely covered , the fish that are encloistered within , are suddenly suffocated , because no air can come unto them ; therefore 't is absolute necessary for fish to breathe under the water , for the preservation of their lives . this , if it be true , i thus answer : if so , then it may be judged to happen rather from the defect of the celestial light , then air ; for thereby force and heat is added by the influence of light : for all animate things stand in need of this celestial spirit , for the preservation of their lives . again , if it be so that fish included in a vessel are suffocated , it must happen that the water being deprived of air , loses it nature ( scaliger exer. 275 ) for it is preserved from corruption by the air , as from a superiour form ; therefore it kills the fish . but to conclude , if fish should die for want of air , how come they to live , where the waters are frozen all over , many thousands of paces together ? or can they receive air through the ice ? therefore the objections of our antagonists , are frothy and vain . ( l ) insects are called by the greeks , entoma , because they have bodies distinguished , some into two , three , and some more incisures ; and they have in stead of blood , a certain vital jui●…e or humour , which is analogous to blood , which assoon as it is exhausted , they perish : and because those insects want blood , their natures are cold , and therefore it is that they breathe not : for breath is given to animals by nature to ●…ool the blood ; and because those insects ( saith aristotle ) want bowels , therefore they leave no respiration , because they have no convenient organs for that use . but against this received opinion of aristotle , pliny objects , that insects do breathe ; which he maintains by two arguments . first , that many kinds of insects do put forth a certain noise ; as bees , and those that want wings : others to sing ; as grashoppers : so also gnats & flies make a certain buzzing & noise ; which cannot be , except they received air . i answer , when bees and flies make a noise , it happens by the agitation of the interior spirit , and not the exterior : for those insects that seem to sing , as grashoppers , do make a noi●…e from the agitation of the included spirits , fretting , as it were , against that membrane , with which their bodies are wrapped ; for they do not make a noise by the attracting of spirit at the mouth : for they alone in the universal genus of animals , by the observation of aristotle , want mouths . secondly , insects are endowed with smelling ; but smelling cannot be effected , but with the attraction of air by respiration ; therefore they breathe . i answer , the sense of smelling is far different in these insects , from that in other sanguineous animals ; for they have this censory hidden within the skull ; and therefore they cannot perceive odours but by the conduct of the ambient air introsumed : but insects do not perceive odours , by the attraction of air , but by the alone presence of the thing to be smelled at the censory ; which organ in them is always open , and exposed to smelling , not unlike to the eyes of those animals that have no lids nor covering , but always open . ( m ) the material cause of insects is double , as the insects themselves are of two kinds ; for some are gotten of slimy earth and putrid mud : as for example , from putrified pot-herbs , the canker or palmer-worm ; from putrid water , the gnat ; from decayed wine , the midge ; from slime , worms ; from mud , frogs : others arise from a mixed putretude ; as beetles from the karcass of an ass ; bees from a bull ; wasps from a horse . and as there are two kinds of insects , so there is also a double efficient cause of them : for they which take their rise from putrid matter , their efficient cause is the heat of the sun , diffused in the ambient air : but they which are gotten of a mixed and cadaverous putretude , are procreated meerly from the proper heat of the mixed putretude ; for that heat doth dispose the matter , and produce a substantial form of the same , not by its proper force ; for an accident cannot make a living substance , but by the vertue of the celestial heat . but some may say , that heat of mixture is broken in putretude , if putretude be the corruption of heat natural ; therefore the heat of a mixed body putrefied , cannot be the efficient cause of insects . i answer , in the natural decay of mixtures simply , all heat doth not vanish , so that none may be said to remain ; but broken , as natural , and according to that measure , which is necessary to retain the humidity with the ●…iccity : as in the destruction , death or decay of living creatures , all heat simply doth not vanish , but that onely which was convenient for the existence of the soul in the body , and the preservation of life ; therefore that heat which is yet left in a mixed putretude , hath reason to be the efficient cause of insects . but some may further instance , that heat in the generation of mixtures , ought to domineer passively , not actively ; according to aristotle , who saith , that heat and cold do generate when they overcome and rule in passives : but in putretude , the heat of mixture doth not obtain the name of dominion , because its wants strength and vigor , and is so unfurnished , that it cannot retain the moist with the dry , for the preservation of the mixture : therefore it cannot be the efficient cause of insects , which insects are procreated of the unity and consistency of humidity and sic●…ity . i answer , the heat of the body putrefied , may be considered two manner of ways ; either in respect of that mixture which doth putrefie , or in respect of the animals which are produced from that mixture : if it be considered after the first manner , then it is preternatural , and not fit to retain the humidity with the siccity , because it doth not further rule in these passive qualities ; but if heat be considered in the second respect , then it is natural , and hath force and dominion over the moist and dry , and it can terminate and couple them , and out of that matter produce a substantial form , by the concurrence of the celestial heat : but now as the matter is various and diverse , in which heat doth exercise its action ; so likewise various and divers animals and insects are produced : for if the matter be much terrene and corpulent , then it will produce testaceous animals ; but if tender , thin , and subtil , then heat doth generate slender animals ; as flies , gnats , &c. for as aristotle says , in the sea there is much of an earthly substance : and thence it is , that from the concretion thereof , so many shell-fishes are procreated . but again , it may be objected by some : every thing that is generated , must proceed from a thing that is like to it self : for a celestial body and heat , are not similar to those which do arise from coenous and putrid matter ; therefore from these they cannot rightly be said to be generated . i answer , every thing that is generated , is said to be generated from its simile , either according to an univocal generation , or an equivocal generation by analogy . i call that an univocal generation , when one man begets another , or one dog another ; for here the thing getting , and the thing begotten , are of one genus : for the bitch generating is an animal , and the dog generated , is an animal : but an equivocal generation is made by similitude ; as a frog , that is produced out of filth by the force of the sun ; and it is so called , because the thing getting , and the thing gotten , are heterogeneous . but now although the insects proceeding from such like bodies , are not similar , according to the univocal genus , yet they are generated a simile , according to the equivocal genus by analogy , because they are produced by some existent act ; as by a celestial body , or the like , which concur in the way of act to produce a body . chap. 15. of man and his formation in the womb. 1. hitherto we have treated of irrational creatures . now we shall say something of the rational , viz. man. 2. man is ( a ) an animal endowed with reason . 3. and as he is the most noblest of all creatures , so he hath the most beautiful and excellent structure of body , of all other animals ; being erect , and looking up to heaven . 4. but as every thing which is gotten , doth proceed of something , and from something : so there are certain necessary principles to the generation of mans body . 5. the seed ( b ) therefore of both sexes , is plentiful and fruitful , and pronounced by the ancients , to be the mother-blood of principles . 6. the seed is a humid body , spumous and white , generated from the flower or cream o●… the spirits , elaborated by the insited force of the stones for generation sake . 7. hence it consists of two parts ; of a watrish humidity , and spirit . 8. the serous humidity is generated of blood ; whence he affirms seed to be an excrement of the last sanguineous aliment , not in substance , but by a profitable abundance , arist. 1 de gen. anim. c. 18 , 29. 9. the spiritual part ( c ) is no other then the vital spirit , dilated by the spermatick arteries to the cods , where it is exquisitely mixed with blood , and of two becomes one perfect body : therefore the seed is compounded of spirit and water . 10. maternal blood ( d ) or menstruum , another principle of our generation , is a sanguineous excrement , begotten from the heat of the female , for the conservation of her species . 11. it is called menstruous , because it comes monethly ; which nevertheless , after conception , is forthwith stopped . 12. it is called a sanguineous excrement , not that it is like thereunto , or noxious in its quality ( as the neotericks do affirm ) but that it is too luxuriant in quantity ; and therefore it is poured into the greater veins , from the fleshy parts , that are already filled and satiated . 13. therefore this blood is laudable , and alimentary , whose efficient cause is the weakness of the heat of the woman . 14. for the female is always more colder then the male , therefore she cannot make all the last al●…ment , and convert it into the substance of the body ; and therefore by little and little it is sent into the veins of the womb , that it may he excerned . 15. the time of excretion is not designed ; but in many it begins at the fourteenth year of their age , and ceases about the fiftieth year , because then heat grows weak , and doth not longer generate the reliques of laudable blood , neither can it expel them if they do abound . 16. the use of this menstruous blood is very necessary , both that it may cause a conception , and afterwards nourish after conception . 17. therefore seed is the principle , from which , as it were the efficient cause , the conformation is made ; from which , as from the matter , the spermatick parts are generated : but blood hath the name of the matter alone , and passive principle . 18. for of it are both the carnous parts generated , and both the spermatick and carnous nourished . 19. but to the seed is alotted the nature both of the efficient and matterial principle , because it consists of two parts : for the efficient is by reason of the spirits , on which on every side is poured ; the material , by reason of the thickness of the body and crassament , of which the spermatick parts are generated . 20. and the seed is double ; the one of the male , the other of the female : but the seed of the male is of greatest force . 21. neither do the peripateticks altogether deny women to emit seed , as galen and not a few more , have exclaimed against them : but as they say , they do not emit seed as men , neither have they such seed . 22. for women do put forth seed , but not such as men do , that is , not so crass , white , and full of spirit . 23. for when mans seed is poured out into the womb , it is exquisitely mixed with the womans , and is , as it were , in a fruitful field ; and immediately upon the permixion of the seeds , the womb is gathered up together , and doth contract it self so close , that no empty space be left within . 24. seed so ( e ) taken and strictly comprehended , is cherished in the womb , by its heat and ingenital property , exciting its strength lurking within it ; and stimulates it to act , insomuch that it breaks out into action . 25. this action of the womb they call conception , which is a promotion of the retained seed to duty . 26. the signs of conception ( f ) are these : a tickling over the whole body , upon the meeting of the seeds ; a retention of the seed , if the inward mouth of the womb doth exquisitely shut and open : a small pain wandring about the belly : if the tearms be stopped : if the brests swell and grow hard ; a nauseous stomach , and frequent vomitings . 27. therefore the spirit of the seeds is used as an instrument for this divine faculty of generation , in going to the bottom , or centre ; whereby the work of conception is carried on , and of which the conception it self is constituted . 28. this work cannot be made without ordination , position , secretion , concretion , densation , rarefaction , extension , contraction . arist. 29. therefore , when the spirit begins to act in the substance of the seed , consisting of heterogeneous parts , it first divides its dissimilar parts : those that are thin and tender , and full of spirit , it hides within ; those that are cold and thick , which arise from the seed of the woman , it covers without . 30. the middle and more nobler parts of the seed , are puffed up , or blowen up , by heat and spirit , to the effiguration of the members . 31. the number of these membranes are yet undetermined : we reckon onely three ; the first whereof is called amnios , which is next to the yong , wrapping it from the neck to the feet , containing the excrements also with it ; in which the yong swims , as it were . 32. the second is called alantois ; it is the middle between the first and the third , thin and narrow , onely going to the middle of the yong ; and it is the receptacle of urine . 33. the third tunicle is called chorion , and it is the outermost , covering the whole body of the yong , and adheres to the womb , by the interposition of the umbilical veins and arteries . 34. these 3 membranes mutually connated to themselves , do seem to constitute one tunicle , which is called by the latines secundina . 35. the interior and subtil part of the seed , being encloistered in these , and as it were environed , the formative vertue , and as it were vital spirit , of the same seed ( which contains in potency all parts , both similar and instrumental ) doth coact together , and as it were delineated , so that the rude exordium of these parts , or at least a resemblance of them , may be seen ; which is wont to be made in seven days . 36. for when the vital spirit , which is the framer of generation , is the same , and doth act in one and the same moment , disposited into the same matter , and altered by heat ; what hinders but that this agent may decline all parts natural , once and again ? 37. yet there is an order observed in the formation of members ; ( i ) one member is perfected before another . 38. and the more nobler , and most necessary , the first of all ; the ignobler , and least necessary , the last of all . 39. therefore the formatrix faculty doth perfect in the first place , the spermatick parts of the male in thirty days , of the female in forty or fourty two . 40. nor doth it hinder what some learned men do object , that so little seed doth not suffice for the constituting of these parts ; for the sperme is appointed not onely to suffice the formation , but the auction also . 41. again , if this sperme ( which proves abortive , or may be known by the section of the living animal ) be cast into cold water , it will scarce exceed the bigness of a large emme●… . 42. the carnous parts are framed after the spermatical delineation , from the other principle of generation , to wit , blood , which flows by the navel vein . 43. there are three sorts of flesh which grows in the bowels : first , the flesh 〈◊〉 : secondly , the flesh of the muscles , which is called properly and absolutely flesh : thirdly , the peculiar flesh of every part : and it is likely , that these three sorts of flesh are not generated together , but in order . 44. for first of all , the flesh parencyma , which is the substance of the liver , spleen , and biters ; afterwards the peculiar flesh of every part ; and lastly , the flesh of the muscles . 45. and amongst the fleshes parencymate , that of the liver is the first made , because the umbilical vein doth first pour blood into it , which concretes after fusion , and becomes flesh ; then that of the heart ; and lastly , that of the rest of the bowels . 46. so that the infant begins to be dearticulated and absolute , after forty five days ; living at first the imperfect life , as it were , of a plant , after the manner of an animal , and at last the life of a man. 47. and this happens not by reason of the form , which is simple and individual ; but by reason of the matter , that is , of the organs . 48. but the embryon takes aliment onely by the navel ; but after the liver is made , it ministers to all the members : but it doth not yet move , though it hath life , by reason of the imbecility of the brain and softness of nerves . 49. the weak and tender members of the infant , by little and little are dried by heat , and so made more solid ; and then the yong begins to feel by perfect sensories , and by and by to be moved in the womb . 50. but a man-childe doth move sooner then a female : for boys , because they are conformed in thirty days , do move on the ninetieth day , which compleatly make three moneths ; but because the female is framed in forty or forty two days , she moves not till the hundred and twentieth day , which is about the latter end of the fourth moneth . 51. and the infant is nourished , and doth increase all this space of time ; and when it is ripe it is brought forth , partly by the endeavor of the womb ( for it being burthened with its weight and abundance of excrements , it strives to be exonerated ) & partly by its proper motion : for the necessity of breathing , the want of aliment , and the narrowness of the place , do enforce the yong to endeavor a passage out . 52. at the time of birth the doors are opened , which immediately after delivery are shut again . this we see done , saith galen ; but how it is done , we know not ; onely we may admire it : avicen calls it a work to be wondred at , above all wonders . 53. the womb being opened , the infant begins to come out by the head : and by many painful throws , it draws out and brings with it three membranes : and thus by the prescript of nature , are we born into the world . 54. the time of bringing forth , is not fully defined , nor can it ; for some are delivered at seven moneths end , some at nine , ( and most then ) some at ten , but seldom , and very seldom at eleven ; but in the eighth moneths end , seldom any are delivered with a live childe . 55. and this is the manner of the conception , conformation , and procreation of the noblest of creatures . the commentary . ( a ) the definition of a man delivered , consists of a genus and difference : as to the genus , he is an animal ; and as to the difference , one endowed with reason : and in this it is that man hath a prerogative , dignity , and excellency , above all other creatures : for his minde , which is divine , is the image of god ; and he differs much from other animals , and as it were exercises a regality over them : for are not lyons and elephants tamed by the strength of man , and overcome , and made subject to him ? man is created with his face looking up to heaven , as it were contemplating upon god. hence ovid could say , pronaque cum spectent animalia caetera terram , os homini sublime dedit , caelumque tueri jussit , & erectos ad sidera tollere vultus . for whereas god created all other animals with their faces downwards to the ground , man alone he erects with his eyes fixed upon heaven , whither he should tend . ( b ) the generation of man is made after this manner : the seed of both sexes being perfectly mixed , the whole doth proceed from thence ; therefore the matter of the generation of mans body , is the seed both of the man and the woman , plentiful and fruitful . this seed doth consist of two parts , watrish humidity , and spirit : the watrish humidity proceeds from the blood ; whence aristotle affirms blood to be a profitable excrement of the last aliment , that is , of the sanguineous aliment : i say it is an excrement , not supervacaneous in its nature or substance ; as stones and worms : nor in its quality ; as dung , sweat , &c. but onely in its abundance or quantity : for because it superabounds from nourishing the parts of the body , and cannot be assimilated thereunto ; it obtains the place of an excrement . ( c ) the spiritual part of seed is no other thing then the vital spirit , which by reason of this spirit , it becomes hot : and sometimes this spirit is ingendred in the heart , and thence sent out into the whole body : so doth the seed also , according to the spirit , proceed from the whole , because the spirit is communicated from the heart to the whole : hence aristotle saith , if the seed did not proceed from every part of the animal , the cause of the similitude were false ; therefore seed ejected by the yard into the womb , becomes fruitful , when it is exquisitely mixed with the womans seed ; and it is the principal motion , that is , the first agent for the formotion of the yong , by reason of the spirits contained in it : for this going to the bottom , as to its centre , is cherished and preserved , and so proceeds to action , as to formation : all which things are necessary for the framing of the yong ; for besides the seed of the man and the woman , it is necessary that this vital spirit concur to the conception , because the seed of man cannot besmear all the parts of the womb , which else will impede conception : and if the seed of the woman be onely present , that will not cause conception , by reason of its imperfection ; for the seed of man is more hot then womans : and although this seed be not so perfect , yet it concurs as an agent to the formation , although not as the first agent : for as galen observes , the mixture of the seed of man and woman , is perfect seed ; whence aristotle saith , that what arises from the seed of man and woman , do arise from contraries , as when there are contraries in the same genus : and although each seed , according to aristotle , is in its genus an agent , yet they do not act alike in power and strength , but differ in these functions , magis & minus : the seed of the woman doth concur , as the matter of which , both by reason of the seed of man , which is its aliment , ( for mans seed is nourished and made more perfect by womans seed ) as also by reason of the membranes which are produced out of it . but in this place we may take notice , what the peripateticks in a manner aledge , that the woman emits no seed : but they are basely and injuriously dealt withall ; it is an aspersion cast upon them , by some later philosophers , because aristotle saith , that the seed of the woman is not so crass , while hot , and full of spirit , as the seed of man : but he doth not say , that women emit no seed at all . ( d ) besides the seed of both sexes , the menstruous blood of the woman concurs to generation : it is called menstruous blood , because it is an excrement ; yet it differs from that blood whereby a woman is nourished ; and it is called exerementitious blood , to difference it from the seminal excrement ; and it is an excrement of the second concoction , which is made in the liver and veins ; and therefore it is , that it hath a red colour : furthermore , that matter which is contained in the veins , and expurged by the veins of the womb , is this superfluous blood and excrement of the second coction : for whereas the bodies of women are more colder then mens , they cannot make perfect their last aliment , nor convert it into the substance of the body to be nourished ; whereupon , that which is above , and cannot be converted , by little and little , is thence conveyed to the veins of the womb , where it gathers together into one place ; and what of it cannot be sustained by nature , is expelled . it s use is necessary : for as it helps conception , so it nourishes the yong . but here a question will arise , how the yong , whilst it is conceived and framed in 〈◊〉 ●…omb , is gotten & nourished by this same blood , when it is endowed with a bad quality , and puts forth many ill affections ? i answer , this blood is not always so bad as is imagined : for those women , whose bodies are temperate , their blood also must needs be temperate ; and when the body is vitious , the blood also must needs be infected . but again , this pravity in women , is purged away every moneth ; and in them it is otherwise , then in those who keep their tearms beyond their accustomed time : the former hath no noxious quality in it , as to hurt what is generated of it ; which need not seem strange : but if the same blood be not evacuated at its accustomed time , but retained , it will stir up and cause many bad affections , as the suffocation of the matrix , 〈◊〉 , and the like . but now if it be considered in a woman that hath milk in her brests , it is otherwise ; for then blood is conflated of a treble substance : for then the alimentary or pure portion of it goes to the nourishment of the yong , and part somewhat impurer goes to the brests , and converts to milk ; and the worst of all is contained as excrements in the tunicles , where the yong is enrolled : which is evacuated at the womans delivery . ( e ) after the seed of both sexes , together with the menstruous blood , is received into the womb , it closes up ; and the seed therein contained , is cherished by its heat , and begins to act : the spiritual part of the seed passes to the bottom , and begins the formation ; and of the crass part of the seed , the spermatick parts are engendred ; and of the menstruous , the sanguineous parts . ( f ) the notes of conception are these : the close shutting up of the womb ; a kinde of trembling and tickling over the whole body ; and after that , an exceeding refrigeration ; loss of stomach , nauseating of victuals , vomitings , &c. ( g ) generation is made by the mutation of the power into the act , and an artificial composition of many existents in the act : the soul is the act of an organical body : but the seed is not the organ , therefore not the animate ; then the power above will be the animate : for as the sun , not hot , doth calefie ; the whetstone not sharp , yet doth sharpen : so also the seed may animate , that is , the yong is animated by the seed , although there be no soul or life in it . ( i ) it is a great and difficult dispute among physitians and philosophers , in what order the parts of the yong are framed ? some think the liver first to be generated , others the heart , which they say is the first that lives , and the last that dies . in this controversie we are to observe , that neither the liver nor the heart , nor any other principal member , nor umbilical vessels are generated first , as divers have judged ●…everal manner of ways ; but that all are inchoated in one and the same moment , and that for this subsequent reason : the vital spirit , which is the efficient cause of the generation , and the internal natural agent , not the external voluntary , hath the whole formatrix faculty , in every part where it is joyned to the matter fitly disposited : it must necessarily act secundum potentias ; and therefore all the parts of the body are produced by it at once : this experience confirms by those who have miscarried in ten , twenty , or thirty days , after conception , when the whole substance hath not exceeded the bigness a grain of barley , a bee , or the figure of a bean ; yet all its bowels are formed , as some late anatomists have observed . chap. 16. de zoophytis , or of things that are partly animals , and partly plants . 1. hitherto we have illustrated the first species of nature , aisthetices , to wit , an animal : the other which remains to be explained , is part plant , and part animal . 2. and these zoophyta's are corporeal natures , endowed onely with certain senses , contracting and dilating themselves by motion . 3. whence hermolaus barbarus calls them plantanimalia : budaeus tearms them plantanimes , because they have a middle , and as it were a third nature , between plants and animals . 4. whereas they have a certain sense with animals ; hence they dilate themselves pleasantly to such things as they attract and affect ; but contract themselves , if pricked or offended . 5. but in the effigies of the body , they come nearest to the nature of plants . 6. their formes differ according to their greater or lesser vertue of feeling : all of them adhere to rocks , sand , or mud ; of which sort are these , holothuria , stella marina , pulmo marinus , u●…tica spongiae . 7. to these may be added , that tree which grows in the province of pudifetanea ; to which if a man draws nigh , it will gather in its boughes , as though it were ashamed ; and when he is gone , spread them abroad : for which cause the inhabitants thereabouts , have nominated it the chaste tree . scaliger exer. 181. sect. 28. finis . an advertisement to the reader . there is now in the press that excellent piece , intituled natural magick , in twenty books , by john baptist porta a neopolitane , enlarged by the author himself , and cleared from divers errors , wherewith the former editions were tainted : in which all the riches and delights of the natural sciences are set forth . carefully translated from the latine , and rendred into english by a worthy hand . the books of natural magick are these . 1 of the causes of wonderful things . 2 of the generation of divers animals . 3 of the production of new plants . 4 of increasing houshold-stuff . 5 of changing metals . 6 of counterfeiting precious stones . 7 of the wonders of the load-stone . 8 of strange cures . 9 of beautifying of women . 10 of extracting essences . 11 of perfuming . 12 of artificial fires . 13 of the most rare tempering of steel . 14 of cookery . 15 of hunting . 16 of invisible writing . 17 of strange glasses . 18 of staticks experiments . 19 of pneumatick experiments . 20. chaos . the vanity of dogmatizing, or, confidence in opinions manifested in a discourse of the shortness and uncertainty of our knowledge, and its causes : with some reflexions on peripateticism, and an apology for philosophy / by jos. glanvill ... scepsis scientifica glanvill, joseph, 1636-1680. 1661 approx. 314 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 145 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42833 wing g834 estc r3090 12267851 ocm 12267851 58119 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42833) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58119) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 186:2) the vanity of dogmatizing, or, confidence in opinions manifested in a discourse of the shortness and uncertainty of our knowledge, and its causes : with some reflexions on peripateticism, and an apology for philosophy / by jos. glanvill ... scepsis scientifica glanvill, joseph, 1636-1680. [33], 250, [6] p. printed by e.c. for henry eversden ..., london : 1661. published also as: scepsis scientifica, or, confest ignorance the way to science. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy -early works to 1800. knowledge, theory of -early works to 1800. 2002-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-10 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2002-10 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the vanity of dogmatizing : or confidence in opinions . manifested in a discourse of the shortness and vncertainty of our knowledge , and its causes ; with some reflexions on peripateticism ; and an apology for philosophy . by ios . glanvill , m. a. london , printed by e. c. for henry eversden at the grey-hound in st. pauls-church-yard . 1661. to the reverend my ever honored friend , mr. ioseph mynard , b. d. sir , i dare not approach so much knowledge , as you are owner of , but in the dress of an humble ignorance . the lesser sporades must vail their light in the presence of the monarch luminary ; and to appear before you , with any confidence of science , were an unpardonable piece of dogmatizing . therefore whatever be thought of the discourse it self , it cannot be censur'd in this application ; and though the pedant may be angry with me , for shaking his indear'd opinions ; yet he cannot but approve of this appeal to one , whose very name would reduce a sceptick . if you give your vote against dogmatizing : 't is time for the opinionative world , to lay down their proud pretensions : and if such known accomplishments acknowledge ignorance ; confidence will be out of countenance ; and the sciolist will write on his most presumed certainty ; this is also vanity . whatever in this discourse is less consonant to your severer apprehensions , i begge it may be the object of your charity , and candor . i betake my self to the protection of your ingenuity , from the pursuits of your judicious censure . and were there not a benign warmth , as well as light attended you , 't were a bold venture to come within your beams . could i divine wherein you differ from me ; i should be strongly induced to note that with a deleatur ; and revenge the presumption , by differing from my present self . if any thing seem to you to savour too much of the pyrrhonian : i hope you 'l consider , that scepticism is less reprehensible in enquiring years , and no crime in a juvenile exercitation . but i have no design against science : my indeavour is to promote it . confidence in uncertainties , is the greatest enemy to what is certain ; and were i a sceptick , i 'de plead for dogmatizing : for the way to bring men to stick to nothing , is confidently to perswade them to swallow all things . the treatise in your hands is a fortuitous , undesigned abortive ; and an aequivocal effect of a very diverse intention : for having writ a discourse , which formerly i let you know of , of the soul's immortality : i design'd a preface to it , as a corrective of enthusiasm , in a vindication of the use of reason in matters of religion : and my considerations on that subject , which i thought a sheet would have comprised , grew so voluminous , as to fill fourteen : which , being too much for a preface ; i was advised to print apart . and therefore reassuming my pen , to annex some additional inlargements to the beginning ; where i had been most curt and sparing : my thoughts ran out into this discourse , which now beggs your patronage : while the two former were remanded into the obscurity of my private papers : the latter being rendred less necessary by his majesties much desired , and seasonable arrival ; and the former by the maturer undertakings of the accomplisht dr. h. more . i have no apologie to make for my lapses , but what would need a new one . to say they are the errata's of one that hath not by some years reach't his fourth , climacterical , would excuse indeed the poverty of my judgement , but criminate the boldness of this address . nor can i avoid this latter imputation , but by being more criminal : and to shun this respectful presumption , i must do violence to my gratitude . since therefore your obligations have made my fault , my duty ; i hope the same goodness , that gave birth to my crime , will remit it . hereby you 'l further indear your other favours : and make me as much an admirer of your vertues , as i am a debtor to your civilities : which since i cannot do them right in an acknowledgement ; i 'le acknowledge , by signifying that the greatness of them hath disabled me from doing so : an impotence , which a little charity will render venial ; since it speaks your self its author . these your indearments will necessitate me to a self-contradiction ; and i must profess my self dogmatical in this , that i am , sir , your most obliged and affectionate servant jos. glanvill . cecill house in the strand , march 1. 1660. the preface . reader , to complain in print of the multitude of books , seems to me a self-accusing vanity , whilest the querulous reprehenders add to the cause of complaint , and transgress themselves in that , which they seem to wish amended . 't is true , the births of the press are numerous , nor is there less variety in the humors , and phancies of perusers , and while the number of the one , exceeds not the diversity of the other , some will not think that too much , which others judge superfluous . the genius of one approves , what another disregardeth . and were nothing to pass the press , but what were suited to the universal gusto ; farewel typography were i to be judge , and no other to be gratified , i think i should silence whole libraries of authors and reduce the world of books into a fardle : whereas were another to sit censor , it may be all those i had spared , would be condemn'd to darkness , and obtain no exemption from those ruines , and were all to be supprest , which some think unworthy light ; no more would be left , then were before moses , and trismegistus . therefore , i seek no applause from the disgrace of others , nor will i huckster-like discredit any mans ware , to recommend mine own . i am not angry that there are so many books already , ( bating only the anomalies of impiety and irreligion ) nor will i plead the necessity of publishing mine from feigned importunities . those that are taken up with others , are at their liberty to avoid the divertisement of its perusal : and those , to whom 't is not importunate will not expect an apology for its publication . what quarter the world will give it , is above my conjecture . if it be but indifferently dealt with , i am not disappointed . to print , is to run the gantlet , and to expose ones self to the tongue strapado . if the more generous spirits favour me , let pedants do their worst : there 's no smart in their censure , yea , their very approbation is a scandal . for the design of this discourse , the title speaks it . it is levied against dogmatizing , and attempts upon a daring enemy , confidence in opinions . the knowledge i teach , is ignorance : and methinks the theory of our own natures , should be enough to learn it us . we came into the world , and we know not how ; we live in 't in a self-nescience , and go hence again and are as ignorant of our recess . we grow , we live , we move at first in a microcosm , and can give no more scientifical account , of the state of our three quarters confinement , then if we had never been extant in the greater world , but had expir'd in an abortion ; we are inlarg'd from the prison of the womb , we live , we grow , and give being to our like : we see , we hear , and outward objects affect our other senses : we understand , we will , we imagine , and remember : and yet know no more of the immediate reasons of most of these common functions , then those little embryo anchorites : we breath , we talk , we move , while we are ignorant of the manner of these vital performances . the dogmatist knows not how he moves his finger ; nor by what art or method he turns his tongue in his vocal expressions . new parts are added to our substance , to supply our continual decayings , and as we dye we are born daily ; nor can we give a certain account , how the aliment is so prepared for nutrition , or by what mechanism it is so regularly distributed ; the turning of it into chyle , by the stomachs heat , is a general , and unsatisfying solution . we love , we hate , we joy , we grieve : passions annoy us , and our minds are disturb'd by those corporal aestuations . nor yet can we tell how these should reach our unbodyed selves , or how the soul should be affected by these heterogeneous agitations . we lay us down , to sleep away our diurnal cares ; night shuts up the senses windows , the mind contracts into the brains centre . we live in death , and lye as in the grave . now we know nothing , nor can our waking thoughts inform us , who is morpheus , and what that leaden key , that locks us up within our senseless cels : there 's a difficulty that pincheth , nor will it easily be resolved . the soul is awake , and solicited by external motions , for some of them reach the perceptive region in the most silent repose , and obscurity of night . what is 't then that prevents our sensations ; or if we do perceive , how is 't , that we know it not ? but we dream , see visions , converse with chimaera's , the one half of our lives is a romance , a fiction . we retain a catch of those pretty stories , and our awakened imagination smiles in the recollection . nor yet can our most severe inquiries finde what did so abuse us , or shew the nature , and manner of these nocturnal illusions : when we puzzle our selves in the disquisition , we do but dream , and every hypothesis is a phancy . our most industrious conceits are but like their object , and as uncertain as those of midnight . thus when some dayes , and nights have gone over us , the stroak of fate concludes the number of our pulses ; we take our leave of the sun and moon , and bid mortality adieu . the vital flame is extinct , the soul retires into another world , and the body to dwell with dust . nor doth the last scene yield us any more satisfaction in our autography ; for we are as ignorant how the soul leaves the light , as how it first came into it ; we know as little how the union is dissolved , that is , the chain of the so differing subsistencies , that compound us , as how it first commenced . this then is the creature that so pretends to knowledge , and that makes such a noise , and bustle for opinions . the instruction of delphos may shame such confidents into modesty ; and till we have learn't that honest adviso , though from hell , γνωθι σεαυτον confidence is arrogance , and dogmatizing unreasonable presuming . i doubt not but the opinionative resolver , thinks all these easie knowables , and the theories here accounted mysteries , are to him revelations . but let him suspend that conclusion till he hath weigh'd the considerations hereof , which the discourse it self will present him with ; and if he can untie those knots , he is able to teach all humanity , and will do well to oblige mankinde by his informations . i had thought here to have shut up my preface , being sensible of the taedium of long praeliminaries . but lest the ingenious stumble at my threshold , and take offence at the seemingly disproportionate excess , which i ascribe to adam's senses : i 'le subjoyn a word to prevent the scruple . first then , for those that go the way of the allegorie , and assert pre-existence ; i 'm secure enough from their dissatisfaction . for , that the aetherial adam could easily sense the most tender touches upon his passive vehicle , and so had a clear and full perception of objects , which we since plung'd into the grosser hyle are not at all , or but a little aware of ; can be no doubt in their hypothesis . nor can there as great a difference be supposed between the senses of eighty , and those of twenty , between the opticks of the blind bat and perspicacious eagle , as there was between those pure un-eclipsed sensations , and these of our now-embodyed , muddied sensitive . now that the prae-existent adam could so advantageously form his vehicle , as to receive better information from the most distant objects , than we by the most helpful telescopes ; will be no difficult admission to the friends of the allegory . so that what may seem a meer hyperbolical , and fanciful display to the sons of the letter ; to the allegorists will be but a defective representation of literal realities . and i cannot be obnoxious to their censure , but for my coming short in the description . but i am like more dangerously to be beset by them that go the way of the plain : and 't will be thought somewhat hard , to verifie my hypothesis of the literal adam . indeed , there is difficulty in the mechanical defence ; and dioptrical impugnations are somewhat formidable . for unless the constitution of adam's organs was diverse from ours , and from those of his fallen self ; it will to some seem impossible , that he should command distant objects by natural , as we do by artificial advantages . since those removed bodies of sun and stars ( in which i instance ) could form but minute angles in adam's retina , and such as were vastly different from those they form in ours assisted by a telescope . so that granting adam's eye had no greater diametrical wideness of the pupil , no greater distance from the cornea to the retiformis , and no more filaments of the optick nerves of which the tunica retina is woven , than we : the unmeasurable odds of sensitive perfections which i assign him ; will be conceiv'd mechanically impossible . these difficulties may seem irresistibly pressing , and incapable of a satisfactory solution . but i propound it to the consideration of the ingenious objectors , whether these supposed organical defects might not have been supplyed in our unfallen protoplast by the vast perfections of his animadversive , and some other advantageous circumstances : so that though it be granted , that an object at the distance of the stars could not form in the eye of adam any angles , as wide as those it forms by the help of a tube ; yet i think my hypothesis may stand unshaken . for suppose two eyes of an equal and like figure , in the same distance from an object ; so that it forms equal angles in both : it may come to pass by other reasons , that one of these eyes shall see this object bigger then the other : yea , if the difference of the reasons on both sides be so much greater , one eye shall see it clearly , and the other not at all : for let one of these eyes be placed in an old body , or in a body deprived quite , or in a great measure of those spirits which are allowed the instruments of sight , or of the due egress and regress of them , in their natural courses and channels ; and let the other have a body of a clean contrary quality ; or let the soul that actuates one of the said eyes , be indued with an higher faculty of animadversion ( i mean with a greater degree of the animadversive ability ) than the soul hath , that actuates the other . in either of these cases , the fore-mention'd difformity of vision , will fall out in the same uniform case of dioptrical advantages . for a little angle made in the eye , will make as discernible an impression to a soul of a greater animadversive power , and assisted by more and meeter instruments of sight ; as a greater angle can make to a soul of a less power , and destitute of those other instruments , which are as necessary to sight as those dioptrical conveniencies . so that grant that the object set at the same distance made angles in the eye of adam , no wider than those it formes in ours ; yet that which we discern not , might have been seen by him , having more and better spirits , and being endued with a stronger animadversive , according to mine hypothesis . for there is the same proportion between a great power , and a little help , or a little angle ; which is between a small power , and a great help , or a great angle . if all this satisfie not , i begg from the ingenious the favour of this consideration : that some grains must be allow'd to a rhetorical display , which will not bear the rigour of a critical severity . but whether this mine hypothesis stand or fall , my discourse is not at all concerned . and i am not so fond of my conjectures , but that i can lay them down at the feet of a convictive opposition . to the learned author , of the eloquent and ingenious vanity of dogmatizing . poets are but libe'lers , i implore no muse ; parnassian praise is an abuse . call up the spirit of philosophy : your worth 's disgrac't by poetry . summon des-cartes , plato , socrates : let this great triad speak your praise . other encomiasts that attempt , set-forth their own defects , and not your worth . as if a chamber-light should dare essay , to gloss the beauty of the day . he that thinks fully to describe it , dreams : you 're only seen by your own beams ▪ and only eagle-eyes can bear that light ; your strength and lustre blindes weak sight . let pedants quarrel with th' light that detects their belov'd vanities and defects . and let the bat , assoon as day 's begun , commence a suit against the sun. let reprehended dogmatizers stamp ; and the scorch't moore curse heavens lamp : while nobler souls , that understand what 's writ , are debtors to your strength and wit. you have remov'd the old antipathy 'tween rhetorick , and philosophy : and in your book have cloath'd socratick sense , in demosthenian eloquence . yo 've smooth'd the satyr , and the wanton have reform'd and made rhetorick grave . and since your pen hath thus oblig'd them both , 't is fit they club t' express your worth . h. darsy , esq to his worthy friend mr. ioseph glanvill ; upon the vanity of dogmatizing in philosophy , displayed in his ingenious book . no controversies do me please , unless they do contend for peace : nor scarce a demonstration , but such as yours ; which proves , there 's none . doubful i liv'd , and doubtful die : thus αυτος gave ε'φη the lye ; and with his own more aged criticks , expung'd his youthful analyticks . to make my shrift , that certain i am only of uncertainty ; is no less glorious , then due , after the stagirite and you : i am absolved , if the hand of great apollo's priest may stand . you have made ignorance a boast : pride hath its ancient channel lost ; like arethusa , only found by those , that follow 't under ground ▪ title your book , the works of man ; the index of the vatican : call it arts encyclopaedy ; the universal pansophy ; the state of all the questions , since peter lumbard , solv'd at once ; ignorance in a learned dress , which volumes teach , but not profess ; the learning which all ages knew , being epitomiz'd by you . you teach us doubting ; and no more do libraries turn'd o're and o're : take up the folio , that comes next , 't will prove a comment on your text ; and the quotation would be good , if bodley in your margin stood . a. borfet , m. a. to his ingenious friend the author , on his vanity of dogmatizing . let vaunting knowledge now strike sail , and unto modest ign'rance vail . our firmest science ( when all 's done ) is nought but bold opinion . he that hath conquer'd every art th' encyclopaedy all by heart ; is but some few conjectures better than he that cannot read a letter . if any certainty there be , 't is this , that there 's no certaintie . reason's a draught that do's display , and cast its aspects ev'ry way . it do's acknowledge no back parts , 't is fac'd like ianus : and regard's opposite sides ; what one frowns on , t'other face sweetly smiles upon . then may the sciolist hereby correct his metoposcopy . let him , e're censure reason , found and view her lineaments all round . and since that science he has none , let him with you his nescience owne . weakness acknowledged is best : and imperfection when confest . meek and unboasting ignorance , is but a single impotence : but when 't is clad in high profession , 't is then a double imperfection . a silly ape struttingly drest , would but appear the greater jest . but your example teacheth us to become less ridiculous . he that would learn , but what you show , the narrow bounds of what men know : and would but take a serious view , of the foundations with you : he 'd scarce his confidence adventure , on bottomes which are so unsure . in disquisitions first gust it would be shipwrackt , sunk , and lost . p. h. reader , that the author may not be accountable for more faults , then his own ; he desires thee to correct , or at least to take notice of these typographical mistakes : some of which are less considerable , but others , if unobserv'd , may disturb the sense , and render the meaning less obvious : thou art therefore requested to exercise thine ingenuity , in pardoning the printer ; and thy justice , in doing right to the author . errata . page . line . read . 20. 5. unite . 22. 2. apprehenders . 24. 9. spirits . 25. 7. spontaneous . 27. 7. principles and. 28. 27. motions . 29. 21. conceive it . 41. 10. considerations . 42. 11. composition . 60. 6. makes . 67. 16. and our . 70. 12. of reason . 99. 25. mad , that . 102. 5. be what . 103. 26. of . 113. 9. cousenage . 129. 20. the world . 140. 1. the best . books newly published . a perfect history of the civil warrs of great brittain and ireland , by an impartial pen , in folio . britannia baconica , or the natural rarities of england , scotland and wales , as they are to be found in every shire , in octavo . the vanity of dogmatizing ; or , confidence in opinions . chap. i. a display of the perfections of innocence , with a conjecture at the manner of adams knowledge , viz. that it was by the large extent of his senses ; founded upon the supposition of the perfection of his faculties , and induc'd from two philosophick principles . our misery is not of yesterday , but as antient as the first criminal , and the ignorance we are involved in , almost coaeval with the humane nature ; not that we were made so by our god , but our selves ; we were his creatures , sin and misery were ours . to make way for what follows , we will go to the root of our antient happiness , and now ruines , that we may discover both what the man was , and what the sinner is . the eternal wisdome having made that creature whose crown it was to be like his maker , enrich't him with those ennoblements which were worthy him that gave them , and made no less for the benefit of their receiver , then the glory of their author . and as the primogenial light , which at first was difused over the face of the unfashion'd chaos , was afterwards by divine appointment gathered into the sun and stars , and other lucid bodies , which shine with an underived lustre : so those scatter'd perfections which are divided among the several cantons of created beings , were as it were constellated and summ'd up in this epitome of the greater world , man. his then blisful injoyments anticipated the aspires to be like gods ; being in a condition not to be added to , as much as in desire ; and the unlikeness of it to our now miserable , because apostate , state , makes it almost as impossible to be conceiv'd , as to be regain'd . a condition which was envied by creatures that nature had plac't a sphaere above us , and such as differ'd not much from glory , and blessed immortality , but in perpetuity and duration . for since the most despicable and disregarded pieces of decay'd nature , are so curiously wrought , and adorned with such eminent signatures of divine wisdome , as speak it their author , and that after a curse brought upon a disorder'd universe ; what think we was done unto him whom the king delighted to honour ? and what was the portion of he●●ens favorite , when omniscience it self sat in councel to furnish him with all those accomplishments which his specifick capacity could contain ? which questionless were as much above the hyperbolies that fond poetry bestowes upon its admired objects , as their flatter'd beauties are really below them . the most refined glories of subcoelestial excellencies are but more faint resemblances of these . for all the powers and faculties of this copy of the divinity , this meddal of god , were as perfect as beauty and harmony in idea . the soul was not clogg'd by the inactivity of its masse , as ours ; nor hindered in its actings , by the distemperature of indisposed organs . passions kept their place , as servants of the higher powers , and durst not arrogate the throne , as now : no countermands came hence , to repeal the decretals of the regal faculties ; that batrachomyomachia of one passion against an other , and both against reason , was yet unborn . man was never at odds with himself , till he was at odds with the commands of his maker . there was no jarring or disharmony in the faculties , till sin untun'd them . he could no sooner say to one power go , but it went , nor to another do this , but it did it . even the senses , the souls windows , were without any spot or opacity ; to liken them to the purest crystal , were to debase them by the comparison ; for their acumen and strength depending on the delicacy and apt disposure of the organs and spirits , by which outward motions are conveyed to the judgement-seat of the soul : those of innocence must needs infinitely more transcend ours , then the senses of sprightful youth doth them of frozen decrepit age . adam needed no spectacles . the acuteness of his natural opticks ( if conjecture may have credit ) shew'd him much of the coelestial magnificence and bravery without a galilaeo's tube : and 't is most probable that his naked eyes could reach near as much of the upper world , as we with all the advantages of art . it may be 't was as absurd even in the judgement of his senses , that the sun and stars should be so very much , less then this globe , as the contrary seems in ours ; and 't is not unlikely that he had as clear a perception of the earths motion , as we think we have of its quiescence . thus the accuracy of his knowledge of natural effects , might probably arise from his sensible perception of their causes . what the experiences of many ages will scarce afford us at this distance from perfection , his quicker senses could teach in a moment . and whereas we patch up a piece of philosophy from a few industriously gather'd , and yet scarce well observ'd or digested experiments , his knowledge was compleatly built , upon the certain , extemporary notice of his comprehensive , unerring faculties . his sight could inform him whether the loadstone doth attract by atomical effluviums ; which may gain the more credit by the consideration of what some affirm ; that by the help of microscopes they have beheld the subtile streams issuing from the beloved minerall . it may be he saw the motion of the bloud and spirits through the transparent skin , as we do the workings of those little industrious animals through a hive of glasse . the mysterious influence of the moon , and its causality on the seas motion , was no question in his philosophy , no more then a clocks motion is in ours , where our senses may inform us of its cause . sympathies and antipathies were to him no occult qualities . causes are hid in night and obscurity from us , which were all sun to him . now to shew the reasonableness of this hypothesis , i 'le suppose what i think few will deny ; that god adorn'd that creature which was a transcript of himself , with all the perfections its capacity could bear . and that this great extent of the senses horizon was a perfection easily competible to sinless humanity , will appear by the improvement of the two following principles . first , as far as the operation of nature reacheth , it works by corporeal instruments . if the coelestial lights influence our earth , and advance the production of minerals in their hidden beds , it is done by material communications . and if there be any virtue proceeding from the pole , to direct the motion of the enamour'd steel ( however unobserv'd those secret influences may be ) they work not but by corporal application . secondly , sense is made by motion , caus'd by bodily impression on the organ , and continued to the brain , and centre of perception . hence it is manifest that all bodies are in themselves sensible , in as much as they can impress this motion , which is the immediate cause of sensation : and therefore , as in the former principle , the most distant efficients working by a corporeal causality , if it be not perceiv'd , the non-perception must arise from the dulness and imperfection of the faculty , and not any defect in the object . so then , is it probable that the tenuous matter the instrument of remoter agents , should be able to move , and change the particles of the indisposed clay or steel , and yet not move the ductile easie senses of perfected man ? indeed we perceive not such subtile insinuations , because their action is overcome by the strokes of stronger impressors , and we are so limited in our perceptions , that we can only attend to the more vigorous impulse : but this is an imperfection incident to our degraded natures , which infinite wisdom easily prevented in his innocent master-piece : upon such considerations , to me it appears to be most reasonable , that the circumference of our protoplast's senses , should be the same with that of natures activity : unless we will derogate from his perfections , and so reflect a disparagement on him that made us . and i am the more perswaded of the concinnity of this notion , when i consider the uncouth harshness either of the way of actuall concreated knowledge , or of infant growing faculties ; neither of which methinks seem to be much favour'd by our severer reasons . thus i have given a brief account of what might have been spun into volumes ; a full description of such perfections cannot be given but by him that hath them ; an attainment which we shall never reach , till mortality be swallowed up of life . chap. ii. our decay and ruins by the fall , descanted on . of the now scantness of our knowledge : with a censure of the schoolmen , and peripatetick dogmatists . but 't is a miserable thing to have been happy : and a self-contracted wretchedness , is a double one . had felicity alwayes been a stranger to humanity , our now misery had been none ; and had not our selves been the authors of our ruines , less . we might have been made unhappy , but since we are miserable , we chose it . he that gave them , might have taken from us our extern injoyments , but none could have robb'd us of innocence but our selves . that we are below the angels of god , is no misery , 't is the lot of our natures ; but that we have made our selves like the beasts that perish , is so with a witness , because the fruit of our sin . while man knew no sin , he was ignorant of nothing else , that it imported humanity to know : but when he had sinned , the same trangression that opened his eyes to see his own shame , shut them against most things else , but it , and his newly purchased misery . with the nakedness of his body , he saw that of his soul ; and the blindness , and disaray of his faculties , which his former innocence was a stranger to : and that that shew'd them him , made them . whether our purer intellectuals , or only our impetuous affections , were the prime authors of the anomie , i dispute not : sin is as latent in its first cause , as visible in its effects ; and 't is the mercy of heaven that hath made it easier to know the cure , then the rise of our distempers . this is certain , that our masculine powers are deeply sharers of the consequential mischiefs , and though eve were the first in the disobedience , yet was adam a joint partaker of the curse . we are not now like the creatures we were made , and have not only lost our makers image , but our own : and do not much more transcend the creatures , which god and nature have plac't at our feet , then we come short of our antient selves ; a proud affecting to be like gods , hath made us unlike men. for whereas our ennobled understandings could once take the wings of the morning , to visit the world above us , and had a glorious display of the highest form of created excellencies , it now lies groveling in this lower region , muffled up in mists , and darkness : the curse of the serpent is fallen upon degenerated humanity , that it should go on its belly , and lick the dust . and as in the cartesian hypothesis , the planets sometimes lose their light , by the fixing of the impurer scum ; so our impaired intellectuals , which were once as pure light and flame in regard of their vigour and activity , are now darkned by those grosser spots , which our disobedience hath contracted . and our now overshadow'd souls ( to whose beauties stars were foils ) may be exactly emblem'd , by those crusted globes , whose influential emissions are intercepted , by the interposal of the benighting element , while the purer essence is imprison'd within the narrow compasse of a centre . for these once glorious lights , which did freely shed abroad their harmeless beams , and wanton'd in a larger circumference , are now pent up in a few first principles ( the naked essentials of our faculties ) within the straight confines of a prison . and whereas knowledge dwelt in our undepraved natures , as light in the sun , in as great plenty , as purity ; it is now hidden in us like sparks in a flint , both in scarcity , and obscurity . for considering the shortness of our intellectual sight , the deceptibility and impositions of our senses , the tumultuary disorders of our passions , the prejudices of our infant educations , and infinite such like ( of which an after oecasion will befriend us , with a more full and particular recital ) i say , by reason of these , we may conclude of the science of the most of men , truly so called , that it may be truss'd up in the same room with the iliads , yea it may be all the certainty of those high pretenders to it , the voluminous schoolmen , and peripatetical dictators , ( bating what they have of first principles and the word of god ) may be circumscrib'd by as small a circle , as the creed , when brachygraphy had confin'd it within the compass of a penny . and methinks the disputes of those assuming confidents , are like the controversie of those in plato's den , who having never seen but the shadow of an horse trajected against a wall , eagerly contended , whether its neighing proceeded from the appearing mane , or tail , which they saw moving through the agitation of the substance , playing in the winde : so these in the darker cels of their imagin'd principles , violently differ about the shadowes and exuviae of beings , words , and notions , while for the most part they ignore the substantial realities ; and like children make babies , for their phancies to play with , while their useless subtilties afford but little intertain to the nobler faculties . but many of the most accomplish't wits of all ages , whose modesty would not allow them to boast of more then they were owners of , have resolv'd their knowledge into socrates his summe total , and after all their pains in quest of science , have sat down in a profest nescience . it is the shallow unimprov'd intellects that are the confident pretenders to certainty ; as if contrary to the adage , science had no friend but ignorance . and though when they speak in the general of the weakness of our understandings , and the scantness of our knowledge , their discourse may even justifie scepticism it self ; yet in their particular opinions are as assertive and dogmatical , as if they were omniscient . to such , as a curbe to confidence , and an evidence of humane infirmities even in the noblest parts of man , i shall give the following instances of our intellectual blindness : not that i intend to poze them with those common aenigma's of magnetism , fluxes , refluxes and the like , these are resolv'd into a confest ignorance , and i shall not persue them to their old asylum : and yet it may be there is more knowable in these , then in lesse acknowledg'd mysteries : but i 'le not move beyond our selves , and the most ordinary and trivial phaenomena in nature , in which we shall finde enough to shame confidence , and unplume dogmatizing . chap. iii. instances of our ignorance propounded , ( 1 ) of things within our selves . the nature of the soul , and its origine , glanc'd at and past by ; ( 1 ) it 's union with the body is unconceivable : so ( 2 ) is its moving the body , consider'd either in the way of sir k. digby , des-cartes , or dr. h. more , and the platonists . ( 3 ) the manner of direction of the spirits , as unexplicable . in the prosecution of our intendment wee 'll first instance in some things in the generall , which concern the soul in this state of terrestriall union ; and then speak more particularly to some faculties within us , a scientificall account of which mortality is unacquainted with . secondly we intend to note some mysteries , which relate to matter and body . and thirdly to shew the unintelligible intricacy of some ordinary appearances . § 1. it 's a great question with some what the soul is . and unlesse their phancies may have a sight and sensible palpation of that more clarified subsistence , they will prefer infidelity , it self to an unimaginable idea . i 'le onely mind such , that the soul is seen , as other things , in the mirrour of its effects , and attributes : but , if like children they 'll run behind the glass to see its naked face , their expectation will meet with nothing but vacuity & emptiness . and though a pure intellectual eye may have a sight of it in reflex discoveries ; yet , if we affect a grosser touch , like ixiō we shal embrace a cloud . § 2. and it hath been no less a trouble to the world to determine whence it came , then what it is . whether it were made by an immediate creation , or seminall traduction , hath been a ball of contention to the most learned ages : and yet after all the bandying attempts of resolution it is as much a question as ever , and it may be will be so till it be concluded by immortality . some ingenious ones think the difficulties , which are urged by each side against the other , to be pregnant proofs of the falshood of both ; and substitute an hypothesis , which for probability is supposed to have the advantage of either . but i shall not stir in the waters , which have been already mudded by so many contentious enquiries . the great st. austin , and others of the gray heads of reverend antiquity have been content to sit down here in a profest neutrality : and i 'le not industiously endeavour to urge men to a confession of what they freely acknowledge ; but shall note difficulties which are not so usually observ'd , but as insoluble as these . § 3. it is the saying of divine plato , that man is natures horizon ; dividing betwixt the upper hemisphere of immateriall intellects , and this lower of corporeity : and that we are a compound of beings distant in extreams , is as clear as noon . but how the purer spirit is united to this clod , is a knot too hard for fallen humanity to unty . what cement should unite heaven and earth , light and darkness , natures of so divers a make , of such disagreeing attributes , which have almost nothing , but being , in common ; this is a riddle , which must be left to the coming of elias . how should a thought be united to a marble-statue , or a sun-beam to a lump of clay ! the freezing of the words in the air in the northern climes , is as conceivable , as this strange union . that this active spark , this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ as the stoicks call it ] should be confined to a prison it can so easily pervade , is of less facill apprehension , then that the light should be pent up in a box of crystall , and kept from accompanying its source to the lower world : and to hang weights on the wings of the winde seems far more intelligible . in the unions , which we understand , the extreams are reconciled by interceding participations of natures , which have somewhat of either . but body and spirit stand at such a distance in their essentiall compositions , that to suppose an uniter of a middle constitution , that should partake of some of the qualities of both , is unwarranted by any of our faculties , yea most absonous to our reasons ; since there is not any the least affinity betwixt length , breadth and thickness , and apprehension , judgement and discourse : the former of which are the most immediate results [ if not essentials ] of matter , the latter of spirit . § 4. secondly , we can as little give an account , how the soul moves the body . that , that should give motion to an unwieldy bulk , which it self hath neither bulk nor motion ; is of as difficil an apprehension , as any mystery in nature . for though conceiving it under some phancied appearance , and pinning on it materiall affections , the doubt doth not so sensibly touch us ; since under such conceptions we have the advantage of our senses to befriend us with parallels , and gross appre●henders may not think it any more strange , then that a bullet should be moved by the rarified fire , or the clouds carryed before the invisible winds : yet if we defaecate the notion from materiality , and abstract quantity , locality and all kind of corporeity from it , and represent it to our thoughts either under the notion of the ingenious sir k. digby as a pure mind and knowledge , or as the admir'd des-cartes expresses it , une chose qui pense , as a thinking substance ; it will be as hard to apprehend , as that an empty wish should remove mountains : a supposition which if realized , would relieve sisyphus . nor yet doth the ingenious hypothesis of the most excellent cantabrigian philosopher , of the souls being an extended penetrable substance , relieve us ; since , how that which penetrates all bodies without the least jog or obstruction , should impress a motion on any , is by his own confession alike inconceivable . neither will its moving the body by a vehicle of spirits , avail us ; since they are bodies too , though of a purer mould . and to credit the unintelligibility both of this union and motion , we need no more then to consider , that when we would conceiue any thing which is not obvious to our senses , we have recourse to our memories the store-house of past observations : and turning over the treasure that is there , seek for something of like kind , which hath formerly come within the notice of our outward or inward senses . so that we cannot conceive any thing , which comes not within the verge of our senses ; but either by like experiments which we have made , or at least by some remoter hints which we receive from them . and where such are wanting , i cannot apprehend how the thing can be conceived . if any think otherwise , let them carefully examine their thoughts : and , if they finde a determinate intellection of any modes of being , which were never in the least hinted to them by their externall or internall senses ; i 'le beleeve that such can realize chimaera's . but now in the cases before us there are not the least footsteps , either of such an union , or motion , in the whole circumference of sensible nature : and we cannot apprehend any thing beyond the evidence of our faculties . § 5. thirdly , how the soul directs the spirits for the motion of the body according to the several animal exigents ; is as perplex in the theory , as either of the former . for the meatus , or passages , through which those subtill emissaries are conveyed to the respective members , being so almost infinite , and each of them drawn through so many meanders , cross turnings , and divers roades , wherein other spirits are continually a journeying ; it is wonderfull , that they should exactly perform their regular destinations without losing their way in such a wilderness : neither can the wit of man tell how they are directed . for that they are carried by the manuduction of a rule , is evident from the constant steddyness and regularity of their motion into the parts , where their supplies are expected : but , what that regulating efficiency should be , and how managed ; is not easily determin'd . that it is performed by meer mechanisme , constant experience confutes ; which assureth us , that our sponta●●eous motions are under the imperium of our will. at least the first determination of the spirits into such or such passages , is from the soul , what ever we hold of the after conveyances ; of which likewise i think , that all the philosophy in the world cannot make it out to be purely mechanicall . but yet though we gain this , that the soule is the principle of direction , the difficulty is as formidable as ever . for unless we allow it a kinde of inward sight of the anatomicall frame of its owne body of every vein , muscle , and artery ; of the exact site , and position of them , with their severall windings , and secret chanels : it is as unconceivable how it should be the directrix of such intricate motions , as that a blind man should manage a game at chess . but this is a kinde of knowledge , that we are not in the least aware of : yea many times we are so far from an attention to the inward direction of the spirits , that our employ'd mindes observe not any method in the outward performance ; even when 't is manag'd by variety of interchangeable motions , in which a steady direction is difficult , and a miscariage easy . thus an artist will play a lesson on an instrument without minding a stroke ; and our tongues will run divisions in a tune not missing a note , even when our thoughts are totally engaged elsewhere : which effects are to be attributed to some secret art of the soul , which to us is utterly occult , and without the ken of our intellects . chap. iv. ( 4 ) we can give no account of the manner of sensation : nor ( 5 ) of the nature of the memory . it is consider'd according to the philosophy of des-cartes , sir k. digby , aristotle and mr. hobbs , and all ineffectuall . some other unexplicables mention'd . § 6. but besides those abstrusities , that lie more deep , and are of a more mysterious alloy ; we are at a loss for a scientificall account even of our senses , the most knowable of our facultyes . our eyes , that see other things , see not themselves : and those princip●●●● foundations of knowledge are themselvs unknown . that the soul is the sole percipient , which alone hath animadversion and sense properly so called , and that the body is only the receiver and conveyer of corporeall impressions , is as certain , as philosophy can make it . aristotle himself teacheth so much in that maxime of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and plato credits this position with his suffrage ; affirming , that 't is the soul that hath life and sense , but the body neither . but this is so largly prosecuted by that wonder of men , the great des-cartes , and is a truth that shines so clear in the eyes of all considering men ; that to goe about industriously to prove it , were to light a candle to seek the sun : we 'll therefore suppose it , as that which needs not amuse us ; but yet , what are the instruments of sensible perceptions and particular conveyers of outward motions to the seat of sense , is difficult : and how the pure mind can receive information from that , which is not in the least like it self , and but little resembling what it represents ; i think inexplicable . whether sensation be made by corporall emissions and materiall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or by motions imprest on the aethereall matter , and carryed by the continuity thereof to the common sense ; i 'le not revive into a dispute : the ingenuity of the latter hath already given it almost an absolute victory over its rivall . but suppose which we will , there are doubts not to be solv'd by either . for how the soule by mutation made in matter a substance of another kind , should be excited to action ; and how bodily alterations and motions should concern it , which is subject to neither ; is a difficulty which confidence may triumph over sooner , then conquer . for body connot act on any thing but by motion ; motion cannot be received but by quantative dimension ; the soul is astranger to such gross substantiality , and hath nothing of quantity , but what it is cloathed with by our deceived phancies ; and therefore how can we conceive under a passsive subjection to material impressions ? and yet the importunity of pain , and unavoydableness of sensations strongly perswade , that we are so . some say , that the soul indeed is not passive under the materiall phantasms ; but doth only intuitively view them by the necessity of her nature , and so observes other things in these there representatives . but how is it , and by what art doth the soul read that such an image or stroke in matter [ whether that of her vehicle , or of the brain , the case is the same ] signifies such an object ? did we learn such an alphabet in our embryo-state ? and how comes it to pass , that we are not aware of any such congenite apprehensions ? we know what we know ; but do we know any more ? that by diversity of motions we should spell out figures , distances , magnitudes , colours , things not resembled by them ; we must attribute to some secret deduction . but what this deduction should be , or by what mediums this knowledge is advanc'd ; is as dark , as ignorance it self . one , that hath not the knowledge of letters , may see the figures ; but comprehends not the meaning included in them : an infant may hear the sounds , and see the motion of the lips ; but hath no conception conveyed by them , not knowing what they are intended to signify . so our souls , though they might have perceived the motions and images themselves by simple sense ; yet without some implicit inference it seems inconceivable , how by that means they should apprehend their archetypes . moreover images and motions are in the brain in a very inconsiderable latitude of space ; and yet they represent the greatest magnitudes . the image of an hemisphere of the upper globe cannot be of a wider circumference , then a wall-nut : and how can such petty impressions notifie such vastly expanded objects , but through some kind of scientifical method , and geometry in the principle ? without this it is not conceivable how distances should be perceiv'd , but all objects would appear in a cluster , and lie in as narrow a room as their images take up in our scanter craniums . nor will the philosophy of the most ingenious des-cartes help us out : for that striking upon divers filaments of the brain cannot well be supposed to represent their respective distances , except some such kind of inference be allotted us in our faculties ; the concession of which will only steed us as a refuge for ignorance , where we shall meet , what we would seem to shun . § . 7. the memory is a faculty whose nature is as obscure , and hath as much of riddle in it as any of the former ; it seems to be an organical power , because bodily distempers often marr its idea's , and cause a total oblivion : but what instruments the soul useth in her review of past impressions , is a question which may drive enquiry to despair . there are four principal hypotheses by which a resolution hath been attempted . the first that i 'le mention , is that of the incomparable des-cartes , who gives this account : the glandula pinealis , by him made the seat of common sense , doth by its motion impel the spirits into divers parts of the brain ; till it find those wherein are some tracks of the object we would remember ; which consists in this , viz. that the pores of the brain , through the which the spirits before took their course , are more easily opened to the spirits which demand re-entrance ; so that finding those pores , they make their way through them sooner then through others : whence there ariseth a special motion in the glandula , which signifies this to be the object we would remember . a second is , that of the ingenious sir k. digby , a summary of which is , that things are reserved in the memory by some corporeal exuviae and material images ; which having impinged on the common sense , rebound thence into some vacant cells of the brain , where they keep their ranks and postures in the same order that they entred , till they are again stirr'd up ; and then they slide through the fancy , as when they were first presented . these are the endeavours of those two grand sages , then whom it may be the sun never saw a more learned pair . and yet as a sad evidence of the infirmities of laps'd humanity : these great sophi fail here of their wonted success in unridling nature . and i think favour it self can say no more of either hypothesis , then that they are ingenious attempts . nor do i speak this to derogate from the grandeur of their wits us'd to victory : i should rather confer what i could to the erecting of such trophies to them , as might eternize their memories . and their coming short here , i think not to be from defect of their personal abilities , but specifick constitution ; and the doubt they leave us in , proceeds from hence , that they were no more then men . i shall consider what is mentioned from them apart , before i come to the other two : and what i am here about to produce , is not to argue either of these positions of falseness ; but of unconceiveableness . in the general , what hath been urg'd under the former head , stands in full force against both these , and them that follow . but to the first ; if memory be made by the easie motion of the spirits through the opened passages , according to what hath been noted from des-cartes ; whence have we a distinct remembrance of such diversity of objects , whose images without doubt pass through the same apertures ? and how should we recall the distances of bodies which lye in a line ? or , is it not likely , that the impell'd spirits might light upon other pores accommodated to their purpose through the motion of other bodies through them ? yea , in such a pervious substance as the brain , they might finde an easie either entrance , or exit , almost every where ; and therefore to shake every grain of corn through the same holes of a sieve in repeated winnowings , is as easie to be performed as this to be conckived . besides , it 's difficult to apprehend , but that these avennues should in a very short time be stopped up by the pressure of other parts of the matter , through its natural gravity , or other alterations made in the brain : and the opening of other vicine passages might quickly obliterate any tracks of these : as the making of one hole in the yeelding mud , defaces the print of another near it ; at least the accession of enlargement , which was derived from such transitions , would be as soon lost , as made . but for the second , how is it imaginable , that those active particles , which have no cement to unite them , nothing to keep them in the order they were set , yea , which are ever and anon justled by the occursion of other bodies , whereof there is an infinite store in this repository , should so orderly keep their cells without any alteration of their site or posture , which at first was allotted them ? and how is it conceivable , but that carelesly turning over the idea's of our mind to recover something we would remember , we should put all the other images into a disorderly floating , and so raise a little chaos of confusion , where nature requires the exactest order . according to this account , i cannot see , but that our memories would be more confused then our mid-night compositions : for is it likely , that the divided atomes which presented themselves together , should keep the same ranks in such a variety of tumultuary agitations , as happen in that liquid medium ? an heap of ants on an hillock will more easily be kept to an uniformity in motion ; and the little bodies which are incessantly playing up and down the air in their careless postures , are as capable of regularity as these . much more m●ght be added , but i intend only a touch . but a third way , that hath been attempted , is that of aristotle , which says , that objects are conserved in the memory by certain intentional species , beings , which have nothing of matter in their essential constitution , but yet have a necessary subjective dependence on it , whence they are called material . to this briefly . besides that these species are made a medium between body and spirit , and therefore partake of no more of being , then what the charity of our imaginations affords them ; and that the supposition infers a creative energie in the object their producent , which philosophy allows not to creature-efficients : i say , beside these , it is quite against their nature to subsist , but in the presence and under the actual influence of their cause ; as being produc'd by an emanative causality , the effects whereof dye in the removal of their origine . but this superannuated conceit deserves no more of our remembrance , then it contributes to the apprehension of it . and therefore i pass on to the last . which is that of mr. hobbs , that memory is nothing else but the knowledge of decaying sense , which is made by the reaction of one body against another ; or , as he expresses it in his humane nature , a missing of parts in an object . the foundation of this principle [ as of many of its fellows ] is totally evers't by the most ingenious commentator upon immaterial beings , dr. h. more in his book of immortality . i shall therefore leave that cause in the hands of that most learned undertaker , and only observe two things to my present purpose . ( 1 ) . neither the brain , nor spirits , nor any other material substance within the head can for any considerable space of time conserve motion . the former is of such a clammy consistence , that it can no more retain it then a quagmire : and the spirits for their liquidity are more uncapable then the fluid medium , which is the conveyer of sounds , to persevere in the continued repetition of vocal airs . and if there were any other substance within us , as fitly temper'd to preserve motion , as the author of the opinion could desire : yet ( 2. ) which will equally press against either of the former , this motion would be quickly deadned even to an utter cessation , by counter-motions ; and we should not remember any thing , but till the next impression . much less can this principle give an account , how such an abundance of motions should orderly succeed one another , as things do in our memories : and to remember a soug or tune , it will be required , that our souls be an harmony more then in a metaphor● continually running over in a silent whisper those musical accents which our retentive faculty is preserver of . which could we suppose in a single instance ; yet a multitude of musical consonancies would be as impossible , as to play a thousand tunes on a lute at once . one motion would cross and destroy another ; all would be clashing and discord : and the musicians soul would be the most disharmonious : for according to the tenour of this opinion , our memories will be stored with infinite variety of divers , yea contrary motions , which must needs interfere , thwart , and obstruct on another : and there would be nothing within us , but ataxy and disorder . § . 8. much more might be added of the difficulties , which occurr touching the understanding , phancy , will , and affections . but the controversies hereabout , are so hotly manag'd by the divided schools , and so voluminously every where handled ; that it will be thought better to say nothing of them , then a little . the sole difficulties about the will , its nature , and sequency to the understanding , &c. have almost quite baffled inquiry , and shewn us little else , but that our understandings are as blind as it is . and the grand question depending hereon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i think will not be ended , but by the final abolition of its object . they , that would lose their knowledge here , let them diligently inquire after it . search will discover that ignorance , which is as invincible , as its cause . these controversies , like some rivers , the further they run , the more they are hid . and i think a less account is given of them now , then some centuries past ; when they were a subject of debate to the pious fathers . chap. v. how our bodies are form'd unexplicable . the plastick signifies nothing ; the formation of plants , and animals unknown , in their principle . mechanisme solves it not . a new way propounded , which also fails of satisfaction . ( 2. ) no account is yet given how the parts of matter are united . some considerations on des-cartes his hypothesis , it fails of solution . ( 3. ) the question is unanswerable , whether matter be compounded of divisibles , or indivisibles . therefore we 'l pass on to the next , the consideration of our bodies , which though we see , and feel , and continually converse with ; yet its constitution , and inward frame is an america , a yet undiscovered region . the saying of the kingly prophet , i am wonderfully made , may well be understood of that admiration , which is the daughter of ignorance . and with reverence it may be applyed , that in seeing we see , and understand not . three things i 'le subjoyn concerning this sensible matter , the other part of our compositoin . § . 1. that our bodies are made according to the most curious artifice , and orderly contrivance , cannot be denyed even by them , who are least beholden to nature . the elegance of this composure , sav'd the great aesculapius , galen , from a profest atheism . and i cannot think that the branded epicurus , lucretius , and their fellows were in earnest , when they resolv'd this composition into a fortuitous range of atoms . to suppose a watch , or any other the most curious automaton by the blind hits of chance , to perform diversity of orderly motions , to indicate the hour , day of the moneth , tides , age of the moon , and the like , with an unparallel'd exactness , and all without the regulation of art , this were the more pardonable absurdity . and that this admirable engine of our bodies , whose functions are carryed on by such a multitude of parts , and motions , which neither interfere , nor impede one another in their operations ; but by an harmonious sympathy promote the perfection and good of the whole : that this should be an undesign'd effect , is an assertion , that is more then melancholies hyperbole . i say therefore , that if we do but consider this fabrick with minds unpossest of an affected madness ; we will easily grant , that it was some skilful archeus who delineated those comely proportions , and hath exprest such exactly geometrical elegancies in its compositions . but what this hidden architect should be , and by what instruments and art this frame is erected ; is as unknown to us , as our embryo-thoughts . the plastick faculty is a fine word : but what it is , how it works , and whose it is , we cannot learn ; no , not by a return into the womb ; neither will the platonick principles unriddle the doubt : for though the soul be supposed to be the bodies maker , and the builder of its own house ; yet by what kind of knowledge , method , or means , is as unknown : and that we should have a knowledge which we know not of , is an assertion , which some say , hath no commission from our faculties . the great des-cartes will allow it to be no better , then a downright absurdity . but yet should we suppose it , it would be evidence enough of what we aim at . nor is the composition of our bodies the only wonder : we are as much non-plust by the most contemptible worm , and plant , we tread on . how is a drop of dew organiz'd into an insect , or a lump of clay into animal perfections ? how are the glories of the field spun , and by what pencil are they limn'd in their unaffected bravery ? by whose direction is the nutriment so regularly distributed unto the respective parts , and how are they kept to their specifick uniformities ? if we attempt mechanical solutions , we shall never give an account , why the wood-cock doth not sometimes borrow colours of the mag-pye , why the lilly doth not exchange with the daysie , or why it is not sometime painted with a blush of the rose ? can unguided matter keep it self to such exact conformities , as not in the least spot to vary from the species ? that divers limners at a distance without either copy , or designe , should draw the same picture to an undistinguishable exactness , both in form , colour , and features ; this is more conceivable , then that matter , which is so diversified both in quantity , quality , motion , site , and infinite other circumstances , should frame it self so absolutely according to the idea of its kind . and though the fury of that apelles , who threw his pencil in a desperate rage upon the picture he had essayed to draw , once casually effected those lively representations , which his art could not describe ; yet 't is not likely , that one of a thousand such praecipitancies should be crowned with so an unexpected an issue . for though blind matter might reach some elegancies in individual effects ; yet specifick conformities can be no unadvised productions , but in greatest likelyhood , are regulated by the immediate efficiency of some knowing agent : which whether it be seminal forms , according to the platonical principles , or what ever else we please to suppose ; the manner of its working is to us unknown ▪ or if these effects are meerly mechanical ; yet to learn the method of such operations may be , and hath indeed been ingeniously attempted ; but i think cannot be performed to the satisfaction of severer examination . that all bodies both animal , vegetable , and inanimate , are form'd out of such particles of matter , which by reason of their figures , will not cohaere or lie together , but in such an order as is necessary to such a specifical formation , and that therein they naturally of themselves concurre , and reside , is a pretty conceit , and there are experiments that credit it . if after a decoction of hearbs in a winter-night , we expose the liquor to the frigid air ; we may observe in the morning under a crust of ice , the perfect appearance both in figure , and colour , of the plants that were taken from it . but if we break the aqueous crystal , those pretty images dis-appear and are presently dissolved . now these airy vegetables are presumed to have been made , by the reliques of these plantal emissions whose avolation was prevented by the condensed inclosure . and therefore playing up and down for a while within their liquid prison , they at last settle together in their natural order , and the atomes of each part finding out their proper place , at length rest in their methodical situation , till by breaking the ice they are disturbed , and those counterfeit compositions are scatter'd into their first indivisibles . this hypothesis may yet seem to receive further confirmation , from the artificial resurrection of plants from their ashes , which chymists are so well acquainted with : and besides , that salt dissolved upon fixation returns to its affected cubes , the regular figures of minerals , as the hexagonal of crystal , the hemi-sphaerical of the fairy-stone , the stellar figure of the stone asteria , and such like , seem to look with probability upon this way of formation . and i must needs say 't is handsomly conjectur'd . but yet what those figures are , that should be thus mechanically adapted , to fall so unerringly into regular compositions , is beyond our faculties to conceive , or determine . and how those heterogeneous atomes ( for such their figures are supposed ) should by themselves hit so exactly into their proper residence in the midst of such tumultuary motions , cross thwartings , and arietations of other particles , especially when for one way of hitting right , there are thousands of missing ; there 's no hypothesis yet extant can resolve us . and yet had heaven afforded that miracle of men , the illustrious des-cartes a longer day on earth , we might have expected the utmost of what ingenuity could perform herein : but his immature fate hath unhappily disappointed us ; and prevented the most desirable complement of his not to be equall'd philosophy . § . 2. ( 2. ) it 's no less difficult to give an account , how the parts of the matter of our bodies are united : for though superficial enquirers may easily satisfie themselves by answering , that it is done by muscles , nerves , and other like strings and ligaments , which nature hath destin'd to that office ; yet , if we seek for an account how the parts of these do cohere , we shall find the cause to be as latent , as the effect of easie discovery . nothing with any shew of success hath yet appeared on the philosophick stage , but the opinion of des-cartes ; that the parts of matter are united by rest. neither can i conceive , how any thing can be substituted in its room , more congruous to reason ; since rest is most opposite to motion , the immediate cause of disunion . but yet i cannot see , how this can satisfie , touching the almost indissolvible coherence of some bodies , and the fragility and solubility of others : for if the union of the parts consist only in rest ; it would seem that a bagg of dust would be of as firm a consistence as that of marble or adamant : a bar of iron will be as easily broken as a tobacco-pipe ; and bajazets cage had been but a sorry prison . the aegyptian pyramids would have been sooner lost , then the names of them that built them ; and as easily blown away , as those inverst ones of smoke . if it be pretended for a difference , that the parts of solid bodies are held together by hooks , and angulous involutions ; i say , this comes not home : for the coherence of the parts of these hooks [ as hath been noted ] will be of as difficult a conception , as the former : and we must either suppose an infinite of them holding together on one another ; or at last come to parts , that are united by a meer juxta-position : yea , could we suppose the former , yet the coherence of these , would be like the hanging together of an infinite such of dust : which hypothesis would spoil the proverb , and a rope of sand , should be no more a phrase for labour in vain : for unless there be something , upon which all the rest may depend for their cohesion ; the hanging of one by another , will signifie no more then the mutual dependence of causes and effects in an infinite series , without a first : the admission of which , atheism would applaud . but yet to do the master of mechanicks right ; somewhat of more validity in the behalf of this hypothesis may be assign'd : which is , that the closeness and compactness of the parts resting together , doth much confer to the strength of the union : for every thing continues in the condition , wherein it is , except something more powerful alter it : and therefore the parts , that rest close together , must continue in the same relation to each other , till some other body by motion disjoyn them . now then , the more parts there are pen't together , the more able they will be for resistence ; and what hath less compactness , and by consequence fewer parts , according to the laws of motion will not be able to effect any alteration in it . according to what is here presented , what is most dense , and least porous , will be most coherent , and least discerpible . and if this help not , i cannot apprehend what can give an account of the former instances . and yet even this is confuted by experience ; since the most porous , spongy bodies are oft-times the most tough in consistence . 't is easier to break a tube of glass or crystal , then of elm or ash : and yet as the parts of the former are more , so they are more at rest ; since the liquid juyce , which is diffused through the parts of the wood , is in a continual agitation , which in des-cartes his philosophy is the cause of fluidity ; and a proportion'd humidity conferr's much to union [ sir k. digby makes it the cement it self ] ; a dry stick will be easily broken , when a green one will maintain a strong resistence : and yet in the moist substance there is less rest , then in what is , dryer and more fragill . much more might be added : but i 'le content my self with what 's mentioned ; and , notwithstanding what hath been said , i judge this account of that most miraculous wit to be the most ingenuous and rational , that hath or [ it may be ] can be given . i shall not therefore conclude it false ; though i think the emergent difficulties , which are its attendants , unanswerable : which is proof enough of the weakness of our now reasons , which are driven to such straights and puzzles even in things which are most obvious , and have so much the advantage of our faculties . § . 3. the composition of bodies , whether it be of divisibles or indivisibles , is a question which must be rank'd with the indissolvibles : for though it hath been attempted by the most illustrious wits of all philosophick ages ; yet they have done little else , but shewn their own divisions to be almost as infinite , as some suppose those of their subject . and notwithstanding all their shifts , subtilties , newly invented words and modes , sly subterfuges , and studyed evasions ; yet the product of all their endeavours , is but as the birth of the labouring mountains , wind and emptiness . do what they can ; actual infinite extension every where , equality of all bodies , impossibility of motion , and a world more of the most palpable absurdities will press the assertors of infinite divisibility . neither can it be avoided , but that all motions would be equal in velocity , the lines drawn from side to side in a pyramid , may have more parts then the basis , all bodies would be swallow'd up in a point , and endless more inconsistences , will be as necessarily consequential to the opinion of indivisibles . but intending only to instance in difficulties , which are not so much taken notice of ; i shall refer the reader , that would see more of this , to oviedo , pontius , ariaga , carelton , and other iesuites : whose management of this subject with equal force on either side , is a strong presumption of what we drive at . chap. vi. difficulties about the motion of a wheel , which admit of no solution . besides the already mention'd difficulties , even the most ordinary trivial occurrents , if we contemplate them in the theory , will as much puzzle us , as any of the former . under this head i 'le add three rhings touching the motion of a wheel , and conclude this . § . 1. and first , if we abstractly consider it , it seems impossible that a wheel should move : i mean not the progressive , but that motion which is meerly on its own centre . and were it not for the information of experience , it 's most likely that philosophy had long ago concluded it impossible : for let 's suppose the wheel to be divided according to the alphabet . now in motion there is a change of place , and in the motion of a wheel there is a succession of one part to another in the same place ; so that it seems unconceivable that a. should move until b. hath left its place : for a. cannot move , but it must acquire some place or other . it can acquire none but what was b's , which we suppose to be most immediate to it . the same space cannot contain them both . and therefore b. must leave its place , before a. can have it ; yea , and the nature of succession requires it . but now b. cannot move , but into the place of c ; and c. must be out , before b. can come in : so that the motion of c. will be pre-required likewise to the motion of a ; & so onward till it comes to z. upon the same accounts z. will not be able to move , till a. moves , being the part next to it : neither will a. be able to move [ as hath been shown ] till z. hath . and so the motion of every part will be pre-requir'd to it self . neither can one evade , by saying , that all the parts move at once . for ( 1. ) we cannot conceive in a succession but that something should be first , and that motion should begin somewhere . ( 2. ) if the parts may all change places with one another at the same time without any respect of priority , and posteriority to each others motion : why then may not a company of bullets closely crowded together in a box , as well move together by a like mutual and simultaneous exchange ? doubtless the reason of this ineptitude to motion in this position is , that they cannot give way one to another , and motion can no where begin because of the plenitude . the case is just the same in the instance before us ; and therefore we need go no further for an evidence of its inconceivableness . but yet to give it one touch more according to the peripatetick niceness , which says , that one part enters in the same instant that the other goes out : i 'le add this in brief : in the instant that b. leaves its place , it 's in it , or not : if so ; then a. cannot be in it in the same instant without quantative penetration . if not ; then it cannot be said to leave it in that instant , but to have left it before . these difficulties , which pinch so in this obvious experiment , stand in their full force against all motion on the hypothesis of absolute plenitude . nor yet have the defenders hereof need to take notice of them , because they equally press a most sensible truth . neither is it fair , that the opposite opinion of interspers'd vacuities should be rejected as absurd upon the account of some inextricable perplexities which attend it . therefore let them both have fair play ; and which soever doth with most ease and congruity solve the phaenomena , that shall have my vote for the most philosophick hypothesis . § . 2. it 's a difficulty no less desperate then the former , that the parts vicine to the centre , which it may be pass not over the hundredth part of space which those do of the extreme circumference , should describe their narrower circle but in equal time with those other , that trace so great a round . if they move but in the same degree of velocity ; here is then an equality in time and motion , and yet a vast inequality in the acquired space . a thing which seems flatly impossible : for is it conceivable , that of two bodies setting forth together , and continuing their motion in the same swiftness , the one should so far out-go its fellow , as to move ten mile an hour , while the other moves but a furlong ? if so , 't will be no wonder , that the race is not to the swift , and the furthest way about may well be the nearest way home . there is but one way that can be attempted to untie this knot ; which is , by saying , that the remoter and more out-side parts move more swiftly then the central ones . but this likewise is as unconceivable as what it would avoid : for suppose a right line drawn from the centre to the circumference , and it cannot be apprehended , but that the line should be inflected , if some parts of it move faster then others . i say if we do abstractedly from experience contemplate it in the theory , it is hard to conceive , but that one part moving , while the other rests , or at least moves slower ( which is as rest to a swifter motion ) should change its distance from it , and the respect , which it had to it ; which one would think should cause an incurvation in the line . § . 3. i 'le add only this one , which is an experiment that may for ever silence the most daring confidence . let there be two wheels fixt on the same axel in diameter ten inches a piece . between them let there be a little wheel , of two inches diameter , fixed on the same axel . let them be moved together on a plane , the great ones on the ground suppose , and the little one on a table [ for because of its parvitude it cannot reach to the same floor with them ] and you 'l find that the little wheel will move over the same space in equal time with equal circulations , with the great ones , and describe as long a line . now this seems bigg of repugnancies , though sense it self suffragate to its truth : for since every part of the greater wheels makes a proportionable part of the line , as do the parts of the little one , and the parts of those so much exceeding in multitude the parts of this : it will seem necessary that the line made by the greater wheels should have as many parts more then the line made by the less , as the wheels themselves have in circumference , and so the line would be as much longer as the wheels are bigger : so that one of these absurdities is unavoidable , either that more parts of the greater wheels go to the making one part of their lines , which will inferr a quantitative penetration ; or that the little wheel hath as many parts as the great ones , though five times in diameter exceeded by them , since the lines they describe are of equal length ; or the less wheel's line will have fewer parts then the others , though of equal extent with them , since it can have no more parts then the less circle , nor they fewer then the greater . but these are all such repugnancies , as that melancholy it self would scarse own them . and therefore we may well enter this among the unconceivables . should i have enlarged on this subject to the taking in of all things that claim a share in 't , it may be few things would have been left unspoken to , but the creed . philosophy would not have engross'd our pen , but we must have been forced to anger the intelligences of higher orbs. but intending only a glance at this rugged theam , i shall forbear to insist more on it , though the consideration of the mysteries of motion , gravity , light , colours , vision , sound , and infinite such like [ things obvious , yet unknown ] might have been plentiful subject . i come now to trace some of the causes of our ignorance and intellectual weakness : and among so many it 's almost as great a wonder as any of the former ; that we can say , we know . chap. vii . mens backwardness to acknowledge their own ignorance and error , though ready to find them in others . the ( i ) cause of the shortness of our knowledge , viz. the depth of verity discours't of , as of its admixtion in mens opinions with falsehood , and the connexion of truths , and their mutual dependence : a second reason of the shortness of our knowledge , viz. because we can perceive nothing but by proportion to our senses . the disease of our intellectuals is too great , not to be its own diagnostick : and they that feel it not , are not less sick , but stupidly so . the weakness of humane understanding , all will confess : yet the confidence of most in their own reasonings , practically disowns it : and 't is easier to perswade them it from others lapses then their own ; so that while all complain of our ignorance and error , every one exempts himself . it is acknowledged by all , while every one denies it . if the foregoing part of this discourse , have not universally concluded our weakness : i have one item more of my own . if knowledge can be found in the particulars mention'd ; i must lose that , which i thought i had , that there is none . but however , though some should pick a quarrel with the instances i alleadged ; yet the conclusion must be owned in others . and therefore beside the general reason i gave of our intellectual disabilities , the fall ; it will be worth our labour to descend to a more particular account : since it is a good degree of knowledge to be acquainted with the causes of our ignorance . and what we have to say under this head , will be comprehensive both of the causes of that , and ( which are the effects thereof ) of our misapprehensions and errours . § . 1. and first , one cause of the little we know may be , that knowledge lies deep , and is therefore difficult ; and so not the acquist of every careless inquirer . democritus his well hath a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and truth floats not . the useless froth swims on the surface ; but the pearl lies cover'd with a mass of waters . verisimilitude and opinion are an easie purchase ; and these counterfeits are all the vulgars treasure : but true knowledge is as dear in acquisition , as rare in possession . truth , like a point or line , requires an acuteness and intention to its discovery ; while verisimility , like the expanded superficies , is an obvious sensible on either hand , and affords a large and easie field for loose enquiry . and 't is the more difficult to find out verity , because it is in such inconsiderable proportions scattered in a mass of opinionative uncertainty ; like the silver in hiero's crown of gold : and it is no easie piece of chymistry to reduce them to their unmixed selves . the elements are no where pure in these lower regions ; and if there is any free from the admixtion of another , sure 't is above the concave of the moon : neither can any boast of a knowledge , which is depurate from the defilement of a contrary , within this atmosphear of flesh ; it dwels no where in unblended proportions , on this side the empyreum . all opinions have their truth , and all have what is not so ; and to say all are true and none , is no absurdity . so that to crown our selfs with sparks , which are almost lost in such a world of heterogeneous natures , is as difficult as desirable . besides , truth is never alone ; to know one will require the knowledge of many . they hang together in a chain of mutual dependence ; you cannot draw one link without many others . such an harmony cannot commence from a single string ; diversity of strokes makes it . the beauty of a face is not known by the eye , or nose ; it consists in a symmetry , and 't is the comparative faculty which votes it : thus is truth relative , and little considerable can be attain'd by catches . the painter cannot transcribe a face upon a transient view ; it requires the information of a fixt and observant eye : and before we can reach an exact sight of truth 's uniform perfections , this fleeting transitory our life , is gone . thus we see the face of truth , but as we do one anothers , when we walk the streets , in a careless pass-by : and the most diligent observers , view but the back-side o' th' hangings ; the right one is o' th' other side the grave : so that our knowledge is but like those broken ends , at best a most confused adumbration . nature , that was veil'd to aristotle , hath not yet uncover'd , in almost two thousand years . what he sought on the other side of euripus , we must not look for on this side immortality . in easie disquisitions we are often left to the uncertainty of a guess : yea after we have triumph'd in a supposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; a new-sprung difficulty marrs our ovations , and exposeth us to the torment of a disappointment : so that even the great master of dogmatists himself concludes the scene with an anxius vixi , dubius morior . § . 2. another reason of our ignorance and the narrowness of our apprehensions may arise hence ; that we cannot perceive the manner of any of natures operations , but by proportion to our senses , and a return to material phantasms . a blind man cannot conceive colours , but either as some audible , gustable , odoriferous , or tactile qualities ; and when he would imagine them , he hath questionless recourse to some of these , in an account of which his other senses befriend him . thus more perfect apprehenders misconceive immaterials : our imaginations paint souls and angels in as dissimilar a resemblance . thus had there not been any night , shadow , or opacity ; we should never have had any determinate conceit of darkness ; that would have been as inconceiveable to us , as its contrary is to him that never saw it . but now our senses being scant and limited , and natures operations subtil and various ; they must needs transcend , and out-run our faculties . they are only natures grosser wayes of working , which are sensible ; her finer threads are out of the reach of our feeble percipient , yea questionless she hath many hidden energies , no wayes imitated in her obvious peices : and therefore it is no wonder that we are so often at a loss ; an infirmity beyond prevention , except we could step by step follow the tracks and methods of infinite wisdom , which cannot be done but by him that owns it . chap. viii . a third reason of our ignorance and error , viz. the impostures and deceits of our senses . the way to rectifie these mis-informations propounded . des-cartes his method the only way to science . the difficulty of exact performance . § . 3. another reason is the imposture and fallacy of our senses , which impose not only on common heads , who scarce at all live to the higher principle ; but even more refined mercuries , who have the advantages of an improved reason to disabuse them , are yet frequently captivated to these deceiving prepossessions : appealing to a judicature both uncommissioned and unjust ; and when the clearest truth is to be tryed by such judges , its innocence will not secure it from the condemning award of that unintelligent tribunal : for since we live the life of brutes , before we grow into man ; and our understandings in this their non-age , being almost meerly passive to sensible impressions , receiving all things in an uncontroverted and promiscuous admission : it cannot be , that our knowledge should be other , then an heap of mis-conception and error , and conceits as impertinent as the toys we delight in . all this while , we have no more ●o reason , then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ as plotinus cals it ] amounts to . and besides this our easie submission to the sophistications of sense , and inability to prevent the miscarriages of our iunior reasons ; that which strikes the great stroke toward our after-deceptions , is the pertinacious adherence of many of these first impressions to our graduate understandings . that which is early received , if in any considerable strength of impress , as it were grows into our tender natures , and is therefore of difficult remove . thus a fright in minority , or an antipathy then contracted , is not worn out but with its subject . and it may be more then a story , that nero derived much of his cruelty from the nurse that suckled him . now though our coming judgments do in part undeceive us , and rectifie the grosser errors which our unwary sensitive hath engaged us in ; yet others are so flesht in us , that they maintain their interest upon the deceptibility of our decayed natures , and are cherish't there , as the legitimate issues of our reasonable faculties . indeed sense it self detects its more palpable deceits , by a counter-evidence ; and the more ordinary impostures seldom out-live the first experiments . if our sight represent a staff as crooked in the water ; the same faculty rectifies both it , and us , in the thinner element . and if a square tower seem round at a distance ; the eye , which mistook in the circumstance of its figure , at that remove , corrects the mistake in a due approach : yea , and befriends those who have learn'd to make the advantage of its informations , in more remote and difficil discoveries . and though his sense occasion the careless rustick to judge the sun no bigger then a cheese-fat ; yet sense too by a frugal improvement of its evidence , grounds the astronomers knowledge , that it 's bigger then this globe of earth and water . which it doth not only by the advantageous assistance of a tube , but by less industrious experiments , shewing in what degrees distance minorates the object . but yet in inifinite other cases , wherein sense can afford none , or but very little help to dis-intangle us ; our first deceptions lose no ground , but rather improve in our riper years : so that we are not weaned from our child-hood , till we return to our second infancy ; and even our gray heads out-grow not those errors , which we have learn't before the alphabet . thus our reasons being inoculated on sense , will retain a rellish of the stock they grow upon : and if we would endeavour after an unmixed knowledge ; we must unlive our former lives , and ( inverting the practise of penelope ) undo in the day of our more advanc'd understandings , what we had spun in the night of our infant-ignorance . he that would rebuild a decayed structure , must first pluck down the former ruines . a fabrick , though high and beautiful , if founded on rubbish , is easily made the triumph of the winds : and the most pompous seeming knowledge , that 's built on the unexamin'd prejudices of sense , stands not , but till the storm arise ; the next strong encounter discovers its weakness , in a shameful overthrow . and now since a great part of our scientifical treasure is most likely to be adulterate , though all bears the image and superscription of verity ; the only way to know what is sophisticate , and what is not so , is to bring all to the examen of the touchstone : for the prepossessions of sense having ( as is shewen ) so mingled themselves with our genuine truths , and being as plausible to appearance as they ; we cannot gain a true assurance of any , but by suspending our assent from all , till the deserts of each , discover'd by a strict enquiry , claim it . upon this account i think the method of the most excellent des-cartes not unworthy its author ; and ( since dogmatical ignorance will call it so ) a scepticism , that 's the only way to science . but yet this is so difficult in the impartial and exact performance , that it may be well reckon'd among the bare possibilities , which never commence into a futurity : it requiring such a free , sedate , and intent minde , as it may be is no where found but among the platonical idea's . do what we can , prejudices will creep in , and hinder our intellectual perfection : and though by this means we may get some comfortable allay to our distempers ; yet can it not perfectly cure us of a disease , that sticks as close to us as our natures . chap. ix . two instances of sensitive deception . ( 1 ) of the quiescence of the earth . sense is the great inducement to its belief ; its testimony deserves no credit in this case , though it do move , sense would present it as immoveable . the sun to sense is as much devoid of motion as the earth . four cases in which motion is insensible , viz. ( 1 ) if it be very swift . ( 2 ) if it be steddy and regular . ( 3 ) if very slow . ( 4 ) if the sentient partake of it . applyed to the earths motion . the unweildiness of its bulk is no argument of its immobility . now before i leave this , i shall take the opportunity , which this head offers , to endeavour the detection of some grand prejudices of sense , in two instances ; the free debate of which i conceive to be of great importance , though hitherto for the most part obstructed , by the peremptory conclusion of sense , which yet i shall declare to have no suffrage in the case of either : and the pleasantness and concernment of the theories , if it be one , i hope will attone the digression . § . 2. first , it is generally opinion'd , that the earth rests as the worlds centre , while the heavens are the subject of the universal motions ; and , as immoveable as the earth , is grown into the credit of being proverbial . so that for a man to go about to counter-argue this common belief , is as fruitless as to whistle against the windes . i shall not undertake to maintain the paradox , that stands diameter to this almost catholick opinion . it s assertion would be entertained with the hoot of the rabble : the very mention of it as possible , is among the most ridiculous ; and they are likely most severely to judge it , who least understand the cause . but yet the patronage of as great wits , as it may be e're saw the sun , such as pythagoras , des-cartes , copernicus , galilaeo , more , kepler , &c. hath gain'd it a more favourable censure with the learned world ; and advanc'd it far above either vain , or contemptible . and if it be a mistake , it 's only so : there 's no heresie in such an harmless aberration ; at the worst , with the ingenuous ; the probability of it will render it a lapse of easie pardon . now whether the earth move or rest , i undertake not to determine . my work is to prove , that the common inducement to the belief of its quiescence , the testimony of sense , is weak and frivolous : to the end , that if upon an unprejudiced tryal , it be found more consonant to the astronomical phaenomena ; its motion may be admitted , notwithstanding the seeming contrary evidence of unconcerned senses . and i think what follows will evince , that this is no so absurd an hypothesis , as vulgar philosophers account it ; but that , though it move , its motion must needs be as insensible , as if it were quiescent : and the assertion of it would then be as uncouth and harsh to the sons of sense , that is , to the generality of mankind , as now it is . that there is a motion , which makes the vicissitudes of day and night , and constitutes the successive seasons of the annual circle ; sense may assure us , or at least the comparative judgement of an higher faculty , made upon its immediate evidence : but whether the sun , or earth , be the common movent , cannot be determin'd but by a farther appeal . if we will take the literal evidence of our eyes ; the aethereal coal moves no more then this inferior clod doth : for where ever in the firmament we see it , it 's represented to us , as fixt in that part of the enlightened hemisphear . and though an after-account discover , that it hath changed its site and respect to this our globe ; yet whether that were caused by its translation from us , or ours from it , sense leaves us in an ignoramus : so that if we are resolved to stand to its verdict , it must be by as great a miracle if the sun ever move , as it was that it once rested , or what ever else was the subject of that supernal change . and if upon a meer sensible account we will deny motion to the earth ; upon the same inducement we must deny it the sun ; and the heavens will lose their first moveable . but to draw up closer to our main design , we may the better conceive that , though the earth move , yet its motion must needs be insensible ; if we consider that in four cases motion strikes not the sense . 1. the velocity of motion prevents the sense of 't . thus a bullet passeth by us , and out-runs the nimblest opticks ; and the fly of a jack in its swiftest rounds , gives the eye no notice of its circulations . the reason is , for that there is no sense without some stay of the object on the faculty : for in sense there are two considerables : the motion made on the brain ; and the souls act consequent thereupon , which we call animadversion : and in this latter consists the formality of sensitive perception . now though possibly the aethereal matter might convey the stroke and motion made on it quite to the brain , before the pass of the object ; yet the soul being taken up with other attendances , perceives not , till engaged to it by iterated impressions , except the first impulse be very strong and violent . thus in the clearest night we cannot see some of the smaller stars , upon the first cast of the eye to their celestial residence : yet a more intent view discovers them ; though very likely their motion reach't the brain , assoon as the more noted impress of their fellows . thus upon a slight turn of our sight , we omit many particularities in nearer objects , which a more fixed look presents us with . and thus the swiftest motions , though they knock at the dore ; yet they are gone before the soul can come , to take an account of their errand . 2. if regularity and steddiness accompany velocity ; the motion then leaves not the least track in the sensitive . thus a french top , the common recreation of school-boys , thrown from a cord which was wound about it , will stand as it were fixt on the floor it lighted ; and yet continue in its repeated gyrations , while the sense discovers not the least footsteps of that praecipitate rotation . the reason is much what the same with the former : for that meeting no joggs , or counter-motions to interrupt it , the return of the parts is so quick , that the mind cannot take notice of their succession to each other : for before it can fix to the observation of any one , its object is gone : whereas , were there any considerable thwart in the motion ; it would be a kind of stop or arrest , by the benefit of which the soul might have a glance of the fugitive transient . but i pass these ; they concern not our present enquiry . 3. if the motion be very slow , we perceive it not . thus vegetables spring up from their mother earth ; and we can no more discern their accretive motion , then we can their most hidden cause . thus the sly shadow steals away on times account-book the dyal ; and the quickest eye can tell no more , but that it 's gone . if a reason of this be demanded ; i conceive it may be to some satisfaction return'd , that 't is because motion cannot be perceived without the perception of its terms , viz. the parts of space which it immediately left , and those which it next acquires . now the space left and acquir'd in every sensible moment in such slow progressions , is so inconsiderable , that it cannot possibly move the sense ; ( which by reason either of its constitutional dulness , or the importunity of stronger impressions , cannot take notice of such parvitudes ) and therefore neither can the motion depending thereon , be a●y more observable , then it is . 4. if the sentient be carryed passibus aequis with the body , whose motion it would observe ; [ supposing the former condition , that it be regular and steddy ] in this case especially the remove is insensible , at least in its proper subject . thus , while in a ship , we perceive it not to move : but our sense transfers its motion to the neighbouring shores , as the poet , littus campique recedunt . and i question not , but if any were born and bred under deck , and had no other information but what his sense affords ; he would without the least doubt or scruple , opinion , that the house he dwelt in , was as stable and fixt as ours . to express the reason according to the philosophy of des-cartes , i suppose it thus : motion is not perceived , but by the successive strikings of the object upon divers filaments of the brain ; which diversifie the representation of its site and distance . but now when the motion of the object is common with it , to our selves ; it retains the same relation to our sense , as if we both rested : for striking still on the same strings of the brain , it varies not its site or distance from us ; and therefore we cannot possibly sense its motion : nor yet upon the same account our own ; least of all , when we are carryed without any conamen and endeavour of ours , which in our particular progressions betrayes them to our notice . now then the earths motion ( if we suppose it to have any ) having the joynt concurrence of the two last , to render it insensible ; i think we shall need no more proof to conclude the necessity of its being so . for though the third seems not to belong to the present case , since the supposed motion will be near a thousand miles an hour under the equinoctial line ; yet it will seem to have no velocity to the sense any more then the received motion of the sun , and for the same reason . because the distant points in the celestial expanse [ from a various and successive respect to which the length , and consequently the swiftness of this motion must be calculated ] appear to the eye in so small a degree of elongation from one another , as bears no proportion to what is real . for since the margin of the visible horizon in the heavenly globe is parallel with that in the earthly , accounted but 120 miles diameter ; sense must needs measure the azimuths , or vertical circles , by triplication of the same diameter of 120. so that there will be no more proportion betwixt the sensible and real celerity of the terrestrial motion , then there is between the visible and rational dimension of the celestial hemisphear ; which is none at all . but if sensitive prejudice will yet confidently maintain the impossibility of the hypothesis , from the supposed unwieldiness of its massy bulk , grounded on our experience of the ineptitude of great and heavy bodies to motion : i say this is a meer imposture of our senses , the fallacy of which we may avoid , by considering ; that the earth may as easily move , notwithstanding this pretended indisposition of its magnitude , as those much vaster orbs of sun and stars . he that made it , could as well give motion to the whole , as to the parts ; the constant agitation of which is discover'd in natural productions : and to both as well as rest to either : neither will it need the assistance of an intelligence to perpetuate the begun rotation : since according to the indispensable law of nature [ that every thing should continue in the state wherein it is , except something more powerful hinder it ] it must persevere in motion , unless obstructed by a miracle . neither can gravity , which makes great bodies hard of remove , be any hinderance to the earths motion : since even the peripatetick maxime , nihil gravitat in suo loco , will exempt it from this indisposing quality ; which is nothing but the tendency of its parts , which are ravish't from it , to their desired centre . and the french philosophy will inform us , that the earth as well as other bodies is indifferent in it self to rest , or its contrary . i have done with this instance , and my brevity in the following shall make some amends for my prolixity in this . he that would be inform'd in this subject of the earths mobility , may find it largely and ingeniously discuss'd , in galilaeo's systema cosmicum . chap. x. another instance of the deceptions of our senses : which is of translating the idea of our passions to things without us . properly and formally heat is not in the fire , but is an expression of our sentiment . yet in propriety of speech the senses themselves are never deceived , but only administer an occasion of deceit to the understanding : prov'd by reason , and the authority of st. austin . secondly the best philosophy [ the deserved title of the cartesian ] derives all sensitive perception from motion , and corporal impress ; some account of which we have above given . not that the formality of it consists in material reaction , as master hobbs affirms , totally excluding any immaterial concurrence : but that the representations of objects to the soul , the only animadversive principle , are conveyed by motions made upon the immediate instruments of sense . so that the diversity of our sensations ariseth from the diversity of the motion or figure of the object ; which in a different manner affect the brain , whence the soul hath its immediate intelligence of the quality of what is presented . thus the different effects , which fire and water have on us , which we call heat and cold , result from the so differing configuration and agitation of their particles : and not from , i know not what chimerical beings , supposed to inhere in the objects , their cause , and thence to be propagated by many petty imaginary productions to the seat of sense . so that what we term heat and cold , and other qualities , are not properly according to philosophical rigour in the bodies , their efficients : but are rather names expressing our passions ; and therefore not strictly attributable to any thing without us , but by extrinsick denomination , as vision to the wall. this i conceive to be an hypothesis , well worthy a rational belief : and yet is it so abhorrent from the vulgar , that they would assoon believe anaxagoras , that snow is black , as him that should affirm , it is not white ; and if any should in earnest assert , that the fire is not formally hot , it would be thought that the heat of his brain had fitted him for anticyra , and that his head were so to madness : for it is conceiv'd to be as certain , as our faculties can make it , that the same qualities , which we resent within us , are in the object , their source . and yet this confidence is grounded on no better foundation , then a delusory prejudice , and the vote of misapplyed sensations , which have no warrant to determine either one or other . i may indeed conclude , that i am formally hot or cold ; i feel it . but whether these qualities are formally , or only eminently in their producent ; is beyond the knowledge of the sensitive . even the peripatetick philosophy will teach us , that heat is not in the body of the sun , but only vertually , and as in its cause ; though it be the fountain and great distributour of warmth to the neather creation : and yet none urge the evidence of sense to disprove it : neither can it with any more justice be alledged against this hypothesis . for if it be so as des-cartes would have it ; yet sense would constantly present it to us , as now. we should finde heat as infallible an attendant upon fire , and the increase thereof by the same degrees in our approach to the fountain calefacient , and the same excess within the visible substance , as now ; which yet i think to be the chief inducements to the adverse belief : for fire ( i retain the instance , which yet may be applyed to other cases ) being constant in its specifical motions in those smaller derivations of it , which are its instruments of action , and therefore in the same manner striking the sentient , though gradually varying according to the proportions of more or less quantity or agitation , &c. will not fail to produce the same effect in us , which we call heat , when ever we are within the orb of its activity . and the heat must needs be augmented by proximity , and most of all within the flame , because of the more violent motion of the particles there , which therefore begets in us a stronger sense . now if this motive energie , the instrument of this active element , must be called heat ; let it be so , i contend not . i know not how otherwise to call it : to impose names is part of the peoples charter , and i fight not with words . only i would not that the idea of our passions should be apply'd to any thing without us , when it hath its subject no where but in our selves . this is the grand deceit , which my design is to detect , and if possible , to rectifie . thus we have seen two notorious instances of sensitive deception , which justifie the charge of petron. arbiter . fallunt nos oculi , vagique sensus oppressâ ratione mentiuntur . and yet to speak properly , and to do our senses right , simply they are not deceived , but only administer an occasion to our forward understandings to deceive themselves : and so though they are some way accessory to our delusion ; yet the more principal faculties are the capital offenders . thus if the senses represent the earth as fixt and immoveable ; they give us the truth of their sentiments : to sense it is so , and it would be deceit to present it otherwise . for [ as we have shewn ] though it do move in it self ; it rests to us , who are carry'd with it . and it must needs be to sense unalterably quiescent , in that our rotation with it , prevents the variety of successive impress ; which only renders motion sensible . and so if we erroneously attribute our particular incommunicable sensations to things , which do no more resemble them then the effect doth its aequivocal cause ; our senses are not in fault , but our precipitate judgements . we feel such , or such a sentiment within us , and herein is no cheat or misprison : 't is truly so , and our sense concludes nothing of its rise or origine . but if hence our understandings falsly deduct , that there is the same quality in the external impressor ; 't is , it is criminal , our sense is innocent . when the ear tingles , we really hear a sound : if we judge it without us , it 's the fallacy of our iudgments . the apparitions of our frighted phancies are real sensibles : but if we translate them without the compass of our brains , and apprehend them as external objects ; it 's the unwary rashness of our understanding deludes us . and if our disaffected palates resent nought but bitterness from our choicest viands , we truly tast the unpleasing quality , though falsly conceive it in that , which is no more then the occasion of its production . if any find fault with the novelty of the notion ; the learned st. austin stands ready to confute the charge : and they , who revere antiquity , will derive satisfaction from so venerable a suffrage . he tells us , si quis remum frangi in aquâ opinatur , & , cùm aufertur , integrari ; non malum habet internuncium , sed malus est iudex . and onward to this purpose , the sense could not otherwise perceive it in the water , neither ought it : for since the water is one thing , and the air another ; 't is requisite and necessary , that the sense should be as different as the medium : wherefore the eye sees aright ; if there be a mistake , 't is the judgement 's the deceiver . elsewhere he saith , that our eyes mis-inform us not , but faithfully transmit their resentment to the mind . and against the scepticks , that it 's a piece of injustice to complain of our senses , and to exact from them an account , which is beyond the sphear of their notice : and resolutely determines , quicquid possuut videre oculi , verum vident . so that what we have said of the senses deceptions , is rigidly to be charg'd only on our careless understandings , misleading us through the ill management of sensible informations . but because such are commonly known by the name of the senses deceipts ( somewhat the more justifiably in that they administer the occasion ) i have thought good to retain the usual way of speaking , though somewhat varying from the manner of apprehending . chap. xi . a fourth reason of our ignorance and error , viz. the fallacy of our imaginations ; an account of the nature of that faculty ; instances of its deceptions ; spirits are not in a place ; intellection , volition , decrees , &c. cannot properly be ascrib'd to god. it is not reason that opposeth faith , but phancy : the interest which imagination hath in many of our opinions , in that it impresses a perswasion wiihout evidence . fourthly , we erre and come short of science , because we are so frequently mislead by the evil conduct of our imaginations ; whose irregular strength and importunity doth almost perpetually abuse us . now to make a full and clear discovery of our phancies deceptions ; 't will be requisite to look into the nature of that mysterious faculty . in which survey we must trace the soul in the wayes of her intellectual actions ; whereby we may come to the distinct knowledge of what is meant by imagination , in contradistinction to some other powers . but first premising , that the souls nature ( at least as far as concerns our inquiry ) consists in intelligibility : and secondly , that when we speak of powers and faculties of the soul , we intend not to assert with the schools , their real distinction from it , or each other , but only a modal diversity . therefore i shall distribute intellectual operations according to the known triple division , though with some difference of representation . the first is simple apprehension , which denotes no more , then the souls naked intellection of an object , without either composition or deduction . the foundation of this act , as to materials , is sensitive perception . now our simple apprehension of corporal objects , if present , we call sense ; if absent , we properly name it imagination . thus when we would conceive a triangle , man , horse , or any other sensible ; we figure it in our phancies , and stir up there its sensible idea . but in our notion of spirituals , we , as much as we can , denudate them of all material phantasmes ; and thus they become the object of our intellects , properly so called . now all this while the soul is , as it were , silent ; and in a more passive way of reception . but the second act advanceth propositions from simple intellections : and hereby we have the knowledge of the distinctions or identities of objective representations . now here , as in the former , where the objects are purely material ; the judgment is made by the imagination : if otherwise , we refer it to the understanding . there is yet a third act , which is a connecting of propositions and deducing of conclusions from them : and this the schools call discourse ; and we shall not miscall it , if we name it , reason . now this , as it supposeth the two former , so is it grounded on certain congenite propositions ; which i conceive to be the very essentials of rationality . such are , quodlibet est , vel non est ; impossibile est idem esse , & non esse ; non entis nulla sunt praedicata , & c. not that every one hath naturally a formal and explicit notion of these principles : for the vulgar use them , without knowledge of them , under any such express consideration ; but yet there was never any born to reason without them . if any ask , how the soul came by those foundation propositions : i return , as quantity did by longum , latum , & profundum ; they being the essential annexes , or rather constitutives of it , as reasonable . now then , when the conclusion is deduc'd from the unerring dictates of our faculties ; we say the inference is rational : but when from mis-apprehended , or ill-compounded phantasmes ; we ascribe it to the imagination . so we see , there is a triple operation of the phancy as well as intellect ; and these powers are only circumstantially different . in this method we intend a distinct , though short account , how the imagination deceives us . first then , the imagination , which is of simple perception , doth never of it self and directly mislead us ; as is at large declared in our former discourse of sense . yet is it the almost fatal means of our deception , through the unwarrantable compositions , divisions , and applications , which it occasions the second act to make of the simple images . hence we may derive the visions , voyces , revelations of the enthusiast : the strong idea's of which , being conjur'd up into the imagination by the heat of the melancholized brain , are judged exterior realties ; when as they are but motions within the cranium . hence story is full of the wonders , it works upon hypochondriacal imaginants ; to whom the grossest absurdities are infallible certainties , and free reason an impostour . that groom , that conceited himself an emperour , thought all as irrational as disloyal , that did not acknowledge him : and he , that supposed himself made of glass ; thought them all mad , that dis-believed him . but we pity , or laugh at those fatuous extravagants ; while yet our selves have a considerable dose of what makes them so : and more sober heads have a set of misconceits , which are as absurd to an unpassionated reason , as those to our unabused senses . and , as the greatest counter-evidence to those distemper'd phancies is none : so in the more ordinary deceits , in which our imaginations insensibly engage us , we give but little credit to the uncorrupted suggestions of the faculty , that should disabuse us . that the soul and angels are devoid of quantitative dimensions , hath the suffrage of the most ; and that they have nothing to do with grosser locality , is as generally opinion'd : but who is it , that retains not a great part of the imposture , by allowing them a definitive ubi , which is still but imagination ? he that said , a thousand might dance on the point of a needle , spake but grossly ; and we may as well suppose them to have wings , as a proper ubi . we say , spirits are where they operate : but strictly to be in a place , or ubi , is a material attribute , and incompatible with so depurate a nature . we ask not , in what place a thought is , nor are we solicitous for the ubi of vertue , or any other immaterial accident . relations , ubications , duration , the vulgar philosophy admits into the list of something ; and yet to enquire in what place they are , were a soloecism . so that , if to be and to be in a place be not reciprocal ; i know not why spirits may not be exempted , having as much to plead from the purity of their nature , as any thing but one , within the circle of being . and yet imagination stands so strongly against the notion , that it cannot look for the favour of a very diffusive entertainment . but we are more dangerously deceiv'd , when judging the infinite essence by our narrow selves ; we ascribe intellections , volitions , decrees , purposes , and such like immanent actions to that nature , which hath nothing in common with us , as being infinitely above us . now to use these as hypotheseis , as himself in his word , is pleas'd to low himself to our capacities , is allowable : but a strict and rigorous imputation is derogatory to him , and arrogant in us . to say , that god doth eminently contain all those effects in his glorious simple essence , that the creature can produce or act by such a faculty , power , or affection ; is to affirm him to be ● what he is , infinite . thus , to conceive that he can do all those things in the most perfect manner , which we do upon understanding , willing , and decreeing ; is an apprehension suteable to his idea : but to fix on him the formality of faculties , or affections ; is the imposture of our phancies , and contradictory to his divinity . 't is this deception misleads the contending world ; and is the author of most of that darkness and confusion , that is upon the face of the quinquarticular debates . now then , we being thus obnoxious to fallacy in our apprehensions and judgements , and so often imposed upon by these deceptions ; our inferences and deductions must needs be as unwarrantable , as our simple and compound thoughts are deceitful . thus the reason of the far greatest part of mankind , is but an aggregate of mistaken phantasms ; and in things not sensible a constant delusion . yea the highest and most improved parts of rationality , are frequently caught in the entanglements of a tenacious imagination ; and submit to its obstinate , but delusory dictamens . thus we are involv'd in inextricable perplexities about the divine nature , and attributes ; and in our reasonings about those sublimities are puzled with contradictions , which are but the toyings of our phancies , no absurdities to our more defaecate faculties . what work do our imaginations make with eternity and immensity ? and how are we gravell'd by their cutting dilemma's ? i 'm confident many have thus imagin'd themselves out of their religion ; and run a ground on that more desperate absurdity , atheism . to say , reason opposeth faith , is to scandalize both : 't is imagination is the rebel ; reason contradicts its impious suggestions . nor is our reason any more accountable for the errours of our opinions ; then our holiness for the vitiosity of our lives : and we may as well say , that the sun is the cause of the shadow , which is the effect of the intercepting opacity , as either . reason and faith are at perfect unisons : the disharmony is in the phancy . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a saying of plato's ; and well worthy a christian subscription , reason being the image of the creators wisdom copyed out in the creature . though indeed , as 't is now in the subject , 't is but an amassment of imaginary conceptions , praejudices , ungrounded opinions , and infinite impostures ; and 't is no wonder , if these are at odds with the principles of our belief : but all this is but apish sophistry ; and to give it a name so divine and excellent , is abusive and unjust . there is yet another as deplorable a deceit of our imaginations , as any : which is , its impressing a strong perswasion of the truth of an opinion , where there is no evidence to support it . and if it be such , as we never heard question'd or contradicted ; 't is then held as indubitate , as first principles . thus the most of mankind is led by opinionative impulse ; and imagination is praedominant . hence we have an ungrounded credulity cry'd up for faith ; and the more vigorous impressions of phancy , for the spirits motions . these are the grand delusions of our age , and the highest evidence of the imaginations deceptions . this is the spirit , that works in the children of phancy ; and we need not seek to remoter resolutions . but the excellent dr. h. more hath follow'd enthusiastick effects to their proper origine , and prevented our endeavours of attempting it . his discourse of enthusiasm compleatly makes good the title ; and 't is as well a victory , as a triumph . chap. xii . a fifth reason , the praecipitancy of our understandings ; the reason of it . the most close ingagement of our minds requisite to the finding of truth ; the difficulties of the performance of it . two instances of our praecipitating ; as the concluding thing impossible , which to nature are not so ; and the joyning causes with irrelative effects . § . 5. again another account of the shortness of our reasons and easiness of deception , is , the forwardness of our understandings assent , to slightly examin'd conclusions , contracting many times a firm and obstinate belief from weak inducements ; and that not only in such things , as immediately concern the sense , but in almost every thing that falls within the scope of our enquiry . for the declarement of this , we are to observe , that every being uncessantly aspires to its own perfection , and is restless till it obtain it ; as is the trembling needle , till it find it s beloved north. now the perfection of a faculty is union with its object , to which its respective actions are directed , as the scope and term of its endeavours . thus our understanding being perfected by truth , with all the impatience , which accompanies strong desire , breaths after its enjoyment . but now the good and perfection of being , which every thing reacheth at , must be known , and that in the particular instances thereof ; or else 't is not attain'd : and if it be mistaken , that being courts deceit and its own delusion . now this knowledge of their good , was at first as natural to all things , as the desire on 't : otherwise this innate propension would have been as much a torment and misery to those things that are capable of it , as a needless impertinency to all others . but nature shoots not at rovers . even inanimates , though they know not their perfection themselves , yet are they not carryed on by a blind unguided impetus : but that which directs them , knows it . the next orders of being have some sight of it themselves : and man most perfectly had it , before the touch of the apple . so then beside this general propensity to truth , the understanding must know what is so , before it can entertain it with assent . the former we possess ( it may be ) as entirely as when nature gave it us : but of the latter little , but the capacity : and herein have we made our selves of all creatures the most miserable . and now such a multitude , such an infinite of uncertain opinions , bare probabilities , specious falshoods , spreading themselves before us , and solliciting our belief ; and we being thus greedy of truth , and yet so unable to discern it : it cannot be , that we should reach it any otherwise , then by the most close meditation and engagement of our minds ; by which we must endeavour to estrange our assent from every thing , which is not clearly , and distinctly evidenc't to our faculties . but now , this is so difficult ; and as hath been intimated , so almost infeasable ; that it may well drive modesty to despair of science . for though possibly assiduity in the most fixed cogitation be no trouble or pain to immaterializ'd spirits ; yet is it more , then our embodyed souls can bear without lassitude or distemper . for in this terrestrial state there are few things transacted , even in our intellectual part , but through the help and furtherance of corporal instruments ; which by more then ordinary usage lose their edge and fitness for action , and so grow inept for their respective destinations . upon this account our senses are dull'd and spent by any extraordinary intention ; and our very eyes will ake , if long fixt upon any difficultly discerned object . now though meditation be to be reckoned among the most abstracted operations of our minds ; yet can it not be performed without a considerable proportion of spirits to assist in the action , though indeed such as are furnish't out of the bodies purer store . this i think to be hence evidenc't ; in that fixed seriousness herein , heats the brain in some to distraction , causeth an aking and diziness in founder heads , hinders the works of nature in its lower and animal functions , takes away or lessens pain in distemper'd parts , and seldom leaves any but under a weary some dullness , and inactivity ; which i think to be arguments of sufficient validity to justifie our assent to this , that the spirits are imploy'd in our most intense cogitations , yea in such , whose objects are most elevated above material . now the managing and carrying on of this work by the spirits instrumental co-efficiency requires , that they be kept together without distraction or dissipation ; that so they may be ready to receive and execute the orders and commissions of the commanding faculty . if either of these happen , all miscarries : as do the works of nature , when they want that heat , which is requisite for their intended perfection . and therefore , for the prevention of such inconveniences in meditation , we choose recess and solitude . but now if we consider the volatile nature of those officious assistants , and the several causes which occur continually , even from the meer mechanism of our bodies to scatter and disorder them , besides the excursions of our roving phancies ( which cannot be kept to a close attendance ) ; it will be found very hard to retain them in any long service , but do what we can , they 'l get loose from the minds regimen . so that it 's no easie matter to bring the body to be what it was intended for , the souls servant ; and to confine the imagination , of as facil a performance , as the goteham's design of hedging in the cuckow . and though some constitutions are genially disposited to this mental seriousness ; yet they can scarce say , nos numeri sumus : yea in the most advantag'd tempers , this disposition is but comparative ; when as the most of men labour under disadvantages , which nothing can rid them of , but that which loosens them from this mass of flesh . thus the boyling bloud of youth , fiercely agitating the fluid air , hinders that serenity and fixed stayedness , which is necessary to so severe an intentness : and the frigidity of decrepite age is as much its enemy , not only through penury of spirits , but by reason of its clogging them with its dulling moisture . and even in the temperate zone of our life , there are few bodies at such an aequipoiz of humours ; but that the prevalency of some one indisposeth the spirits for a work so difficult and serious : for temperamentum ad pondus , may well be reckon'd among the three philosophical unattainables . besides , the bustle of business , the avocations of our senses , and external pleasures , and the noyse and din of a clamorous world are impediments not to be master'd by feeble endeavours . and to speak the full of my sentiments , i think never man could boast it , without the precincts of paradise ; but he , that came to gain us a better eden then we lost . so then , to direct all this to our end , the mind of man being thus naturally amorous of , and impatient for truth , and yet averse to , and almost incapacitated for , that diligent and painful search , which is necessary to its discovery ; it must needs take up short , of what is really so , and please it self in the possession of imaginary appearances , which offering themselves to its embraces in the borrowed attire of that , which the enamour'd intellect is in pursuit of , our impatient minds entertain these counterfeits , without the least suspicion of their cousenage . for as the will , having lost its true and substantial good , now courts the shadow , and greedily catches at the vain shews of superficial bliss : so our no less degenerate understandings having suffered as sad a divorce from their dearest object , are as forward to defile themselves with every meretricious semblance , that the variety of opinion presents them with . thus we see the inconsiderate vulgar , prostrating their assent to every shallow appearance : and those , who are beholden to prometheus for a finer mould , are not furnisht with so much truth as otherwise they might be owners of , did not this precipitancy of concluding prevent them : as 't is said of the industrious chymist , that by catching at it too soon , he lost the long expected treasure of the philosophical elixir . i 'le illustrate this head by a double instance , and close it . 1. hence it is , that we conclude many things within the list of impossibilities , which yet are easie feasables . for by an unadvised transiliency leaping from the effect to its remotest cause , we observe not the connexion through the interposal of more immediate causalities ; which yet at last bring the extreams together without a miracle . and hereupon we hastily conclude that impossible , which we see not in the proximate capacity of its efficient . hence , that a single hair should root up an oak ( which the mathematicks teach us to be possible ) will be thought fit to be number'd with the story of the brazen-head , or that other of the wishing hat. the relation of archimedes's lifting up the ships of marcellus , among many finds but little more credit , then that of the gyants shouldering mountains : and his other exploits sound no better to common ears , then those of amadis de gaule , and the knight of the sun. and yet mathematicians know , that by multiplying of mechanical advantages , any power may conquer any resistance , and the great syracusian wit wanted but tools , and a place to stand on , to remove the earth . so the brag of the ottoman , that he would throw malta into the sea , might be performed at an easier rate , then by the shovels of his ianizaries . and from this last noted head , ariseth that other of joyning causes with irrelative effects , which either refer not at all unto them , or in a remoter capacity . hence the indian conceiv'd so grossly of the letter , that discover'd his theft ; and that other , who thought the watch an animal . from hence grew the impostures of charms , and amulets , and other insignificant ceremonies ; which to this day impose upon common belief , as they did of old upon the barbarism of the incultivate heathen . thus effects unusual , whose causes run under ground , and are more remote from ordinary discernment , are noted in the book of vulgar opinion , with digitus dei , or daemonis ; though they owe no other dependence to the first , then what is common to the whole syntax of beings , nor yet any more to the second , then what is given it by the imagination of those unqualifi'd judges . thus every unwonted meteor is portentous ; and the appearance of any unobserved star , some divine prognostick . antiquity thought thunder the immediate voyce of iupiter , and impleaded them of impiety , that referr'd it to natural causalities . neither can there happen a storm , at this remove from antique ignorance , but the multitude will have the devil in 't . chap. xiii . the sixth reason discours't of , viz. the interest which our affections have in our dijudications . the cause why our affections mislead us ; several branches of this mention'd ; and the first , viz constitutional inclination largely insisted on . again we owe much of our errour and intellectual scarcity to the interest in , and power which our affections have over , our so easily seducible understandings . and 't is a truth well worthy the pen , from which it dropt ; periit iudicium , ubi res transiit in affectum . that iove himself cannot be wise and in love ; may be understood in a larger sense , then antiquity meant it . affection bribes the judgement to the most notorious inequality ; and we cannot expect an equitable award , where the judge is made a party : so that , that understanding only is capable of giving a just decision , which is , as aristotle saith of the law , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but where the will , or passion hath the casting voyce , the case of truth is desperate . and yet this is the miserable disorder , into which we are laps'd : the lower powers are gotten uppermost ; and we see like men on our heads , as plato observ'd of old , that on the right hand , which indeed is on the left . the woman in us , still prosecutes a deceit , like that begun in the garden : and our understandings are wedded to an eve , as fatal as the mother of our miseries . and while all things are judg'd according to their suitableness , or disagreement to the gusto of the fond feminine ; we shall be as far from the tree of knowledge , as from that , which is guarded by the cherubin . the deceiver soon found this soft place of adam's ; and innocency it self did not secure him from this way of seduction . the first deception enter'd in at this postern , and hath ever since kept it open for the entry of legion : so that we scarse see any thing now but through our passions , the most blind , and sophisticate things about us . thus the monsters which story relates to have their eyes in their breasts , are pictures of us in our invisible selves . our love of one opinion induceth us to embrace it ; and our hate of another , doth more then fit us , for its rejection : and , that love is blind , is extensible beyond the object of poetry . when once the affections are engag'd , there 's but a short step to the understanding : and , facilè credimus quod volumus , is a truth , that needs not plead authority to credit it . the reason , i conceive , is this : love as it were uniting the object to the soul , gives it a kind of identity with us ; so that the beloved idea is but our selves in another name : and when self is at the bar , the sentence is not like to be impartial : for every man is naturally a narcissus , and each passion in us , no other but self-love sweetned by milder epithets . we can love nothing , but what is agreeable to us ; and our desire of what is so , hath its first inducement from within us : yea , we love nothing but what hath some resemblance within our selves ; and whatever we applaud as good or excellent , is but self in a transcript , and è contrà . thus , to reach the highest of our amours , and to speak all at once : we love our friends , because they are our image ; and we love our god , because we are his . so then , the beloved opinion being thus wedded to the intellect ; the case of our espoused self becomes our own : and when we weigh our selves , iustice doth not use to hold the ballance . besides , all things being double-handed , and having the appearances both of truth , and falshood ; where our affections have engaged us , we attend only to the former , which we see through a magnifying medium : while looking on the latter , through the wrong end of the perspective , which scants their dimensions , we neglect and contemn them . yea , and as in corrupt judicial proceedings , the fore-stalled understanding passes a peremptory sentence upon the single hearing of one party ; and so comes under the poets censure of him , qui statuit aliquid parte inauditâ alterâ . but to give a more particular account of this gullery ; our affections engage us as by our love to our selves , so by our love to others . of the former we have the observable instances of natural disposition , custom and education , interest , and our proper invention : of the latter in that homage , which is payd to antiquity , and authority . i take them up in order . 1. congruity of opinions , whether true or false , to our natural constitution , is one great incentive to their belief , and reception : and in a sense too the complexion of the mind , as well as manners , follows the temperament of the body . thus some men are genially disposited to some opinions , and naturally as averse to others . some things we are inclined to love , and we know not why : others we disesteem , and upon no better account then the poet did sabidius , hoc tantùm possum dicere , non amo te . some faces at first sight we admire and dote on : others , in our impartial apprehensions no less deserving our esteem , we can behold without resentment ; and it may be with an invincible disregard . i question not , but intellectual representations are received by us , with as an unequal a fate upon a bare temperamental relish or disgust : and i believe the understanding hath its idiosyncrasies , as well as other faculties . some men are made to superstition , others to frantick enthusiasm ; the former by the cold of a timorous heart , the latter by the heat of a temerarious brain : and there are natures , as fatally averse to either . and the opinions , which are suited to their respective tempers , will be sure to find their welcome , and to grow without manure . your dull phlegmatick souls are taken with the dulness of sensible doctrines : and the more mercurial geniuses calculated to what is more refined , and intellectual . thus opinions have their climes and national diversities : and as some regions have their proper vices , not so generally found in others ; so have they their mental depravities , which are drawn in with the common air of the countrey . and i take this for one of the most considerable causes of the diversity of laws , customes , religions , natural and moral doctrines , which is to be found in the divided regions of the inhabited earth . and therefore i wonder not at the idolatry of the iews of old , or of the several parts of the world to this day , nor at the sensual expectations of the mussel-men , nor at the fopperies of the superstitious romanists , nor the ridiculous devotions of the deluded indians : since that the most senseless conceits and fooleries cannot miss of harbor , where affection , grown upon the stock of a depraved constitution , hath endeared them . and if we do but more nearly look into our faculties , beginning our survey from the lowest dregs of sense , even those which have a nearer commerce with matter , and so by steps ascend to our more spiritualiz'd selves : we shall throughout discover how constitutional partiality sways us . thus to one palate that is sweet , desirable , and delicious , which to another is odious and distastful ; or more compendiously in the proverb , one mans meat is anothers poyson . thus what to one is a most grateful odour , to another is noxious and displeasant ; 't were a misery to some to lye stretch't on a bed of roses : and in the sense of life ; that 's a welcome touch to one , which is disagreeing to another . and yet to rise a little higher to the nobler pair ; the musical airs , which one entertains with most delightful transports , to another are importune : and the objects , which one can't see without an extasie , another is no more mov'd at , than a statue . if we pass further , the phancies of men are so immediately diversify'd by the individual crasis , that every man is in this a phoenix ; and owns something , wherein none are like him : and these are as many , as humane nature hath singulars . now the phancies of the most , like the index of a clock , are moved but by the inward springs and wheels of the corporal machine ; which even on the most sublimate intellectuals is dangerously influential . and yet this sits at the helm of the worlds belief ; and vulgar reason is no better then a more refined imagination . so then the senses , phancy , and what we call reason it self , being thus influenc'd by the bodies temperament , and little better then indications of it ; it cannot be otherwise , but that this love of our selves should strongly incline us in our most abstracted dijudications . chap. xiv . a second thing whereby our affections ingage us in error , is the prejudice of custom and education . a third , interest . the fourth , love to our own productions . 2. another genuine derivation of this selfish fondness , by reason of which we miscarry of science , is the almost insuperable prejudice of custom , and education : by which our minds are encumber'd , and the most are held in a fatal ignorance . now could a man be composed to such an advantage of constitution , that it should not at all adulterate the images of his mind ; yet this second nature would alter the crasis of the uuderstanding , and render it as obnoxious to aberrances , as now . and though in the former regard , the soul were a pure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; yet custom and education will so blot and scrible on 't , as almost to incapacitate it for after-impressions . thus we judge all things by our anticipations ; and condemn or applaud them , as they agree or differ from our education-prepossessions . one countrey laughs at the laws , customs , and opinions of another , as absurd and ridiculous ; and the other is as charitable to them , in its conceit of theirs . this confirms the most sottish idolaters in their accustomed adorations , beyond the conviction of any thing , but dooms-day . the impressions of a barbarous education are stronger in them , then nature ; when in their cruel worships they launce themselves with knifes , and expose their harmless infants to the flames as a sacrifice to their idols . and 't is on this account , that there 's no religion so irrational , but can boast its martyrs . this is it , which befriends the talmud and alcoran ; and did they not owe their credit more to it , then to any rational inducement , we might expect their ashes : whereas education hath so rooted these mis-believers in their ungrounded faith , that they may assoon be pluck't from themselves , as from their obstinate adherencies ; and to convert a turk , or iew , may be well a phrase for an attempt impossible . we look for it only from him , to whom our impossibles are none . and 't is to be feared , that christianity it self by most , that have espoused it , is not held by any better tenure . the best account that many can give of their belief , is , that they were bred in it ; which indeed is no better , then that which we call , the womans reason . and thousands of them , whom their profession , and our charity styles christians , are driven to their religion by custom and education , as the indians are to baptism ; that is , like a drove of cattle to the water . and had our stars determin'd our nativities among the enemies of the cross , and theirs under a christian horoscope ; in all likelyhood antichristianism had not been the object of our aversion , nor christianity of theirs : but we should have exchang'd the scene of our belief with that of our abode and breeding . there is nothing so monstrous , to which education cannot form our ductile minority ; it can lick us into shapes beyond the monstrosities of those of affrica . and as king iames would say of parliaments ; it can do any thing , but make a man a woman . for our initial age is like the melted wax to the prepared seal , capable of any impression from the documents of our teachers . the half-moon or cross , are indifferent to its reception ; and we may with equal facility write on this rasa tabula , turk , or christian. we came into the world like the unformed cub ; 't is education is our plastick : we are baptized into our opinions by our juvenile nurture , and our growing years confirm those unexamined principles . for our first task is to learn the creed of our countrey ; and our next to maintain it . we seldom examine our receptions , more then children their catechisms ; for implicit faith is a vertue , where orthodoxie is the object . some will not be at the trouble of a tryal : others are scar'd from attempting it . if we do , 't is not by a sun-beam or ray of universal light ; but by a flame that 's kindled by our affections , and fed by the fewel of our anticipations . and thus like the hermite , we think the sun shines no where , but in our cell ; and all the world to be in darkness but our selves . we judge truth to be circumscrib'd by the confines of our belief , and the doctrines we were brought up in : and with as ill manners , as those of china , repute all the rest of world , monoculous . so that what some astrologers say of our fortunes and the passages of our lives ; may by the allowance of a metaphor be said of our opinions : that they are written in our stars , being to the most as fatal as those involuntary occurrences , and as little in their power as the placits of destiny . we are bound to our countreys opinions , as to its laws : and an accustomed assent is tantamount to an infallible conclusion . he that offers to dissent , shall be out-law'd in his reputation : and the fear of guilty cain , shall be fulfilled on him , who ever meets him shall slay him . thus custom and education hath seal'd the canon ; and he that adds or takes away from the book of orthodox belief , shall be more then in danger of an anathema : and the inquisition is not confined to the jurisdiction of the triple-crown . so we preposterously invert the precept ; holding fast what hath the vote of our antedating apprehensions , we try all things by these our partial prolepses . he that dares do otherwise , is a rebel to orthodoxy ; and exposeth his credit to sequestration . thus custom conciliates our esteem to things , no otherwise deserving it : what is in fashion , is handsom and pleasant ; though never so uncouth to an unconcern'd beholder . their antick deckings with feathers is as comely in the account of those barbarous nations , which use them ; as the ornaments of lace , and ribband , are in ours . and the plucking off the shooe is to the iapanners as decent a salutation ; as the uncovering of the head is to us , and their abhorred neighbours . on the other hand we start and boggle at what is unusual : and like the fox in the fable at his first view of the lyon , we cannot endure the sight of the bug-bear , novelty . hence some innocent truths have been affix'd with the reproach of heresie : into which , because contrary to the inur'd belief , the violent rejecters would not endure a patient inspection : but as children frighted in the dark , who run away with an out-cry from the monsters of their own imaginations framing ; and will not stay for the information of a better discovery : so they looking on them through their unadvised fears , and uncharitable suspicions ; command their understandings to a praecipitate flight , figuring their phancies to shapes monstrous and horrible , through which they make them the objects of their aversion . hence there is no truth , but its adversaries have made it an ugly vizard ; by which it 's exposed to the hate and disesteem of superficial examiners : and an opprobrious title with vulgar believers is as good as an argument . 't is but writing the name , that customary receptions have discredited , under the opinions we dislike ; and all other refutation is superfluous . thus shallow apprehenders are frighted from many sober verities ; like the king of arabs , who ran away from the smoaking mince-py , apprehending some dangerous plot in the harmless steam . so then , while we thus mistake the infusions of education , for the principles of universal nature ; we must needs fail of a scientifical theory . and therefore the two nations differing about the antiquity of their language , made appeal to an undecisive experiment ; when they agreed upon the tryal of a child brought up among the wild inhabitants of the desert . the language it spake , had no reason to be accounted the most ancient and natural : and the lucky determination for the phrygians by its pronouncing the word beck , which signified bread in the dialect of that countrey , they owed not to nature , but the goat-herd ; from which the exposed infant , by accompanying that sort of animals , had learnt it . 3. again , interest , is another thing , by the magnetisme of which our affections are almost irresistibly attracted . it is the pole , to which we turn , and our sympathizing judgements seldom decline from the direction of this impregnant . where interest hath engaged us ; like hannibal , we 'l find a way to veritie , or make it . any thing is a truth , to one whose interest it is , to have it so . and therefore self-designers are seldom disappointed , for want of the speciousness of a cause to warrrant them ; in the belief of which , they do oft as really impose upon themselves , as industriously endeavour it upon others . with what an infinite of law-suits , controversies , and litigious cases doth the world abound ? and yet every man is confident of the truth and goodness of his own . and as mr. hobbs observes , the reason that mathematical demonstrations are uncontroverted , is ; because interest hath no place in those unquestionable verities : when as , did the advantage , of any stand against them , euclids elements would not pass with a nemine contradicente . sir h. blunt tells us , that temporal expectations bring in droves to the mahumetan faith ; and we know the same holds thousands in the romish . the eagles will be , where the carcase is ; and that shall have the faith of most , which is best able to pay them for 't . an advantageous cause never wanted proselytes . i confess , i cannot believe that all the learned romanists profess against their conscience ; but rather , that their interest brings their consciences to their profession : and self-advantage can as easily incline some , to believe a falshood , as profess it . a good will , help'd by a good wit can find truth any where : and , what the chymists brag of their elixir , it can transmute any metal into gold ; in the hand of a skilful artificer , in spight of the adage , ex quolibet ligno mercurius . though yet i think , that every religion hath its bare nominals : and that pope was one with a witness , whose saying it was , quantum nobis lucri peperit illa fabula de christo ! 4. besides , fourthly , self-love engageth us for any thing , that is a minerva of our own . we love the issues of our brains , no less then those of our bodies : and fondness of our own begotten notions , though illegitimate , obligeth us to maintain them . we hugge intellectual deformities , if they bear our names ; and will hardly by perswaded they are so , when our selves are their authors . if their dam may be judge , the young apes are the most beautiful things in nature ; and if we might determine it , our proper conceptions would be all voted axioms . thus then the affections wear the breeches : and the female rules , while our understanding governs us , as the story saith themistocles did athens . so that to give the sum of all , most of the contests of the litigious world pretending for truth , are but the bandyings of one mans affections against anothers : in which , though their reasons may be foil'd , yet their passions lose no ground , but rather improve by the antiperistasis of an opposition . chap. xv. 5. our affections are engaged by our reverence to antiquity and authority . this hath been a great hinderer of theorical improvements ; and it hath been an advantage to the mathematicks , and mechanicks arts , that it hath no place in them . our mistake of antiquity . the unreasonableness of that kind of pedantick adoration . hence the vanity of affecting impertinent quotations . the pedantry on 't is derided ; the little improvement of science through its successive derivations , and whence that hath hapned . another thing , that engageth our affections to unwarrantable conclusions , and is therefore fatal to science ; is our doting on antiquity , and the opinions of our fathers . we look with a superstitious reverence upon the accounts of praeterlapsed ages : and with a supercilious severity , on the more deserving products of our own . a vanity , which hath possess'd all times as well as ours ; and the golden age was never present . for as in statick experiment , an inconsiderable weight by vertue of its distance from the centre of the ballance , will preponderate much greater magnitudes ; so the most slight and chaffy opinion , if at a great remove from the present age , contracts such an esteem and veneration , that it out-weighs what is infinitly more ponderous and rational , of a modern date . and thus , in another sense , we realize what archimedes had only in hypothesis ; weighing a single grain against the globe of earth . we reverence gray-headed doctrines ; though feeble , decrepit , and within a step of dust : and on this account maintain opinions , which have nothing but our charity to uphold them . while the beauty of a truth , as of a picture , is not acknowledg'd but at a distance ; and that wisdom is nothing worth , which is not fetcht from afar : wherein yet we oft deceive our selves , as did that mariner , who mistaking them for precious stones , brought home his ship fraught with common pebbles from the remotest indies . thus our eyes , like the preposterous animal's , are behind us ; and our intellectual motions retrograde . we adhere to the determinations of our fathers , as if their opinions were entail'd on us as their lands ; or ( as some conceive ) part of the parents soul were portion'd out to his off-spring , and the conceptions of our minds were ex traduce . the sages of old live again in us ; and in opinions there is a metempsychosis . we are our re-animated ancestours , and antedate their resurrection . and thus , while every age is but another shew of the former ; 't is no wonder , that science hath not out-grown the dwarfishness of its pristine stature , and that the intellectual world is such a microcosm . for while we account of some admired authours , as the seths pillars , on which all knowledge is engraven ; and spend that time and study in defence of their placits , which with more advantage to science might have been employ'd upon the books of the more ancient , and universal author : 't is not to be admired , that knowledge hath receiv'd so little improvement from the endeavours of many pretending promoters , through the continued series of so many successive ages . for while we are slaves to the dictates of our progenitours ; our discoveries , like water , will not run higher then the fountains , from which they own their derivation . and while we think it so piaculous , to go beyond the ancients ; we must necessarily come short of genuine antiquity , truth ; unless we suppose them to have reach'd perfection of knowledge in spight of their aknowledgements of ignorance . now if we enquire the reason , why the mathematicks , and mechanick arts , have so much got the start in growth of other sciences : we shall find it probably resolv'd into this , as one considerable cause : that their progress hath not been retarded by that reverential aw of former discoveries , which hath been so great an hinderance to theorical improvements . 't was never an heresie to out-limn apelles ; nor criminal to out-work the obelisks . galilaeus without a crime out-saw all antiquity ; and was not afraid to believe his eyes , in spight of the opticks of ptolomy and aristotle . 't is no discredit to that ingenious perspicill , that antiquity ne're saw in 't : nor are we shy of assent to those celestial informations , because they were hid from ages . we believe the verticity of the needle , without a certificate from the dayes of old : and confine not our selves to the sole conduct of the stars , for fear of being wiser then our fathers . had authority prevail'd here , the earths fourth part had to us been none , and hercules his pillars had still been the worlds seneca's prophesie had yet been an unfulfill'd prediction , and one moiety of our globes , an empty hemisphear . in a sense , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is wholesom instruction ; and becoming the vote of a synod : but yet , in common acceptation , it 's an enemy to verity , which can plead the antiquity of above six thousand ; and bears date from before the chaos . for , as the noble lord verulam hath noted , we have a mistaken apprehension of antiquity ; calling that so , which in truth is the worlds nonage . antiquitas seculi est juventus mundi . so that in such appeals , we fetch our knowledge from the cradle ; which though it be nearest to innocence , it is so too to the fatal ruines which follow'd it . upon a true account , the present age is the worlds grandaevity ; and if we must to antiquity , let multitude of days speak . now for us to supersede further disquisition , upon the infant acquirements of those juvenile endeavours , is foolishly to neglect the nobler advantages we are owners of , and in a sense to disappoint the expectations of him that gave them . yet thus we prevent our selves of science ; and our knowledge , though its age write thousands , is still in its swadlings . for like school-boys , we give over assoon as we have learn't as far as our masters can teach us : and had not the undertakings of some glorious heroes prevented ; plato's year might have found us , where the days of aristotle left us . for my part , i think it no such arrogance , as our pedants account it ; that almost two thousand years elapsed since , should weigh with the sixty three of the stagirite . if we owe it to him , that we know so much ; 't is long of his pedantick adorers that we know so little more . i can see no ground , why his reason should be textuary to ours ; or that god , or nature , ever intended him an universal headship . it was another , in whom were hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge : his reason only is the yea and amen ; who is the alpha and omega , the christian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't was this vain idolizing of authors , which gave birth to that silly vanity of impertinent citations ; and inducing authority in things neither requiring , nor deserving it . that saying was much more observable , that men have beards , and women none ; because quoted from beza : and that other , pax res bona est ; because brought in with a , said st. austin . but these ridiculous fooleries , to your more generous discerners , signifie nothing but the pedantry of the affected sciolist . 't is an inglorious acquist to have our heads or volumes laden , as were cardinal campeius his mules , with old and useless luggage : and yet the magnificence of many high pretenders to science , if laid open by a true discovery , would amount to no more then the old boots and shooes , of that proud , and exposed embassadour . methinks 't is a pitiful piece of knowledge , that can be learnt from an index ; and a poor ambition to be rich in the inventory of anothers treasure . to boast a memory ( the most that these pedants can aim at ) is but an humble ostentation . and of all the faculties , in which some brutes out-vie us , i least envy them an excellence in that ; desiring rather to be a fountain , then a hogs-head . 't is better to own a judgment , though but with a curta supellex of coherent notions ; then a memory , like a sepulchre , furnished with a load of broken and discarnate bones . authorities alone with me make no number , unless evidence of reason stand before them : for all the cyphers of arithmetick , are no better then a single nothing . and yet this rank folly of affecting such impertinencies , hath overgrown our times ; and those that are candidates for the repute of scholars , take this way to compass it . when as multiplicity of reading , the best it can signifie , doth but speak them to have taken pains for it : and this alone is but the dry , and barren part of learning , and hath little reason to denominate . a number of receits at the best can but make an emperick . but again , to what is more perpendicular to our discourse , if we impartially look into the remains of antique ages ; we shall finde but little to justifie so groundless a tyranny , as antiquity hath impos'd on the enslaved world . for if we drive the current of science as high , as history can lead us ; we shall finde , that through its several successive derivations it hath still lain under such disadvantages , as have rendred any considerable accession unfeasable . and though it hath oft chang'd its channel , by its remove from one nation to another ; yet hath it been little more alter'd , then a river in its passage through differing regions , viz. in name and method . for the succeeding times still subscribing to , and copying out those , who went before them , with little more then verbal diversity ; science hath still been the same pityful thing , though in a various livery . now if we look upon it , either in the hand of the superstitious egyptian , fabulous and disputing graecian , or as garrulous roman : what hath it been , but only a pretty toy in an hieroglyphick ; a very slender something in a fable ; or an old nothing in a disputation ? and though those former days have not wanted brave wits , that have gallantly attempted , and made essays worthy immortality ; yet by reason either of the unqualified capacities of the multitude , ( who dote on things slight and trivial , neglecting what is more rare and excellent ) or the clamorous assaults of envious and more popular opposers , they have submitted to fate , and are almost lost in oblivion . and therefore , as that great man , the lord bacon hath observ'd , time as a river , hath brought down to us what is more light and superficial ; while things more solid and substantial have been immersed . thus the aristotelian philosophy hath prevailed ; while the more excellent hypotheses of democritus and epicurus have long lain buryed under neglect aud obloquy : and for ought i know might have slept for ever , had not the ingenuity of this age recall'd them from their urne . but it is somewhat collateral to my scope , as well as disproportion'd to my abilities , to fall upon particular instances of the defects and errours of the philosophy of the ancients . the foremention'd noble advancer of learning , whose name and parts might give credit to any undertaking ; hath handsomly perform'd it , in his ingenious novum organum . and yet , because it may conferr towards the discovery of how little our adherence to antiquity befriends truth , and the encrease of knowledge ; as also how groundless are the dogmatists high pretensions to science : i shall adventure some considerations on the peripatetick philosophy ; which hath had the luck to survive all others , and to build a fame on their ruines . chap. xvi . reflexions on the peripatetick philosophy . the generality of its reception , no argument of its deserts ; the first charge against that philosophy ; that it is meerly verbal . a censure of the peripatetick iesuites . materia prima in that philosophy signifies nothing . a parallel drawn between it and imaginary space : this latter pleads more for its reality . their form also is a meer word , and potentia materia insignificant . an essay to detect peripatetick verbosity , by translating some definitions . that aristotles philosophy hath been entertain'd by the most ; hath deceiv'd the credulous into a conceit , that it 's best : and its intrinsick worth hath been concluded from the grandure of its retinue . but seneca's determination , argumentum pessimi turba est , is more deserving our credit : and the fewest , that is the wisest , have always stood contradictory to that ground of belief ; vulgar applause by severer wisdom being held a scandal . if the numerousness of a train must carry it ; vertue may go follow astraea , and vice only will be worth the courting . the philosopher deservedly suspected himself of vanity , when cryed up by the multitude : and discreet apprehenders will not think the better of that philosophy , which hath the common cry to vouch it . he that writ counter to the astrologer in his almanack , did with more truth foretell the weather : and he that shall write , foul , in the place of the vulgars , fair ; passes the juster censure . those in the fable , who were wet with the showre of folly , hooted at the wise men that escap'd it , and pointed at their actions as ridiculous ; because unlike their own , that were truly so . if the major vote may cast it , wisdom and folly must exchange names ; and the way to the one will be by the other . nor is it the rabble only , which are such perverse discerners ; we are now a sphear above them : i mean the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of pretended philosophers , who judge as odly in their way , as the rascality in theirs : and many a profest retainer to philosophy , is but an ignoramus a in suit of second notions . 't is such , that most revere the reliques of the adored sophy ; and , as artemesia did those of mausolus , passionately drink his ashes . whether the remains of the stagirite deserve such veneration , we 'll make a brief enquiry . 1. that the aristotelian philosophy is an huddle of words and terms insignificant , hath been the censure of the wisest : and that both its basis and superstructure are chimaerical ; cannot be unobserv'd by them , that know it , and are free to judge it . 't is a philosophy , that makes most accurate inspections into the creatures of the brain ; and gives the exactest topography of the extramundane spaces . like our late politicians , it makes discoveries , and their objects too ; and deals in beings , that are nothing beholden to the primitive fiat . thus the same undivided essence , from the several circumstances of its being and operations , is here multiplied into legion , and emprov'd to a number of smaller entities ; and these again into as many modes and insignificant formalities . what a number of words here have nothing answering them ? and as many are imposed at random . to wrest names from their known meaning to senses most alien , and to darken speech by words without knowledge ; are none of the most inconsiderable faults of this philosophy : to reckon them in their particular instances , would puzzle archimedes . now hence the genuine idea's of the mind are adulterate ; and the things themselves lost in a crowd of names , and intentional nothings . thus these verbosities do emasculate the understanding ; and render it slight and frivolous , as its objects . me thinks , the late voluminous iesuites , those laplanders of peripateticism , do but subtilly trifle : and their philosophick undertakings are much like his , who spent his time in darting cumming-seeds through the eye of a needle . one would think they were impregnated , as are the mares in cappadocia ; they are big of words : their tedious volumes have the tympany , and bring forth the wind . to me , a cursus philosophicus , is but an impertinency in folio ; and the studying of them a laborious idleness . 't is here , that things are crumbled into notional atomes ; and the substance evaporated into an imaginary aether . the intellect , that can feed on this air , is a chamaelion ; and a meer inflated skin . from this stock grew school-divinity , which is but peripateticism in a theological livery . a school-man is the ghost of the stagirite , in a body of condensed air : and thomas but aristotle sainted . but to make good our charge against the philosophy of the schools , by a more close surveying it . that its principles are steril , unsatisfying verbosities ; cannot escape the notice of the most shallow inquirer . to begin at the bottom ; their materia prima is a meer chimaera . if we can fix a determinate conceit of nothing ; that 's the idea on 't : and , nec quid , nec quale , nec quantum , is as as apposite a definition of nothing , as can be . if we would conceive this imaginary matter : we must deny all things of it , that we can conceive , and what remains is the thing we look for . and should we allow it all , which its assertors assign it , viz. quantity interminate ; 't is still but an empty extended capacity , and therefore at the best , but like that space , which we imagine was before the beginning of time , and will be after the universal flames . 't is easie to draw a parallelism between that ancient , and this more modern nothing ; and in all things to make good its resemblance to that commentitious inanity . the peripatetick matter is a pure unactuated power : and this conceited vacuum a meer receptibility . matter is suppos'd indeterminate : and space is so . the pretended first matter is capable of all forms : and the imaginary space is receptive of any body . the matter can be actuated at once but by a single informant : and space is replenisht by one corporal inexistence . matter cannot naturally subsist uninform'd : and nature avoids vacuity in space . the matter is ingenerate , and beyond corruption : and the space was before , and will be after either . the matter in all things is but one : and the space most uniform . thus the foundation-principle of peripateticism runs but parallel to an acknowledg'd nothing : and their agreement in essential characters makes rather an identity , then a parity ; but that imaginary space hath more to plead for its reality , then the matter hath , and herein only are they dissimilar . for that hath no dependence on the bodies which possess it ; but was before them , and will survive them : whereas this essentially relies on the form , and cannot subsist without it . which yet , me thinks , is little better then an absurdity : that the cause should be an eleemosynary for its subsistence to its effect , and a nature posterior to , and dependent on it self . this dependentia a posteriori , though in a diverse way of causality , my reason could never away with : yea , one of their own , oviedo a spanish jesuite , hath effectually impugn'd it . so then there 's nothing real , answering this imaginary proteus ; and materia prima hath as much of being , as mons aureus . but to take a step further , their form is as obnoxious ; and as dry a word , as the formention'd nominal . i 'le not spend time in an industrious confutation : the subject is dry , and i long to be out on 't ; with a note on its imaginary origine , i 'le leave it . it 's source is as obscure , as nile's ; and potentia materiae is a pitiful figment . did it suppose any thing of the form to pre-exist in the matter , as the seminal of its being ; 't were tolerable sense to say it were educed from it . but by educing the affirmers only mean a producing in it , with a subjective dependence on its recipient : a very fine signification of eduction ; which answers not the question whence 't is derived , but into what it is received . the question is of the terminus à quo , and the answer of the subject . so that all that can be made of this power of the matter , is meerly a receptive capacity : and we may as well affirm , that the world was educ'd out of the power of the imaginary space ; and give that as a sufficient account of its original . and in this language , to grow rich were to educe money out of the power of the pocket . to make a full discovery of the jejune emptiness of these philosophick principles , were a task as easie for an ordinary undertaker ; as it would be tedious to an ingenious reader . gassendus hath excellently perform'd it , and , i am confident , to the conviction of those , whom nobler principles have not yet emancipated from that degenerous slavery . i shall not attempt a work that hath been finished by such an apelles . only to give an hint more of this verbal emptiness ; a short view of a definition or two will be current evidence : which , though in greek or latine they amuse us , yet a vernacular translation unmasks them ; and if we make them speak english , the cheat is transparent . light is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith that philosophy : in english , the act of a perspicuous body . sure aristotle here transgrest his topicks : and if this definition be clearer , and more known then the thing defin'd ; midnight may vye for conspicuity with noon . is not light more known then this insignificant energie ? and what 's a diaphanous body , but the lights medium , the air ? so that light is the act of the air : which definition spoils the riddle ; and makes it no wonder , a man should see by night as well as by day . thus is light darkned by an illustration ; and the sun it self is wrap'd up in obscuring clouds : as if light were best seen by darkness , as light inaccessible is known by ignorance . if lux be umbra dei ; this definition is umbra lucis . the infant , that was last enlarged from its maternal cels ; knows more what light is , then this definition teacheth . again , that motion is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. is as insignificant as the former . by the most favourable interpretation of that unintelligible entelechy ; it is but an act of a being in power , as it is in power : the construing of which to any real meaning , is beyond the criticisms of a mother tongue ; except it describes our modern acts of parliaments . sure that definition is not very conspicuous , whose genus pos'd the devil . the philosopher , that prov'd motion by walking , did in that action better define it : and that puzled candidate , who being ask'd what a circle was , decrib'd it by the rotation of his hand ; gave an account more satisfying . in some things we must indeed give an allowance for words of art : but in defining obvious appearances , we are to use what is most plain and easie ; that the mind be not misled by amphibologies , or ill conceived notions , into fallacious deductions . to give an account of all the insignificancies of this philosophy , would be almost to transcribe it ; a task that i should never engage in , though i ow'd no account for my idle hours . 't will need a pardon from the ingenious for the minutes already spent , though in a confutation . chap. xvii . 2. peripatetick philosophy is litigious ; it hath no setled constant signification of words ; the inconveniences hereof . aristotle intended the cherishing controversies : prov'd by his own double testimony . some of his impertinent arguings derided . disputes retard , and are injurious to knowledge . peripateticks are most exercised in the controversal parts of philosophy , and know little of the practical and experimental . a touch at school-divinity . that this philosophy is litigious , the very spawn of disputations and controversies as undecisive as needless ; is the natural result of the former : storms are the products of vapours . for where words are imposed arbitrariously , having no stated real meaning ; or else distorted from their common use , and known significations : the mind must needs be led into confusion and misprision ; and so things plain and easie in their naked natures , made full of intricacy and disputable uncertainty . for we cannot conclude with assurance , but from clearly apprehended premises ; and these cannot be so conceiv'd , but by a distinct comprehension of the words out of which they are elemented . so that , where they are unfixt or ambiguous ; our propositions must be so , and our deductions can be no better . one reason therefore of the uncontroverted certainty of mathematical science is ; because 't is built upon clear and settled significations of names , which admit of no ambiguity or insignificant obscurity . but in the aristotelian philosophy it's quite otherwise : words being here carelesly and abusively admitted , and as inconstantly retained ; it must needs come to pass , that they will be diversly apprehended by contenders , and so made the subject of controversies , there are endless both for use and number . and thus being at their first step out of the way to science , by mistaking in simple terms ; in the progress of their enquiries they must needs lose both themselves , and the truth , in a verbal labyrinth . and now the entangled disputants , as master hobs ingeniously observeth , like birds that came down the chimney ; betake them to the false light , seldom suspecting the way they enter'd : but attempting by vain , impertinent , and coincident distinctions , to escape the absurdity that pursues them : do but weary themselves with as little success , as the silly bird attempts the window . the mis-stated words are the original mistake ; and every other essay is a new one . now these canting contests , the usual entertainment of the peripatum , are not only the accidental vitiosities of the philosophers ; but the genuine issues of the philosophy it self . and aristotle seems purposely to intend the cherishing of controversal digladiations , by his own affectation of an intricate obscurity . himself acknowledg'd it , when he said ; his physicks were publish'd , and not so : and by that double advice in his topicks 't is as clear as light . in one place , he adviseth his sectatours in disputations to be ambiguous : and in another , to bring forth any thing that occurs , rather then give way to their adversary ; counsel very well becoming an enquirer after verity ! nor did he here advise them to any thing , but what he followeth himself , and exactly copies out in his practise . the multitudes of his lame , abrupt , equivocal , self-conttadicting expressions , will evidence it as to the first part : which who considers , may be satisfied in this ; that if aristotle found nature's face under covert of a veil , he hath not removed the old , but made her a new one . and for the latter , his frequent slightness in arguing doth abundantly make it good . to instance , he proves the world to be perfect , because it consists of bodies ; and that bodies are so , because they consist of a triple dimension ; and that a triple dimension is perfect , because three are all ; and that three are all , because when 't is but one or two , we can't say all , but when 't is three , we may : is not this an absolute demonstration ? we can say all at the number three : therefore the world is perfect . tobit went forth and his dog follow'd him ; therefore there 's a world in the moon , were an argument as apodictical . in another place he proves the world to be but one : for were there another , our earth would fall unto it . this is a pitiful deduction , from the meer prejudice of sense ; and not unlike theirs , who thought , if there were antipodes , they must needs [ as it 's said of erasmus ] in coelum descendere . as if , were there more worlds , each of them would not have its proper centre . elsewhere shewing , why the heavens move this way rather then another , he gives this for a reason : because they move to the more honourable ; and before is more honourable then after . this is like the gallant , who sent his man to buy an hat , that would turn up behind . as if , had the heavens moved the other way ; that term had not been then before , which is now the contrary . this inference is founded upon a very weak supposition , viz. that those alterable respects are realities in nature ; which will never be admitted by a considerate discerner . thus aristotle acted his own instructions ; and his obsequious sectators have super-erogated in observance . they have so disguised his philosophy by obscuring comments , that his revived self would not own it : and were he to act another part with mortals ; he 'd be but pitiful peripatetick , every sophister would out-talk him . now this disputing way of enquiry is so far from advancing science ; that 't is no inconsiderable retarder : for in scientifical discoveries many things must be consider'd , which the hurrey of a dispute indisposeth for ; and there is no way to truth , but by the most clear comprehension of simple notions , and as wary an accuracy in deductions . if the fountain be disturb'd , there 's no seeing to the bottom ; and here 's an exception to the proverb , 't is no good fishing for verity in troubled waters . one mistake of either simple apprehension , or connexion , makes an erroneous conclusion . so that the precipitancy of disputation , and the stir and noise of passions , that usually attend it ; must needs be prejudicial to verity : its calm insinuations can no more be heard in such a bustle , then a whisper among a croud of saylors in a storm . nor do the eager clamors of contending disputants , yeeld any more relief to eclipsed truth ; then did the sounding brass of old to the labouring moon . when it 's under question , 't were as good flip cross and pile , as to dispute for 't : and to play a game at chess for an opinion in philosophy [ as my self and an ingenious friend have sometime sported ] is as likely a way to determine . thus the peripatetick procedure is inept for philosophical solutions : the lot were as equitable a decision , as their empty loquacities . 't is these nugacious disputations , that have been the great hinderance to the more improveable parts of learning : and the modern retainers to the stagirite have spent their sweat and pains upon the most litigious parts of his philosophy ; while those , that find less play for the contending genius , are incultivate . thus logick , physicks , metaphysicks , are the burden of volumes , and the dayly entertainment of the disputing schools : while the more profitable doctrines of the heavens , meteors , minerals , animals ; as also the more practical ones of politicks , and oeconomicks , are scarce so much as glanc'd at . and the indisputable mathematicks , the only science heaven hath yet vouchsaf't humanity ; have but few votaries among the slaves of the stagirite . what , the late promoters of the aristotelian philosophy , have writ on all these so fertile subjects ; can scarce compare with the single disputes about materia prima . nor hath humane science monopoliz'd the damage , that hath sprung from this root of evils : theology hath been as deep a sharer . the volumes of the schoolmen , are deplorable evidence of peripatetick depravations : and luther's censure of that divinity , quam primum apparuit theologia scholastica , evanuit theologia crucis , is neither uncharitable , nor unjust . this hath mudded the fountain of certainty with notional and ethnick admixtions ; and platted the head of evangelical truth , as the iews did its author's , with a crown of thorns : here , the most obvious verity is subtiliz'd into niceties , and spun into a thread indiscernible by common opticks , but through the spectacles of the adored heathen . this hath robb'd the christian world of its unity and peace ; and made the church , the stage of everlasting contentions : and while aristotle is made the centre of truth , and unity , what hope of reconciling ? and yet most of these scholastick controversies are ultimately resolv'd into the subtilties of his philosophy : and me thinks an athenian should not be the best guide to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; nor an idolater to that god he neither knew nor owned . when i read the eager contests of these notional theologues , about things that are not ; i cannot but think of the pair of wise ones , that fought for the middle : and me thinks many of their controversies are such , as if we and our antipodes , should strive who were uppermost ; their title to truth is equal . he that divided his text into one part ; did but imitate the schoolmen in their coincident distinctions : and the best of their curiosities are but like paint on glass , which intercepts and dyes the light the more desirable splendor . i cannot look upon their elaborate trifles , but with a sad reflexion on the degenerate state of our lapsed intellects ; and as deep a resentment , of the mischiefs of this school-philosophy . chap. xviii . 3. it gives no account of the phaenomena ; those that are remoter , it attempts not . it speaks nothing pertinent in the most ordinary : it s circular , and general way of solution . it resolves all things into occult qualities . the absurdity of the aristotelian hypothesis of the heavens . the gallaxy is no meteor : the heavens are corruptible . comets are above the moon . the sphear of fire derided . aristotle convicted of several other false assertions . 3. the aristotelian hypotheses give a very dry and jejune account of nature's phaenomena . for as to its more mysterious reserves , peripatetick enquiry hath left them unattempted ; and the most forward notional dictators sit down here in a contented ignorance : and as if nothing more were knowable then is already discover'd , they put stop to all endeavours of their solution . qualities , that were occult to aristotle , must be so to us ; and we must not philosophize beyond sympathy and antipathy : whereas indeed the rarities of nature are in these recesses , and its most excellent operations cryptick to common discernment . modern ingenuity expects wonders from magnetick discoveries : and while we know but its more sensible ways of working ; we are but vulgar philosophers , and not likely to help the world to any considerable theories . till the fountains of the great deeps are broken up ; knowledge is not likely to cover the earth as the waters the sea. nor is the aristotelian philosophy guilty of this sloth and philosophick penury , only in remoter abstrusities : but in solving the most ordinary causalities , it is as defective and unsatisfying . even the most common productions are here resolv'd into celestial influences , elemental combinations , active and passive principles , and such generalities ; while the particular manner of them is as hidden as sympathies . and if we follow manifest qualities beyond the empty signification of their names ; we shall find them as occult , as those which are professedly so . that heavy bodies descend by gravity , is no better an account then we might expect from a rustick : and again , that gravity is a quality whereby an heavy body descends , is an impertinent circle , and teacheth nothing . the feigned central alliciency is but a word , and the manner of it still occult . that the fire burns by a quality called heat ; is an empty dry return to the question , and leaves us still ignorant of the immediate way of igneous solutions . the accounts that this philosophy gives by other qualities , are of the same gender with these : so that to say the loadstone draws iron by magnetick attraction , and that the sea moves by flux and reflux ; were as satisfying as these hypotheses , and the solution were as pertinent . in the qualities , this philosophy calls manifest , nothing is so but the effects . for the heat , we feel , is but the effect of the fire ; and the pressure , we are sensible of , but the effect of the descending body . and effects , whose causes are confessedly occult , are as much within the sphear of our senses ; and our eyes will inform us of the motion of the steel to its attrahent . thus peripatetick philosophy resolves all things into occult qualities ; and the dogmatists are the only scepticks . even to them , that pretend so much to science , the world is circumscrib'd with a gyges his ring ; and is intellectually invisible : and , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will best become the mouth of a peripatetick . for by their way of disquisition there can no more be truly comprehended , then what 's known by every common ignorant : but ingenious inquiry will not be contented with such vulgar frigidities . but further , if we look into the aristotelian comments on the largest volumes of the universe : the works of the fourth day are there as confused and disorderly , as the chaos of the first : and more like that , which was before the light , then the compleatly finish'd , and gloriously disposed frame . what a romance is the story of those impossible concamerations , intersections , involutions , and feign'd rotations of solid orbs ? all substituted to salve the credit of a broken ill-contrived systeme . the belief of such disorders above , were an advantage to the oblique atheism of epicurus : and such irregularities in the celestial motions , would lend an argument to the apotheiosis of fortune . had the world been coagmented from that supposed fortuitous jumble ; this hypothesis had been tolerable . but could the doctrine of solid orbs , be accommodated to astronomical phaenomena ; yet to ascribe each sphear an intelligence to circumvolve it , were an unphilosophical desperate refuge : and to confine the blessed genii to a province , which was the hell of ixion , were to rob them of their felicities . that the galaxy is a meteor , was the account of aristotle : but the telescope hath autoptically confuted it : and he , who is not pyrrhonian to the disbelief of his senses , may see ; that it 's no exhalation from the earth , but an heap of smaller luminaries . that the heavens are void of corruption , is aristotles supposal : but the tube hath betray'd their impurity ; and neoterick astronomy hath found spots in the sun. the discoveries made in venus , and the moon , disprove the antique quintessence ; and evidence them of as course materials , as the globe we belong to . the perspicil , as well as the needle , hath enlarged the habitable world ; and that the moon is an earth , is no improbable conjecture . the inequality of its surface , mountanous protuberance , the nature of its maculae , and infinite other circumstances [ for which the world 's beholding to galilaeo ] are items not contemptible : hevelius hath graphically describ'd it : that comets are of nature terrestrial , is allowable : but that they are materiall'd of vapours , and never flamed beyond the moon ; were a concession unpardonable . that in cassiopaea was in the firmament , and another in our age above the sun. nor was there ever any as low as the highest point of the circumference , the stagyrite allows them . so that we need not be appal'd at blazing stars , and a comet is no more ground for astrological presages then a flaming chimney . the unparallel'd des-cartes hath unridled their dark physiology , and to wonder solv'd their motions . his philosophy gives them transcursions beyond the vortex we breath in ; and leads them through others , which are only known in an hypothesis . aristotle would have fainted before he had flown half so far , as that eagle-wit ; and have lighted on a hard name , or occult quality , to rest him . that there is a sphear of fire under the concave of the moon , is a dream : and this , may be , was the reason some imagin'd hell there , thinking those flames the ignis rotae . according to this hypothesis , the whole lunar world is a torrid zone ; and on a better account , then aristotle thought ours was , may be supposed inhabitable , except they are salamanders which dwell in those fiery regions . that the reflexion of the solar rays , is terminated in the clouds ; was the opinion of the graecian sage : but lunar observations have convicted it of falshood ; and that planet receives the dusky light , we discern in its sextile aspect , from the earth's benignity . that the rainbow never describes more then a semicircle , is no creditable assertion ; since experimental observations have confuted it . gassendus saw one at sun-setting , whose supreme arch almost reached our zenith ; while the horns stood in the oriental tropicks . and that noble wit reprehends the school-idol , for assigning fifty years at least between every lunar iris. that caucasus enjoys the sun-beams three parts of the nights vigils ; that danubius ariseth from the pyrenaean hills : that the earth is higher towards the north : are opinions truly charged on aristotle by the restorer of epicurus ; and all easily confutable falsities . to reckon all the aristotelian aberrances , and to give a full account of the lameness of his hypotheses , would swell this digression into a volume . the mention'd shall suffice us . chap. xix . aristotle's philosophy inept for new discoveries ; it hath been the author of no one invention : it 's founded on vulgarities , and therefore makes nothing known beyond them . the knowledge of natures out-side confers not to practical improvements . better hopes from the new philosophy . a fifth charge against aristotle's philosophy , it is in many things impious , and self-contradicting : instances of both propounded . the directing all this to the design of the discourse . a caution , viz. that nothing is here intended in favour of novelty in divinity ; the reason why we may imbrace what is new in philosophy , while we reject them in theologie . 4. the aristotelian philosophy is inept for new discoveries ; and therefore of no accommodation to the use of life . that all arts , and professions are capable of maturer improvements ; cannot be doubted by those , who know the least of any . and that there is an america of secrets , and unknown peru of nature , whose discovery would richly advance them , is more then conjecture . now while we either sayl by the land of gross aud vulgar doctrines , or direct our enquiries , by the cynosure of meer abstract notions ; we are not likely to reach the treasures on the other side the atlantick : the directing of the world the way to which , is the noble end of true philosohpy . that the aristotelian physiology cannot boast it self the proper author of any one invention ; is praegnant evidence of its infecundous deficiency : and 't would puzzle the schools to point at any considerable discovery , made by the direct , sole manuduction of peripatetick principles . most of our rarities have been found out by casual emergency ; and have been the works of time , and chance , rather then of philosophy . what aristotle hath of experimental knowledge in his books of animals , or elsewhere ; is not much transcending vulgar observation : and yet what he hath of this , was never learnt from his hypotheses ; but forcibly fetch'd in to suffrage to them . and 't is the observation of the noble st. alban ; that that philosophy is built on a few vulgar experiments : and if upon further enquiry , any were found to refragate , they were to be discharg'd by a distinction . now what is founded on , and made up but of vulgarities , cannot make known any thing beyond them . for nature is is set a going by the most subtil and hidden instruments ; which it may be have nothing obvious which resembles them . hence judging by visible appearances , we are discouraged by supposed impossibilities which to nature are none , but within her sphear of action . and therefore what shews only the outside , and sensible structure of nature ; is not likely to help us in finding out the magnalia . 't were next to impossible for one , who never saw the inward wheels and motions , to make a watch upon the bare view of the circle of hours , and index : and 't is as difficult to trace natural operations to any practical advantage , by the sight of the cortex of sensible appearances . he were a poor physitian , that had no more anatomy , then were to be gather'd from the physnomy . yea , the most common phaenomena can be neither known , nor improved , without insight into the more hidden frame . for nature works by an invisible hand in all things : and till peripateticism can shew us further , then those gross solutions of qualities and elements ; 't will never make us benefactors to the world , nor considerable discoverers . but its experienc'd sterility through so many hundred years , drives hope to desperation . we expect greater things from neoterick endeavours . the cartesian philosophy in this regard hath shewn the world the way to be happy . me thinks this age seems resolved to bequeath posterity somewhat to remember it : and the glorious undertakers , wherewith heaven hath blest our days , will leave the world better provided then they found it . and whereas in former times such generous free-spirited worthies were , as the rare newly observed stars , a single one the wonder of an age : in ours they are like the lights of the greater size that twinkle in the starry firmament : and this last century can glory in numerous constellations . should those heroes go on , as they have happily begun ; they 'll fill the world with wonders . and i doubt not but posterity will find many things , that are now but rumors , verified into practical realities . it may be some ages hence , a voyage to the southern unknown tracts , yea possibly the moon , will not be more strange then one to america . to them , that come after us , it may be as ordinary to buy a pair of wings to fly into remotest regions ; as now a pair of boots to ride a iourney . and to conferr at the distance of the indies by sympathetick conveyances , may be as usual to future times , as to us in a litterary correspondence . the restauration of gray hairs to iuvenility , and renewing the exhausted marrow , may at length be effected without a miracle : and the turning of the now comparatively desert world into a paradise , may not improbably be expected from late agriculture . now those , that judge by the narrowness of former principles , will smile at these paradoxical expectations : but questionless those great inventions , that have in these later ages altered the face of all things ; in their naked proposals , and meer suppositions , were to former times as ridiculous . to have talk'd of a new earth to have been discovered , had been a romance to antiquity : and to sayl without sight of stars or shoars by the guidance of a mineral , a story more absurd , then the flight of daedalus . that men should speak after their tongues were ashes , or communicate with each other in differing hemisphears , before the invention of letters ; could not but have been thought a fiction . antiquity would not have believed the almost incredible force of our canons ; and would as coldly have entertain'd the wonders of the telescope . in these we all condemn antique incredulity ; and 't is likely posterity will have as much cause to pity ours . but yet notwithstanding this straightness of shallow observers , there are a set of enlarged souls that are more judiciously credulous : and those , who are acquainted with the fecundity of cartesian principles , and the diligent and ingenuous endeavours of so many true philosophers ; will despair of nothing . 5. but again , the aristotelian philosophy is in some things impious , and inconsistent with divinity ; and in many more inconsistent with it self . that the resurrection is impossible ; that god understands not all things ; that the world was from eternity ; that there 's no substantial form , but moves some orb ; that the first mover moves by an eternal , immutable necessity ; that , if the world and motion were not from eternity , then god was idle ; were all the assertions of aristotle , which theology pronounceth impieties . which yet we need not strange at from one , of whom a father saith , nec deum coluit nec curavit : especially , if it be as philoponus affirms , that he philosophiz'd by command from the oracle . of the aristotelian contradictions , gassendus hath presented us with a catalogue : we 'll instance in a few of them . in one place he saith , the planets scintillation is not seen , because of their propinquity ; but that of the rising and setting sun is , because of its distance : and yet in another place he makes the sun nearer us , then they are . he saith , that the elements are not eternal , and seeks to prove it ; and yet he makes the world so , and the elements its parts . in his meteors he saith , no dew is produced in the wind ; and yet afterwards admits it under the south , and none under the north. in one place he defines a vapour humid and cold ; and in another humid and hot . he saith , the faculty of speaking is a sense ; and yet before he allow'd but five . in one place , that nature doth all things best ; and in another , that it makes more evil then good . and somewhere he contradicts himself within a line ; saying , that an immoveable mover hath no principle of motion . 't would be tedious to mention more ; and the qualiiy of a digression will not allow it . thus we have , as briefly as the subject would bear , animadverted on the so much admired philosophy of aristotle . the nobler spirits of the age , are disengaged from those detected vanities : and the now adorers of that philosophy are few , but such narrow souls , that know no other ; or if any of them look beyond the leaves of their master , yet they try other principles by a jury of his , and scan cartes with genus and species . from the former sort i may hope , they 'l pardon this attempt ; and for the latter , i value not their censure . thus then we may conclude upon the whole , that the stamp of authority can make leather as current as gold ; and that there 's nothing so contemptible , but antiquity can render it august , and excellent . but , because the fooleries of some affected novelists have discredited new discoveries , and render'd the very mention suspected of vanity at least ; and in points divine , of heresie : it will be necessary to add , that i intend not the former discourse , in favour of any new-broach'd conceit in divinity ; for i own no opinion there , which cannot plead the prescription of above sixteen hundred . there 's nothing i have more sadly resented , then the phrenetick whimsies with which our age abounds , and therefore am not likely to patron them . in theology , i put as great a difference between our new lights , and ancient truths ; as between the sun , and an unconcocted evanid meteor . though i confess , that in philosophy i 'm a seeker ; yet cannot believe , that a sceptick in philosophy must be one in divinity . gospel-light began in it zenith ; and , as some say the sun , was created in its meridian strength and lustre . but the beginnings of philosophy were in a crepusculous obscurity ; and it 's yet scarse past the dawn . divine truths were most pure in their source ; and time could not perfect what eternity began : our divinity , like the grand-father of humanity , was born in the fulness of time , and in the strength of its manly vigour : but philosophy and arts commenced embryo's , and are compleated by times gradual accomplishments . and therefore , what i cannot find in the leaves of former inquisitours : i seek in the modern attempts of nearer authors . i cannot receive aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in so extensive an interpretation , as some would enlarge it to : and that discouraging maxime , nil dictum quod non dictum prius , hath little room in my estimation . nor can i tye up my belief to the letter of solomon : except copernicus be in the right , there hath been something new under the sun ; i 'm sure , later times have seen novelties in the heavens above it . i do not think , that all science is tautology : the last ages have shewn us , what antiquity never saw ; no , not in a dream . chap. xx. it 's queried whether there be any science in the sense of the dogmatists : ( 1 ) we cannot know any thing to be the cause of another , but from its attending it ; and this way is not infallible ; declared by instances , especially from the philosophy of des-cartes . all things are mixt , and 't is difficult to assign each cause its distinct effect . ( 2 ) there 's no demonstration but where the contrary is impossible . we can scarce conclude so of any thing : instances of supposed impossibles which are none . a story of a scholar that turn'd gipsy ; and of the power of imagination . of one mans binding anothers thoughts ; and a conjecture at the maner of its performance . confidence of science is one great reason , we miss it : whereby presuming we have it every where , we seek it not where it is ; and therefore fall short of the object of our enquiry . now to give further check to dogmatical pretensions , and to discover the vanity of assuming ignorance ; we 'll make a short enquiry , whether there be any such thing as science in the sense of its assertours . in their notion then , it is the knowledge of things in their true , immediate , necessary causes : upon which i 'le advance the following observations . 1. all knowledge of causes is deductive : for we know none by simple intuition ; but through the mediation of its effects . now we cannot conclude , any thing to be the cause of another ; but from its continual accompanying it : for the causality it self is insensible . thus we gather fire to be the cause of heat , and the sun of day-light : because where ever fire is , we find there 's heat ; and where ever the sun is , light attends it , and è contrà . but now to argue from a concomitancy to a causality , is not infallibly conclusive : yea in this way lies notorious delusion . is 't not possible , and how know we the contrary , but , that something , which alway attends the grosser flame , may be the cause of heat ? and may not it , and its supposed cause , be only parallel effects ? suppose the fire had ne're appear'd , but had been still hid in smoke ; and that heat did alway proportionably encrease and diminish , with the greater or less quantity of that fuliginous exhalation : should we ever have doubted , that smoke was the cause on 't ? suppose we had never seen more sun , then in a cloudy day , and that the lesser lights had ne're shewn us their lucid substance ; let us suppose the day had alway broke with a wind , and had proportionably varyed , as that did : had not he been a notorious sceptick , that should question the causality ? but we need not be beholding to such remote suppositions : the french philosophy furnishes us with a better instance . for , according to the principles of the illustrious des-cartes , there would be light , though the sun and stars gave none ; and a great part of what we now enjoy , is independent on their beams . now if this seemingly prodigious paradox , can be reconcil'd to the least probability of conjecture , or may it be made but a tolerable supposal ; i presume , it may then win those that are of most difficil belief , readily to yeeld ; that causes in our account the most palpable , may possibly be but uninfluential attendants ; since that there is not an instance can be given , wherein we opinion a more certain efficiency . so then , according to the tenour of that concinnous hypothesis , light being caused by the conamen of the matter of the vortex , to recede from the centre of its motion : it is easily deducible , that were there none of that fluid aether , which makes the body of the sun in the centre of our world , or should it cease from action ; yet the conatus of the circling matter would not be considerably less , but according to the indispensable laws of motion , must press the organs of sense as now , though it may be not with so smart an impulse . thus we see , how there might be light before the luminaries ; and evening and morning before there was a sun. so then we cannot infallibly assure our selves of the truth of the causes , that most obviously occur ; and therefore the foundation of scientifical procedure , is too weak for so magnificent a superstructure . besides , that the world 's a mass of heterogeneous subsistencies , and every part thereof a coalition of distinguishable varieties ; we need not go far for evidence : and that all things are mixed , and causes blended by mutual involutions ; i presume , to the intelligent will be no difficult concession . now to profound to the bottom of these diversities , to assign each cause its distinct effects , and to limit them by their just and true proportions ; are necessary requisites of science : and he that hath compast them , may boast he hath out-done humanity . but for us to talk of knowledge , from those few indistinct representations , which are made to our grosser faculties , is a flatulent vanity . 2. we hold no demonstration in the notion of the dogmatist , but where the contrary is impossible : for necessary is that , which cannot be otherwise . now , whether the acquisitions of any on this side perfection , can make good the pretensions to so high strain'd an infallibility , will be worth a reflexion . and , me thinks , did we but compare the miserable scantness of our capacities , with the vast profundity of things ; both truth and modesty would teach us a dialect , more becoming short-sighted mortality . can nothing be otherwise , which we conceive impossible , to be so ? is our knowledge , and things , so adequately commensurate , as to justifie the affirming , that that cannot be , which we comprehend not ? our demonstrations are levyed upon principles of our own , not universal nature : and , as my lord bacon notes , we judge from the analogy of our selves , not the universe . now are not many things certain by the principles of one , which are impossible to the apprehensions of another ? thus some things our juvenile reasons tenaciously adhere to ; which yet our maturer judgements disallow of : many things to meer sensible discerners are impossible , which to the enlarged principles of more advanced intellects are easie verities : yea , that 's absurd in one philosophy , which is a worthy truth in another ; and that 's a demonstration to aristotle , which is none to des-cartes . that every fixt star is a sun ; and that they are as distant from each other , as we from some of them ; that the sun , which lights us , is in the centre of our world , and our earth a planet that wheels about it ; that this globe is a star , only crusted over with the grosser element , and that its centre is of the same nature with the sun ; that it may recover its light again , and shine amids the other luminaries ; that our sun may be swallow'd up of another , and become a planet : all these , if we judge by common principles or the rules of vulgar philosophy , are prodigious impossibilities , and their contradictories , as good as demonstrable : but yet to a reason inform'd by cartesianism ; these have their probability . thus , it may be , the grossest absurdities to the philosophies of europe , may be justifiable assertions to that of china : and 't is not unlikely , but what 's impossible to all humanity , may be possible in the metaphysicks , and physiologie of angels . now the best principles , excepting divine , and mathematical , are but hypotheses ; within the circle of which we may indeed conclude many things , with security from error : but yet the greatest certainty , advanc'd from supposal , is still but hypothetical . so that we may affirm , things are thus and thus , according to the principles we have espoused : but we strangely forget our selves , when we plead a necessity of their being so in nature , and an impossibility of their being otherwise . that one man should be able to bind the thoughts of another , and determine them to their particular objects ; will be reckon'd in the first rank of impossibles : yet by the power of advanc'd imagination it may very probably be effected ; and story abounds with instances . i 'le trouble the reader but with one ; and the hands from which i had it , make me secure of the truth on 't . there was very lately a lad in the university of oxford , who being of very pregnant and ready parts , and yet wanting the encouragement of preferment ; was by his poverty forc'd to leave his studies there , and to cast himself upon the wide world for a livelyhood . now , his necessities growing dayly on him , and wanting the help of friends to relieve him ; he was at last forced to joyn himself to a company of vagabond gypsies , whom occasionly he met with , and to follow their trade for a maintenance . among these extravagant people , by the insinuating subtilty of his carriage , he quickly got so much of their love , and esteem ; as that they discover'd to him their mystery : in the practice of which , by the pregnancy of his wit and parts he soon grew so good a proficient , as to be able to out-do his instructours . after he had been a pretty while well exercis'd in the trade ; there chanc'd to ride by a couple of scholars who had formerly bin of his acquaintance . the scholars had quickly spyed out their old friend , among the gypsies ; and their amazement to see him among such society , had well-nigh discover'd him : but by a sign he prevented their owning him before that crew : and taking one of them aside privately , desired him with his friend to go to an inn , not far distant thence , promising there to come to them . they accordingly went thither , and he follows : after their first salutations , his friends enquire how he came to lead so odd a life as that was , and to joyn himself with such a cheating beggerly company . the scholar-gypsy having given them an account of the necessity , which drove him to that kind of life ; told them , that the people he went with were not such impostours as they were taken for , but that they had a traditional kind of learning among them , and could do wonders by the power of imagination , and that himself had learnt much of their art , and improved it further then themselves could . and to evince the truth of what he told them , he said , he 'd remove into another room , leaving them to discourse together ; and upon his return tell them the sum of what they had talked of : which accordingly he perform'd , giving them a full account of what had pass'd between them in his absence . the scholars being amaz'd at so unexpected a discovery , earnestly desir'd him to unriddle the mystery . in which he gave them satisfaction , by telling them , that what he did was by the power of imagination , his phancy binding theirs ; and that himself had dictated to them the discourse , they held together , while he was from them : that there were warrantable wayes of heightening the imagination to that pitch , as to bind anothers ; and that when he had compass'd the whole secret , some parts of which he said he was yet ignorant of , he intended to leave their company , and give the world an account of what he had learned . now that this strange power of the imagination is no impossibility ; the wonderful signatures in the foetus caus'd by the imagination of the mother , is no contemptible item . the sympathies of laughing & gaping together , are resolv'd into this principle : and i see not why the phancy of one man may not determine the cogitation of another rightly qualified , as easily as his bodily motion . this influence seems to be no more unreasonable , then that of one string of a lute upon another ; when a stroak on it causeth a proportionable motion in the sympathizing consort , which is distant from it and not sensibly touched . now if this notion be strictly verifiable ; 't will yeeld us a good account how angels inject thoughts into our minds , and know our cogitations : and here we may see the source of some kinds of fascination . if we are prejudic'd against the speculation , because we cannot conceive the manner of so strange an operation ; we shall indeed receive no help from the common philosophy : but yet the hypothesis of a mundane soul , lately reviv'd by that incomparable platonist and cartesian , dr. h. more , will handsomly relieve us . or if any would rather have a mechanical account ; i think it may probably be made out some such way as follows . imagination is inward sense . to sense is required a motion of certain filaments of the brain ; and consequently in imagination there 's the like : they only differing in this , that the motion of the one proceeds immediately from external objects ; but that of the other hath its immediate rise within us . now then , when any part of the brain is strongly agitated ; that , which is next and most capable to receive the motive impress , must in like manner be moved . now we cannot conceive any thing more capable of motion , then the fluid matter , that 's interspers'd among all bodies , and contiguous to them . so then , the agitated parts of the brain begetting a motion in the proxime aether ; it is propagated through the liquid medium , as we see the motion is which is caus'd by a stone thrown into the water . now , when the thus moved matter meets with any thing like that , from which it received its primary impress ; it will proportionably move it , as it is in musical strings tuned unisons . and thus the motion being convey'd , from the brain of one man to the phancy of another ; it is there receiv'd from the instrument of conveyance , the subtil matter ; and the same kind of strings being moved , and much what after the same manner as in the first imaginant ; the soul is awaken'd to the same apprehensions , as were they that caus'd them . i pretend not to any exactness or infallibility in this account , fore-seeing many scruples that must be removed to make it perfect : 't is only an hint of the possibility of mechanically solving the phaenomenon ; though very likely it may require many other circumstances compleatly to make it out . but 't is not my business here to follow it : i leave it therefore to receive accomplishment from maturer inventions . chap. xxi . another instance of a supposed impossibility which may not be so . of conference at distance by impregnated needles . a way of secret conveyance by sympathized hands ; a relation to this purpose . of the magnetick cure of wounds . this discourse weakens not the certainty of truths mathematical or divine . mathematical science need not elate us , since by it we know but our own creatures , and are still ignorant of our makers . ( 3 ) we cannot know any thing in nature , without the knowledge of the first springs of natural motions , and these we are ignorant of . des-cartes his philosophy commended . but yet to advance another instance . that men should confer at very distant removes by an extemporary intercourse is a reputed impossibility , but yet there are some hints in natural operations that give us probability that 't is feasible , and may be compast without unwarrantable assistance from daemoniack correspondence . that a couple of needles equally toucht by the same magnet , being set in two dyals exactly proportion'd to each other , and circumscribed by the letters of the alphabet , may effect this magnale , hath considerable authorities to avouch it . the manner of it is thus represented . let the friends that would communicate take each a dyal : and having appointed a time for their sympathetick conference ; let one move his impregnate needle to any letter in the alphabet , and its affected fellow will precisely respect the same . so that would i know what my friend would acquaint me with ; 't is but observing the letters that are pointed at by my needle , and in their order transcribing them from their sympathized index , as its motion direct's : and i maybe assured that my friend described the same with his : and that the words on my paper , are of his inditing . now though there will be some ill contrivance in a circumstance of this invention , in that the thus impregnate needles will not move to , but avert from each other ( as ingenious dr. browne in his pseudodoxia epidemica hath observed : ) yet this cannot prejudice the main design of this way of secret conveyance : since 't is but reading counter to the magnetick informer ; and noting the letter which is most distant in the abecedarian circle from that which the needle turns to , and the case is not alter'd . now though this desirable effect possibly may not yet answer the expectation of inquisitive experiment ; yet 't is no despicable item , that by some other such way of magnetick efficiency , it may hereafter with success be attempted , when magical history shall be enlarged by riper inspections : and 't is not unlikely , but that present discoveries might be improved to the performance . there is besides this another way , which is said to have advanced the secret beyond speculation , and compleated it in practice . that some have conferr'd at distance by sympathized hands , and in a moment have thus transmitted their thoughts to each other , there are late specious relations do attest it : which say , that the hands of two friends being sympathized by a transferring of flesh from one into the other , and the place of the letters mutually agreed on ; the least prick in the hand of one , the other will be sensible of , and that in the same part of his own . and thus the distant friend by a new kind of chiromancy may read in his own hand what his correspondent had set down in his . for instance , would i in london acquaint my intimate in paris , that i am well : i would then prick that part where i had appointed the letter [ i : ] and doing so in another place to signifie that word was done , proceed to [ a , ] thence to [ m ] and so on , till i had finisht what i intended to make known . now that there have been some such practices , i have had a considerable relation , which i hold not impertinent to insert . a gentleman comes to a chirurgeon to have his arm cut off : the surgeon perceiving nothing that it ailed , was much startled at the motion ; thinking him either in jest , or besides himself . but by a more deliberate recollection , perceiving that he was both sober , and in earnest ; entreats him to know the reason of so strange a desire , since his arm to him seem'd perfectly sound : to which the gentleman replyes , that his hand was sympathiz'd , and his friend was dead , so that if not prevented by amputation , he said , it would rot away , as did that of his deceased correspondent . nor was this an unreasonable surmise ; but , if there be any such way of manual sympathizing , a very probable conjecture . for , that which was so sensibly affected with so inconsiderable a touch , in all likelyhood would be more immuted , by those greater alterations which are in cadaverous solutions . and no doubt , but that by the same reason it would have been corrupted , as some times warts are by the decay of buryed lard that was rubb'd upon them . now if these wayes of secret conveyance may be made out to be really practicable ; yea , if it be evincible , that they are as much as possibly so , it will be a warrantable presumption of the verity of the former instance : since t is as easily conceivable , that there should be communications between the phancies of men , as either the impregnate needles , or sympathized hands . and there is an instance yet behinde , which is more creditable than either , and gives probability to them all . that there is a magnetick way of curing wounds by anointing the weapon , and that the wound is affected in like manner as is the extravenate bloud by the sympathetick medicine , is for matter of fact put out of doubt by the noble sir k. digby , and the proof he gives in his ingenious discourse on the subject , is unexceptionable . for the reason of this wonder , he attempts it by mechanism , and endeavours to make it out by atomical aporrheas , which passing from the cruentate cloth or weapon to the wound , and being incorporated with the particles of the salve carry them in their embraces to the affected part : where the medicinal atomes entering together with the effluviums of the bloud , do by their subtle insinuation better effect the cure , then can be done by any grosser application . the particular way of their conveyance , and their regular direction is handsomly explicated by that learned knight , and recommended to the ingenious by most witty and becoming illustrations . it is out of my way here to enquire whether the anima mundi be not a better account , then any mechanical solutions . the former is more desperate , the later hath more of ingenuity , then solid satisfaction . it is enough for me that de facto there is such an entercourse between the magnetick unguent and the vulnerated body , and i need not be solicitous of the cause . these theories i presume will not be importunate to the ingenious : and therefore i have taken the liberty ( which the quality of an essay will well enough allow of ) to touch upon them , though seemingly collateral to my scope . and yet i think , they are but seemingly so , since they do pertinently illustrate my design , viz. that what seems impossible to us , may not be so in nature ; and therefore the dogmatist wants this to compleat his demonstration , that 't is impossible to be otherwise . now i intend not by any thing here to invalidate the certainty of truths either mathematical or divine . these are superstructed on principles that cannot fail us , except our faculties do constantly abuse us . our religious foundations are fastned at the pillars of the intellectual world , and the grand articles of our belief as demonstrable as geometry . nor will ever either the subtile attempts of the resolved atheist ; or the passionate hurricanoes of the phrentick enthusiast , any more be able to prevail against the reason our faith is built on , than the blustring windes to blow out the sun. and for mathematical sciences , he that doubts their certainty , hath need of a dose of hellebore . nor yet can the dogmatist make much of these concessions in favour of his pretended science ; for our discourse comes not within the circle of the former : and for the later , the knowledge we have of the mathematicks , hath no reason to elate us ; since by them we know but numbers , and figures , creatures of our own , and are yet ignorant of our maker's . ( 3. ) we cannot know any thing of nature but by an analysis of it to its true initial causes : and till we know the first springs of natural motions , we are still but ignorants . these are the alphabet of science , and nature cannot be read without them . now who dares pretend to have seen the prime motive causes , or to have had a view of nature , while she lay in her simple originals ? we know nothing but effects , and those but by our senses . nor can we judge of their causes , but by proportion to palpable causalities conceiving them like those within the sensible horizon . now 't is no doubt with the considerate , but that the rudiments of nature are very unlike the grosser appearances . thus in things obvious , there 's but little resemblance between the mucous sperm , and the compleated animal . the egge is not like the oviparous production : nor the corrupted muck like the creature that creeps from it . there 's but little similitude betwixt a terreous humidity , and plantal germinations ; nor do vegetable derivations ordinarily resemble their simple scminalities . so then , since there 's so much dissimilitude between cause and effect in the more palpable phaenomena , we can expect no less between them , and their invisible efficients . now had our senses never presented us with those obvious seminal principles of apparent generations , we should never have suspected that a plant or animal could have proceeded from such unlikely materials : much less , can we conceive or determine the uncompounded initials of natural productions , in the total silence of our senses . and though the grand secretary of nature , the miraculous des-cartes have here infinitely out-done all the philosophers went before him , in giving a particular and analytical account of the universal fabrick : yet he intends his principles but for hypotheses , and never pretends that things are really or necessarily , as he hath supposed them : but that they may be admitted pertinently to solve the phaenomena , and are convenient supposals for the use of life . nor can any further account be expected from humanity , but how things possibly may have been made consonantly to sensible nature : but infallibly to determine , how they truly were effected , is proper to him only that saw them in the chaos , and fashion'd them out of that confused mass . for to say , the principles of nature must needs be such as our philosophy makes them , is to set bounds to omnipotence , and to confine infinite power and wisdom to our shallow models . chap. xxii . ( 4 ) because of the mutual dependence and concatenation of causes , we cannot know any one without knowing all . particularly declared by instances . ( 5 ) all our science comes in at our senses ; their infallibility inquir'd into . the authors design in this last particular . ( 4 ) . according to the notion of the dogmatist , we know nothing , except we knew all things , and he that pretends to science affects an omniscience . for all things being linkt together by an uninterrupted chain of causes ; and every single motion owning a dependence on such a syndrome of prae-required motors : we can have no true knowledge of any , except we comprehended all , and could distinctly pry into the whole method of causal concatenations . thus we cannot know the cause of any one motion in a watch , unless we were acquainted with all its motive dependences , and had a distinctive comprehension of the whole mechanical frame . and would we know but the most contemptible plant that grows , almost all things that have a being must contribute to our knowledge : for , that to the perfect science of any thing it 's necessary to know all its causes ; is both reasonable in its self , and the sense of the dogmatist . so that , to the knowledge of the poorest simple , we must first know its efficient , the manner , and method of its efformation , and the nature of the plastick . to the comprehending of which , we must have a full prospect into the whole archidoxis of nature's secrets , and the immense profundities of occult philosophy : in which we know nothing till we compleatly ken all magnetick , and sympathetick energies , and their most hidden causes . and ( 2 ) if we contemplate a vegetable in its material principle , and look on it as made of earth ; we must have the true theory of the nature of that element , or we miserably fail of our scientifical aspirings , and while we can only say , 't is cold and dry , we are pitiful knowers . but now , to profound into the physicks of this heterogeneous masse , to discern the principles of its constitution , and to discover the reason of its diversities , are absolute requisites of the science we aim at . nor can we tolerably pretend to have those without the knowledge of minerals , the causes and manner of their concretions , and among the rest , the magnet , with its amazing properties . this directs us to the pole , and thence our disquisition is led to the whole systeme of the heavens : to the knowledge of which , we must know their motions , and the causes , and manner of their rotations , as also the reasons of all the planetary phaenomena , and of the comets , their nature , and the causes of all their irregular appearings . to these , the knowledge of the intricate doctrine of motion , the powers , proportions , and laws thereof , is requisite . and thus we are engaged in the objects of geometry and arithmetick , yea the whole mathematicks , must be contributary , and to them all nature payes a subsidy . besides , plants are partly material'd of water , with which they are furnisht either from subterranean fountains , or the clouds . now to have the true theory of the former , we must trace the nature of the sea , its origen ; and hereto its remarkable motions of flux and reflux . this again directs us to the moon , and the rest of the celestial faces . the moisture that comes from the clouds is drawn up in vapours : to the scientifical discernment of which , we must know the nature and manner of that action , their suspense in the middle region , the qualities of that place , and the causes and manner of their precipitating thence again : and so the reason of the sphaerical figure of the drops ; the causes of windes , hail , snow , thunder , lightning , with all other igneous appearances , with the whole physiology of meteors must be enquired into . and again ( 3 ) in our disquisition into the formal causes , the knowledge of the nature of colours , is necessary to compleat the science . to be inform'd of this , we must know what light is ; and light being effected by a motion on the organs of sense , 't will be a necessary requisite , to understand the nature of our sensitive faculties , and to them the essence of the soul , and other spiritual subsistences . the manner how it is materially united , and how it is aware of corporeal motion . the seat of sense , and the place where 't is principally affected : which cannot be known but by the anatomy of our parts , and the knowledge of their mechanical structure . and if further ( 4 ) we contemplate the end of this minute effect , its principal final cause , being the glory of its maker , leads us into divinity ; and for its subordinate , as 't is design'd for alimental sustenance to living creatures , and medicinal uses to man , we are conducted into zoography , and the whole body of physick . thus then , to the knowledge of the most contemptible effect in nature , 't is necessary to know the whole syntax of causes , and their particular circumstances , and modes of action . nay , we know nothing , till we know our selves , which are the summary of all the world without us , and the index of the creation . nor can we know our selves without the physiology of corporeal nature , and the metaphysicks of souls and angels . so then , every science borrows from all the rest ; and we cannot attain any single one , without the encyclopaedy . ( 5 ) the knowledge we have comes from our senses , and the dogmatist can go no higher for the original of his certainty . now let the sciolist tell me , why things must needs be so , as his individual senses represent them ? is he sure , that objects are not otherwise sensed by others , then they are by him ? and why must his sense be the infallible criterion ? it may be , what is white to us , is black to negroes , and our angels to them are fiends . diversity of constitution , or other circumstances varies the sensation , and to them of iava pepper is cold . and though we agree in a common name , yet it may be , i have the same representation from yellow , that another hath from green . thus two look upon an alabaster statue ; he call's it white , and i assent to the appellation : but how can i discover , that his inward sense on 't is the same that mine is ? it may be , alabaster is represented to him , as jet is to me , and yet it is white to us both . we accord in the name : but it 's beyond our knowledge , whether we do so in the conception answering it . yea , the contrary is not without its probability . for though the images , motions , or whatever else is the cause of sense , may be alike as from the object ; yet may the representations be varyed according to the nature and quality of the recipient . that 's one thing to us looking through a tube , which is another to our naked eyes . the same things seem otherwise through a green glass , then they do through a red . thus objects have a different appearance , when the eye is violently any way distorted , from that they have , when our organs are in their proper site and figure , and some extraordinary alterations in the brain duplicate that which is but a single object to our undistemper'd sentient . thus , that 's of one colour to us standing in one place , which hath a contrary aspect in another : as in those versatile representations in the neck of a dove , and folds of scarlet . and as great diversity might have been exemplified in the other senses , but for brevity i omit them . now then , since so many various circumstances concurre to every individual constitution , and every mans senses , differing as much from others in its figure , colour , site , and infinite other particularities in the organization , as any one mans can from it self , through diverse accidental variations : it cannot well be suppos'd otherwise , but that the conceptions convey'd by them must be as diverse . thus , one mans eyes are more protuberant , and swelling out ; anothers more sunk and depressed . one mans bright , and sparkling , and as it were swimming in a subtile , lucid moisture ; anothers more dull and heavy , and destitute of that spirituous humidity . the colour of mens eyes is various , nor is there less diversity in their quantitative proportions . and if we look further into the more inward constitution , there 's more variety in the internal configurations , than in the visible out-side . for let us consider the different qualities of the optick nerves , humors , tunicles , and spirits ; the divers figurings of the brain ; the strings , or filaments thereof ; their difference in tenuity and aptness for motion : and as many other circumstances , as there are individuals in humane nature ; all these are diversified according to the difference of each crasis , and are as unlike , as our faces . from these diversities in all likelyhood will arise as much difference in the manner of the reception of the images , and consequently as various sensations . so then , how objects are represented to my self ; i cannot be ignorant , being conscious to mine own cogitations ; but in what manner they are received , and what impresses they make upon the so differing organs of another , he only knows , that feels them . there is an obvious an easie objection , which i have sufficiently caveated against ; and with the considerate it will signifie no more then the inadvertency of the objectors . 't will be thought by slight discerners a ridiculous paradox , that all men should not conceive of the objects of sense alike ; since their agreement in the appellation seems so strong an argument of the identity of the sentiment . all , for instance , say , that snow is white , and that jet is black , is doubted by none . but yet 't is more then any man can determine , whether his conceit of what he cals white , be the same with anothers ; or whether , the notion he hath of one colour be not the same another hath of a very diverse one . so then , to direct all against the knowing ignorant , what he hath of sensible evidence , the very ground-work of his demonstration , is but the knowledge of his own resentment : but how the same things appear to others , they only know , that are conscious to them ; and how they are in themselves , only he that made them . thus have i in this last particular play'd with the dogmatist in a personated scepticism : and would not have the design of the whole discourse measur'd by the seeming tendency of this part on 't . the sciolist may here see , that what he counts of all things most absurd and irrational , hath yet considerable shew of probability to plead its cause , and it may be more then some of his presumed demonstrations . 't is irreprehensible in physitians to cure their patient of one disease , by casting him into another , less desperate . and i hope , i shall not deserve the frown of the ingenuous for my innocent intentions ; having in this only imitated the practice of bending a crooked stick as much the other way , to straighten it . and if by this verge to the other extream , i can bring the opinionative confident but half the way , viz. that discreet modest aequipoize of judgement , that becomes the sons of adam ; i have compast what i aim at . chap. xxiii . considerations against dogmatizing . ( 1 ) 't is the effect of ignorance . ( 2 ) it inhabits with untamed passions , and an ungovern'd spirit . ( 3 ) it is the great disturber of the world . ( 4 ) it is ill manners , and immodesty . ( 5 ) it holds men captive in error . ( 6 ) it betrayes a narrowness of spirit . i expect but little success of all this upon the dogmatist , his opinion'd assurance is paramont to argument , and 't is almost as easie to reason him out of a feaver , as out of this disease of the mind , i hope for better fruit from the more generous vertuoso's , to such i appeal against dogmatizing , in the following considerations ; that 's well spent upon impartial ingenuity , which is lost upon resolved prejudice . 1. opinionative confidence is the effect of ignorance , and were the sciolist perswaded so , i might spare my further reasons against it : 't is affectation of knowledge , that makes him confident he hath it , and his confidence is counter evidence to his pretensions to knowledge . he is the greatest ignorant , that knows not that he is so : for 't is a good degree of science , to be sensible that we want it . he that knows most of himself , knows least of his knowledge , and the exercised understanding is conscious of its disability . now he that is so , will not lean too assuredly on that , which hath so frequently deceived him , nor build the castle of his intellectual security , in the air of opinions . but for the shallow passive intellects , that were never ingag'd in a through search of verity , 't is such are the confidents that ingage their irrepealable assents to every slight appearance . thus meer sensible conceivers , make every thing they hold a sacrament , and the silly vulgar are sure of all things . there was no theoreme in the mathematicks more certain to archimedes , then the earth's immoveable quiescence seems to the multitude : nor then did the impossibility of antipodes , to antique ages . and if great philosophers doubt of many things , which popular dijudicants hold as certain as their creeds , i suppose ignorance it self will not say , it is because they are more ignorant . superficial pedants will swear their controversal uncertainties , while wiser heads stand in bivio . opinions are the rattles of immature intellects , but the advanced reasons have out-grown them . true knowledge is modest and wary , 't is ignorance that is so bold , and presuming . thus those that never travail'd without the horizon , that first terminated their infant aspects , will not be perswaded that the world hath any countrey better then their own : while they that have had a view of other regions , are not so confidently perswaded of the precedency of that , they were bred in , but speak more indifferently of the laws , manners , commodities , and customs of their native soil : so they that never peep 't beyond the common belief in which their easie understandings were at first indoctrinated , are indubitately assur'd of the truth , and comparative excellency of their receptions , while the larger souls , that have travail'd the divers climates of opinions , are more cautious in their resolves , and more sparing to determine . and let the most confirm'd dogmatist profound far into his indeared opinions , and i 'le warrant him 't will be an effectual cure of confidence . ( 2 ) confidence in opinions evermore dwells with untamed passions , and is maintain'd upon the depraved obstinacy of an ungovern'd spirit . he 's but a novice in the art of autocrasy , that cannot castigate his passions in reference to those presumptions , and will come as far short of wisdom as science : for the judgement being the hegemonical power , and director of action , if it be led by the over-bearings of passion , and stor'd with lubricous opinions in stead of clearly conceived truths , and be peremptorily resolved in them , the practice will be as irregular , as the conceptions erroneous . opinions hold the stirrup , while vice mounts into the saddle . ( 3 ) dogmatizing is the great disturber both of our selves and the world without us : for while we wed an opinion , we resolvedly ingage against every one , that opposeth it . thus every man , being in some of his opinionative apprehensions singular , must be at variance with all men . now every opposition of our espous'd opinions furrows the sea within us , and discomposeth the minds serenity . and what happiness is there in a storm of passions ? on this account the scepticks affected an indifferent aequipondious neutrality as the only means to their ataraxia , and freedom from passionate disturbances . nor were they altogether mistaken in the way , to their design'd felicity , but came short on 't , by going beyond it : for if there be a repose naturally attainable this side the stars , there is no way we can more hopefully seek it in . we can never be at rest , while our quiet can be taken from us by every thwarting our opinions : nor is that content an happiness , which every one can rob us of . there is no felicity , but in a fixed stability . nor can genuine constancy be built upon rowling foundations . 't is true staidness of mind , to look with an equal regard on all things , and this unmoved apathy in opinionative uncertainties , is a warrantable piece of stoicism . besides , this immodest obstinacy in opinions , hath made the world a babel ; and given birth to disorders , like those of the chaos . the primitive fight of elements doth fitly embleme that of opinions , and those proverbial contrarieties may be reconcil'd , as soon as peremptory contenders . that hence grow schisms , heresies , and anomalies beyond arithmetick , i could wish were of more difficult probation . 't were happy for a distemper'd church , if evidence were not so near us . 't is zeal for opinions that hath fill'd our hemisphear with smoke and darkness , and by a dear experience we know the fury of those flames it hath kindled . had not heaven prevented , they had turn'd our paradise into a desert , and made us the habitation of iim , and ohim . 't is lamentable that homo homini daemon , should be a proverb among the professors of the cross , and yet i fear it is as verifiable among them , as of those without the pale of visible christianity . i doubt we have lost s. iohn's sign of regeneration . by this we know that we are past from death , to life , that we love one another , is i fear , to few a sign of their spiritual resurrection . if our returning lord , shall scarse find faith on earth , where will he look for charity ? it is a stranger this side the region of love , and blessedness ; bitter zeal for opinions hath consum'd it . mutual agreement and indearments was the badge of primitive believers , but we may be known by the contrary criterion . the union of a sect within it self , is a pitiful charity : it 's no concord of christians , but a conspiracy against christ ; and they that love one another , for their opinionative concurrences , love for their own sakes , not their lords : not because they have his image , but because they bear one anothers . what a stir is there for mint , anise , and cummin controversies , while the great practical fundamentals are unstudyed , unobserved ? what eagerness in the prosecution of disciplinarian uncertainties , when the love of god and our neighbour , those evangelical unquestionables , want that fervent ardor ? 't is this hath consum'd the nutriment of the great and more necessary verities , and bred differences that are past any accommodation , but that of the last dayes decisions . the sight of that day will resolve us , and make us asham'd of our pety quarrels . thus opinions have rent the world asunder , and divided it almost into indivisibles . had heraclitus liv'd now , he had wept himself into marble , and democritus would have broke his spleen . who can speak of such fooleries without a satyr , to see aged infants so quarrel at put-pin , and the doating world grown child again ? how fond are men of a bundle of opinions , which are no better then a bagge of cherry-stones ? how do they scramble for their nuts , and apples , and how zealous for their pety victories ? methinks those grave contenders about opinionative trifles , look like aged socrates upon his boys hobby-horse , or like something more ludricous : since they make things their feria , which are scarse tolerable in their sportful intervals . ( 4 ) to be confident in opinions is ill manners , and immodesty ; and while we are peremptory in our perswasions , we accuse them all of ignorance and error that subscribe not our assertions . the dogmatist gives the lye to all dissenting apprehenders , and proclaims his judgement fittest , to be the intellectual standard . this is that spirit of immorality , that saith unto dissenters , stand off , i am more orthodox then thou art : a vanity more capital then error . he that affirms that things must needs be as he apprehends them , implies that none can be right till they submit to his opinions , and take him for their director . this is to invert the rule , and to account a mans self better then all men . ( 5 ) obstinacy in opinions holds the dogmatist in the chains of error , without hope of emancipation . while we are confident of all things , we are fatally deceiv'd in most . he that assures himself he never erres , will alwayes erre ; and his presumptions will render all attempts to inform him , ineffectual . we use not to seek further for what we think we are possest of ; and when falshood is without suspicion imbrac't in the stead of truth , and with confidence retained : verity will be rejected as a supposed error , and irreconcileably be hated , because it opposeth what is indeed so . ( 6 ) it betrays a poverty and narrowness of spirit , in the dogmatical assertors . there are a set of pedants that are born to slavery . but the generous soul preserves the liberty of his judgement , and will not pen it up in an opinionative dungeon ; with an equal respect he examins all things , and judgeth as impartially as rhadamanth : when as the pedant can hear nothing but in favour of the conceits he is amorous of ; and cannot see , but out of the grates of his prison . the determinations of the nobler spirit , are but temporary , and he holds them , but till better evidence repeal his former apprehensions . he won't defile his assent by prostituting it to every conjecture , or stuff his belief , with the luggage of uncertainties . the modesty of his expression renders him infallible ; and while he only saith he thinks so , he cannot be deceiv'd , or ever assert a falshood . but the wise monseur charron hath fully discourst of this universal liberty , and sav'd me the labour of inlarging . upon the review of my former considerations , i cannot quarrel with his motto : in a sense ie ne scay , is a justifiable scepticism , and not mis-becoming a candidate of wisdom . socrates in the judgement of the oracle knew more then all men , who in his own knew the least of any . chap. xxiv . an apology for philosophy . it is the glory of philosophy , that ignorance and phrensie are her enemies . now to vindicate this abused excellence from the mis-reports of stupid and enthusiastick ignorants , i 'le subjoyn this brief apology : lest those unintelligent maligners take an advantage from our discourse , to depretiate and detract from what hath been alway the object of their hate , because never of their knowledge , and capacities ; or , which is the greater mischief , lest this should discourage those enlarged souls , who aspire to the knowledge of god , and nature , which is the most venial ambition . if philosophy be uncertain , the former will confidently conclude it vain ; and the later may be in danger of pronouncing the same on their pains , who seek it ; if after all their labour they must reap the wind , meer opinion and conjecture . but there 's a part of philosophy , that owes no answer to the charge . the scepticks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must have the qualification of an exception ; and at least the mathematicks must be priviledg'd from the endictment . neither yet are we at so deplorable a loss , in the other parts of what we call science ; but that we may meet with what will content ingenuity , at this distance from perfection , though all things will not compleatly satisfie strict and rigid enquiry . philosophy indeed cannot immortalize us , or free us from the inseparable attendants on this state , ignorance , and error . but shall we malign it , because it entitles us not to an omniscience ? is it just to condemn the physitian , because hephestion dyed ? compleat knowledge is reserv'd to gratifie our glorified faculties . we are ignorant of some things from our specifical incapacity , as men ; of more from our contracted , as sinners : and 't is no fault in the spectacles , that the blind man sees not . shall we , like sullen children , because we have not what we would ; contemn what the benignity of heaven offers us ? do what we can , we shall be imperfect in all our attainments ; and shall we scornfully neglect what we may reach , because some things to mortality are denyed ? 't is madness to refuse the largesses of divine bounty on earth , because there is not an heaven in them . shall we not rejoyce at the gladsome approach of day , because it 's over-cast with a cloud , and follow'd by the obscurity of night ? all sublunary vouchsafements have their allay of a contrary ; and uncertainty , in another kind , is the annex of all things this side the sun. even crowns and diadems , the most splendid parts of terrene attains ; are akin to that , which to day is in the field , and to morrow is cut down , and wither'd : he that enjoy'd them , and knew their worth , excepted them not out of the charge of universal vanity . and yet the politician thinks they deserve his pains ; and is not discourag'd at the inconstancy of humane affairs , and the lubricity of his subject . he that looks perfection , must seek it above the empyreum ; it is reserv'd for glory . it 's that alone , which needs not the advantage of a foyl : defects seem as necessary to our now-happiness , as their opposites . the most refulgent colours are the result of light and shadows . venus was never the less beautiful for her mole . and 't is for the majesty of nature , like the persian kings , sometimes to cover , and not alway to prostrate her beauties to the naked view : yea , they contract a kind of splendour from the seemingly obscuring veil ; which adds to the enravishments of her transported admirers . he alone sees all things with an unshadowed comprehensive vision , who eminently is all : only the god of nature perfectly knows her ; and light without darkness is the incommunicable claim of him , that dwells in light inaccessible . 't is no disparagement to philosophy , that it cannot deifie us , or make good the impossible promise of the primitive deceiver . it is that , which she owns above her , that must perfectly remake us after the image of our maker . and yet those raised contemplations of god and nature , wherewith philosophy doth acquaint us ; enlarge and ennoble the spirit , and infinitely advance it above an ordinary level . the soul is alway like the objects of its delight and converse . a prince is as much above a peasant in spirit , as condition : and man as far transcends the beasts in largeness of desire , as dignity of nature and employment . while we only converse with earth , we are like it ; that is , unlike our selves : but when engag'd in more refin'd and intellectual entertainments ; we are somewhat more , then this narrow circumference of flesh speaks us . and , me thinks , those generous vertuoso's , who dwell in an higher region then other mortals ; should make a middle species between the platonical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and common humanity . even our age in variety of glorious examples , can confute the conceit , that souls are equal : and the sole instances of those illustrious heroes , cartes , gassendus , galilaeo , tycho , harvey , more , digby ; will strike dead the opinion of the worlds decay , and conclude it , in its prime . and upon the review of these great sages , me-thinks , i could easily opinion ; that men may differ from men , as much as angels from unbodyed souls : and , it may be , more can be pleaded for such a metaphysical innovation , then can for a specifical diversity among our predicamental opposites . such as these , being in a great part freed from the entanglements of a drossie vehicle , are imploy'd like the spirits above ; in taking a survey of natures riches , and beginning those anthems to their maker , which eternity must consummate . this is one part of the life of souls . while we indulge to the sensitive or plantal life , our delights are common to us with the creatures below us : and 't is likely , they exceed us as much as in them , as in the senses their subjects ; and that 's a poor happiness for man to aim at , in which beasts are his superiours . but those mercurial souls , which were only lent the earth to shew the world their folly in admiring it ; possess delights , which as it were antedate immortality , and [ though at an humble distance ] resemble the joys above . the sun and stars , are not the worlds eyes , but these : the celestial argus cannot glory in such an universal view . these out-travel theirs , and their monarchs beams : skipping into vortexes beyond their light and influence ; and with an easie twinkle of an intellectual eye look into the centre , which is obscur'd from the upper luminaries . this is somewhat like the image of omnipresence : and what the hermetical philosophy saith of god , is in a sense verifiable of the thus ennobled soul , that its centre is every where , but it 's circumference no where . this is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and what plotinus calls so , the divine life , is somewhat more . those that live but to the lower concupiscible , and relish no delights but sensual ; it 's by the favour of a metaphor , that we call them men. as aristotle saith of brutes , they have but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , only some shews and apish imitations of humane ; and have little more to justifie their title to rationality , then those mimick animals , the supposed posterity of cham : who , had they retain'd the priviledge of speech , which some of the fathers say they they own'd before the fall ; it may be they would plead their cause with them , and have laid strong claim to a parity . such , as these , are philosophies maligners , who computing the usefulness of all things , by what they bring to their barns , and treasures ; stick not to pronounce the most generous contemplations , needless unprofitable subtilties : and they might with as good reason say , that the light of their eyes was a superfluous provision of nature , because it fills not their bellies . thus the greatest part of miserable humanity is lost in earth : and , if man be an inversed plant ; these are inversed men , who forgetting that sursum , which nature writ in their foreheads , take their roots in this sordid element . but the philosophical soul is an inverted pyramid ; earth hath but a point of this aethereal cone . aquila non captat muscas , the royal eagle flyes not but at noble game ; and a young alexander will not play but with monarchs . he that hath been cradled in majesty , and used to crowns and scepters ; will not leave the throne to play with beggars at put-pin , or be fond of tops and cherry-stones : neither will a soul , that dwells with stars , dabble in this impurer mud ; or stoop to be a play-fellow and copartner in delights with the creatures , that have nought but animal . and though it be necessitated by its relation to flesh to a terrestrial converse ; yet 't is , like the sun , without contaminating its beams . for , though the body by a kind of magnetism be drawn down to this sediment of universal dreggs ; yet the thus impregnate spirit contracts a verticity to objects above the pole : and , like as in a falling torch , though the grosser materials hasten to their element ; yet the flame aspires , and , could it master the dulness of its load would carry it beyond the central activity of the terraqueous magnet . such souls justifie aristotles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and in allayed sense that title , which the stoicks give it , of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if we say , they are not in their bodies , but their bodies in them ; we have the authority of the divine plato to vouch us : and by the favour of an easie simile we may affirm them to be to the body , as the light of a candle to the gross , and faeculent snuff ; which , as it is not pent up in it , so neither doth it partake of its stench and and impurity . thus , as the roman oratour elegantly descants , erigimur , & latiores fieri videmur ; humana despicimus , contemplantesque supera & coelestia , haec nostra , ut exigua & minima , contemnimus . and yet there 's an higher degree , to which philosophy sublimes us . for , as it teacheth a generous contempt of what the grovelling desires of creeping mortals idolize and dote on ; so it raiseth us to love and admire an object , that is as much above terrestrial , as infinity can make it . if plutarch may have credit , the observation of natures harmony in the celestial motions was one of the first inducements to the belief of a god : and a greater then he affirms , that the visible things of the creation declare him , that made them . what knowledge we have of them , we have in a sense of their authour . his face cannot be beheld by creature-opticks , without the allay of a reflexion ; and nature is one of those mirrours , that represents him to us . and now the more we know of him , the more we love him , the more we are like him , the more we admire him . 't is here , that knowledge wonders ; and there 's an admiration , that 's not the daughter of ignorance . this indeed stupidly gazeth at the unwonted effect : but the philosophick passion truly admires and adores the supreme efficient . the wonders of the almighty are not seen , but by those that go down into the deep . the heavens declare their makers glory ; and philosophy theirs , which by a grateful rebound returns to its original source . the twinkling spangles , the ornaments of the upper world ; lose their beauty and magnificence ; while they are but the objects of our narrow'd senses : by them the half is not told us ; and vulgar spectators see them , but as a confused huddle of pety illuminants . but philosophy doth right to those immense sphears ; and advantagiously represents their glories , both in the vastness of their proportions , and regularity of their motions . if we would see the wonders of the globe we dwell in ; philosophy must reare us above it . the works of god speak forth his mighty praise : a speech not understood , but by those that know them . the most artful melody receives but little tribute of honour from the gazing beasts ; it requires skill to relish it . the most delicate musical accents of the indians , to us are but inarticulate hummings ; as questionless are ours to their otherwise tuned organs . ignorance of the notes and proportions , renders all harmony unaffecting . a gay puppet pleaseth children more , then the exactest piece of unaffected art : it requires some degrees of perfection , to admire what is truly perfect ; as it 's said to be an advance in oratory to relish cicero . indeed the unobservant multitude , may have some general confus'd apprehensions of a kind of beauty , that guilds the outside frame of the universe : but they are natures courser wares , that lye on the stall , expos'd to the transient view of every common eye ; her choicer riches are lock't up only for the sight of them , that will buy at the expence of sweat and oyl . yea , and the visible creation is far otherwise apprehended by the philosophical inquirer , then the unintelligent vulgar . thus the physitian looks with another eye on the medicinal hearb , then the grazing oxe , which swoops it in with the common grass : and the swine may see the pearl , which yet he values but with the ordinary muck ; it 's otherwise pris'd by the skilful ieweller . and from this last article , i think , i may conclude the charge , which hot-brain'd folly lays in against philosophy ; that it leads to irreligion , frivolous and vain . i dare say , next after the divine word , it 's one of the best friends to piety . neither is it any more justly accountable for the impious irregularities of some , that have payd an homage to its shrine ; then religion it self for the sinful extravagances both opinionative and practical of high pretenders to it . it is a vulgar conceit , that philosophy holds a confederacy with atheism it self ; but most injurious : for nothing can better antidote us against it ; and they may as well say , that physitians are the only murtherers . a philosophick atheist , is as good sense as a divine one : and i dare say the proverb , ubi tres medici , duo athei , is a scandal . i think the original of this conceit might be ; that the students of nature , conscious to her more cryptick ways of working , resolve many strange effects into the nearer efficiency of second causes ; which common ignorance and superstition attribute to the immediate causality of the first : thinking it to derogate from the divine power , that any thing which is above their apprehensions , should not be reckon'd above natures activity ; though it be but his instrument , and works nothing but as impower'd from him . hence they violently declaim against all , that will not acknowledge a miracle in every extraordinary effect , as setting nature in the throne of god ; and so it 's an easie step to say , they deny him . when as indeed , nature is but the chain of second causes ; and to suppose second causes without a first , is beneath the logick of gotham . neither can they [ who , to make their reproach of philosophy more authentick , alledge the authority of an apostle to conclude it vain ] upon any whit more reasonable terms make good their charge ; since this allegation stands in force but against its abuse , corrupt sophistry , or traditionary impositions , which lurk'd under the mask of so serious a name : at the worst , the text will never warrant an universal conclusion any more ; then that other , where the apostle speaks of silly women , ( who yet are the most rigid urgers of this ) can justly blot the sex with an unexceptionable note of infamy . now , what i have said here in this short apology for philosophy , is not so strictly verifiable of any that i know , as the cartesian . the entertainment of which among truly ingenuous unpossest spirits , renders an after-commendation superfluous and impertinent . it would require a wit like its authors , to do it right in an encomium . the strict rationality of the hypothesis in the main , and the critical coherence of its parts , i doubt not but will bear it down to posterity with a glory , that shall know no term , but the universal ruines . neither can the pedantry , or prejudice of the present age , any more obstruct its motion in that supreme sphear , wherein its desert hath plac'd it ; then can the howling wolves pluck cynthia from her orb ; who regardless of their noise , securely glides through the undisturbed aether . censure here will disparage it self , not it . he that accuseth the sun of darkness , shames his own blind eyes ; not its light . the barking of cynicks at that hero 's chariot-wheels , will not sully the glory of his triumphs . but i shall supersede this endless attempt : sun-beams best commend themselves . finis . the contents . chap. i. a display of the perfections of innocence ; with a conjecture at the manner of adams knowledge . page 1. chap. ii. our decay , and ruines by the fall , descanted on : of the now scantness of our knowledge . 10. chap. iii. instances of our ignorance ( 1 ) of things within our selves . the nature of the soul , and its origine glanc't at , and past by . ( 1 ) it 's union with the body is unconceiveable : so ( 2 ) is its moving the body consider'd either in the way of sir k. digby , des-cartes , or dr. h. more , and the platonists . ( 3 ) the manner of direction of the spirits as unexplicable . 17. chap. iv. ( 4 ) we can give no account of the manner of sensation : nor ( 5 ) of the nature of the memory . it is consider'd according to the philosophy of des-cartes , sir k. digby , aristotle , and mr. hobbs , and all in-effectual . some other unexplicables mention'd . 27. chap. v. ( 6 ) how our bodies are form'd , unexplicable . the plastick signifies nothing . the formation of plants , and animals unknown , in their principle . mechanism solves it not . a new way propounded , which also fails of satisfaction . ( 2 ) no account is yet given how the parts of matter are united . some considerations on des-cartes his hypothesis ; it fails of solution . ( 3 ) the question is unanswerable , whether matter be compounded of divisibles , or indivisibles . 41. chap. vi. difficulties about the motion of a wheel , which admit of no solution . 54. chap. vii . mens backwardness to acknowledge their own ignorance and errour , though ready to find them in others . the first cause of the shortness of our knowledge , viz. the depth of verity discourst of : as of its admixtion in mens opinions with falshood ; the connexion of truths . and their mutual dependence . a second reason of the shortness of our knowledge , viz. because we can perceive nothing but by proportion to our senses . 62. chap. viii . a third reason of our ignorance and errour , viz. the impostures and deceits of our senses . the way to rectifie these mis-informations propounded . des-cartes his method the only way to science . the difficulty of the exact performance . 69. chap. ix . two instances of sensitive deception . ( 1 ) of the quiescence of the earth . four cases in which motion is insensible , applyed to the earth's motion . 75. chap. x. another instance of the deceptions of our senses : which is of translating the idea of our passions to things without us . in propriety of speech our senses themselves are never deceived ; prov'd by reason , and the authority of st. austin . 87. chap. xi . a fourth reason of our ignorance and errour , viz. the fallacy of our imaginations . an account of the nature of that faculty ; instances of its deceptions . spirits are not in a place . intellection , volition , decrees , &c. cannot properly be ascrib'd to god. it is not reason that opposeth faith , but phancy . the interest which imagination hath in many of our opinions , in that it impresses a perswasion without evidence . 95. chap. xii . a fifth reason , the precipitancy of our understandings , the reason of it . the most close ingagements of our minds requisite to the finding of truth ; the difficulties of the performance of it . two instances of our precipitating . 106. chap. xiii . the sixth reason discourst of , viz. the interest which our affections have in our dijudications . the cause why our affections mislead us . several branches of this mention'd ; and the first , viz. constitutional inclination , largely insisted on . 113. chap. xiv . a second thing whereby our affections ingage us in errour , is the prejudice of custom and education . a third interest . ( 4 ) love to our own productions . 125. chap. xv. 5. our affections are ingag'd by our reverence to antiquity and authority ; our mistake of antiquity ; the unreasonableness of that kind of pedantick adoration . hence the vanity of affecting impertinent quotations : the pedantry on 't is derided . the little improvement of science through its successive derivations , and whence it hath hapned . 136. chap. xvi . reflexions on the peripatetick philosophy . the generality of its reception , no argument of its deserts ; the first charge against that philosophy . 148. chap. xvii . 2. peripatetick philosophy is litigious , it hath no setled constant signification of words ; the inconveniences hereof . aristotle intended the cherishing controversies , prov'd by his own double testimony . some of his impertinent arguings derided . disputes retard , and are injurious to knowledge . peripateticks are most exercised in the controversal parts of philosophy , and know little of the practical and experimental . a touch at school-divinity . 159. chap. xviii . 3. it gives no account of the phaenomena . those that are remoter it attempts not ; it speaks nothing pertinent in the most ordinary ; its circular , and general way of solution ; it resolves all things into occult qualities . the absurdity of aristotelian hypothesis of the heavens . the galaxy is no meteor . the heavens are corruptible . comets are above the moon . the sphear of fire derided . aristotle convicted of several other false assertions . 169. aristotle's philosophy inept for new discoveries . it hath been the author of no one invention : it 's founded on vulgarities , and therefore makes nothing known beyond them . the knowledge of natures out-side , conferrs not to practical improvements : better hopes from the new philosophy . a fifth charge against aristotle's philosophy , it is in many things impious , and self-contradicting ; instances of both propounded . the directing all this to the design of the discourse . a caution , viz. that nothing is here intended in favour of novelty in divinity . the reason why we may imbrace what is new in philosophy , while we reject novelties in theologie . 177 , 178. chap. xx. it 's quaeried whether there be any science in the sense of the dogmatist : ( 1 ) we cannot know any thing to be the cause of another , but from its attending it ; and this way is not infallible , declared by instances , especially from the philosophy of des-cartes . ( 2 ) there 's no demonstration but where the contrary is impossible . we can scarce conclude so of any thing . instances of supposed impossibles , which are none . a story of a scholar that turn'd gipsy ; and of the power of imagination : of one mans binding anothers thought , and a conjecture at the manner of its performance . 188 , 189. chap. xxi . another instance of a supposed impossibility which may not be so . of conference at distance by impregnated needles . away of secret conveyance by sympathized hands ; a relation to this purpose . of the magnetick cure of wounds . ( 3 ) we cannot know any thing in nature , without the knowledge of the first springs of natural motion , and these we are ignorant of . des-cartes his philosophy commend●d . 202 chap. xxii . ( 4 ) because of the mutual dependence and concatenation of causes , we cannot know any one without knowing all . particularly declared by instances . ( 5 ) all our science c●mes in at our senses , their infallibility inquired into . 213 chap. xxiii . considerations against dogmatizing , ( 1 ) 't is the effect of ignorance . ( 2 ) . it argues untamed passions . ( 3 ) it disturbs the world . ( 4 ) it is ill manners , and immodesty . ( 5 ) it holds men captive in errour . ( 6 ) it betrayes a narrowness of spirit . 224. chap. xxiv . an apology for philosophy . 235. finis . some opinions of mr. hobbs considered in a second dialogue between philautus and timothy by the same author. eachard, john, 1636?-1697. 1673 approx. 370 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 172 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39319 wing e64 estc r30964 11748597 ocm 11748597 48558 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39319) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48558) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1484:3) some opinions of mr. hobbs considered in a second dialogue between philautus and timothy by the same author. eachard, john, 1636?-1697. [30], 309 p. printed by j. macock for walter kettilby ..., london : 1673. attributed to john eachard by nuc pre-1956 imprints and wing. dedication signed j.e. . reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. philosophy, english -17th century. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-04 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion some opinions of m r hobbs considered in a second dialogue between philautus and timothy . by the same author . london , printed by j. macock for walter kettilby , at the sign of the bishops-head in s t pauls church-yard . 1673. to the most reverend father in god , gilbert by divine providence lord archbishop of canterbury , primate of all england and metropolitan : and one of his majesties most honourable privy-council , &c. may it please your grace , seeing your grace has already withstood the displeasure of such a threatning philosopher and politician as mr. hobbs , and not publickly disown'd , or renounc'd the protection of my former dialogue ; i have ventured to anger our adversary once more , by pr●…suming to offer this second to your graces acceptance and pardon . which presumption , although the continuance of your graces favours towards me might almost excuse , yet it is the great insolence and great extravagance of mr. hobbs's attempts , that makes me still seek out for protection from so gre●…t and eminent a patron ; who by his unaffected affability to all men , and his studious encouragement of the best , by his unwearied care for promoting true religion , as well as securing the just authority of his prince , is alone able to live down many leviathans . and if there be any way to bring that haughty-conceited-philosopher to a tolerable good nature , and to tie him up to moderate prophaneness , it must be done by such as your grace , defending and approving those that write against him : for as 't is well known to your grace , that he 'l allow no man to speak truth but himself ; so will he scarce ad●…it of any man to be truly great , unless he is of his mind and opinions : and that makes him so angry with your grace , because you are such an unanswerable argument against all that he hath writ . and nothing does so nearly concern him , and almost convert him ; as to see the name of a person , so conspicuous for religion and power , stand before a book that doth oppose his doctrine . and for this reason i have once more taken the boldness to make this second address to your grace . if upon this review of mr. hobbs , i had found that he had given his readers sense and argument answerable to the mischi●…f and wickedness of his opinions ; i should then have endeavoured to have now appeared to your grace in another style and dress . for i am not so utterly given over to toying , nor so conceited of this way of writing , nor so indifferent about a good life and religion , nor so careless of offending sober men , nor so bent and resolved always to presume upon your grace after this kind , but that i think it possible , that upon a just account and a good subject , for a need , i could make two or three grave period●… , as well as mr. hobbs has made thousands ▪ about those things which are eithe●… impudently false , 〈◊〉 notoriously f●…ivolous but i must confess , that of all triflers 't is the set , the grave , the philosophical , and mathematical trifler , to which i have the greatest averseness : whom when i meet very gravely making out all men to be rational beasts both in nature and conversation ; and every man when he pleases a rational rebel : and upon any fright or pinch , a rational atheist and antichristian ; and all this performed with all demureness , solemnity , quotation of scripture , appeals to conscience and church-history ; i must humbly beg your graces pardon , if then i have endeavoured to smile a little , and to get as much out of his road , and wa●… of writing as possible . i might offer to your graces consideration several things , in apologie for my self . if what i have done be at all pardonable , i am sure your grace need not be reminded of what i might plead or pretend : but if otherwise , for me to argue the case with your grace , would but heighten the presumption of , my lord , your graces in all duty and service most devoted j. e. may 20. 1673. the bookseller to the reader . dear reader , the author wanting wit , confidence , and friends to commend himself and this following dialogue to the world , at that ●…ast and prodigious rate , after which mr. hobbs ( and such as he hired ) is sufficiently known to have extolled himself and all his writings ; rather than such a man , and such endeavours , should utterly perish for want of a few good words , i was resolved to say somewhat , not only for my own gain , but also for my own profit . it is to be confessed , that there has been already so very much said ( in prefaces ) of the bottomless deserts and inestimable writings of our author's adversary , that it will be a very difficult talk for me , who am no ways concerned , no ways corrupted nor prepared , no chaplain , no butler , 〈◊〉 ●…d , no nephew , no r●… , no friend nor acquaintance of the author , ever to overtake those extravagant praises that mr. hobbs has shower'd down upon himself . but however , reader , i prethee , do so much as hold my hat and gloves ; and thou shalt see , what such an unprejudic'd and unconcern'd person can do for a poor , modest , shiftless , friendless , despairing , dying author . there was , thou know'●…t , a great greek man , who was thrice asked what was most necessary to make an orator : and 't is known well enough , what his threefold answer was . even so shouldst thou ask me three thousand times over what is the most-best book that ever was , or will be printed , buy this , and thou hast fully answered thy self and my design . the book , it is to be acknowledged , is but a book ; and that 's the least and worst thing that can be said of it . but why do i call it a book : what am i mad ? for in reality 't is all books : for it does not only faithfully relate what has been already done , but it foretells all that shall be done . dost thou want , reader , a just , true , and impartial history of the whole world ; from the very beginning , to the very minute that thou buyest this book ? trouble not thy self , here ' t is . it begins ten thousand years before the oldest praeadamite , and holds good and firm ten thousand years after the world shall end . dost thou want a true , ●…ound , substantial , orthodox body of divinity ? hold it still fast ; for thou hast got it . this very book was at the first four general councils , and in all the persecutions . hast thou a mind to a compleat body of the law , civil law , canon law , common law , & c ? the twelve tables were stollen out of this book last week , when 't was printing : i met with the rogue at pye ▪ corner , but he out-ran me : and so were lycurgus's laws , and justinian's institutes : as for littleton , cook , &c. 't is plain they had all hence : and as london-bridge stands upon several wool-packs ; so westminster-hall it self , and all its proceedings , stand upon four of these books . dost thou want galen , hippocrates , paracelsus , helmont , & c ? want them still ; for in effect thou hast them all . for here 's that which cures all diseases ; and teaches a most certain way how to make a compleat gentleman , at one baking . dost thou want a book to measure the height of stars , survey ground , make a dial , & c ? look pag. 79. lin . 12. it tells thee exactly what 's a clock either by day or by night ; next line thou hast full moon and new , high tide at london bridge , and all the bridges in the world. turn down the fourth leaf of this book when thou goest to bed ; and 't will go off just at that hour , and waken you as well as any alarum . immediately after which follows a compleat and most wonderful table of consequences ; which , if read one way , tells you all the fairs and markets ; t'other way all the battels that ever have been , or shall be fought ; with the number of the slain , &c. and besides , it doubles cubes and squares , circles ( better than mr. hobbs ) only with an oyster shell and a pair of tobacco tongs . and now , reader , tell me , art thou so void of conscience , reason , and all sense of thy own benefit , as not to carry home this book ? besides , read but five pages of it spring and fall , and for that year thou art certainly secured from all feavers , agues , coughs , catarrhs , &c. chomp three or four lines of it in a morning ; it scours and clarifies the teeth ; it settles and confirms the jaws ; and brings a brisk and florid colour into the cheeks . the very sight of the book does so scar all cramps , bone-aches , running gouts , and the like , that they won't come within a stones cast of your house . art thou , reader , a single man ? be no longer so , but alter thy condition , and take this book along with thee . hast thou a wife and children , and are they dear to thee ? here 's a book for that dear wife , and for those dear children . for it does not only sing , dance , play on the lute , speak french , ride the great horse , &c. but it performs all family duties . it runs for a midwife , it rocks the cradle , combs the childs head , sweeps the house , milks the cows , turns the hogs out of the corn , whets knives , lays the cloth , grinds corn , beats hemp , winds up the jack , brews , bakes , washes , and pays off servants their wages exactly at quarter day ; and all this it does at the same time , and yet is never out of breath . besides , if thou hast a mind to borrow eight or ten thousand pounds ; never look c●…t for a surety , but take this book along with thee ; it will go further and for more than half the bankers . it were endless , reader , to tell thee all the uses and excellencies of this treatise : which though it be a full answer to all ill-natur'd , seditious , heretioal , blasphemous books that ever were written ; yet , after a most peculiar manner , it does so horridly rout some silly-phantastical opinions of mr. hobbs , that he 'l be ashamed ever so much as to owne any one opinion again . mr. hobbs hapned into a fancy that every thought was necessary : i. e. not one thought , reader , that thou ever hadst since thou camest into the world , that thou couldst any more have avoided thinking , than that thy hair is black , or the sky blue . now , to that says my author most wonderfully and judiciously ; that if such a thing should ever come to pass , that is to say , that if ever any man at any time should chance to have but one thought crowded upon him , he would presently have a most huge oak grow out of his neck , and his left leg would be turned into a phoenix ▪ this he proves at large . again says mr. hobbs , that every action that a man does is perfectly unavoidable : to that says our author , very candidly and ingenuously : that if any one man should be forced willingly , to do any one action ; the moon would presently tumble into that mans mouth . in the next place , says mr. hobbs , there 's nothing in the world but matter . ay , says our author , nothing but matter ! then has not any man , in his life , ever tasted of a pudding . this , reader , is plain demonstration . then for philosophical language , mathematicks , and divinity ; he brings him to such absurdities , as you never heard of , nor are to be imagined . only thus far i 'le tell you , that if mr. hobbs has squared the circle , then both mars and venus , and the seven stars will be every one of them most certainly in the counter , the next friday after you buy this book . never was any book more magnified beyond the seas , than this has been . go into france , spain , italy , or any other part of europe , no other discourse but of the dutch war , and this second dialogue . if the french king and brandenburgh have agreed , without doubt , 't was done by this second dialogue : and if he ever beat the dutch , 't will be just after the same manner , as tim has slain the leviathan . for 't is already translated into latine , greek , french , spanish , and the universal language . al●…uding to this dialogue , says tully ; omnes ex omni aetate libri , si unum in locum conferuntur cum servio sulpitio timotheo non sunt conferendi . and says pindar ( doubtless of this book ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is needless to tell you what zenophon , josephus , varro , and the talmud say of it . i know , reader , 't is a little uncivil and unbecoming for one of my profession to seem so learned . but how could i help it ? for i did only carry the first sheet of this second dialogue to the press , and when i returned , my wife and family could not understand one word i said . what if mr. hobbs were familiar with gassendus , mersennus , and monsieur sorbier ; whenas our author went to school with archimedes , and julius caesar was his bed-fellow ? and what if mr. hobbs initiated his present majesty in the mathematicks ; this author , at the same time , disciplined six young kings , four emperours : and the first pope that ever was infallible was then his usher ? but now , reader , i take leave ; but only i am to let you know , ( not to deceiv●… you ) that i am very doubtful , whether the book be worth reading . but if you understand me aright , 't is the more valuable for that . for such is the vertue of this book , that the meer buying of it will do all those feats above-mentioned . and therefore lay down your money : and so farewel . the author to the reader . reader , it is not the design of this following dialogue , neither was it of the former , to make sport for idle people : ( though if i have written all those books , that i am appointed to owne , thou mayst justly suspect that i never did , nor do intend any other thing ; ) but to preserve thee from being laughed at , by all who can distingnish sense from words . for though i cannot think how i should any ways be useful or serviceable to the publick ; yet ( i thank god ) i have not spent my time so very ill , as only to collect a few tales and proverbs to make others merry . nor was it my design either to please the church-men , whose office , power , and bible mr. hobbs cunningly hath disposed of ; nor to oblige the lords and commons ; who may all stay at home , if the prince take his advice : but it was , if possible , to cure a company of easie , giddy , smallpated gentlemen ; who swagger that mr. hobbs hath said more for a bad life , and against any other life after this , than ever was pleaded by philosopher or divine to the contrary . now to effect this cure , ( at least amongst some of them ) is ten times more difficult than to answer all mr. hobbs's works . for in the first place , there be a sort of people who were sturdy , resolved practicants in hobbianism ; and would most certainly have been so , had there never been any such man as mr. hobbs in the world. but when they heard that ill nature , debauchery , and irreligion was mathematicks and demonstration : and that he who reported this , was a very grave , studious , contemplative , and observing gentleman ; and yet writ as viciously and prophanely , as their own vanity and lusts could tempt them to practise : then had these gentlemen found out a philosopher exactly sor their purpose , and the philosopher had sound out as right gentlemen for his . and these are the sure , the firm , and constant pit-friends ; that clap , shout , and swear all that comes from malmesbury . and to speak so plainly , as i might be understood , the devil and the philosopher have got these people so fast , that i have little hopes of retrieving them . the next shole that came into mr. hobbs , are a sort of small , soft , little , pretty , fine gentlemen : who having some little wit , some little modesty , some little remain of conscience and country religion , could not tear and hector it , as the former ; but quickly learnt to chirp and giggle , when t'other clapt and shouted : and those were mr. hobbs's gallery-friends ; who at first were coy and squeamish , and for a while stood aloof off , and made some little doubt , whether a taylor 's bill was truly and legally satisfied , when he or his bailiffs were sufficiently beaten ; but by degrees they came in , and in their kind proved very serviceable . and such as these mr. hobbs catch'd by his fame of being a mathematician , by filling his books with schemes , by frequent using the word demonstration , and calling all kind of vice and irreligion , humane nature , and obedience to the civil magistrate ; and the like . there be ore sort still behind : and they are the solemn , the judi●…ious , don-admirers , and ●…ox ▪ friends of mr. hobbs : who being men of gravity and reputation , don't only d●…fie the name of sot ●…r villain , but are unwilling to venture upon the more ingenious one of hobbist : and will scarce simper in favour or allowance of the philosopher ; but can make shift to nod and nod again ; and think that no man but mr. hobbs has gone to the fundamentals of government or humane nature . now , reader , what i shall do or say to these men , i know not . as for the great shouters and clappers , who are resolved upon their course of life , you 'l easily judge , that i can expect to do but little upon them : they being so resolved , not for mr. hobbs's sake , but only out of true and unfeigned love , to debauchery and wickedness . but yet one thing i would beg of them , that if they be thus determined and fixt ; that they would e'en stick to the old true new english name of knave and ungodly ; rather than ( ●…or the renown of being of a philosophical sect ) to the new one of an hobbist . for upon my word there is not the least credit and ingenuity in it , more than t'other : but if they be for variety , and that dull , blunt prophaneness won't down with them , but they must have it a little so modell'd and new phras'd , that upon occasion they may plead for 't , and justifie it ; let them not go to mr. hobbs for devices ( but , when they have occasion , devise some of their own : ) for his are so weak , so notoriously idle , that they are more scandalous and disparaging , than right down roguery without any pretence or artifice . but as for the gallery-gentlemen , most of whom , i suppose , infected by general fame , i have for their sakes , ( because i thought them not much at leisure ) read over most of mr. hobbs's writings . and what i learnt thou shalt hear . by his logick i profited wonderfully : for it was there ( and i must ever acknowledge it ) that i first was instructed , to call logick computation : and there i learnt how to add and substract logically : also how to make use of triangles , circles , parabola's , and other mathematical instances ; instead of homo , lapis or canis : and that 's , upon my word , all that i found there . then i went to his natural philosophy ; and there i found the word phantasm , as thick as ever it could stand ; and that space , time , and every thing else was a phantasm , but not any one thing tolerably explained , but what was taken out of cartes , though he denies it . but indeed in those very things , wherein he says he differs from him , he most exactly agrees with him ; ( as de corp . ch. 29. ) and knows it not . there is , i must confess , a good lusty heap of mathematicks , about the middle of his natural ●…hilosophy : but dr. w. has taken such care about them , that i believe they 'l do thee but little good . i might tell thee also , reader , of his humane nature ; which carries a very good title , and is called the fundamental elements of policy : which title has nothing at all to do with the book , nor the book scarce with any thing at all else : his liberty and necessity is a little , very feat book : but there 's nothing but a new definition of liberty to make it agree with necessity ; and he might e'en as well have made one definition for fire and water . of his books de cive and leviathan , i need say nothing : because most of this , and the former dialogues concerns them . and lastly , as to his mathematicks , i leave them to be judged by others . but only , reader , let me tell thee thus much , that if in that science thou preferrest one doting , conceited fellow , not only before all the mathematicians of our own nation ; but also all in europe ( which thou must do , if thou admirest his mathematicks ▪ ) then i do look upon thee to have arrived to the height of the hobbian spirit ; and thou mayst e'en continue in it . so that what is in it , reader , thou hast left now to admire in thy master . 't is a most plain case , that he 's neither logician , nor philosopher , nor moralist , nor politician : and upon the credit of others , i 'le presume him no mathematician . yes , i 'le tell thee what he 's good for , and truly that 's just all viz without doubt , he is a very good english grammarian ; ( and those that are skill'd in latine , say he must not pretend higher : ) and knowing exactly the difference between do and doth , which and who , would have made a most absolute , unlimited , irresistible soveraign of a country-school ; and upon play days ▪ we 'll allow him t●… translate : he has done thucidydes well . as to the last sort of gentlemen , the grave and s●…ill admirers : who think no mans style , method ▪ and politicks , like mr. hobbs's : i shall only desire them to su●…er me to tell them where those politicks lie , viz. he went and read , and considered the laws and sta●…utes of our realm : and then went on , and suppos●…d that in every place ( if there be any prince at all ) he must be absolute and unlimited : whom he mounted so high at last , as that he should not be only sufficiently above all men ; but above god himself , and all religion : ( and having given him such a full brimmer of power and authority ; to be sure he had raised him above our form of government : ) and this his prince you take for a rare prince , and these his politicks for rare politicks . whereas it is plain , in his common-wealth , there is nothing at all new ; but only saucy impudent reflections upon the laws , constitutions , and government of our realm . and don't mistake your selves , he 's every whit as much against the civil power , as ecclesiastical . and suppose that you are willing to excuse him ; yet his majesty likes such money , as is given him by the parliament ; and such laws as they advise him to make ; and thinks himself prince enough , and is contented with his place ; though , according to the strict rules of soveraignty , and mr. hobbs's definition of a monarch , he can't make bibles , nor turn god out of the world. as for the rest of his politicks , they are such as are known to every dragoon : and when he writ them , as he pretended , for the immortal peace of his country ; he might e'en as well have put out a regular system to tea●…h people how to charge a gun , or cleanse the streets . it is possible , reader , that thou mayst now expect i should give thee some account of the following dialogue : but i have no mind to 't , only whereas some in a book against mr. hobbs might look for close and serious arguing ; thou art to understand that i was always ready for it , but never could find an opportunity . for when i had pulled a ▪ pieces mr. hobbs's phrases , and changed his affected words into such as were familiar ; i always found , that to confute him throughly , was only to understand him aright . and if , by the instances i have given , others are convinced thereof , i have my design . a second dialogue between philautus and timothy . phi. how , tim , not hang'd your self yet ? tim. in my opinion , bristol is a very pr●…tty town . phi. surely thou wert at cross purposes last night : what has bristol to do with hanging ? tim. the most that can be , sir. and i wonder , of all men , that you should no●… perceive it . 't is a train , sir ; and as plain beaten road , as from st. albans ●…o barnet , or from st. andrew to tumult . phi. wh●… , is there such a town , any where upon the road , as tumult ? tim. a very ●…amous one , in the fourth chapter of your humane nature : and according to the account you ●…here give of it , 't is nothing near an hours riding from st. andrew thither . for , the mind being mounted at st. andrew , starts thence and runs to st. peter , because in the same gospel , their names are read together . having got to st. peter , it makes forthwith for stone , for the same reason ; from stone it goes to foundation , because they are seen together ; and then from foundation it switches away presently to church , and from church to people , and from people to tumult . phi. all this is very natural and coherent , the passage being smooth and easie : but how shall we get from hanging to bristol ? i doubt that is a kind of a cross road , tim ; is it not ? tim. i must confess , there 's one place a little hard to hit : but from bristol to hanging , 't is impossible to miss . for , the mind getting up at bristol , away presently it rides for flintshire , from flintshire it goes to hamshire , and so to hempshire , ropeshire , pippin . phi. pippin ? whereabouts are we now ? what have we to do with pippin ? tim. this pippin , sir , was he , to whom alderman cooper the great turkie merchant was so nearly related . phi. how dost mean ? what , did this cooper marry one of pippins daughters ? tim. no , sir : he was of the whole blood upon my word : for he was only son of mr. hooper , who came from a greekish kind of man , one hoper , and he from dioper , and he again from diaper ; and then it runs alone , to pippin . alas ! thought is very swift , and set but the mind once agog , and how it whews it away . phi. i shall not come to you to learn how swi●…t thoughts are : nor yet how that they are all necessary . tim. no : if you do , you 'l loose your journey , for i know no such thing . phi. what don't you know ? don 't you know , that there is a necessary coherence and order , a fatal and irresistible occasion , a drift , a clue and chain of all thoughts ? tim. not , in the least ; not i. phi. then thou knowest nothing belonging to the brain ; nor didst thou ever take into consideration my principle of motion . tim. i have tasted , sir , of a calfs head and bacon ; and i was in the great wind : and yet i humbly conceive , that though a mans legs be tyed never so fast ; and his mouth stitch'd up never so close , he may , notwithstanding that , pay it away with thinking , if he be but in the right queu . when the purse is empty , and the pha●…sie low , then indeed the mind usually is very modest and governable ; and goes only to leap-frog , and skips perhaps from cooper to pippin , or ●…rom st. andrew to tumult . but let the mans belly and pockets be but once refresh'd , and then presently he is cock-a-hoop , then he takes hedg and ditch , church and steeple ; and struts and straddles like the great colossus at rhodes . now , methinks , i am just in the very middle of smyrna : now i am at as in praesenti : now i am for a dish of cucumbers and mustard : and , after all this , nothing will satisfie me but adam and eve , and the north wind. hey day ! how i can range sometimes , and make the whole world to spring , and flutter before me . phi. this now , i perceive , is intended for frolick , and phansie : but , that thou maist see , tim , that thou hast no hopes of ever having the credit of being distracted ; i shall shew thee , that in this great flight that thou hast made , and these great jumps , that thou hast taken , there 's nothing else but meer train and drift : and thou hast as absolutely crept on from hint to hint , and motive to motive , as ever child did , that lean'd upon its mothers apron-strings . and in the first place as for smyrna , i take it for granted that it was an unavoidable thought . tim. do you so ? then you must take it all alone : for you are not likely to have my company . phi. why , has not the word smyrna by some means or other been formerly impuls'd upon you ? surely you will not say that you just now made it . tim. no truly , i did not make it : but , if you have occasion for them , i can make you a thousand words presently , that neither you , nor i ever heard of before . phi. what , neither in part nor whole ? i hope you 'l make them of some syllables you have heard of , or at least of some letters . tim. ps●…aw ! pshaw ! that 's a meer phansie o●… yours : wee 'l make them of a turkie tammy , or a calamanco . make words of letters ! they are dull and old fashion'd words that ar●… made so . give me a word , that has neither beginning nor ending , vowel , nor consonant , that is neither to be spoken , heard , nor understood . phi. come , come : for all your fooling , you had some one considerable reason or other why you nam'd smyrna . tim. some one , sir ! i had a dozen at least . phi. then no man can say but you had reasons enow . tim. but i had as many , sir , full out for aleppo . phi. perhaps so , but then they wer●… not altogether so big . tim. yes but they were , and bigger too . there was the tenth reason , that was as big as the great turnep king james gave the scotchman . o aleppo ! how infinitely am i taken with aleppo ! phi. that 's true , you may be much taken with the place now , but you car'd little for it before . tim. o sir , for many years together i have been so horribly inflam'd with the thoughts of it , that if you do not a little divert me , and let me know how i got from smyrna to as in praesenti , i shall immediately swoon . phi. although thy ignorance shew thy education to have been but very small : yet i suppose thou mightst travel so far into the grammar , as to be acquainted with as in praesenti . tim. yes , sir , i know as in praesenti very well : but i don't remember that ever i met as in praesenti riding behind smyrna to market . phi. that may be , simpleton ! but you met , in the beginning of propria quae maribus , with the island call'd cyprus : and every body knows that cyprus is no such huge way from smyrna . tim. 't is very right i profess — ceu creta britannia cyprus . o , what a happiness it is , to have had the opportunity of prying into the little intrigues , and starting holes of the mind ! and to be well acquainted with all the little lanes and by-paths of thinking ! but i pray , sir , how came cucumbers and mustard into such an intimacy with as in praesenti ? phi. 'lack a day ! they are old camerades . for the very last side but one in quae genus , ( which you know is next to as in praesenti ) there you learnt scelerata sinapis , and cucumis cucumer . tim. i durst swear upon lilly , 't is just so . and that this same thought of mustard and cucumbers came only from the sediments and relicts of an old twang i got at school . but how , sir , came the cucumbers to out-run the mustard ; for they are otherwise placed in the grammar ? phi. that is because some time or other you have seen mutton and cucumbers to be succeeded by beef and mustard . tim. yes , sir , that i have once , or so : but i don't remember that ever i saw adam and eve and the north-wind succeeded after any such manner . how shall we train in these , sir ? phi. o most easily . for adam and eve were the occasion of all thoughts : for from them were descended all thinking creatures . but besides , 't is possible that at some time or other ( for no man can remem●…er every thing that has happen'd in his whole life ) you might meet a woman crying cucumbers ; and thereupon looking up , you spy'd the sig●… of adam and eve. tim. but 't is five to one , sir , whether the north-wind was written upon the sign . phi. that 's true : but 't is not so many to one , but that the wind might then be in the north , tim. and if so , there 's sufficient ●…son for them to lig together in the brain , and afterwards to spring forth . alas ! tim , the●…e is not one of a thousand that is able to discern how strangely things are chain'd together . it being a plain cas●… that people generally spend their time in gazing and staring at the whole lump of second causes ; and never mind the delicate wreathings and twistings of motion . tim. indeed , sir , i am afraid that people are somewhat careless : in my mind they ought to be chidden . phi. chidden ? they ought to be kick'd out of the world for duncery . i tell thee , tim , i was , i remember , one day ( in the late troublesome times ) at a place where we sell into discourse of the civil war. in the midst of which up starts one ( as seemingly attentive as any of the rest ) and asks , what was the value of a roman penny . the old fops and boyes , that crowded close to see and admire me , and to get some reputation from being in my company ; thought the man utterly distracted , or ( as theolog●…es use to say upon such occasions ) inspired . but to me , who knew how to drive a thought to the spring head , the coherence and train of the question was as manifest as could be . for the thought of the war introducing the thought of the scots selling the king , and the thought of that , the thought of judas betraying of christ ; and he being sold for thirty pence , i need not say any more . tim. not a word , sir , and 't was well for the poor gentleman , philautus , that you were so nigh at hand ; or else , by chance , he might have gone to bedlam , for want of a trainer . but suppose , sir , instead of the roman penny , he had asked what was the reason that ginger is spelt with a g , and jeopardy with an j. must he needs have gone for 't : could not you have dropt down a little soder , and relief upon such an unfortunate extravagancy ? phi. what 's that to you goodman-two-shoes : am i bound to acquaint you with all that i can do ? tim. nay , i hope no offence , sir : for i am confident you that have such excellent skill at putting a thought off the squat , could have easily don 't : for the phantasm of war introducing the phantasm of powder , this powder presently breaks forth into bullets : again those bullets pig and bring forth hail shot : and in the twincling of an eye , hail ▪ shot begets pepper : and that pepper that can't beget ginger , ought to be flung into the streets . phi. but hold tim ; who ▪ shall help us to the phantasm of jeopardy ? dost keep a journey-man to do that for thee ? i prethee why not ginger and justice , or ginger and jeremiah , as well as ginger and jeopardy ? tim. nay softly there , philautus ; you would fain draw me into a land-story . the business of ginger and jeopardy is as famous as the ▪ three blew beans in ●… blew bladder . phi. then you may keep your story to your self : i am sure it can't any ways weaken my opinion , let it be what it will : for as i said before , so say i again , that 't is perfectly impossible for any man in the world , either to devise a new thought , or so much as to choose the order of any old one . tim. i have now in my mind , philautus , a spick and span new thought , so fine and so pretty — phi. what , that no body ever thought of before ? i pr●…thee let 's hear it . tim. no , but you shan't : for you can't hear it , unless i speak ; and if i speak , i shall go nigh to open my mouth : and then you 'l presently say , that some body have open'd their mouths just so before now ; either in whole , or in part ; and so i shall be chous'd out of the novelty of my thought . no , no , sir : i must beg your pardon as to that : but if you have any other kind of reason to bestow upon me , why a man may not think over his old thoughts in what order he pleases , besides such as king pippin , tumult and the roman penny , i shall count my self very much beholding to you . phi. what an impertinent thing is this to look about for reason , in a case that need not at all to be reason'd ? does not what men practise and daily experience teach thee , how naturally the mind flies from one thing to another : even as a hawk flies after a patridge ? and have not i in the thirty third page of my humane nature plainly shewn thee , that when the thought of honourable is by some occasion or other sprung in a man , how the mind presently takes wing , and flies to the thought of being wise , which is the next means thereunto : and from thence to the thought of study , which is the next means to wisdom : and have not i besides there told thee , that the necessity of this order depends upon this great truth , that he that has a conception of an end and has an appetite thereunto ; the next conception he has , is a conception of the next means to that end . tim. a most vast and stately truth indeed ! and therefore certainly that gentlemans brains lay very odly , who , being sent for to a dying friend , bad his man to saddle him presently the chess-board , and give the warming-pan half a peck of oats . phi. this is a mere flam of your own devising : there never was any man in the world in his wits , who thought after this extravagant rate . tim. this way you 'l be too hard for me indeed . for if i take a little pains to make a new thought , you presently cry out ware a●…phabet ! and when i appeal to history and matter of record , then my men prove all mad . phi. i say you and your men are every one of you mad ; if you look upon this way of thinking to be common or natural . tim. i know , as well as you , that 't is not altogether modish : and therefore if at any time the thought of hunger stirs within me , and struggles so hard as to pull in victuals ; i don't call for a flail or the snuffers to cut my meat ; but for t' other instrument : and if i have occasion to be trim'd , i seldom send for the brick-layer , because i have more frequently observ'd the fall of beards to succeed the performances of another sort of operators . phi. and therefore you plainly see that people eat , live , talk , and do all meerly by train of thoughts . and as the water followeth a mans finger upon a dry and level table : so every conception is guided and necessarily drawn in , by something that went before . tim. i grant you , philautus , that victuals draws out the knife out of the sheath , as naturally as the finger , &c. but it will not fetch in the flail out of the barn altogether so well ▪ phi. yes , if there be a pudding upon the table . tim. but it shan't be pudding-day : wee 'l have nothing but a haunch of venison . i durst not say beef . for that would have taken fire presently ; and ran like a great gun backward . flail , corn , pudding , beef . phi. why , venison is flesh as well as beef . tim. there you are cunning to some purpose : for if i had only said , that we had a small device , or a thingam for dinner ; you would easily have brought in your flail . for all substances are cosen-germans . phi. so they are : for the whole world is only a vast , vast family : and though by reason of the multitude of relations , we don't presently perceive how the kindred comes in : yet there always is and must be some necessary alliance . tim. that same must be i like mainly well : because 't will indifferently serve for any elevation of the pole. for , suppose a gentleman comes into his inn , and finding his stomach mawkish , desires only a boyl'd cushion and apple-sawce for his supper ; and my landlord calls for ●…ippin or tumult to speak in the globe ; and neither of them will answer : 't is no matter for that , for if they won't somebody else must : every thought coming from imagination , and imagination from sense , and sense from motion , and therefore it must be so , so or so . phi. it seems by this , tim , as if 't were thy opinion that all thoughts were meerly casual or indifferent . tim. you must ghess again , sir : for though i believe no thought to be necessary ; yet 't is plain that there is not one of a hundred of which , for the most part , there is not some occasion offered . for children at school are very well aware of your train of thoughts ; ( only they don't know the phrase ) counting it not modest nor civil to tell a passenger a story of eo and queo , when he gives them occasion to tell him the hour of the day . phi. i prethee , tim , don't trouble me with a●…y of thy childrens stories : but if thou hast a mind to understand wherein the whole cheat of this same freedom of thinking consists , 't is in short thus . there are , thou knowest , several senses belonging to a man ; which senses seldom lie long fallow ; but are constantly busy'd and knock'd upon by this outward world : so that these knocking 's sav'd all together , and treasur'd up in the brain , in twenty years time , suppose , will amount to a vast bank of motion : hence now it comes about , that a man may easily be deceiv'd , and oft-times seem to think voluntier , when as he only filtches out of the common stock . tim. this same seeming only to think freely does not at all please me : for a man , notwithstanding that , is still as very a jimcrack as a farthing-whistle ; only he 's a little more copious . and an ability to think of ten thousand thousand several things , if stinted to a certain order , is nothing else but a wilder kind of necessity . and thereupon it was that the late philosopher who took great pains in making bruits to be meer engines ; was never so idle or mad , as to make man to be such a kind of tool . phi. he might e'en have gone on with the work , for any thing i see to the contrary . tim. no , sir : he knew how to spend his time better . for he perceiv'd that though an engine might possibly be contriv'd not only to walk up and down , but also to pronounce several words very distinctly , and to call knave if touch'd in one place , and in another to be your humble servant : nay , suppose you bestow upon it such breeding , as it becomes able at last to recite word for word every verse in virgil : yet take this same engine and stroak it , and cokes it , and promise it a violet ▪ comfit , tell it the emperour is to dine with you that day , and therefore it must needs do some extraordinary feat ; for all this you can't get this sullen thing to say so much ; as patulae tu tityre . phi. perhaps so : but what 's the reason , tim ? tim. i know none but only this ; that make what you will of meer matter ; and put in never so many wheels and pullies : and instruct it in all the language●… of europe , and ▪ t will still be but a chip of the old block , and 't will go but just the rounds , and never take forth of its own accord , nor skip up your lap , and kiss you , when you had tun'd it to say the first ode of horace . phi. i grant you that man has very much the advantage of all other creatures ; because he alone is capable of speech , and thereby of comparing and reasoning . tim. now , don't i believe one word of all this . phi. what , tim , dost deny by whole sale ? tim. in the first place i do say that 't is not speech , or the uttering of words that does at all make a man ; but the understanding those words he utters , and the applying the same aptly . for suppose you go to your cage , and ask your pye , how do you do this morning ? and the pye answers , how do you do this morning ? now if you can but teach the pye to lay the accent strong enough upon that same you which she pronounces , 't is then plain reparty , and the pye shall presently put in for a place at court. and as speech alone will never amount to reasoning ; so by your good leave , philautus , there may be reasoning without speech : that is , there may be demonstrative inferring or concluding without the use of words . for i don't imagine reasoning to consist in gaping or hollowing , but in perceiving the necessity of the effect from its causes ; which deaf and dumb people by many instances certainly do , as well as the lowdest disputant in the schools . but of these things , philautus , you and i may have further occasion to discourse , before we part . and therefore if you have ever another roman penny about you , i pray let 's have it . phi. no , tim , i know what to do with my money and notions better , than to fling them away upon such an ungrateful wretch as thou art . this same train or necessity of all humane thoughts is a great secret , and too deep , i perceive , for thy apprehension . perhaps thou maist have better luck at understanding the necessity of all humane actions : and therefore if thou hast a mind to it ; wee 'l have a small brush about free-will : for my part i have not much to say : being most of it compriz'd in that little despicable piece of mine , call'd liberty and necessity . 't is a very small thing , tim , and one of thy confidence and prowess may eat it up at a mouth-ful . tim. yes , sir , 't is very small : but somebody has put such a dreadful preface to 't , as would go nigh to give a giant his breakfast . reader , says that same some-body , take this little book of liberty and necessity : pull off thy glove , and take it i say into thy right hand , and let not the smallness thereof , make it seem contemptible to thee , for 't is every bit diamond and oaks heart , for ( besides a new passage into the east-indies , and the bowells of the number of the apocalyptical beast ) there 's work enough for many thousand sermons and exercises : and there 's that which is much better than the catechisms and confessions of a thousand assemblies : and that which will cast an eternal blemish upon all the corner'd caps of the priests and jesuits , and upon all the black and white caps of the ministers . i know not , reader , what profession , perswasion , opinion , or church thou art of : but be of what thou wilt , if thou intendest to be sav'd , buy and study this little book . in comparison of which , all the sermons , teachings , preachings , meetings , disputations , conferences and printed books are good for nothing , but only to divert the duller sort of citizens . perhaps , thou maist have a mind to be prying into the great mysteries of predestination , election , freewill , grace , merits , reprobation , &c. if so , take my advice for once , and never go to any black-court again ; for generally they are a company of ignorant tinkers , that pretend to mending and sodering of mens consciences , and for the most part they make more holes than they find : but go thou me to this little , little book of liberty and necessity ; ( not written by a dull tinkering theologue , but by a severe student of the mathematicks ) and there thou shalt find more evidence and conviction , and more means of humane salvation , than in all the volumes and libraries , and all the controversial labours , and polemical treatises that were ever printed . now , sir , is not this very thundering and dismaying ? do you think any body will venture , when you scare people thus . phi. who scare people ? you can't say that i writ that preface , can you ? tim. no : but when i find therein that same ratling story ( which was before in your preface de cive ) of ixion's clasping a cloud instead of juno , and of the centaures and hermaphrodite opinions that were produc'd by that unnatural coition ; and compare therewith your being so notoriously given to print over and over such elegant flourishes : and when i consider besides , how chargeable 't would be to procure one to ●…eign such commendations , as you , upon all occasions , so easily and naturally trundle in upon your self , i cannot but say , that i am somewhat afraid , that — phi. afraid ? of what i prethee ? thou knowest well enough there was a metaphysical bishop that ventur'd to meddle ; and i don't question but thou art as fool-hardy as any bishop , primate , or metropolitan of them all . tim. but you remember , sir , what a woful example you made of the poor bishop ; ( as you tell us in the last page of your animadversions ) and of all fish that flie , there 's none i hate like an example . in my opinion , philautus , you did him a little too hard , considering he was a bishop . phi. how could i help it , tim ? dost think i can endure to be eternally tormented with nothing but tohu's and bohu's and jargons ? the bishop and i meet at paris : we discourse very calmly concerning free-will : upon this he writes a very angry book , viz. vindication of true liberty , &c. and upon that ( as he desir'd ) i writ that parlous little thing , liberty and necessity . but withal ( now mark how tender i was of his credit ) in no less than four several places , i requested , that it might by no means be printed , that the world might never see what a pitiful weak creature they had for a church governour . but afterwards this little book being infinitely desir'd , and by stealth made publick ; notwithstanding all these cautions , and this my great regard to his reputation , he was so inconsiderate as to go and make a reply . in which , tim , ( to be short and plain ) he has discover'd so little of breeding , reasoning , or elocution , that i am oft times forced to let him know that his lordship writes like a beast , nay worse than a beast , nay both as to sense and cleanliness : and for his language that 't is jargon , tohu , bohu , the very same with that of the kingdom of darkness . tim. 't was a most unhappy thing , that so great a churchman should run himself into such danger : and at once offend such a formidable monster of wit , and philosophy . phi. offend ? i tell thee , tim , i am of as gentle and sparing a nature ( let people talk but tolerable non-sense ) as any man alive : but to be perpetually snarl'd at and curs'd — one he falls to scribling against me with his ghebrical gibberish , call'd symbolls , gambolls , or antichrist in short hand ; and in his elenchus would make people believe that he has confuted me , by writing so as no body understands him . then comes another little dog call'd vindex academiarum , and without being set on , he barks and exclaims against me as an enemy to the universities ; and knows no more than a puppy , either what an enemy is , or what an university is . then comes the railing and wondring bishop with his tohu , bohu and jargon ; and he calls me rebel , atheist and blasphemer , because i will not comply with him in his fopperies of accidents of cheese in bread , free-will , free-subject , and the like . upon this , tim , perceiving that folly and spight were both like to be endless : and that of all men that baited me , the clergy were the great ring-leaders and disturbers , what did me i , ( for my future ease and quiet ) but pickt out this same provoking bishop , as a good lusty sacrifice of their own flock : and so made of him an example for all the rest : which , if i be not much mistaken , i have done to some purpose . tim. to tell the bishop ( as you do ) that his distinction of compounded sense and divided sense was non-sense , was a very proper and pinching reflection : there being no sort of sense so very scandalous as non-sense : but to let go the very same instruments of revenge upon every slight cavil , and frivolous occasion ; and in times too , when liberty of will , as well as episcopacy and loyalty were equally persecuted ; was not done like a man that pretends to such variety of wit , and had the honour to initiate his present majesty in the mathematicks . phi. thou talkest , tim , as if the bishop had left thee a legacy to defend his fooleries . i wonder , what kind of things thou countest slight and frivolous . if a man should tell me ●… long story of a round quadrangle , or of a kingdom standing upon two heads , and i desire him out of all love to speak softly ; for my part , i believe thy wit to be such , that thou wouldst look upon this to be meer carping and cavelling . tim. no ; by no means , sir : you talk now of businesses indeed . but suppose , philautus , the bishop in his epistle to the reader , taking notice of your principles being destructive both to religion and government , concludes all with , god bless us . may not a bishop ( because the supreme rascals had got away his estate ) reserve so much of his sacred function , as to say , god bless us , without being accused of buffoonly abusing the name of god to calumny ? phi. but he brings it in , tim , as if he intended it as a spel , or a charm against my doctrine . tim. perhaps so : for there are a great many think it pernicious , besides the bishop . phi. it may be some few particular men . tim. do you know what you have said ? what a barbarous expression is this , for one that has done so well upon thucidides , and the peak ! is t●…is you that pretend to such exactness of language and have so little as to come in with your particular men ? is this you that have confounded thousands of catechisms and thousands of confessions , and routed white caps , black caps , corner'd caps , priests , jesuits , and ministers , and talk of your particular men ? is this you — phi. for shame , tim , rave no more , for thou lookest black in the mouth already . i prethee what fault canst thou fi●…d with particular men , tim. wherein does the iniquity of that expression lie ? tim. i know no more hurt in 't than you did , when you made use of it in the last page but one of your animadversions : ( as you may do a hundred times more for ought i know ) but the poor bishop did but speak of some particular men that slighted all ancient authors : and 't was as very jargon , as if he had taken his text out of st. paul to the deuteronomians ; particular men ! this word particular men ( say you ) is put in here , in my opinion with little judgment : especially by a man that pretendeth to be learned . that now is a very girding aggravation . does the bishop think that he himself is , or that there is any universal man ? that 's vexation driven . it may be he means a private man. does he then think there is any man not private besides him that is endued with soveraign power ? rarely fetch'd up again ! there is not one man of a thousand that 's fit to be trusted with an absurdity : that knows how to give the rising blow , and to urge and press to the quick . i wonder for my part that episcopacy was not asham'd of coming into ireland again , so long as there was a particular man to be found there . but that which pleases me much better than all this , philautus , is ; that the bishop a while after happening to make use of the word general , the tables presently turn , and he 's e'en as very ja●…gon for that , as he was before for particular . general ! 't is jargon , say you : for every thing that is , is singular and individual , and there 's nothing in the whole world that is general , but the signification of words and other signs . so that , philautus , if you resolve to deal with us at this severe rate , and neither let us have particular men as a constant going stock , nor an universal man for a breeder , we must e'en fling up at quarter day ; and there 's an end of the world. phi. what an idle stir thou makest about two or three rotten words ! what 's all this , i prithee , to the matter in hand . tim. matter in hand ! what , do you look upon freewill to be a matter in hand , when as liberty is immaterial : or a discourse of freewill ( which consist only of words ) to be a matter in hand ? o , that i were but at leisure to take my full swing at this same luscious bit of non-sense ; this same matter in hand ! phi. whereabouts are we got now , trow wee ? tim. we are now just got to the 288th . page of your animadversions . where the bishop did but speak of a perfect definition being made of the essential causes , viz. matter and form ( which is as common as logica est ars ) and you hooted at him , for as very an example , as if he had gone nine miles to suck a bull. what ( say you ) would the bishop have matter come into a definition , that is made only of words : and into a definition of liberty too , that is immaterial ? we had best c●…ll for a skillet for his lordship , that he may set on his definition , and boyl it . is it not a strange thing that a dignifyed churchman should be so ignorant , as not to know that matter is body , and that body is corporeal substance , and subject to dimension , such as are the elements , and things compounded of the elements ? this is , philautus , damnable and upbraiding rhetorique : for though matter , body , corporeal substance , dimension , elements and things made of elements , seem to be the same sort of torment , yet it grates all the way like a saw upon a mans leg . phi. i know it does ; and i intended it should . for to illustrate non-sense , after this easie and familiar manner , is sometimes the most stinging improvement that can be made of it . tim. i pray , sir , when the bishop says that a man has the determination of himself , and dominion over his own actions : how do you mannage that absurdity ? phi. it need not be manag'd at all tim ; for without any help the man makes an absolute fool of himself ; and at one dash flings away all his freewill , as utterly as ever rotten egg was ●…lung against the wall : for over wh●…tsoever things there 's dominion , those things are not free . tim. this is a plain case , that he lost his parts and bishoprick together : for free dominion is as much as to say free imprisonment , free subjection , or free sl●…very : and therefore i very much wonder'd at your moderation , when ( in the beginning of your animadversions ) you said that arminianism was only in part the cause of the late troubles . whereas 't is very plain , that the war never had been begun , had it not been for the freewillers . for a subject being nothing else but a person who has given up his will to the will of his prince : he that presumes to call in his own will again , and to challenge a dominion and command over his actions ( as all freewillers do ) what does he do but in eff●…ct , renounce all allegiance ; and like a rebel , sets up his own will against that of the supreme . nay farther , whereas some people ( not understanding words ) do imagine that the doctrine of necessity makes the government of god tyrannical ; these are so very silly as not to perceive that they which maintain the contrary give way to the same absurdity in a much higher degree . for he that holds that man has a power and dominion over his own actions , makes every man to be a king : from whence it plainly follows ( king and tyrant being all one ) that according to him , god is more a tyrant , being king of kings . i profess , i did not think there had been any thing nigh so much treason and blasphemy in maintaining this same liberty of will as now i perceive there is . phi. thou perceive ! thou perceivest nothing at all : not so much as the first grounds of the dispute between us . for if thou didst , thou wouldst know , that no man in the world is more for true liberty , and for mans being a free agent than i am . nay ( which possibly such a fool as thou art may stare at ) i hold true liberty more than the very bishop himself , who seemeth so eagerly to scramble and fight for 't . for ( as i have it p. 77. ) whereas the bishop either craftily , or ( be it spoken with all due respect ) ignorantly pu●… things so together as to scandalize me and make people believe i am altogether against liberty , because i hold necessity : let him and his ecclesiasticks know , that i hold as much that there is true liberty as he doth and more : for i hold it , as from necessity ; and that there must of necessity be liberty : but he ( like a beast ) holds it not from necessity , and so makes it possible there may be none . and that 's the reason why i call'd my book , liberty and necessity . for i am so far from denying liberty , that i hold necessity besides . tim. he does so : never minding that sober advice of the poet , about severities clogg , upon the three children that were drown'd ; unty 'em and you undo ' em . now say i , philautus , give me again my actus primus , and actus se●…undus , my terminus à quo , and terminus ad quem , my quidditas , quodditas , entitas , and all the r●…st of my little , barbarous , metaphysical implements ; rather than such childish , ridiculous , non-sensical querks and subtilties , dress'd up ●…nto eloquent stile , with soft a●…d roman expressions . you had best now complain to his m●…jesty that the boys laugh at you , when you chastise them for their particul●…r men , their free dominion , and their boyl'd definitions : and that they grow saucy and headstrong , and won't believe but that plain right-down , untrim'd liberty , without any necessity at all , is near upon as good , as your kind of liberty lac'd with a vengeance . phi. nay , if you be good at that , tim , for a need , i can rail , 〈◊〉 well as you tim i pray , sir , hold your hand : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 last page of your six lesson●… you have given the ●…gregious prof●…ssours ( as ●…ou call them ) such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as would go nigh to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 it self . go your ways , say you , you uncivil 〈◊〉 , inhu●… ane divines , dedoctors of morality , unasinous colleagues , egregious pair of issachar , most wretch'd vindices and indices academiarum . phi. i said all that ; 〈◊〉 they deserv'd it . and i am heartily sorry , tim , that i have it not about me , for thee too . for , thou art a most rude and ungentile scribler , a most unmannerly , and scurrilous libeller , a most ignorant , pragmatical , and malicious despiser of age , gravity , observation , and every thing else that is becoming and venerable : a very boy , toy , flie-flap , shittle-cock , nut-crack , that ought not to speak to one that has read a good book , or seen a wise man : the very sediment , fag-end , stump , and snuff of mankind ; that snears and blinks at stars of reason : a●…d that shirk'd only into humane race , to vex old men , and stum sober company : and ●…herefore ●… do defie thee , and abhor thee , and spit on thy face , and say , that that liberty of humane actions , which i do allow of , is true liberty . tim. and spit , and rail till you be hoarse again , i do say that , according to your principles , a mustard-quern , or wheel-barrow , has every whit as much liberty , choice , &c. as the most uncontroulable governour now upon earth . phi. why so ? don 't i frequently say that man is a free agent , that he deliberates , chuses , consents , &c. tim. yes , that you do forty times over . phi. how much freedom then wouldst thou have ? i grant that he ●…ay do , whatever he will ; and i ●…hink that 's forest big enough for ●…ny one creature to range in . tim. but i pray , sir , how far is that same will that he has , in his own power ? phi. that now is as absurdly and ignorantly spoken , as ever was any thing either b●… the bishop or st. austin : for , they hoth talk of having the will in their own power , not at all considering , that the will is the very power it self . tim that was very carelesly d●…ne of them i●…deed : for , as you say , the will being the power , to talk of having power over the will , is all one as to have power over power : whence will follow penetration of powers : and so we shall have two kings of brenford currant at the same time . and therefore being convinc'd , philautus , that i was in the wrong , i 〈◊〉 only to know what is it , that a man has the power to will ? phi. because that ●…ow is tol●…rable well , ( if it be rightly taken ) ●… do tell thee , that he has power to will whatever he pleases , phansies , or has a mind to : and i know not what thou canst desire more , unless thou would'st have the calf with the white face . tim. but i pray , sir , how comes he by that mind ? does that mind come always upon him necessarily ; so that it was impossible for him not to have had that mind : or does he himself choose that mind ? phil. choose that mind ! what strange words you put together again : what , would you have a man to choose his own choice , and to will his own will ? 't is worse by half than lying with his own mother . tim. a great deal worse , sir , for man is an excellent creature ; for man has a liberty to do : and besides that , he has liberty to do whatever he will : ( o brave man ! ) and he can will whatever he has a mind to : but all on a sudden he plomps , for he has a mind to nothing . and so , you know , it happen'd , philantus , in that famous case of the house that jack built . for though it was always granted that there was a man that killed the cat , that eat the mouse , that lived in the house — yet , at the upshot of the business , jack always steps in , and swops away all the credit . phi. all this ridiculous prattle is , because thou never hadst a just and true notion of liberty . for , liberty , say i , is absence of all the impediments to action that are not — tim. this now is specially good , and one of your old tricks . for you take a man and stake him down upon the middle of new-market heath , and then give him a definition of liberty , and tell him that he may now run away faster , than if he were loose ; for now he runs upon necessity , but if he were loose , he could only run away upon his legs . phi. 't is impossible ever to stop a fools mouth , that won't hear out a definition . tim. i am resolv'd not to hear it , make your complaint where you will. for put you a man into a dungeon , as deep as you can th●…ust him ; and let me 〈◊〉 ●…ut the ordering of a few words , and if i don 't presently defi●…e him steeple height , i 'le undertake to supply his place . and therefore , still say i , give me my wheel-barrow for a free agent . for this can do whatever it will : and it can will whatever it has a mind to ; and it has a mind to whatever the man that crowds behind has a mind to , who has a mind to whatever the heavens and elements crowd upon him . so that , let the necessity be a thousand removes of , yet for all that , certainly at last we fetch about to the house that jack built . and so we must do . for , as was said before concerning thoughts ; that the greatest variety imaginable can never arise to freedom of thinking ; so neither can the justling and crowding back of the immediate necessary causes ever amount to liberty of doing . for , let the plot lie as deep as the center of the earth , and let there be never so many turnings , and whirlings , and windings ; yet the case is ●…xactly the same , as if all had been laid but just at threshold-door . and therefore , why should we play the children any longer , and talk of willing , and choosing , and i know not what , and mean nothing thereby ? phi. i tell thee , tim , there is a kind of great business which i do mean by that liberty , which i count consistent with necessity : but if thou resolvest not to like it , then , say i , thou must e'en be content , to take up with necessity all alone . perhaps thou hast got a new set of vertuosoarguments , and some double-bottomobjections against me ; if thou hast , produce , child ; and thou shalt see how i 'le slice thee down . tim. what i have , sir , i shall keep to my self : unless in your answers to common reasons and experience , formerly alledg'd by others , you had discovered somewhat besides querks , quibbles , and ignorance . phi. now to see the coxcombness of such a pragmatical fellow ! for , though all that i have written , have been perform'd wi●…h strange kind of force and p●…cuity ; yet never was any thing so clearly laid down , nor so solidly defended , as i h●…ve done the necessity of all events . for in the first place ( as a 〈◊〉 foundation ) i do assert , that th●… 〈◊〉 such thing or cause of any thi●…g , as luck , ●…nce , or fortune : but that they are all meer words , more or less made use of , according to the degrees of mens ignorance or understanding . now , tim , away to thy detecting office ; and shew me where the querk or quibble of this notion lies . tim. there 's none at all in 't , sir : 't is a huge , stout , well-grown truth : and whereas you crowd it almost into every book you have written , as if 't were a discovery of your own ; 't was so anciently and currantly believed , that one of the very poets could tell us above a thousand years ago — nos facimus fortuna deam , &c. and besides 't is nothing at all to the purpose : for though ( making use of a common phrase ) i may say such a friend may chance to come to my house to morrow ; yet my being ignorant which of the two will come to pass , does not at all hinder his own choosing , whether he 'l come or stay at home . phi. but that , tim , namely , whether of himself he can choose to come or stay at home , is the very controversie betwixt us ; and against it i have two familiar cases to propound ; one concerning the weather , t'other concerning dice : each of which will most effectually prove ( if ever i prov'd any thing at all ) the necessity of all kind of events whatever , humane or not humane . and therefore the first thing i would know of thee is this : whether 't is necessary that to morrow it shall rain , or not rain : what thinkest thou ? tim. i believe ' t is . phi. ' t is ! 't is what ? tim. 't is most absolutely and undoubtedly necessary that to morrow it shall rain , or not rain . phi. but that 's not my meaning , tim : but , it being necessary that to morrow it shall rain or not rain , that , which i would know , is whether this very one , or that very one is absolutely necessary . tim. i care not much if ( for a little while ) i believe that also . for i always love to believe , as much as ever my skin will hold . phi. then farewell all contingencies and freewill . tim. as for contingencies , let the poet and the bees look to them : but as for my freewill , i won't take ten groats for 't yet . for the instance you give is no trial at all of freewill . for i believe 't will necessarily rain , or necessarily not rain to morrow ( as that the sun will rise or not rise ) because the weather is not within a mans power ; but falls out necessarily according to the course of the world : not for your silly reason , because 't is a true disjunctive proposition : and therefore the whole being necessarily true , the parts or one of them should be so too : for do but try it , philautus , in any other proposition , where the necessity of events may not be concern'd ( that there may be no sculking advantage in the word necessity ) and you shall see 't is so querkishly and ignorantly said , that a very fresh-man but of a months standing , would have been asham'd to have been guilty of such a gross errour . for jnstance ; every number is odd or even , is a proposition so very good and laudable , that the pope himself has not a better in all his budget : that is , if you serve it up all whole together : but take the same , and chop it into two messes , viz. every number is odd , ev●…ry number is even : and it makes two such deadly rappers as would choak old nick himself . so again , to say that every man in the world is in london , or out of london , has no hurt at all in 't . but pull this in pieces , and it may so fall out , that there may be most deadly crowding for the wall. phi. but these cases , that you have put tim , being general ; you only mean that some numbers are odd , and some even : and some men are in town , and some are out . tim. and if you suppose in particular that to morrow my lord mayor goes abroad or stays at home : you only mean that sometimes he is pleased to go abroad and sometime he 's pleased to stay at home . for though that same omnis be a person of wonderful dispatch and presence , yet 't would make the greatest individual magistrates head in the world , to gigge again , to have so much business upon his hand , as to be fore'd all the day long to be abroad at home . phi. i know he can be but in one place : but wherever that be , 't is upon necessity . tim. why so ? phi. because every proposition is true or false . tim. that 's right : if therefore every proposition in the world were true , or every proposition were false ( which , philautus , is your way of computation ) then i grant you , that he must needs go , that the devil drives . but because there 's field-room enough , and that some propositions are true , and some false ; therefore i am resolv'd to enjoy my humour , and neither to go , nor drive , unless i have a mind to 't . for in short , philautus , that same old famous story of socrates's necessarily disputing to morrow , or not , because every proposition is now true or false , has no more in 't but just this ; that 't is true to day , that one of the two shall be true or come to pass to morrow ; or 't is true or false to day , that this or that particularly shall be true or come to pass to morrow : and sweat and shuffle as long as you will , you can never advance that querk any higher . and therefore to make an end of this same story of socrates and the weather ; seeing , philautus , these same english men are most of them a company of clownish and disingenuous dunces ; the ecclesiasticks having no breeding , the philosophers having not tasted of motion , and the mathematicians being much o'rerun with the scab of ignorance , pride , and symbols ; the best way will be to draw up your opinion concerning a disjunctive proposition ( you may do it in half a sheet ) and send it beyond sea : where ( as you very friendlily inform your self in your late lux mathematica , &c. ) you are much read , understood , and admir'd : and if amongst all your acquaintance , you can get so much but as one subscription to your paper , by any body that knows what belongs to logick ( to which you appeal in this very case ) then shall it rain or not rain ; and socrates shall dispute or not dispute , whenever philautus pleases . phi. what dost tell me of logick ? dost think that i that began to reason , the very first day i went into breeches , will be bound up to your paltry , pimping , pedantick rules of logick ? don 't i know that logick is the mother of all lyes , and the nurse of your damn'd , confounded metaphysical jargons ? tim. now do i shortly expect a book contra fastum dialecticorum : now am i confident that logick will be the devil and all , as mathematicks was , after the doctor had bafl'd , and confuted you . phi. i bafl'd , i confuted ? i never was , nor will be , as long as i live . tim. no , no , sir : you shan't be confuted : it does not at all become one of your age to be confuted : 't is uncivil , sir , 't is not done at all like a gentleman to confute you : you shall have a protection from his majesty not to be confuted . phi. you lye in your very throat . i never went about any such thing . tim. perhaps so : but however having now done with the business of the weather ; let 's now if you please , sir , have one throw at liberty and necessity ; that we may see , whether the dice will run on my side , or yours . phi. done : i would know then , suppose , i take a die , and throwing it upon the table , there comes up such or such a cast : whether there was not an absolute necessity of that particular cast . tim. most absolute . phi. then have you perfectly gam'd away your freewill . tim. yes : just as much as t' was rain'd away before . for supposing ( as you do ) that a die have ( as they call them ) so many chances , and such a chance to lie uppermost when 't is thrown , and to be thrown with such or such a force , and upon a table of such or such a smoothness , then say i there will as necessarily come forth such or such a cast , as if there had been never another cast upon the die but that which came forth . phi. then there 's necessity enough . tim. enough : but nothing to your purpose . phi. that 's strange . tim. not at all : because all the several circumstances requir'd to such a cast , notwithstanding all that you have supposed , are wholy still in my own power ; that is , i may choose which side i 'le lay foremost , upon what i 'le make the throw , and if need be i can have a spring with so many notches , that shall let go the die , and give it as many turns , as i please . phi. you chuse ! you please ! 't is a very hard matter , i see , to beat people out of the common track of non-sense . and therefore though there 's nothing more seemingly casual , or more proper to be insisted on , than the weather and dice ; yet , because to give particular instances would be endless , i shall rather chuse to put all out of doubt , and settle the whole business by one general argument . tim. that will be well indeed . for i love at my very heart those same general arguments ; because they pretend to kill the old one in the nest. how is it i pray , sir ? phi. 't is thus : there is , say i , a necessity or necessary cause of all events ; because every event has a sufficient cause . for an event is that which is come to pass : and nothing can come to pass unless somewhat produce it : and produc'd it cannot be , but by that which is able or sufficient to produce it : that is to say , but by the meeting together of all that 's necessary to produce it . tim. and what then ? phi. then every thing that is produc'd , is necessarily produc'd . tim. why so ? phi. because all is met together that was necessary . tim. therefore they necessarily met together : did they ? o your servant , sir ! because fire , water , and oatmeal are requisite ( that 's all the meaning of necessary here ) for the making of water-gruell : therefore i must of necessity fall upon the operation at four of the clock ; and 't is impossible for me to forbear , or imploy my self otherwise at that time . phi. so 't is impossible . tim. to do what : to stab and kill a man , and then to unstab and unkill him again ? that 's all , philautus : for seeing in our country ther 's no halfing or quartering of effects : therefore ( say you ) all effects are necessary : that is , you suppose the thing done , or ( which is all one ) to be in such circumstances , that 't is impossible but that it should be done ; and then you conclude 't was necessary that it should be done . whereas the question is not whether when ●…ny thing is produc'd , such and such things are necessarily requir'd to its production ; but whether it be now necessary , that all those necessaries or requisites shall certainly club together at such a time to produce it . phi. i say they must , and that upon the account of sufficient causes . tim. and , i say , they need not , and that upon the account of the west-wind : and i am sure tha●… my account is as good as yours : for i am for sufficient causes as much as you . phi. what , and hold freewill ? tim. o most easily , sir : for oft-times the will alone is the sufficient cause . phi. of what ! of the will ! tim no , that 's jargon : but of the action . phi. but , i enquire , what 's the cause of the will. tim. so you may , but in many instances i can tell none . phi. i prethee , let me hear one of those instances ; and thou shalt see , if i don 't presently ferret out a sufficient cause . tim. suppose then there be laid before you , three apples : i would know , whether you can pick one of them . phi. yes surely : what hinders ? tim. you can as soon pick a star out of the firmament : for these apples shall be exactly of the same size , the same complexion , and the same distance from the eye ; and thereupon they shall strike and tempt all alike : so that , unless you 'l allow the will it self to cast in the last feather , and to determine the scales , you can only platonically admire , for there 's no falling to , as the case stands . phi. but you don't consider , tim , how the world being in a constant toss and hurry ; there 's chopping and changing every moment : so that one or other of your sufficient causes over-topping the rest , will strike you as dead — tim. theresore i 'll have my three equally sufficient apples to be nail'd fast down ; and there shall be a very stout supporter for the chin , that the head may no ways wag ; and the eyes shall be so spoken to , that they shall not dare to rowl in the least . phi. but may there not be for all this , that which they call , i know not what , which getting in at a corner of the eye , may give a private stab , and so determine the choice ? tim. there may so : sor perhaps one of the apples may have some pretty mole or dimple , or some such wounding feature or other . and therefore i think we had best take three pease , or three grains of mustard seed . surely there can't be any great difference of cupids in such a case . or if we ben't yet armour-proof ; what think you , philautu●… , of even or odd ? there is , you know , just as many of t'one as t'other : and as for the words themselves they seem to smirk and flame and charm much at one . and yet 't is very evident from history , that there has been many a shilling won and lost at that game : which , according to you , is utterly impossible ; and as meer a tale as religion . phi. how so ? tim. because no body could ever play at it . for if the mind never determines it self , but is always ( as you would have it ) necessarily overborn by hopes and fears : the hopes and fears of even and odd being for ever equal , if at any time even ( suppose ) puts in for a mans will , presently in steps odd , and looks you full o' the face , with its why not i as well ? so that the alternate appetite ( as you call it ) being perpetual , a mans mind can never possibly be seised on , but must go titter totter , swing swang , to the worlds end . phi. don't you trouble your self about that , tim : for 't is very plain that a man may choose one number before another ; but , still say i , the reason is not meerly because he will chuse it ( for that 's non-sense ) but because by chusing it , he hopes — tim. hopes ! to do what ? phi. to win . tim. i tell you , he shan't hope any such thing . phi. why , tim , must a man ask you leave to hope ? tim. i don't stand much upon 't , sir : but you won't let him hope : for , in the ninth chapter of your humane nature , you put in this imbargo upon hope : viz. that it does then only take place , when the causes that make us expect the thing hop'd for , are greater than those that make us expect the contrary . now he that , in the business of even or odd , can spy out such bouncing causes on one side , more than t'other , shall presently quit the chanel , and be permitted to hope . phi. but may there not be many other sufficient causes besides hope , fe●…r , and such like passions , that may possibly move and determine the will ? tim. questionless there may be several : for suppose , the gamester chops at even : one sufficient cause of that choice may be , that , by so doing , it is an even case but that he wins : and certainly he 's a very foul gamester that desires any more than to win . in the next place , 't is to be considered , that possibly the gentlem●…n that so chuses , may be of a smooth and even temper : and what influence bodily temper ( for there is no other ) has upon all humane affairs , whether by sea or by la●…d , i need not explain . besides , it must not be omitted , that the choice which is propounded is not odd or even , but even or odd : so that even getting the start of odd , claps in physically upon the phansie , before odd can possibly get up . to all which ( if need were ) may be further added , that perhaps the gentleman elector by some means or other may have been prejudic'd against odd : either by having an odd father , an odd mother , or an odd kind of wife ; and many such an odd thing may have happen'd , that may have quite disoblidg'd him , and indispos'd him to odd . and as there may be many other sufficient causes that may thus jog and incline the will to even : so without doubt one that married but a small relation of tullies , for a very little fee , could do as much for odd . phi. but why do we spend so much time about such trifles and inconsiderable things as these : whereas , we are inquiring what it is that directs a man in the grand affairs of his life . tim. as much trifles and inconsiderable as they seem to be , give me leave to tell you , philautus , that these same trifles and inconsiderables do utterly destroy not only all your doctrine of necessity , but all that nothing that you have said against immaterial substances . for , if any one man since the world began , has but lifted up his finger meerly because he would do so : that is to say , when all outward causes and considerations did equally solicite him to move it downwards , ( were there no other ) 't is a demonstration to me , that there is somewhat in the world besides matter ; and that man is of that kind . phi. i prithee don't tear me a pieces now , with those contradictions of immaterial substances : but let me advise thee not to be cheated with such phrases , as thou didst just now mention . viz. because he would do so , forsooth : for we oft-times hear people say , they will do such a thing ; i , that they will : as if the will were the only determining cause : whereas there 's abominable pride , vain-glory , and perverseness in that expression . for example , you tell a man , suppose , that he shan't fling his hat into the fire ; no that he shan't . say you so , says he ? i 'll see you hang'd , before i 'll be nos'd by such a scoundrel , and with that slap goes the hat into the middle of the fire . tim. and truly he 's right enough serv'd , that gives a gentleman such saucy language . but what shall we think of him , philautus , who , without any such provocation at all , upon the twenty third of april takes his silk-doublet , and cutting it into thirty nine pieces , steeps it in rhenish wine till the first of september ; and then seals it up in a tamarisk-box , with this superscription ; ego & tu sumus in tuto : and lays it under his pillow the night before full moon . phi. for my part , i keep to my old opinion : that every thing has a beginning : and that nothing can come to pass alone . tim. most certainly nothing can : and therefore , doubtless the sufficient cause of this whole business lie couch'd in the rule of three . for , as the twenty third of april is to a silk doublet cut into thirty nine pieces : so are those thirty nine pieces steep'd in rhenish wine till the first of september , to the tamarisk box , with the foresaid superscription , laid under the pillow the night before full moon . phi. i must confess , that the necessary and sufficient cause of some actions , ( especially of those which are call'd indifferent ) lie oft-times very deep : but of all actions , i am from hence sure , there 's always one at the bottom ; because in all common actions , and concerns of life , it lies so very plain . tim. i grant you that the probability of many events lies very plain : but not the necessity of any one , that i know of . that is to say in other words , that man being a rational creature , for the most part is pleas'd ( not constrain'd ) to do that which is most reasonable : so if a merchant , suppose , is promised an old debt of five thousand pounds , for crossing the street : 't is highly probable , that such news as this , will make the spirits to sally a little towards the legs . but what if he stays at home only to suck his middle finger ? phi. the cunning of that may be , tim , to make such fools as thee believe , that man has dominion over his actions . but there 's no such thing at all : for he stays at home only to cross and contradict those that deny freewill . that is in short , he loves and prefers his opinion ( than which nothing you know is dearer ) before five thousand pounds . tim. but how came he , sir , to dote so much upon his middle finger : does the doctrine of freewill make the middle finger grow fatter than all the rest ? phi. that need not be : for , in it self you know , it is the longest and most sufficient . tim. and so , in good truth , must the little one have been ; if he had spent his meditations upon that . again , philautus , suppose a man be catch'd in a good lusty rain : there is such probability of some events , that i count it more than two to one , that he will choose to borrow a cloak , rather than a curry-comb or shooing-horn . phi. if he does ask for any such thing ; a very sufficient cause of that may be , to make people laugh . tim. indeed he can't help it , if they do laugh : but he may do it , meerly because he will do it . phi. but i have told you over and over that that is utterly impossible . tim. and i can say it as often , that 't is not . seeing , by many instances above given , 't is plain that a man may and doth often determine himself , where all imaginable grounds of necessity are equally poys'd : i count that i may safely conclude that , whenever he pleases , he may make use of the same power in all other cases whatever . for the same principle which impowers a man for to do any one thing upon no extrinsecal accompt at all ; impowers him to sorbear the doing of any other thing whatever , though he has a thousand reasons to do it . against all which , you have no other sence , but only to pop in that lamentable engine of your sufficient cause . the sum of which is only this , that whatever is already done , can't be undone : and whatever is not yet done , is not done as yet . phi. that great notion of a sufficient cause ( whereby i absolutely demonstrate the necessity of all events ) which you so saucily disdain , has stun'd all the great divines and philosophers of europe . whereas all those inconveniencies and absurdities which they charge upon my doctrine , of themselves vanish in a moment ; they being chiefly grounded ( as most errours are ) upon nothing else but want of understanding of the true signification of words . it would be very tedious , tim , to repeat many of their objections , they are so intolerably silly : and therefore i shall only give you a very short specimen of their folly . in the first place they 'l tell you , that if there be a necessity of all humane actions , to what purpose do we praise and commend one action ; and blame and discommend another . ignorant souls ! that should not understand , that to praise or commend a thing , is only to say a thing is good : good i say for me , or for some body else , or for the state and common-wealth . and in like manner to blame and discommend a thing , is no more than to say that 't is bad and inconvenient . for instance , what more common , tim , than for people , in cold weather , to say there 's a very good fire : an excellent good fire : a special good fire : a most stately princely fire ( words big enough for the greatest exploits of the mightiest hero ) and yet , i suppose , very few think that the fire burns out of choice and discretion : and that it lies listning and gaping for commendations , and burns accordingly . on the contrary , what is it we mean when we express our dislike and disgust ? be true now , and tell me , tim ; is there any thing more frequent than to say , that such an horse is blind or founder'd : that he starts , halts , or stumbles : that he 's a very jade : a rotten , molten , confounded jade ; ( words that do most passionately express blame and displeasure ) and yet again we don't suppose that the horse ever requested the blacksmith to drive a nail up to the hilts into his foot : or desir'd the groom to thrust out one of his eyes with the pitch-fork , or to ride him so hard , as to melt or founder him ? and therefore , in the fourty first page of my animadversions , i tell thee ( hadst thou the wit to observe it ) that , whereas people make such a great bustle about their sins ; and are oft-times vex'd and can't sleep in their beds for their sins ; sin is nothing else but halting or stumbling in the ways of gods commandments . tim. and do you think that this is all that is meant by peoples breaking gods commandments ; that one is stab'd with the pitchfork of stupidity and ignorance ; and another prick'd and lam'd by the blacksmith of sensuality and drunkenness : so that there must needs be great halting and stumbling among them ? phi. what , tim , do you make sport and a mock of such a serious thing as sin ? tim. 't is you and such as you , philautus ( whose very opinions make a mock of sin ) that are the sport-makers : not those , who out of a sincere design to undeceive the world , are forc'd sometimes to condescend to very mean , and almost unpardonable expressions . phi. i don't cheat or deceive any body : for 't is plain from common custom , and the consent of the best authors , that praise and dispraise do equally belong to those things , that are never so far from all pretences of freewill , as well as to men . tim. but then , philautus , i would have people a little careful how , and upon what , they bestow their commendations and reproofs . for though sometimes indeed they turn to very good accompt ; yet at other times they have their inconveniencies . he therefore that overnight commended a diamond at such a rate , that by morning it was grown from a cherry-stone to a pippin , ( besides a little young diamond it had foled , running by its side ) must be granted to have spent his breath , and praises with very good discretion and profit . neither was the famous miller of little hingham much out of the way : who , when the wind did not blow to his mind , would so frown , and chide , and rattle over his mill , that one would wonder to see , how pouring the meal came down , upon the reproof . but , for all that , i shall always pity poor sir frederick . phi. for what i prethee ? tim. why , sir , he having in christmass time ( as most gentlemen use to have ) one of those same stately and princely fires before-mention'd : the neighbours that sat about it , fell into such lavish praises , and extravagant admiration of the fire , that it grew so conceited , as to burn down the house . therefore , if it must be so , that to praise or dispraise a thing is only to say that 't is good or bad : yet however let people hence learn , that good words , as well as bad , are to be used with discretion . but truly , philautus , ( to deal plainly with you ) as plausible as the conceipt seems to be , for my part , i much suspect whether it be true . for though we may praise a stone , tree or horse , a mans foot or forehead , with the very same words and phrases , and in as good a stile as the best of humane actions : yet i can't but think that those commendations which are usually bestow'd upon that accompt , which we call desert , to be not only much larger , but quite of another kind from those which we give upon all other occasions whatever . and though i don 't at all doubt , but that such an one as pliny , could have done very much upon the considerable legs and renowned cod-piece of henry the eighth ; yet i am confident , he would have done much better upon the peaceable and pious reign of q. elizabeth . but to make an end of this , philautus , we do often indeed commend the sun for shining , and the heavens for affording rain , and the like : but , at our end of the town , ( what you do i know not ) we think hereby we praise god himself ; who not out of his necessary , but free pleasure at first created , and still disposes of all these things : and has made man like himself . so that still nothing is prais'd meerly because 't is good or beneficial , but because it was contriv'd and brought about by that which need not have done it . phi. but don't you hear people very ordinarily blame and find fault with bad winds and bad weather , as well as commend good : and complain of many things that could not be help'd ? tim. yes : and i don't much wonder at it : for , such fools as those , shall curse and bid the devil take them ten thousand times over , for such things , as they could have help'd : and that 's their gentile way of repentance . and therefore let us have no more concerning praise and dispraise ; but let us see if they have any thing else to say against you . phi. they have nothing at all to say : but they think they have got somewhat by the end ; when they tell you , that if there be a necessity of all humane actions ; then many laws would be unjust , because the breach of them could not be avoided . tim. this sounds , philautus , as if it had somewhat in 't . phi. that it does : and that 's all . for whereas they talk of an unjust law , they had as good talk of a piece of iron burning cold . for , every law is either divine or humane . as for divine laws , the irresistible power of god alone justifies all them . tim. truly such a famous broker for power ( as you are known to be ) may easily make that out . for , having in your animadversions , turn'd all the attributes of god ( as you use to do all things else ) into power ; making divine goodness , divine mercy , and divine justice to be nothing but power : you might securely say that divine power alone justifies all actions . that is , divine power alone together with all the rest , especially divine justice , justifies all actions . and now , i pray , a little concerning humane laws . phi. concerning them i do say also , that 't is impossible that any one of them should be unjust . for , a humane law is that which every subject has given his consent to : namely , by giving up his will to the will of the supream : and no man can be unjust to himself . and therefore a prince can't put upon his subjects any unjust law. tim. suppose , he should put out a law , that all that are born blind , shall have their fingers and toes cut off . there 's abundance of power in this same law : but , in my mind , very little justice . phi. why , all the fingers and toes of the nation are the supremes . and you have given up your consent as well to his pleasure , as his power . tim. never in my life to such pleasure as this . phi. you have given your consent to all things , that he should do , be they what they will. tim. no but i han't . for if he has a mind to go a finger ▪ hawking , or so ; i desire to stay at home , and keep the hogs out of the pease . because , long before i had bargain'd with him , i had preingaged my self to the law of nature and reason ( to which he , for all his greatness , is as much a subject as ●… ) never to use , or give my consent to such inhumane recreations . but , if i mistake not , philautus , you and i had some little talk about these matters , when we met last at the isle of pines . and therefore be pleased to consider a little those same punishments that are inflicted upon men , for what they could not avoid . it seems a little severe , philautus , to hang a man for stealing , suppose ; when as he could not possibly help it : and to damn him for not repenting , when he could , as little help that also . phi. as for damnation ( if you mean your eternal damnation ) i shall tell you a fine story about that by and by — tim. a fine one indeed ! phi. but , as for peoples being punish'd for what they could not avoid ; the case , in short , stands thus : viz. when we say that such a one could not avoid the breaking of such a law , we mean no more by it , but that he had a necessary will to break it . now this same nec●…ssary will contains two parts , necessi●…y and will : ( be sure that you attend well , for it clears all ) now therefore say i , when any man is punish'd for willing or doing of that which he could not avoid , he is not punish'd for the necessity , or because he could not avoid it — tim. i hope not : ( for if he were , all the dogs of the town ought to be set upon the executioner . ) phi. but he 's punish'd for doing it , or willing it . tim. what 's that , because he could avoid it ? phi. no , no : but because he consented , and had a mind to ▪ t. tim. he consented ! he had a mind to 't ! he scorns your words , phila●…tus ; for he , nor any man else ( according to you ) had ever of themselves a mind to any thing in this whole world. but those same necessary second causes oft-times flock about me , suppose , and have a mind to me : and when they take me only by the elbow , and clownishly drag me to the jail , then am i said ( because liberty the same time pulls homeward ) to go against my mind , and against my consent : but , when they take me gentilely by the brain and spirits ( which have always the whole body at their beck ) and slily push me on to steal , or the like , then , forsooth , a●…●… s●…id to co●…sent . whereas i can as lit●… avoid ●…his consenting , as going to 〈◊〉 ●…ail . only , here 's all the differenc●… , th●…t ●…e considerations of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…ecessarily affect the brain , b●…ing ●…ot ●…uch visible and big things a●… the constables with their staves : therefore they say that i consented , and 't was of my doing . phi. so 't was of your doing . for in stealing , don't you put forth your hand , and take somewhat against law ? tim. that 's a good one indeed ! i walk suppose to the window ; and there lies a gold-watch : and this gives me a deadly flap o're the face . i being of a sanguine complexion , and not us'd to pass by such affronts ; i give it as good as it sent , and flap that o're the face again : but at last it does so dazle me , and puts me so out of all countenance ; that i can't endure it in my sight any longer : and so , according to the laws of motion , it goes mechanically into my pocket . and then poor pill-garlick must go to pot ; for having eyes , hands , and a pocket : whereas i 'll be sworn , i no more conspir'd , nor consented 〈◊〉 this , than a mouse-trap does to the catching of a mouse . for , though i look and leer , as if i intended somewhat , and as if i took aim : but they are those same pernicious second causes that do all : they charge , and propound ; and tickle and pull down the little cartesian tricker , and then bounce go i off at the watch. phi. as apt an instance , tim , as thou thinkest this to be for thy purpose ; thou couldst not have given one more for my advantage . for killing of mice and such like vermin is good for the common-wealth : but , as for stealing , 't is a thing that does hurt : 't is noxious , tim ; as i have at large taught in my liberty and necessity . and therefore though every action of a mans life be equally unavoidable ; yet those only are punishable that are found to be noxious . tim. only those , sir : and therefore , though a knife cuts and slashes a stick , or a piece of meat never so sorely ; yet the knife is not blamed and chastis'd for this ; because 't is not noxious . but if it chances to get never so little way into a childs finger , 't is then presently chidden and condemn'd ; and sometimes flung away with such displeasure , that for a week after 't is ready to turn tail , at sight of a pint of butter ; and you can scarce get it to come within a yard of a pudding . phi. but this is only to cheat children , and make them leave crying . tim. and to hang a man that has been past crying fourty years , is every whit as great a cheat : for he could not avoid stealing , any more than the knife could avoid cutting . phi. i know that . but the end of punishment is to fright and deterr : and to frame , and make the will to justice . tim. i believe that if i be once hang'd for stealing , my mind will be strangely fram'd , and made against stealing any more . phi. but though your●… can't ; yet other mens minds may receive advantage and instruction hereby . tim. i thank you for that indeed . i shall be hang'd for nothing at all , only to do my neig●…bour a kindness . i don 't at all like ( without any fault of my own ) to be made a meer memorandum for the county , and a framer of other mens minds . phi. but you can't but say , that the punishment of on●… man is a very proper means to keep others in awe . tim. who was ever so silly as to say otherwise ? but here 's the case : which is most reasonable , to punish a man for doing of that which is noxious , and which he could have avoided , that hereby others may be affrighted : or to hang him up as a crow upon a pear tree , for no other reason at all but only to affright others . phi. i take them to be much alike . tim. hugely alike indeed ! for if the first be true , every mans sin and ruine lies at his own door : but if the last , i see no ways to avoid it — phi. to avoid what ? tim. but that god must be the author o●… all sin . phi. the author of all sin ! whoever that divine be ( for this is an old black-coat objection ) that talks of god being the author of sin is not fit to go chaplain to a mackerel-boat . for the word author , tim , is a latine word ; and to be the author of any thing is to give it authority and credit : that is , to command it , warrant it , and owne it : now i suppose , tim , that you can't find any where in scripture , that god did ever command sin , or issued out any warrants or certificates for sin to be committed . tim. 't were strange if one should . but yet if your opinion of necessity be true , one may find out that which is full out as strange , if not stranger . phi. what 's that i prethee ? tim. whereas god has given plain commandments against sin , and manifested his great displeasure at it : notwithstanding this he has so far authoriz'd or own'd it as ( according to you ) to be the contriver , and finisher too , of all the sins that ever were committed in the world. phi. i do grant , and don't look upon 't to be any blasphem●… to say , that god has so ordered the world that sin may necessarily be committed . tim. then i pray is not sin of his ordering ? phi. not at all : ●…or to order sin is to put out an order to have sin commited . tim. and what is it to order the world so , that sin may necessarily be committed . phi. 't is to put things of this world so and so together , that people will necessarily fall into such and such sins ▪ tim. now i count these to be much the same . for , suppose , i give order to my man , first by word of mouth , and afterwards under hand and seal , to charge the musket , and to shoot such a neighbour as he goes to morrow to market . every body , i know , will grant , that i have taken very sufficient order about this mans death . but , suppose i do not dispatch him thus exactly , according to the roman use o●… the word : but , i knowing that this day twelve-months , he 'll certainly ride to such a friends house , and certainly go through such a g●…te ; and i put things so ●…nd so together , that he shall chuse to go so much out of ●…he road , as to fall into a pit and b●…eak his neck : for my part , i should reckon , that in so doing , i did as it were order his tumbling into the pit ; and that i was a kind of an author of his destruction , notwithstanding author is a latine word , and t●…at he himself choose to go out o' the way , seeing that i had laid a trap for that choice . phi. i suppose you are not so much a heathen , tim , as to imagine god should go about to decoy men into sin , and to set snares for their destruction . tim. i am so far from that , that i had much rather believe that there 's no god at all , and no sin at all ; but those of your opinion must believe so : for , if god makes man of such or such a consti●…ution , and puts him into such and such circumstances , that every action he does ( be it good or bad ) it was as impossible for him to have avoided it ; as it is for fire to avoid burning : i know in what sense it is that he has made fire to burn ; and i dread to think that in the same he should make any man to ●…in . phi. what a havock's here about a little sin ? when you have it so plainly in your divinity book , how that god hated esau , and harden'd pharaohs heart : how that he commanded abraham to murder his only son isaac , and gave commission to the israelites to cheat and rob the aegyptians : and how besides all this god himself says by the prophet amos , non est malum in civitate quod ego non feci ? tim. 't was well done indeed to put the last in latin. for some body or other perhaps might be so silly as to think that malum did signifie sin : whereas , in that place , it means nothing at all , but only those great judgments and afflictions , which god denounces against the people of israel , for their oppression , idolatry , and such like impieties . and you might as well have produc'd gods raining fire and brimstone upon wicked sodom and gomorrah , to have lessen'd the impiety of your opinion of sin , as that place of the prophet . phi. say you so ? what think you then of the israelites robbing the aegyptians , according to gods own direction and warrant ? was that , tim , a meer affliction too ? tim. truly i take it to be so ; seeing that god himself tells moses , that the last plague that he intended to bring upon the aegyptians for their oppressing his people , should be to spoil them of their jewells . and , as for gods making use of the israelites in this affair , that was all one , as if he had given commission to a whirlwind , fire , or angels to have done the same , and to have been executioners of his just displeasure . phi. surely we shall have all the bible turn'd into judgments and afflictions . must gods hardening of pharaohs heart come of thus also ? tim. just thus , sir. for 't is plain that god did not harden pharaoh's heart , till he had hardened his own heart six times after so many judgments : and then god is said to have hardened his heart ; that is , he choose rather to raise him up , or keep him alive , and to inflict upon him that punishment of hardness of heart , whereby the divine power by miracles might still be more manifested , than to destroy him by the pestilence . phi. but before ever pharaoh hardened his own heart , so much as once ; god was resolv'd to do it ; and said ( exod. 4. 21. ) i will harden his heart , that he shall not l●…t the people go . tim. and you may as well remember , that in the chapter before ( exod. 3. 19. ) the same god said also , he was sure that he would not let them go : that is , that he would harden his own heart . phi. but i would know , what it was that god did to pharaoh's heart , when he hardened it . that expression , methinks , sounds as if it had something of positivity in 't ( as the jargonists speak ) and seems to make god every whit as much concerned in sin , as my opinion of necessity . tim. what did he do , say you ? he did the same that the scripture tells you he did to the jews : who , when they had several miracles do●…e amongst them , and would not see , and would not understand : god inflicted this just judgment upon them that they should not see and should not understand . in my opinion , 't is very reasonable ; and there 's nothing at all i●…'t tending towards the author of sin . phi. but 't is strange if this way of judgments and aff●…ictions does for esau too : for , before he was born , he was hated of god. tim and so were all the women in the world hated , in respect of the virgin mary ; she being the only blessed among women , and prefer'd to be the mother of our lord jesus . for as 't was impossible that christ should be born bu●… of one woman : so likewise was it as impossible that he should be descended but of one man. and though god promised to bless abraham and his seed after a most special manner , yet he never promis'd to do the like to the elder house or line . phi. but what say you to gods commanding abraham to kill his own son ? you can 't surely call that , meerly not preferring . tim. you know well enough that it was the contrary that he commanded : for he said ▪ lay not thine h●…nd upon the lad . 't is said indeed that abraham w●…s tempted and tried by god : and that accordingly he obey'd , and made all things ready to do it . phi. but the author to the hebrews tells you , that he did offer him up : for doubtless abraham did believe , that god did really intend that he should kill him ; and that it was not at all unjust . tim. and well he might : not doubting , i suppose , but that god might as well chuse by sacrifice , or what other means he pleased , to take away any innocent mans life , as by a fever or any other sickness . so that we hear nothing as yet of the author of sin , nor any thing toward gods being at all concern'd in sin , after any such manner , as most inevitably follows from your opinion . phi. therefore i have sav'd the great business for the last : viz. the eternal decrees and prescience of god almighty . i suppose it will take you some time to explain them , and to reconcile them to your freewill . tim. they are done the easiest of any thing you have yet mention'd . phi. how so , i prethee ? tim. how so ? i don't believe any such thing at all : that 's my way , sir. — phi. what , no decrees ? no prescience ? a most solid divine without doubt ! tim. nay hold , sir : 't is only when i meet with one that has such a god as yours : for i believe always according to my company : and when i meet with one that has nothing else for his god but omnipotent thin matter , 't is very idle in my opinion , to talk about his foreknowing or determining before-hand what shall come to pass in this world. for the world may as well foreknow what god shall do , as god can what shall be done in the world : they both running into one another and so proving to be exactly the same . phi. but to say that god is the world is a most horrid opinion : and therefore in my leviathan i utterly reject it , as very unworthy to be spoken of god. tim. then you must reject your omnipotent matter also . for if god be nothing else but matter ; and this matter be in every particle of the world or universe , that is ( to speak according to your self ) of all that is ; either we have no god at all , or they are all one which you please . phi. but the thinness , tim ! and the omnipotency . tim. never talk to me of thinness , for thinness takes up as much room , as thickness . and omnipotency it self can never take away that incurable nusance that belongs to matter , viz. of one justling out another . phi. but you make nothing to jumble mans body and soul together , and never think then of any such clashing or enterfeiring . tim. therefore 't is you that have help'd us to answer that difficulty : for the body of man being only flesh and bones , and the soul blood and spirits ; their quarters ( setting aside some few straglers ) are e'en as different as the oat-tub is from the hay-chamber . phi. but stay a little , tim ; you are , i perceive , very severe in demanding how that if god be meerly matter , the world and god should both stand together : now suppose i should grant the soul of man to be quite different from his body ( which is a thing much too ridiculous to be so much as supposed ) i pray , can't i , ( seeing you are so very curious in your enquiring ) enquire also , how contradictions can dwell together : that is , how matter and no matter can be join'd , and move one another ? do you think it would not take much more time to remove and conquer such an absurdity as this , than any thing that is to be inferr'd from my opinion ? tim. nothing nigh so much , sir : for though we cannot punctually tell you , by what chains and fetters , matter and no matter ( or spirit ) are fasten'd together ; yet by our senses we are so exactly acquainted with the lodgings , haunts , and all the powers of the former , and do so very well know that the most subtle and most refin'd of all must be subject to the common incumbrances , as evidently to perceive , that matter alone can never do the business . phi. why so ? tim. because we don't only find several things very difficult to explain , should there be nothing else ; but somethings there be ( especially two ) which ever to explain is utterly impossible . and from the utter impossibility of their ever being explain'd , we have abundance of reason to believe that there is somewhat else : the name of which we agree upon to be a spirit . phi. and i prethee , tim , may not i know what those two things be , which thou dost prophesie will never be explain'd ? tim. i have told you them already , philautus . the one is , that god and the world are the very same ; of which i desire no more may be now said . the other is , that a man can't chuse of himself to stroak his beard , when it would oblige the company every whit as much , if he cockt his hat. phi. what a mighty business is that ? to stroak a mans beard ! tim. 't is such a trick , philautus , which neither prince rupert's famous dog , that eat up the parliaments ammunition , nor banks's ingenious horse could ever arrive to ; as was before briefly hinted , in what was said about train of thoughts . and though it be not needful now to enquire how far further ; yet most certainly in this man differs from all other creatures whatever . phi. in this ! in what i prethee ? tim. in freewill , sir. phi. i see not the least difference for my part . for , don't horses , dogs , and other bruit beasts demur oft-times upon the way they are to take , the horse retiring from some strange figure that he sees , and coming on again to avoid the spur . and what is it i pray more that a man does when he deliberates : but one while he proceeds toward action , another while retires from it , as the hope of greater good draws him , or the fear of greater evil drives him away . this i take to be the utmost that man can do . tim. this is nothing , sir : for a dog can do much more than this : for you may instruct him at the naming of the word states , to bark and rouse as if ( without the king of france ) he would pull 'em all down : and at the word king , to cringe and be as submissive as a dutch-man in the days of queen elizabeth . but now comes the trick , sir : i would have this same dog two or three times in a week ( not out of any pique to monarchy , or favour to common-wealths , but only out of pure innocent mirth and phansy ) be a little cross and humoursom ; and swagger when he should sneak , and sneak when he should swagger . this is the dog that i would have put into doublet and breeches too : and to be kept in the tower for a precedent of freewill . but , o the sufficient cause ! phi. that 's out of pure madness now : because you know well enough , that it utterly routs all that you can say either for freewill , or immaterial substances . and therefore , seeing you make such a noise with your absurdities ( or as you call them impossibilities ) that you draw upon my opinion ; the best way , tim , will be to go to the poll : and then you shall see that , whereas you can find but two things impossible to be explain'd , should there be nothing in the world besides matter : i have no less than four or five impossibilities ( and all swingers too ) to stake down against there being any thing else . tim. yes , i do , in part , remember what kind of impossibilities they are . in a sun-shine day , you get into the balcone in queen-street , and there you cry matter , matter , nothing but matter . and , when the people come to see what 's to do , you have nothing to tell them , but only , truly gentlemen you look like persons of parts : and 't is great pity that such as you are should be abus'd and spoil'd for want of the knowledge of motion . therefore might i advise you i would have you well acquainted with what i have written concerning motion ( of which no body has done any thing but my self , ) and w●…th the nature and properties of matter : for there 's no such thing at all as an immaterial substance : never stand to consider of it , for i am sure there is not : verily there is not : faith and troth there 's no such thing : upon the word of a gentleman , a mathematician , and a traveller , there 's no more immaterial substance either in england , france , or any other country whatever , than there is to be seen upon the back of my hand . 't is all a meer cheat , and a forgery of sextons to raise the price and credit of graves . phi. and dost thou think , tim , that i have fetch'd o're such brave men to my side , with nothing but so it is : verily so it is : faith and troth , gentlemen , 't is just so . do you think gentlemen that stand so much upon their honour and reputation , won't demand better satisfaction than this ? tim. they may demand what they will , but they 'l find no better than what i tell you . phi. why , tim , don't i , in the first place , plainly shew , that an immaterial substance is a meer dream and phantasm ; an image or a thing behind the looking-glass ; a faiery and an old wives tale ; a small creature of the brain , and a device of the kingdom of darkness ? tim. no truly ; i never found that you did shew any such thing at all , any further than meerly by saying so . phi. why , man , to say so , as the case stands , is all one as shew it to be so . for an immaterial substance can't be shewn . tim. but , by your bragging , i thought it might have been shewn , that there was no such thing . phi. you don 't at all take it , tim. for upon that very account , that an immaterial substance can't be shewn , 't is my second demonstration that there 's no such thing . tim. now , sir , i think i have got it . because an invisible thing is somewhat wild , and can't endure to be star'd on long together ( besides a great defluxion of rheum that it occasions in the spectators eyes ) ; therefore there is no such thing . phi. i don't say so : but i say thus : whatever is ( or rather we know to be ) must some ways or other strike and affect our senses . for to know is to perceive by imagination ; and to imagine is to perceiv●… by sense . tim. delicate ! delicate ! the question is whether we have reason to believe that there 's any substance in the world , differing from such as do affect our senses . no , no : says philautus , it can't be : it can't possibly be : for there 's no reason to believe there 's any thing in the world different from what does affect our senses . and so score up two demonstrations against immaterial substances . the basket will be full , by and by . phi. and well it may , for the bigest are all still behind . and therefore in the next place , tim , let me know of thee which of all words dost thou think to be the most proper to signifie the whole world ? tim. universe , as i take it , is counted the best . phi. yes : 't is so : and that word alone clearly cuts out all your immaterial substances . for , what is the universe , but the whole sum or aggregate , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of all the matter that is in the world ? tim. very right , sir : and therefore whatever pretends to be ( or , which is all one , to be in the universe ) must cease being a dream and phantasm , and list it self under the notion and protection of matter . for the word universe being made up of unum and versum : and unum being taken adverbially for only ; and versum by a kind of a figure , signifying matter ( which , upon such an occasion it may be perswaded to do ) whoever talks of immaterial substances being in the world or universe , does most absolutely confute himself : for thereby he confesses there 's only matter in the world. and upon this i suppose , philautus , rather than god almighty should prove to be only a thing behind the looking-glass , you have been pleas'd to admit him also into your great pound of matter . phi. he must come in there , or else not be at all . but yet , because some giddy-headed ecclesiasticks had prated against my leviathan , therefore , in my appendix to 't , i have shewn both from the best authors , and scripture it self , that god is so far from being immaterial , that he is much more material than any thing else . tim. i marry , sir , this does it indeed ! phi. so it does , tim , ( to the shame of all your spiritual men ) for 't is plain that never any of your roman authors did speak considerately of god ▪ but they always stiled him maximus , as well as optimus . tim. they do so : and if he be maximus , to be sure he 's magnus , ( and a great deal to spare ) and every body knows of the alliance between magnitude and matter . deus optimus maximus . most specially good ! now if the scripture proves but as well — . phi. 't is no other than that famous place of the apostle ; for in him we live and move and have our being . upon which , i do thus reason : if all men be in god , and live in god , and move in god ( which the apostle plainly affirms ) and that to every man there belongs so much bulk or quantity : he ought to be sent to the hospital , that denies god to have quantity , for he has got within himself all the quantity that men have , and his own quantity besides . tim. so , so : very well . very well . because the apostle tells us , that god created all men , and gave them life and power to move ; and by his daily providence continues these blessings to them : therefore we feed upon god , and swim and fly in god : just as wild fowl do , in st. james's park . i wish with all my heart that the basket was full . phi. you need not wish for that , tim : for i have one demonstration more against immaterial substances so very big , that 't is enough to fill a basket alone . it lies in the very words themselves . don't you see 't , tim ? tim. not in the least . phi. that 's strange . you 'l grant , i suppose , that an incorporeal body is a good rousing contradiction . won't you ? tim. yes , sir : 't is one of the first head . phi. and , so is immaterial substance : for immaterial and incorporeal every man grants to be the same : and i 'le undertake for body and substance being the same . tim. you don't prove it , sir : do you ? phi. no , no : it need not , it need not ; for i 'll swear they are the same . tim. faith and troth would have come in excellently well there : for , by chance , all the controversie is , whether they be the same or not . ( i. e. whether there be a substance distinct from body ) but that 's nothing : for , it need not , it need not , no , no : it need not . for , philautus is the man that has farm'd all the custom for the signification of words : and suffers none to go out of his office , but such as are seal'd : and because your apothecaries give out of the same pot , mercury or quick-silver , which the customer pleases to call for : therefore philau●…us , in his great shop of words , has a box superscribed substance or body . and that 's all his reason they are the same . and therefore , say i , if any gentlemen be so overkind and complemental , as to gobble down such things as these ( and these are the very best that i can find ) for demonstrations against immaterial substances , by all means , let philautus take such gentlemen , and tim will be content with their estates . phi. i 'll take no gentlemen on my side , but such as are convinc'd by solid reasons : and by your leave , tim , i can tell you of several of my opinion , that scorn to be convinc'd with any thing less : and that are very ready to affirm , that what philautus has said , against incorporeal substances , has not been without some reason . tim. yes , i remember one , sir : who , in a late preface to a play , tells us just so : viz. 't is not , says he , without some reason , that philautus thinks incorporeal substances to imply a contradiction . phi. what ( and be hang'd ) would you not have a gentleman speak truth ? tim. o by all means , sir : especially such a gentleman as this : for he is so hearty a friend to your opinion , that he has added much strength to 't . phi. matter ! but i don 't like that at all , that any man should be so conceited , as to think himself able to add any thing to what i have written . tim. nay , i beseech you , sir , be not offended : for 't is so very little that he has said , that you may easily lay it aside . the great business is the novelty of the argument . phi. don't tell me , tim , of any novelties : for i can't think of any thing against immaterial substances that i have omitted . tim. no ? i pray of what profession are they that have been your great adversaries in this point ? are they not divines ? phi. what then ? tim. there 's a business now , that you never thought of . for 't is impossible for a divine to write , or so much as to think of a spirit , or immaterial substance . 't is utterly impossible : it implies a contradiction : 't is jargon , 't is tohu , and bohu : the kingdom of darkness , and all that . phi. implies a contradiction ? what a fool art thou , and all that , to talk t●…us ? may not a divine do , as well as other men , if they would but read and believe my books ; and such , as i got my learning out off ? tim. i , i : you may think so : but you are much mistaken for all your cunning . for there is not one divine of all the whole tribe , be he deacon , or priest , or bishop , or archbishop ; but is most abominably phlegmatick . and 't is a poet alone , i say again , that 't is the poet who has briskness , phansie , elevate and all that , that can discourse of such a subtle and gliding subject , as a spirit or imm●…terial substance . phi. divines all phlegmatick ! i have been as much affronted by divines as any body : but they never affronted me into such an odd remark as this . tim. therefore you never minded the history of it , philautus , as this gentleman poet has done . for let a man be of never such a frank and florid constitution : let him be all flame , all sky , all glory ; yet no sooner does the bishop lay upon his head his heavy and stupefying hand , but his phansie runs out at his heels , and the blood presently all turns . the benediction of a deacon , indeed , is only rheum and slaver : but , when he comes to be made priest , it curdles all into utter snot and phlegm . phi. i prethee , tim , don't torment me with such abominable nauseous stuff as this . what have i to do with what other people say ? tim. but this gentleman is your friend , sir : and you must not disregard what a friend offers in your behalf : as yet you only have heard how divines come to be so phlegmatick : you must needs also understand , how that , being so , they can't possibly discourse of an immaterial substance , or a spirit . phi. i care not for hearing it : for i am sure there can't be any sense in 't . tim. o sir very much : as much as any thing that you your self have said against immaterial substances . for the argument is taken out of the great art of chymistry . where , you know , nothing is at such variance with a spirit as phlegm . and there can happen no such scandal to a spirit , as to have any phlegm upon its skirts . and therefore your wary druggists will scarce suffer a clergy-man to come into their shops , for fear they should bind and phlegmatize their spirits . and you can't , i suppose , have altogether forgot , how an whole brewing of strong waters , had like to have been quite spoil'd , only by a clergy-man's gown sleeve , that , in passing by , dangl'd into the door : and therefore 't is not for a clergy-man ( whose heavy gown damps the apprehension of a spirit , as much as great top't stockings does the sound of a theorbo ) i say 't is not for a phlegmatick clergy-man ( who can only cough to an organ , and thrum upon thomas aquinas ) to think to raise himself to such a tall imagination , as that of immaterial substanc●…s : for they are of a very thin and aiery composure ; of a flooting and fluttering consideration : and when a man of gravity , sense , and judgment , goes dully about to invoke them , and to pore into their notion and condition , they presently all bush , and are as still as birds in an eclipse or great thunder-clap . but let the trim , the gay , the sharp and piercing poet get about him but half a score violins , an huge plume of feathers on his hat , and only thrip his fingers , and briskly say , come my daphne , and if there be an immaterial substance within a mile , it presently stoops to the poetical lure . but besides , philautus . — phi. i prethee , tim , let 's have no besides : for i am already almost quite kill'd with this damnable poet. tim. but you must not be tir'd , sir : i profess 't is uncivil : for , if you part with this gentleman , i don't know where you 'l get another to commend your reasons against immaterial substances . and withal i would have you consider , philautus , that 't is a very unsafe thing to slight such a mans approbation : for , he may chance to have you into the next prologue he makes ; and a poet , you know , is as ill as a whole nest of hornets : nine of which , they say , will sting an horse to death . and therefore 't is your interest , philautus , to be kind and respectful : for , he has also done so much credit to your opinion , as to tell us that you have got some of the fathers , on your side . and you know , philautus , 't is a great honour and security to have the fathers on ones side . phi. a very kind poet indeed ! i know not how many years agon , i found by several places , that tertullian was of my opinion — tim. and you might have found as good ones in caesar's commentaries . phi. and now , this gentleman having in some of my books either read so , or met with somebody that told him so , he sends me word of it again . tim. i profess , philautus , i am perfectly of your mind : for i look upon 't to be very indiscreet and dangerous for a poet , who renounces all judgment and sense , and betakes himself wholly to the wing of phansie and imagination , to meddle with such dull and melancholy stuff as fathers . for your fathers doubtless ( though they were counted pretty honest people ) yet they were all very phlegmatick . and some think that levi himself was a kind of a blew , green , yellow man. so that there has been a constant succession of phlegm and dullness in the church from the very beginning . and therefore , i say , i don't think that this poet of ours durst ever venture to meddle with any father , except such as father horace , father juvenal , and the like : for alas , sir , one page of a right true phlegmatick father would so fetter , and jade his phansie , that 't would scarce get into a good heroick rhiming condition in a months time . but besides , sir — phi. what have we more besides's still ? is there no way , tim , to perswade thee to hang thy self ? tim. yes , yes , sir : i had done it long ago : only you sent no particular directions ; and so i deferr'd the business a little , least i should not have perform'd it according to your philosophical mind . i pray , sir , what do you mean by the word hanging ? phi. why , tim , must thou needs have a definition of it , before thou goest about it ? tim. o by all means , sir , for , such a nice matter as that , if it be not done with all the consideration and curiosity imaginable , a man may chance to do himself a mischief , before he be aware of it . and i am sure , philautus , you can't but call to mind ; that most of those tumults , and rebellions , deluges , and earthquakes that have happen'd in former ages , were chiefly because they were ages of great equivocation : not being sufficiently mindful to signifie their meaning in setled words , which by the learned is call'd defining . and therefore i wonder , sir , that a man so exact as you are , of all things , should omit to give us a definition of hanging ; it being a thing of so great moment : and besides in the 18th page of your leviathan you have laid so good a foundation sor't . for seeing politicks ( as you there have it ) are only the addition of pactions to find out mens duties : and law is only the addition of laws and facts , &c. what else can hanging be , but only the concluding or summing up of a man from the premises : from whence we learn the exact difference between condemning and hanging : viz. to be condemned is only to be cast : but to be hang'd is to be summ'd or cast up . and though breaking a leg or arm be not altogether of such great concern , as t'other thing we have been speaking of ; yet , upon this accompt questionless it was , that the author of the medicinal definitions ( lest a man in distress should be equivocated , and send for the joiner instead of the bone setter ) like a most safe and careful artist , brands chirurgery after an everlasting manner : chirurgery ( says he ) is the quick motion of an intrepid hand join'd with experience : or an artificial action used by the hand in physick for some convenient intent . phi. what thou drivest at , tim , i know not : unless it be , that thou wouldst have hanging to be as much a science as chirurgery . for , i grant thee , that most of those mistakes , fooleries and absurd opinions that have crept into mens minds and their writings have been , because they have ventur'd to reckon without setting ●…own their first items right : i. e. without agreeing upon sound and substantial definitions : but i would not have thee therefore think , that , before i call for my horse , i must needs examine the osler how he is furnish'd as to the genus and specifical difference of saddle and bridle . tim. truly , i thought that might have been your meaning . for you must now give me leave to tell you , philautus , and that a little more plainly and largely too , than i could do last time we met ( being in haste ) that there is scarce any thing so mean and trivial , but you make it your business to puff it up either with some lofty and magnificent description , or else to fix upon 't some smart or curious character : and this is your constant practice from one end of your writings to the other . phi. never was any thing more improperly and unseasonably apply'd : it being my humour to meddle with nothing but rarities , and things of fundamental moment : and whereas thou talkest , tim , of my puffing definitions , and of my contriving curious characters ; and , that i do this from one end to the other : i am confident that ( had i patience to pose thee ) thou dost not so much as understand either what 't is to begin or end , or what is curiosity , or what 't is to define : and yet this is tim that accuses me of defining trifles . tim. i beseech you , sir , cast away one small bit of those thousand years , you have still to live ( for , you know , 't is not good to be stinted ) and hear me say . as for the bounds and measures of beginning and end , i must step a little back , and consider there be two sorts of parts , middle and extream : which being granted i do then proceed to set them out after this manner . that part which is between two other parts is call'd the middle : and that which is not between two other parts , is call'd an extream . now , of the extreams , that which is first reckon'd ( i say of the extreams that there may be no mistake ) that that very extream so first reckon'd , in strictness of speech , is always to be look'd upon as the true beginning ; and that which is last reckon'd to be the true ending . as for example , take me the number three : which is bounded on each side with an unite : ( for no number is actually infinite ) now that unite which stands before the middle unite , ( provided it be first reckon'd ) is to be look'd upon to be the beginning or first unite of the number three : and that which stands after the middle unite , the end or last unite of the number three . and now , philautus , i am confident , that were you not wholly taken up with commending your self , as severe a judge as you are , you your self would be ready to confess this first task to be very accurately perform'd ▪ phi. confess , tim ! i don't use to make fools and children my confessors , but only those that have the supream authority . tim. i thought i should be thus put of . for let a man be never so wary , and take never such care about his items ; and settle things with never so much exactness , yet one had as good grope for guineas in an oyster pit , as expect any approbation from philautus . phi. go on , tim : thou shalt have , it upon my word by and by : 't will come pouring down ; approbation , or somewhat else . tim. i thank you , sir ; for one minutes commendations from a person that has kept a constant register of consequences is worth an age-ful from any body else . and therefore i proceed to the great mystery of curiosity : concerning which ( in short ) i thus give out . namely , that 't is a desire to know why , and how . and i am sure there 's no body can be so harsh and churlish , but must look upon this same why and how , as a most distinguishing and philosophical ear-mark . and therefore , if approbation be not just approaching , i don't expect ever to deserve again . phi. yes , tim , 't is just at hand , and therefore i do bless thee after this manner : reckoning thee , looking upon thee , and approving of thee — tim. i am glad to hear these words . they are every one of them words tending to renown . o , what a blessing it is to be allow'd of by the ancient ! and to have an item set upon a young man by an intrepid hand join'd with experience . phi. o 't is a most inestimable blessing ! and therefore , tim , i do say once again , that i do set thee down , and accompt thee , and allow of thee for the greatest pilferer , shirk , and notion-stealer , that ever thiev'd out of a book . for all these great truths , which thou hast now pretended to knock out of thy own noddle , are nothing else but my very own contemplations irreverently slaver'd out of thy mouth . and if i should try thee in fourty things more : i believe i should find it just so : i. e. thou wouldst either talk right down non sense , or steal from me . and therefore , seeing thou pretendest to judge what things are needful to be defin'd ; do so much as tell me now what a definition is . tim. i remember some of them tell us , that a definition is that which explains a thing — phi. a definition that which explains a thing ! that now is most horribly obscure , ridiculous , and absurd . a definition , say you or they ( for i think you are all alike ) is that — is that ? what that ? that same , or t'other same ? how shall any man in the world understand which of the that 's you mean ? again , you talk of your definition explaining a thing . after what manner , i prithee , tim ? what , as the table-cloth is explain'd upon the table : or as butter is explain'd upon bread ? thou surely wouldst have a man to be spread into animal and rationale . therefore take it me altogether thus . definitio est propositio cujus praedicatum est subjecti resolutivum ubi fieri potest , ubi non potest exemplicativum . instead of which you come in with your blind ids and quods , and i know not what 's . tim. i pray , sir , be not so angry with me ; for 't was not i that put in id est , instead of propositio ; or that said , that the nature of man was to be unfoulded like a napkin ; whereas i perceive 't is to be unrop'd and unbound like a load of faggots . phi. but you are always prating as if you favour'd such non-sense . tim. truly , sir , i must confess , that i never did much admire the temper of that wary gentleman , who being requested to help to make an inventory for his neighbour , would by no means be perswaded to engage in the business , till they had first agreed upon principles , and set down quid est fire shovel , quid tongs , and quid bellows . and very little better opinion have i of those , who observing the mathematicians to chuse their own terms , and to give them what signification they pleased , shall vainly do the like in all kind of discourses : defining things , that by custom have been long determin'd ; or that have been sufficiently defin'd before . for my part , i always thought , that a man might have a very nigh ghessing , when he was in the jail , and when not : till i look'd into the 164th . page of your leviathan , and then i found , that 't was almost as hard for a man to understand what a prison was , as to get out of it . for , imprisonment ( to define it fully and exactly ) is all restraint of motion , caus'd by an enternal obstacle , be it a house , which is call'd by the general name of a prison , or an island . thus du val and such others , have ( upon occasion ) been restrain'd by the external obstacle of newgate for some convenient intent . and , you know , jack lambert is at this time obstacl'd up at the isle of — phi. well : and what then ? tim. e'en what you please , sir. phi. then i tell you , that though others may have observ'd , that a house may come under the notion of a prison , yet , that an island may do so likewise , was a great observation of my own . tim. i do a little question it , philautus : for now i think on 't , in an old merry song , there 's a very notable hint towards an island being a prison ; and more than that too , there 's direction given how , if need be , to break prison . for the poet does not only say , that the land is a large prison inclos'd with sea : but adds further , that if we would but set lustily to 't , and drink up the obstacle ( i. e. the ocean ) we may set our selves ●…ree . but for all that , i don't absolutely say , that you stole your notion from the song . phi. i steal from songs : i that have a thousand things that never were in any book whatever ? tim. ay , and a thousand too . i 'd fain see any body shew me , either in book , or manuscript any thing like what you have in that chapter of yours , call'd the nutrition and procreation of a commonwealth . phi. why , what have i there ? tim. what have you there ? why , sir , you have there , not only a most exact division of all commodities into native and foreign : but ( lest people should loose their time a nutmegging , or cloving in enfield , or epping forest ) you are pleas'd to acquaint us besides with the very essence , and nature of each commodity . a native commodity ( say you , very gravely ) is that which is to be had within the territory of the common-wealth . that sounds bravely . within the territory of a common-wealth . 't will almost furnish a shop alone . and a foreign commodity is that which is imported from without . phi. and is not this very true , and useful besides ? tim. 't is so very true , that i much question whether it be useful at all . for there 's scarce an apprentice , that has but had the improvement of twice wiping his masters shoes , but would look upon 't to be a most abominable affront , to be inform'd with such ceremony , in such a trivial matter . and more than that , philautus , i am very confident , that should any man go about solemnly ( as you do ) to advise and caution one of these same youngsters , in what immediately follows ; and deliver but his message in the common town language , he would count himself so horribly abus'd , as presently to cry huzza , and break all the windows of such an instructor . phi. why , what is it i prethee ? tim. the very bottom of the notion is only this , sir : viz. that if we have , suppose , here in our country , more pudding than plums , and other people have got more plums than pudding ; the best way will be for the pudding and the plums to hold a correspondence . but now , sir , from the consideration of native and foreign commodities , to biggen this spare and lean notion into a sir john : 't is thus . and because ( it begins as statelily , as a preface to an act of parliament ) there is no territory under the dominion of one common wealth , except it be of very vast extent ( that 's to prevent objections ) that produceth all things needful for the maintainance and motion of the whole body ; and few that produce not something more than necessary ; ( here 's the ground-work ; now we build ) the superfluous commodities to be had within become no more superfluous , but supply these wants at home by importation of that which may be had abroad , either by exchange , or by just war , or by labour . for a mans labour also , is a commodity exchangeable for benefit , as well as any other thing . yes , yes : without doubt ' t is . that is , if a man has a great superfluity of those native commodities of legs and arms , but as great a scarcity of those foreign ones , call'd cloths and victuals ; nothing more frequent than for such an one , to betake himself presently to his flail , or spade , and to exchange benefits : full well knowing , that labour is a very good commodity , and as likely a way to fetch in money , as most things that have been invented . and this politick remark of yours puts me in mind of a most admirable receit , that i have somewhere met with , to awake a man that is asleep . phi. i suppose , tim , if he ben't deaf , and be but call'd lowd enough ; we need not go to the queens closet , nor triggs secrets , to awake a man. tim. call'd ! but how shall he be call'd ? that 's the mystery , philautus ; what method , what means , what instruments are the most natural , and proper for this purpose ? phi. i prethee , has not the man a name : and can't you call him by that ? tim. call him by his name ! what a deadly black , dull , phlegmatick story is that ? call him by his name ! ( dick , jack , robin , or any of the rest know , and can do that : ) no , no , philautus : you are quite out . the way is this . seeing that humane creatures as well as some others are not altogether free from the thraldom of sleep : and that it may be for the interest of some private person , or for the good of the common-wealth , to loosen and redeem one so bound and captivated : and seeing besides that there be several noises and sounds , that by different motion , do differently invade the territories of the ear : from most diligent observation it has been at last concluded , that , of all noises or sounds , there is not any so fit and proper to awaken a humane creature , as a humane voice : especially , if the proper name belonging to the humane creature , be plainly pronounc'd by the humane voice . roger : i come , sir , cries he presently . phi. and i prethee , tim , how differs this from what i said before ? tim. just as much , and no more , sir , than as a thousand things , that you magnificently and flaringly dress up , differ from what dick , jack , or t'other says . only , as i hinted just now , out of mathematical apishness , you fall to your drawing , and deducing , and gathering a company of trifles , which are not worth the while to pick up in the streets . phi. timothy , timothy , i shall make thee repent of this , boy . for it plainly shews , that thou dost in no ways understand the greatest instance of sagacity , and a mature judgment : and that the highest advancement , and very top of reasoning , is to make discreet , and holding inferences . tim. o , sir , that is a most admirable perfection indeed ! and how far you transcend all others in it , one may plainly see , in the tenth page of your leviathan . where ( having in the chapter before carefully laid down , that much memory , or memory of many things is call'd experience ; ) you thence firk out this for a great certainty : namely , that by how much one man has more experience of things past than another , by so much also he is more prudent , and his expectations the seldomer fail him . as suppose , sir , a taylor makes a gentleman a suit of cloths ; but sees not a farthing of money , but only a very sweet promising countenance . and , upon the same terms , he proceeds to a second , a third , and a fourth . most certainly this sweet promising countenance will take much better with a fresh taylor , than with the old beaten dog of much memory : for he has four very bad consequences , already upon the file . and therefore , ( as you have it in the same page ) as long as we live , we must note this ; that , he that is most vers'd and studied in the matters he ghesses at , is certainly the best ghesser . and that , because he hath most signs to go by . from whence it follows , that though no sign is absolutely certain ; yet ( we may take this for certain ) that the oftner the consequences have been observ'd , the less uncertain is the sign . as suppose , the dun-cow turns up her tail , and frisking about the close immediately upon that we have a shower of rain : this being the first consequence , 't is possible that the farmer may venture his corn abroad , for all the dun-cow . but suppose her phansie continues ; ( for i can't think , that the meer motion of her tail can physically pull down the clouds ) and that the same consequence is strictly observ'd for a whole year together ; will. lilly may send his almanacks to market , and so forth ; but , upon my word , the dun-cow will send them home again with rattle . men may talk of finding out this , and finding out that : but there is not one of a ▪ thousand that knows how to make the best of a notion . that is , how to nurse it , and brood it , and improve it . phi. 't is true enough , tim. for a meer fool may by chance , stumble upon a vast truth . but the great emolument thereof lies wholly in the inferences . tim. yes , yes : there lies all the skill . for , though a man of less sagacity than your self , might possibly have blunder'd upon what you say ( le. p. 36. ) viz. of all discourse , govern'd by desire of knowledge , there is at last an end either by attaining or giving over . yet there is no body but philautus ( who can make notions breed , long after geese have done laying ) could ever have thence disclos'd , that which follows : viz. that in the chain of discourse , wheresoever it be interrupted , there is an end for that time . i profess , philautus , 't was very well for you , that you did not make these politi●…k inferences , in hopkins's days . for upon my word , ( as great an unbeliever , as you are in his profession ) he 'd have had you into his inquisition , and tryed whether you would have swum , or sunk . you talk of deducing and inferring ! whereas in the 3d. chapter of your book de cive , you make such a notable remark , abou●… putting things to arbitration , that to me is right down witchery and divination . phi. why , tim , is it not highly reasonable and convenient , that if two parties disagree about matter of right , it should be referr'd to some third indifferent person , call'd an arbiter . tim. very reasonable and convenient , sir. and accordingly you write it down for your fifteenth law of nature . but the divination lies in hatching out of this fifteenth , a sixteenth law of nature . viz. that no man must be judge in his own cause . which sixteenth law comes into the world , after this manner . seeing that when two parties disagree about a matter of right , it is a law of nature that they should leave it to the determination of a third : we gather ( say you ) what ? that this third must not be one of the two . no , no : that would be most horrible foul play indeed : that when two disagreeing parties had taken pains to chuse a third , and had bespoken a very good dinner : no sooner does this third get into the chair , but whip goes he into one of the two ; and there 's all the fat in the fire . phi. this now is so abominably ridiculous , that 't is ten times worse than positive non-sense . tim. but hold a little , philautus ; you should have ask'd first , whose it was . for , in good truth , this same of the third being none of the two , is one of your own mathematical gatherings . and because ( i know ) you love your own words , better than any bodies else ; you shall have them exactly as they stand , p. 49. upon condition you 'l trust me another time . but from this ground ( say you ) that an arbiter or judge is chosen by the differing parties to determine the controversie , we gather ( in latin 'tis colligitur ) that the arbiter must not be one of the parties . do you see philautus ? 't is plainly your opinion , that the third person that is chosen by the two differing parties , must not be one of the two that chose . for it takes two and one more , to make a third . and besides , 't would be a very inconvenient thing ; as you proceed to demonstrate it , in the same article . for , say you , every man is presum'd to seek what is good for himself naturally , and what is just only for peace sake and accidentally ; and therefore cannot observe the same equallity commanded by the law of nature , so exactly as a third man would do . no , no : he can't observe it : nothing near so exactly . for supposing the third should be one of the two , to be sure he , after a few complements , would so utterly forget that he was a third , that he would e'en deal as archly for ●…imself , as if he were meerly one of the two . so that having throughly weigh'd , not only the great absurdity of three being two , but also the great mischief that might thence arise in a common-wealth ; we safely gather , that the third neither can , nor ought to be one of the two . phi. i shall maintain , tim , against thee , and all such bold faces , that to chuse an arbiter is a fundamental law of nature : and that it was the philosopher of malmsbury that first found it out ; because no body before him had gathered it according to art . tim. i , i ; there lies the skill , philautus ; to nick a notion , and to gather it according to art : to take it at the critical minute , and register it upon the right file . as ( in the 68. p. of your leviathan ) i remember you do the business of covenanting with bruits . phi. why , tim , can any covenant , or bargain be made between a man and a beast ? is it not demonstrable , both from the nature of a covenant , and the nature of a beast , that there can't possibly be any such thing ? tim. 't is very demonstrable , sir. for suppose a man proffers his dog jowler a good large piece of bread ; upon condition that he skips cleaverly over his stick . here seems indeed a tacite kind of promise , that the dog should have the piece of bread for his pains ; ( a dogs labour being a commodity exchangeable for benefit as well as a mans : ) but , by reason the master only held forth the piece of bread , and did not orally say to the dog ; here , jowler , skip over this stick , and thou shalt certainly have this piece of bread ; or if he had said so , yet jowler being not able to take him at his word , and to say done master ; ( by which the right of the bread might be transferr'd upon performance of covenants : ) thereupon it is that , if the master either eats the bread himself , or gives it to any other dog ( though never so little deserving ) jowler can never recover of his master this piece of bread , or any other thing to the value of it , either at common-law , or chancery . and why ? because ( as you very learnedly gather it , in the foremention'd place ) seeing that bruits understand not our speech , they understand not : ( all understanding being nothing but knowledge of words : ) and if they don't unde●…stand , they can neither accept of any translation of right from us , nor can translate any right to us ; and without mutual acceptation there 's no covenant . there now lies the point of law : without mutual acceptation there 's no covenant . this place most certainly deserves a cut ; 't is so mathematically managed . and therefore , in the next edition , i 'd have jowler pictur'd , jumping at the overture of his master . phi. 't would be a better sight by half , tim , to see jowler and you hang'd up together for a couple of curs . for what more easie , than out of the best book that ever was printed , to pick three or four places ; and , by forgery and malice , to represent them as trivial , and contemptible ? tim. 't is not three or four places , or three or four hundred that i should have much minded : and whereas you talk of representing , &c. there is so little need of any such thing , that this kind of gullery and affectation discovers it self in every page almost of your writings . what forgery or malice , i pray , is required , to make what you say , lev. p. 29. most notoriously idle , and frivolous ? phi. why , what do i there say ? tim. as in your humane nature , you invite down the jocqueys ( which i formerly told you of ) to see your race of the passions : so here you call together the school-masters ; and , much to their astonishment , shew them the great harmony that is between the passions , and the several moods of a verb. first , say you , generally all passions may be express'd indicatively ; as i love , i fear , i joy , i deliberate , i will , i command : upon my word , the indicative mood has a fine run on 't : 't is in at all . but some of them have particular expressions by themselves ; for instance , deliberation is expressed subjunctively ; which is a speech proper to signifie suppositions with their consequences . what a brave definition is there of the subjunctive mood ! the subjunctive mood is a speech proper to signifie suppositions with their consequences . the language of desire and aversion is imperative : as , fall on , bear back : the language of vain-glory , &c. is optative ; as utinam , or would to god , i had a piece of bread and butter round about the loaf : but of the desire to know there is a peculiar expression , call'd interrogative . a very peculiar one indeed ! ( 't is great pity there is no interrogative mood : ) and therefore , if a man be either in haste to know , or eager to know , the best way will be to make use of that same peculiar expression , call'd inquiring or asking : for it will take some considerable time for another man to ghess , what i have a mind to know . again , sir , when you advise such as have the supream authority to affix punishments to the breach of their laws , you do very well : but when you advise them further ( civ . p. 207. ) to put those laws sometimes into execution ; and withall so heartily prove the convenience thereof , i can't see , but that a man without either forgery or malice , may make shift to smile . the fear , say you , whereby men are deterred from doing evil , ariseth not from hence , namely , because penalties are set , but because they are executed ; ( and that 's the reason that people are not so much afraid of paper and ink , as rope , ladder , and the consequences thereof : ) because , as you proceed , we esteem the future by what is past ; seldom expecting what seldom happens . and therefore , man being of a collecting nature , he certainly ought to be hang'd for a coward , who fears to be added to the law for stealing , if no body upon that account , had ever been added before him ; because he reckons badly , and expects that which never , as yet , came to pass . but i shall not at present , philautus , trouble my self any further to set forth how laboriously you argue , when 't is to no purpose . only i can't forbear shewing some little respect to one thing more , because you so accurately discuss it . phi. all that i ever writ , has been very accurate . tim ▪ yes , sir : but this is not only very accurate , but of extraordinary concernment . for it removes a very considerable objection against government . viz. if it be so necessary for the peace of mankind , that men should confer all their power and strength upon one man , or one assembly of men , that may reduce all their wills , by plurality of voices , unto one will ; how comes it about then that bees ( and such like creatures ) live so quietly and contentedly , without either chusing one supream unlimited buzzer , or one assembly of bees , that by plurality of buzzes may be brought to consent in one buz ? of this there be no less than six very remarkable reasons : ( no body but philautus could have found out half so many : ) in the first place , 't is to be considered , that amongst bees there 's no contestation of honour and preferment : if one bee has a mind to be made burgess or knight of the shire ; march on , say the rest : honey is a very good thing . now it is not honour or preferment , but the contestation that does all the mischief in a common-wealth . it being that alone which begets envy and hatred , and these beget sedition and quarrelling , and quarrelling begets war , and war in time spoils peace . we may possibly , now and then , have observ'd a couple of bees wrastling two or three falls or so ; where sometimes one would be above , and sometimes another : but we are to know , that in strictness of speech , this being above is not to be call'd preferment , nor this endeavouring to be above contestation of preferment : because preferment ( to say no more of it now ) is a kind of a notable business . in the next place , we are to consider , that , that which makes men to quarrel unless aw'd by some supream power , is their esteeming of those things only which have somewhat of eminence in the enjoyment . but 't is not so with bees : for suppose one of them grows fatter , or proves taller by the head and shoulders than all the rest ; notwithstanding this , there 's no need o●… chusing a hive-holder , to keep them from mutinying : they having no such as custom to register their statures upon the wainscot , or mantle-tree ; as man does , who is a comparing creature , and relishes nothing but phoenixes and eminencies . in the third place , that which secures bees from waging war is , that they don't keep any scales in the house , to weigh how much honey every bee administers towards the winterstock : or if they did , they having not so much the use of reason , as men , are not able to weigh it . for to weigh is only to ponderate , or compare reasons . but , in the section before , it was proved that man alone was a comparing creature . therefore to bed bees , for fighting is a vanity . fourthly , though bees have some use of voice to signifie their mutual affections , and to buz and hum out one another to publick duty ; yet , they having never read either seton or keckerman , want the art of disposing these buzzes and hums into propositions ; and also of managing those propositions into eloquent and crafty orations . so that , suppose some factious , aspiring , innovating bee should go about to disturb the peace , and make an uproar ; yet because this bee has not a true humane tongue ( which is as very a trumpet of war and sedition , as a warming-pan is of peace and settlement , to a swarm of those creatures ) though it be as big as an elephant it can never like pericles , by its elegant speeches so thunder and lighten as to confound the hive . and therefore sleep on bees . fifthly , give but bees their belly full , and set them out of the wind ; and libel them , and lampoon them as long as you will , all this breeds no ill blood : and the reason is , because as yet they never read philautus's politicks ; and so can't distinguish between injury and harm . hive and honey ! what times should we have , if these stingers should once but find out the difference between injury and harm ? sixthly , and lastly ( i am sorry for this lastly : what would i give for six such more ) seeing that neither the present bees , nor their predecessors , did ever take either the o●…th of allegiance , or the solemn league and covenant , or the engagement , or the oath upon triplow-heath ( where they say there grows many a sweet bit ) what need is there , or can there be , for these creatures to chuse any supream magistrate to keep them in awe ; when as they did never either swear , or covenant or engage to keep any thing at all ? and therefore finally , good night bees ; for the moon is in the flock-bed . phi. all this is most abominable forgery . tim. if you had not said so , 't is like some of your friends might . and therefore let 's have pure philautus , word for word , as he discusses the business in the 77th . p. de cive . phi. and won't you put in none of your own wild , non-sensical jim-cracks , to interrupt the drift , and contexture of my reasons ? tim. no no , sir : i am so far from any such thing that , to give your reasons all possible advantage , i 'll take in preface and all . the point to be debated in the margent stands thus , viz. why the government of some bruit creatures stands firm in concord alone , and not so of men . to decide which we make this preparation . aristotle reckons among those animals , which he calls politick , not man only , but divers others ; as the ant , the bee , &c. which though they be destitute of reason , by which they may contract , and submit to government , notwithstanding by consenting , ( that is to say ) ensuing or eschewing the same things , they so direct their actions to a common end , that their meetings are not obnoxious unto any seditions . yet is not their gathering together a civil government , and therefore those animals not to be termed political , because their government is only a consent , or many wills concurring in one object , not ( as is necessary in civil government ) one will. it is very true , that in those creatures , living only by sense and appetite , their consent of minds is so durable , as there is no need of any thing more to secure it , and ( by consequence ) to preserve peace among them , than barely their n●…tural inclination . but among men the case is otherwise . now begin the six reasons . for first among them there is a contestation of honour and preferment ; among beasts there is none : whence hatred and envy , out of which arise sedition and war , is among men , among beasts no such matter . next , the natural appetite of bees , and the like creatures , is conformable , and they desire the common good which among them differs not from their private ; but man scarce esteems any thing good which hath not somewhat of eminence in the enjoyment , more than that which others do possess . thirdly , those creatures which are void of reason , see no defect , or think they see none , in the administration of their common-weals ; but in a multitude of men there are many who supposing themselves wiser than others , endeavour to innovate , and divers innovators innovate divers ways , which is a meer distraction , and civil war. fourthly , these brute creatures , howsoever they may have the use of their voice to signifie their affections to each other , yet w●…nt they that same art of words which is necessarily required to those motions in the mind , whereby good is represented to it as being better , and evil as worse than in truth it is ; but the tongue of man is a trumpet of war , and sedition ; and it is reported of pericles , that he sometimes by his elegant speeches thundered , and lightened , and confounded whole greece it self . fifthly , they cannot distinguish between injury and harm ; thence it happens that as long as it is well with them , they blame not their fellows : but those men are of most trouble to the republick , who have most leisure to be idle ; for they use not to contend for publick places before they have gotten the victory over hunger , and cold . last of all , the consent of those brutal creatures is natural , that of men by compact only ( that is to say ) artificial ; it is therefore no matter of wonder if somewhat more be needful for men to the end they may live in peace . now am i as much taken with these six reasons , as the gentleman was with his good piece of road . i profess , i have a great mind to ride 'em all over again : they are so incomparably close , so smooth , and so pleasant . phi. yes , yes , without doubt , tim , set but such a one as thou art on horse-back , and there will be riding . thou talkest of close reasoning ! thou never saidst in thy whole life one line of such deep sense , as that which just now thou didst repeat . tim. but you have said many things as deep , sir ; as one may plainly see by your leviathan , p. 86. where you thought the mooting this point of the bees to be so very necessary for the understanding the causes , the generation and the definition of a common-wealth that ; with great delight to your self , we have all the foremention'd reasons over again . and seeing you are so very much delighted , i am as conformable as any bee ; and am resolv'd to be delighted too . thus then : it is true , that certain living creatures ; as bees , and ants , live sociably one with another , ( which are therefore by aristotle numbred amongst political creatures ; ) and yet have no other direction , than their particular judgments and appetites ; nor speech , whereby one of them can signifie to another , what he thinks expedient for the common benefit : and therefore some man may perhaps desire to know , why mankind cannot do the same . ( i don't believe any man in the world had ever such an odd appetite , unless he had the green sickness : ) to which i answer , first , that men are continually in competition for honour and dignity , which these creatures are not ; and consequently amongst men there ariseth on that ground , envy and hatred , and finally war ; but amongst these not so . secondly , that amongst these creatures , the common good differeth not from the private ; and being by nature enclined to their private , they procure thereby the common benefit . but man , whose joy consisteth in comparing hims●…lf with other men , can relish nothing but what is eminent . thirdly , that these creatures , having not ( as man ) the use of reason , do not see , nor think they see any fault , in the administration of their common business : whereas amongst men , there are very many , that think themselves wiser , and abler to govern the publick , better than the rest ; and these strive to reform and innovate , one this way , another that way ; and thereby bring it into distraction and civil war. fourthly , that these creatures , though they have some use of voice , in making known to one another their desires , and other affections ; yet they want that art of words , by which some men can represent to others , that which is good , in the likeness of evil ; and evil , in the likeness of good ; and augment , or diminish the apparent greatness of good and evil ; discontenting men , and troubling their peace at their pleasure . fifthly , irrational creatures cannot distinguish between injury , and damage ; and therefore as long as they be at ease , they are not offended with their fellows : whereas man is then most troublesom , when he is most at ease : for then it is that he loves to shew his wisdom , and contro●…l the actions of them that govern the common-wealth . lastly , the agreement of these creatures is natural ; that of men , is by covenant only , which is artificial : and therefore 't is no wonder if there be somewhat else required ( besides covenant ) to make their agreement constant and lasting ; which is a common power , to keep them in awe , and to direct their actions to the common benefit . i wish , with all my heart , i could tell where to happen of these six reasons , but once more : for i am as fresh , methinks , as when i first set out . never in my life did i meet with such a company of good words , so artificially put together , to no purpose . and yet , now i think of it camoraldo , the great spanish politician gave a friend of his six very good directions for travelling . if ( says he to his friend ) you be not sufficiently content with such knowledge of foreign countries , as maps and historians do afford you ; but that you have a mind to peruse the countries themselves ( or at least some of them ) with your very own eyes ; in the first place , i do advise that into such countries , as you have a mind to peruse after the suppos'd manner , you send not your man , but go your self . in the next place , when you be once fix'd and determin'd to go ; it will be very requisite then to think of going : and that either by the motion of your own feet , or by the motion of the feet of one horse , or of more horses ( as by tumbrell , cart , waggon , coach , ) or by no horse ; as by the motion of boat , ship , or by some other means and instruments of motion . for , native and foreign being altogether opposite , there 's no possible passing from one extream to another without motion . thirdly , when you be once come ( according to the directions laid down in the foregoing article ) to that town or city that you have most mind to see and remember ; be sure you stay longest there : for the longer you stay , the more you may look ; and the more you look , the more you 'l see ; and the more you see , the more you 'l remember : as was said before , he that has most signs to ghess by , is certainly the best ghesser . fourthly , such notices and informations of things as you intend to take in at the eye , chuse rather to do it in the day time , than in the night . for though the eye and object be full out as big , after as before the sun is down ; yet by reason of the many mists , vapours , hobgoblins and witches that trade in the night , the skie becomes much thicken'd ; and thereupon observations are rendered much more weak and uncertain . fifthly , if after particular observations of houses , churches , cathedrals , &c. ( made at the time above prescrib'd ) you should have a mind , ( the day , suppose , before you go out of town ) to sum up all , and at one view to take the dimensions of your whole improvements ; don't you go to bed , and draw the curtains close about you : for they 'l refract and scare the light ; nor into the bottom of a well ; ( as some by equivocation have done , because stars are thence best seen : ) but climb you me some steeple , tower , or other high place : for though it must be granted that the higher you go , the further you 'l be from the earth ; yet the further you are from the earth ( so you be not too far ) the more you 'l see , in all probability , of those things that are built upon the earth . sixthly , and lastly , suppose you don't travel by a proxy , but go your self in person , and perform all according to the laws of motion , and set a work those laws of motion more or less according as 't is worth the while to stay , and that you don't make your observations at midnight , nor out of the cellar ; then , quoth camoraldo to his friend , as a crown to all , i do advise , that you take a table-book in your pocket , or some other little portable instrument to register consequences : for though it be said of julius caesar ( who for a need could thunder and lighten as well as pericles ) that he never forgat any thing but injuries ; yet it does not , you know , fall to one mans share of fourty to be so great an emperour , as julius caesar : and though paper , parchment , and velam be all subject to the teeth of time , envy , and rats ; yet by no means is the memory wholly to be trusted , being oft-times as treacherous , as a sieve or scummer . phi. the teeth of time ! 't is very good really : and so is a treacherous sieve or scummer . but for the memory to keep garrison is much better ; especially , if it be but like ●… sieve , or scummer : because the enemy may pass and repass at the little port-holes . doubtless this cam●…raldo was a most excellent states-man . i wonder , tim , where thou pickest up such abominable , metaphorical-simili●…udinarian-rascals . ( that similitudinarian is not a just word , but i han't patience to make a better now : ) tim. why , sir , you know ●…hat a little slice or so of a trope , or figure , gives a fine relish and hogoo . 't is as good , sir , as an anchovy or shalot . phi. a relish and a hogoo ! to what i prethee ? to a treatise of philosophy or dominion : or to directions for travelling , by which gentlemen may come to understand the generatio●… of a common-wealth , and afterwards become helpful in government ? i 'le give leave to a jugler , or barber to put into their common tittle tattle , their relishes and hogoos , their anchovie●… and shalots : but when divine●… shall tell you ( lev. p. 17. ) of in-powred vertue , and in-blown vertue ( as if vertue were tunn'd into a mans mind , just as new drink is into the vessel ) and of this and that man being extraordinary assisted and inspired : as if it were not more credit for a man to speak wisely from the principles of nature and his own meditation , than to be thought to speak like a bagpipe by inspiration : i say , when such things as these creep into serious reckonings , and philosophical bills ; then , then 's the mischief . ●… perceive , tim , that thou never didst read the 5th chapter of my leviathan : for if thou hadst , thou wouldst have there found , that amongst the many causes of the absurd opinion●… that have been in philosophy , there has not been any greater , than the use of metaphors , tropes , and other rhetorical figures , instead of words proper . for ( as i there go on ) though it be lawful to say , ( for example ) in common speech the way goeth or leadeth hither , or thither , the proverb says this or that ( whereas ways cannot go , nor proverbs speak ; ) yet in reckoning , and seeking of truth , such speeches are not to be admitted . tim. what , neither back-stroak , nor fore-stroak ? i know , philautus , that you have spent much time in this sort of reckonings ; and therefore you must needs be a notable accomptant in philosophy : but when i find ( as ●… do in your treatise , call'd computation ) that a proposition is the first step i●… the progress of philosophy , that a syllogism is a compleat pace , trot , or gallop in philosophy ; being made by the addition of steps : and that method is the high-way that leads to philosophy : ( where note , though 't is not proper , in reckoning , to say that the way either goes or leads ; yet i perceive that propositions and syllogisms may both walk and gallop , provided it be in the way to philosophy : ) again , sir , when i read ( levi. p. 108. ) that a common-wealth is an artificial man , ( 't is as like him , as ever it can look : 't has got just de father's nose , and de powting lip ) or an aggregate of puginellos made for the attaining of peace ; and that the civil laws are only artificial chains ; ( so the dutch broke the civil law that went cross the river at chatham ) which men , by mutual covenants , have fastned at one end , to the lips of t●…e man , or assembly , to whom they have given the soveraign power ; and at the other end to their own ears . ( i 'd scarce have the place to be so fastned : ) phi. what if i do say this : is this like the teeth of time , and your sieves and scummers ? tim. moreover , sir , when you instruct us ( lev. p. 115. ) in all the several sorts of systemes of people ( this systeme i look upon to be a kind of bastard anchovy , or wild shalot ) that belong to a common-wealth ; and how that these systemes resemble the similar parts of a body natural : and if they be lawful systemes , they are as the muscles of the body : but if unl●…wful , they are wens , biles , and apostems engendred by the unnatural conflux of evil humours : and how that a conflux of people to market , or a bull-baiting , though it be a lawful systeme , yet 't is an irregular systeme , by reason 't is not order'd by law which dog shall play first ; or which man shall sell the first rowl of ginger bread : and that the corporation of beggars , thieves , &c. though they may be regular systemes ( having a representative ) yet they are not to be looked upon as lawful systemes , being not as yet allow'd of by publick authority : the brick shall be , out of hand , burnt for the halls , against the parliament meet next . phi. what of all this ? tim. nay , i pray , sir , don't interrupt me : let me make an end of my sentence : and that as the several systemes of people are the similar parts of a common-wealth , so the publick ministers are the organical part of a common-wealth , resembling the nerve●… and tendons that move the several limb●… of a body natural : and that publick persons appointed by the soveraign , ( this is all mathematick●… ) to instruct , or judge the people , are such memb●… of a common-wealth , as may be fi●…ly compared to the organs of voice in th●… body natural : and that the service of sheriffs , justices of the peace , &c. is answerable to the hands in the body natural . and that if a man be sent into another country secretly to explore th●… counsels and strength ; ( i●… he com●… only to see , he may do well enough ; but if he comes to explore , and b●… catch'd ; he may chance ●…o be hang'd : ) he is to be look'd upon as a minister o●… the common wealth , though but private ; and may be compar'd to an ey●… in the body natural : ( and very well , for a blind man makes a very bad scout : ) but those publick ministers that are appointed to receive the petitions , or other informations of the peo ▪ ple , are , as it were , the publick ear of the common-wealth : ( i profess , this artificial man thrives bravely ; i hope the cheeks , and the chin of the common-wealth will come on by and by : ) besides , sir , when i look — phi. what , han't you done your sentence yet ? tim. alas , sir , i have but just begun : my hand is but just in : i say , when i look into the 24th . chapter ( above-cited ) of the nutrition and procreation of a common-wealth ; and observe , how that the commodities of sea and land are the nourishment of the common-wealth ; and t●…at propriety or the constitution of meum a●…d tuum is the distribution of the materials of this nourishment ; and that buying , selling , &c. is the concoction of the commodities of a common wealth ; which concoction is , as it were , the sanguification of the common-wealth , being perform'd by money , which is the very blood of a common-wealth : ( for as natural blood is made of the fruits of the earth , and circulating , nourishes , by the way , every member of the body natural : so money is made out of the fruits of mens labours , and running up to town , and then down again into the country , nourishes those politick members , that live upon the road : ) phi. surely now you have done . tim. and when i observe further ; how that the collectors , receivers , and treasurers are the conduits and vessels by which this blood ( of money ) is convey'd to publick use : and that the publick treasury is as the heart of the common-wealth ; ( so that , as the veins receiving the blood from the several parts of the body , carry it to the heart ; where being made vital , the heart by the arteries sends it out again to enliven and enable for motion all the members of the same : so the collectors , &c. receiving the venose money , out of the several parts of the country , carry it to the heart politick ; where being vitaliz'd , it does strange things when it comes again into the country : ) and that if a common-wealth ben't strictly dieted , but highly fed , how that it spawns and brings forth little common-wealths , or children of a common-wealth : ( thus the artificial man of spain laid about him , and begot ( the child ) ▪ hispaniola ; and if hispaniola should afterwards grow up to have a little one , then would spain be a grandfather . ) phi. certainly this sentence will have an end at some time or other . tim. pray , sir , don't speak to me ; for i am in great haste , and have a great way still to go : once again , i say , when i look also into the 29th chapter of your leviathan ; and there read of the several infirmities and diseases that this artificial man , the common-wealth , is subject to : ( for , we must know , that an artificial man , as well as other men , is very much out of sorts sometimes : ) and how that some proceed from defectuous procreation ; ( as when an old pockie , gouty , crasie common-wealth begets another , by reason of the mala stamina , or vicious conception , the child common-wealth either comes to an untimely death , or by purging out the ill quality , breaks out into biles and scabs : ) some from seditious doctrines ; such as killing a tyrant is lawful ; which venom , say you , i will not doubt to compare to the biting of a mad dog ; ( no man in the world would ever have doubted of it : ) which is a disease physitians call hydrophobia or fear of water : for as he that is so bitten , has a continual torment of thirst , and yet abhorreth water ; and is in such an estate as if the poyson endeavour'd to convert him into a dog ; ( in a still night , you may hear one , so converted ▪ bark almost srom dover to calis : ) so when a monarchy is once bitten to the quick , by those democratical writers ( and the teeth of time ) that continually snarl at the estate ; it wanteth nothing more than a strong monarch , which nevertheless out of a certain tyrannophobia , or fear of being strongly governed , when they have him , they abhor : such likewise is the opinion of those that hold there may be two authorities in the same common-wealth , temporal , and spiritual ; which disease , say you , not unfitly may be compar'd ( it sits to a cows thumb ) to the epilepsie , or falling sickness ( which the jews took to be one kind of possession by spirits ) in the body natural . for as in this disease , there is an unnatural spirit , ●…r wind in the head that obstructeth the roots of the nerves , and moving them violently , taketh away the motion which naturally they should have from the power of the soul in the brain , and thereby causeth violent and irregular motions ( which men call convulsions ) in the parts ; insomuch that he that is seised therewith , 〈◊〉 down sometimes into the water , a●…d sometimes into the fire , as a man depriv'd of ●…is senses ; ( a very good lecture upon the epilepsie : ) so also in the body politick , when the spiritual and windy power , moveth the members of a commonwealth , by the terrour of punishments , and hope of rewards ( which are the nerves of it , ) otherwise than by the civil power ( which is the soul of the common-wealth ) they ought to be moved ; ( this still is pure mathematicks ) and by strange , and hard words suffocates their understanding , it must needs thereby distract the people , and either overwhelm the commonwealth with oppression , or cast it into the fire of a civil war. phi. what no end yet ? tim. such again , say you , is the opinion of those that are for mixt government : making the power of levying money , which is the nutritive faculty of a common-wealth ( that is supposing blood nourishes ; for if it don't money is clearly cut out : ) run one way : the power of conduct and command , which is the motive faculty ( that 's well enough , because conduct and command is perform'd by the motion of legs and lips : ) run another way : and the power of making laws , which is the rational faculty ( that 's well enough also ; because of law and reason : ) a third way : which irregularity of a common-wealth to what disease , say you , in the natural body of man , i may exactly compare it , i know not : this is the first time that philautus has been at a loss ; but so hoo ! i have seen a man , that had another man growing out of his side , with an head , arms , breast , and stomach of his own : if , say you , he had had another growing o●…t of his other side , the comparison might then have been exact : ( if i meet with the man , i 'll speak to him , to hire another man to grow out of t'other side ; and if that be once done , goodnight parliament for this october , and for ever after : ) phi. nor yet ? tim. when i also read that want of money , especially in the approach of war , may very aptly be compar'd to an ague ; ( now for as long a lecture upon an ague , as we had before upon the falling-sickness : ) wherein the fleshy parts being congealed , or by venomous matter obstructed ; the veins which by their natural course empty themselves into the heart , are not ( as they ought to be ) supplyed from the arteries , whereby there succeedeth first a cold contraction and trembling of the limbs ; ( a very pretty hypothesis for an ague : ) and afterwards a hot and strong endeavour of the heart , to force a passage for the blood ; and before it can do that , contenteth it self with the small refreshments of such thi●…gs as cool for a time ; ( a julap from a banker : ) till ( if nature be strong enough ) it break at last the contumacy of the parts obstructed ( 't is a little obscure , but the devil they say is in an ague : ) and dissipate●… the venom into sweat ; ( through ●…he sieve , or scummer of the skin : ) 〈◊〉 ( if nature be too weak ) the patient dyeth . ting , tong : ting , tong : phi. then never . tim. and that monopolies and ab●…ses of publicans are the pleurisie of the common-wealth . for as the blood , say you , in a pleurisie , getting into the membrane of the breast , breedet●… there an inflammation , accompanied with a feaver and painful stitches : so say i and you together , money t●… blood of the body politick , getting in too much abundance into the membranaceous purses , and coffers of publicans , and farmers of publick revenue ; by inflammation , doth distend the purse-strings , and make the sides of the coffers to sob and groan : and that the popularity of a potent subject is like witch-craft : ( though , with philautus , there be no such thing , yet for a need that will serve for a disease too : ) and that too great a number of corporations ; which are as it were many lesser common-wealths in the bowells of a greater ; ( that now is a notion ) are like worms in the entrails of a natural man : but that disputers against absolute power , are not like those belly worms in general ; but like those little worms which physitians call ascarides . phi. i thought nothing had been infinite : tim. and when i meditate — phi. what , more mumping still ? tim. i say when i meditate , upon those four accounts ( de cive , p. 123. ) for which , the spaces between the times of the subjects meeting , under a temporary monarch , elected by the people , may be fitly compar'd to those times , wherein an absolute monarch , who hath no heir apparent , sleeps ; with the introduction thereunto , viz. to dissolve the convent , so as it cannot meet again , is the death of the people ; just as sleeping , so as he can never wake more , is the death of a man ▪ ( yes indeed i believe it may prove his death , if he don't use some speedy means : ) as therefore , say you , a king , who hath no heir , going to 〈◊〉 rest , so as never to rise again ( i. ●… ) dying ( a very pretty notion of death : 't is a going to rest , so as never to rise again ) if he commit the exercise of 〈◊〉 regal authority to any one till he 〈◊〉 , does by consequence give him the succession . so the people electing a temporary monarch , and not reserving ●… power to convene delivers up to him t●… whole dominion of the country . furthermore , as a king going to sleep f●…r some season , entrusts the administration of his kingdom to some other ( he can't surely govern much , when he'●… asleep ) and waking takes it again ; ( that is , if no body has broken up the doors , and stole away the kingdom ; for if so , he may take another nap : ) so the people , &c. and as a king who hath committed the execution of his authority to another , himself in the mean while waking can recal this commission again when he pleaseth : ( or else he has given out a very large one : ) so the people , &c. lastly , as the king who commits his authority to another while himself sleeps , not being able to wake again , till he whom he entrusted give consent ; ( such a temptation as this would make some trustees to walk as light as a chambermaid ) loses at once both his power and his life ; so the people , &c. and when i consider — phi. and when i consider , that this sentence may last till to morrow this time , i shall take my leave — tim. by no means , sir ; for i say , when i consider those fourteen elegant comparisons , between the papacy , or kingdom of darkness , and the kingdom of fairies ; ( with which you conclude your leviathan ) viz. the kingdom of fairies sprung from old wives fables , concerning ghosts and spirits , that play seats in the night : and what is the hierarchy of rome , but the ghost of the deceas●…d roman empire , starting up from the ruines of that heathen power . there 's ghost for ghost already : a second ghostliness they agree in is , that t●… papists use in their devotions the latin language : and what , i pray , is latin but the ghost of the old roman language , walking up and down calepine , cooper , goldman , and such like enchanted places ? thirdly , the fairies have got but one universal king , call'd king oberon : the ecclesiasticks have got a king pope , that shall play , in the night , at push-pin with their king oberon . fourthly , the fairies are spirits and ghosts : ecclesiasticks outdo 'em there ; for they are spiritual men and ghostly fathers . fifthly , fairies and ghosts inhabit darkness , solitudes , and graves : nay , if you be good at that , we can be as private as you : for , ecclesiasticks walk in obscurity of doctrine , in monasteries , churches , church-yards , and dark colour'd cloths . sixthly , the fairies have their enchanted castles and certain gigantine ghosts , that domineer over the regions round about them : say you so ? we can fit you there too : clap but a gigantick pontificial clergy-man upon the top of his cathedral ; and he looks over all the little parochials , just as the devil look'd over lincoln : seventhly , the fairies can never be arrested or sued , though they steal garters , shoo-strings , pin-cushions , &c. and , if the ecclesiasticks be not as sly i am much mistaken : for no sooner do you call 'em to appear before the visible tribunal of civil justice , but they presently vanish into their ghostly courts : eightly , the fairies are said to take young children out of their cradles , and to change them into natural fools or elves ; the ecclesiasticks are old dogs at that ; for they take young men out of the cradle of reason , and lay them upon the hurdle of hard words , metaphysicks , and miracles . ninthly , the shop or operatory of the fairies is not as yet determin'd : there we get ground ; for the operatories of the clergy are well enough known to be the universities : tenthly , when the fairies are displeas'd with any body , they are said to send their elves to pin●…h them ; the ecclesiasticks ( i 'll warrant you ) won't be cast out at pinching ; for no sooner does any state displease them , but they enchant the elvish superstitious subjects to pinch their princes : and sometimes enchant one prince to pinch another . eleventhly , fairies marry not ; there you get nothing ; neither do priests . twelfthly , it is said of fairies that they enter into the dairies , and feast upon the cream which they skim from the milk . the ecclesiasticks are very good at skiming : for what are the church lands but the very cream of nations skim'd from the estates of ignorant , flotten , gentlemen ? thirteenthly , what kind of money is currant in the kingdom of fairi●…s is not recorded in the story ; but with the ecclesiasticks , all is fish that comes to the net. lastly , as there is no such thing at all as fairies , but only in the phansies of silly idle people ; so , though it be strongly reported , yet there 's no such man at all as the pope ; but he 's as meer a phantasm , as beelzebub the prince of phantasms : phi. and what of all this ? here 's no conclusion yet . tim. no , sir : but now i conclude , and say , that when i find such things as these , and a thousand more such , not in your peak or ulisses , ( for a poet has his priviledges as well as a jugler or barber ; ) but in your grave and philosophical reckonings — phi. what then ? i hope we are not beginning the sentence again : tim. then , say i , that though metaphors , tropes , and other rhetorical figures be the cause of very absurd conclusions ; and therefore must not by any means ; no , not by any means , be admitted in reckoning and seeking of truth ; and though again ( as you have it lev. p. 21. ) the light of humane minds is perspicuous words , but by exact definitions first snuffed and purged from ambiguity ; reason is the pace ; encrease of science , the way ; and the benefit of mankind the end . and on the contrary , metaphors , and senseless and ambiguous words , are like ignes fatui ; and reasoning upon them , is wandering amongst innumerable absurdities ; and their end , contention , and sedition or contempt ; yet philautus himself ( as great a reckoner , and stickler for truth as he would seem to be ; ) when 't is for his tooth , can smack his lips at an anchovy , as lowd as a coach-whip . and now i have done . phi. in good time indeed ! and what , tim , is there no difference to be made between the rhetorick which is all flash and froth ; and such as drives at notion , and carries that which is weighty and considerable at the bottom ? tim. o , sir , a very great difference : because you have found out a very peculiar way of making your self and your writings considerable , which no body else ever thought of . phi. i am considerable for the sake of my works ; and my works are considerable for their own sakes , and mine together . i know no other way of being considerable . tim. this way , sir , is very troublesom : a man must write well , and meditate much to become thus considerable : there 's a much easier way , than this , sir. phi. how so prethee ? tim. get some body to write against some book of yours ; and let the title of it be philautus considered ; and before the ink be dry , you 'll become as considerable , as the house of austria . phi. thou art a most arch wag , tim : here take a plum. philautus consider'd , and therefore philautus is considerable ! or an accompt of philautus , therefore philautus is of accompt . may not tom thumb , or tom of odcomb be made considerable after this manner ? tim. yes , sir ; and so may tom of malmesbury too ; having in the 51. page of his letter to dr. wallis tryed the experiment upon himself . where , the doctor looking upon you as one to be pitty'd or contemn'd rather than medled withal ; pish , say you ; the egregious professor is a fool for that : for if mr. hobbs be not a considerable person , how came he to entitle the beginning of his book , mr. hobbs consider'd ? now whether this be wit , or mathematicks i know not : but one of them i am sure ' t is . for philautus is a man that plays at nothing less ; despising all the middle regions of knowledge . phi. well done , tim : specially well done : for it is not above six or seven years agone , or thereabouts , since i wrote a book call'd , contra fastum professorum geometriae : wherein i have plainly shewn , that there is full out is great uncertainty , and as many cheats , errors and falsehoods in the writings of mathematicians , as in the writings of other kind of ordinary philosophers . tim. this dr. wallis is a most wicked and pernicious creature ; a man of the most rural language , and absurd reasoning that ever spoke or writ . phi i know that well enough : but what makes you say so ? tim. because , till he took you to talk for your geometry , and shew'd you to be no mathematician ; mathematicks ( as 't is said in another case ) was the very smile of nature , the gloss of the world , the varnish of the creation , a bright paraphrase upon bodies ; whether it discovered it self in the morning blush of computation in general , call'd logick ; or open'd its fair and virgin eye-lids in the dawning of the computation of mens duties , call'd ethicks ; or whether it darted forth it s more vigorous and sprightful beams in the noon day of motion call'd physicks . however 't was the first born of corporeal beings , the lady and queen of sensitive beauties , the clarifier and refiner of the chaos , &c. but , immediately after the doctor put forth his elenchus hobbianae geometriae ; one would wonder to see how the price of olives fell . alas ! before that scurvy book came forth , philautus sometimes could not get above three or four lines into an epistle dedicatory , but he must be slabbering over his dear mis , his sweet and honey mathematicks : ( but poor aurelia is now grown old : ) hum : nat : my most honour'd lord , from the most principal parts of nature , reason , and passion , have proceeded two kinds of learning , mathematical , and dogmatical : as for mathematical , 't is free from controversie and dispute , &c. but in the other there is nothing undisputable . sometimes philautus dissembles his love , and goes a little further into the epistle , before he falls aboard . ep. ded. de cive . were the nature of humane actions as distinctly known , as the nature of quantity in geometrical figures , the strength of avarice and ambition , which is sustain'd by the erroneous opinions of the vulgar , as touching the nature of right and wrong , would presently faint , and languish ; and mankind should enjoy such an immortal peace , that ( unless it were for habitation , on supposition that the earth should grow too narrow for her inhabitants ) there would hardly be left any pretence for war. there would be brave mathematical days ! such an immortal peace , that there would be neither war , nor pretence for war. and all because of mathematicks . for , say you , in another place ( lev. p. 50. ) the doctrine of right and wrong is perpetually disputed by the pen and sword : whereas the doctrine of lines and figures is not so . phi. why is it ? tim. not much till you pretended to the mathematicks . but yet they are never the more free from dispute for your reason , viz. because men care not in that subject , what be truth , as a thing that crosses no mans ambition , profit , or lust : ( ah ! woe 's me ; woe 's me : for philautus , upon my word , has cared very much ever since his mathematical girl gave him a clap from oxford : ) for i doubt not , but if it had been a thing contrary to any mans right of dominion , or to the interest of men that have dominion , that the three angles of a triangle should be equal to two angles of a square ; that doctrine should have been , if not disputed , yet by the burning of all books of geometry , suppressed as far as he whom it concerned was able . phi. why , don't you think , tim , if the soremention'd property of a triangle should prove injurious to a common-wealth , but that those who have the supream authority would call a meeting , and take some speedy care about it . tim. care about it , sir ? they 'd have a session purposely , not only to turn out all triangles out of office , and places of trust and strength ; but to banish them forthwith five miles from any corporation . phi. i say again ( as i said , in the 2d . page of the epistle dedicatory to my humane nature ; ) that the reason why mathematicks , or that part of learning which consist in comparing of motion and figure , is free from controversie and dispute ; is because there 's nothing in that science against a mans interest : i. e. there 's nothing that crosses a mans ambition , profit , or lust . tim. fie , fie ! don 't say it o're again , philautus : you had better say you were at that time a little too much in love with the mathematicks : and , you know , in that condition , a man may be somewhat abated as for speaking reason . and therefore if i were you i 'd chuse to have it go for a sudden pang , rapture , or any thing else rather than sense : for you can't but have read , philautus , what a world of pens have been drawn and blunted in the great quarrels and wars that have been about blazing stars , solid orbs , the motion of the earth , and such like points : and yet i don't remember that copernicus or his doctrine did ever whisk away any mans titles of honour , or ran away with his estate into another country , or chous'd him of his mistress . and therefore don't let us talk any more of this , philautus : for without doubt , when you writ those two places , you had had a sad night on 't , and been in a most strong fit of the mathematicks . phi. so , so : this is well : it seems then to thee , tim , that my book contra geometras , or contra fastum , &c. does contradict what i formerly said of the mathematicks , and geometry . therefore , prethee , do so much as answer me one question . what 's the difference between geometria and geometra ? they both end in a ; and therefore have a care of being out . tim. the first , sir , i take for the science it self ; the latter for him that is , or pretends to be a master of it . phi. now , tim , do but consider my first four lines contra fastum , &c. viz. contra geometras ( amice lector ) non contra geometriam haec scribo . artem ipsam , artium navigandi , aedificandi , pingendi , computandi , & denique ( scientiae omnium nobilissimae ) physicae matrem , aequè ac qui maximè , laudibus extollendam censeo . do you see , tim , how horribly you are mistaken ? 't is not against the science of geometry , or geometry it self that i write : for without doubt geometry it self is an absolute science , and being a science — tim. yes : and being a science , 't is certainly a science : but what then do you write against ? phi. what do i write against ? i write against the authors ; the silly , negligent , sloathful authors ; that are as full of errours , as a beggar is of lice : the proud , haughty , supercilious authors ; who if they can but raise , or let fall a perpendicular , think there 's no certain knowledge without rule and compasses : i say , i write against these ; who always were , and are , and ( if i live ) shall be as much cheated , and gull'd and fopt , as any men in the world. tim. but have you not , philautus , several seats and pews to place these authors in ? methinks , those same malicious raskals , that answer books , and won't let circles be squar'd , ought to be set in the bellfry : for they are much more scabby , and lowsie than the rest . phi. i deny not but there may be some mean ecclesiastical wretches , that may pretend to mathematicks : but my design , tim , is not to take down the crest of this or that small , pedantick geometer ; but i flie at the whole covy : geometrarum totam invado nationem ; as i have it in my dedication : and again p. 5. ipsa aggredior principia , & interdum etiam demonstrationes . pro geom●…tris autem omnibus oppugnabo euclidem , qui omnium geometrarum magister existimatur , & interpretem ejus omnium optimum clavium . because they make such boasting of him , i set upon their great flag-man , euclid himself ; and his vice-admiral clavius . tim. for my life , i can't get it out of my mind , but that the price of olives is certainly faln . for , till about the year 56. philautus did not only think that geometry , or the lady her self was the beauty and cream of the creation ; but that the very men , the two-legg'd men that studied and admir'd her , were the most careful , the wisest , and most happy people that ever open'd book . and , i am confident , that had not philautus himself been a little disappointed in some of his writings , by this time ( had he believ'd any such things ) they 'd have proved all angels . phi. never did i intend any such thing at all : for whatever i have written to the honour and commendation of geometry ; 't was ( as i said before ) geometry it self that i always meant , not those phantastical , conceited people that ignorantly profess it . tim. if this , philautus , was always your opinion , in my mind you have a very crasty stile . for suppose one should take up your book de cive — phi. then , do i say , that he has taken up one of the best books that ever was written in the whole world : for , though i say it my self ( as i do in the 7th page of my letter to dr. w. ) never was any book more magnified beyond the seas ; and therefore , as i my self say again ( six less . p. 56. ) in french it carries the title of ethicks demonstrated : tim. very modest : 't is pity any body should say so , but ones self : now , sir , if you please to let this same honest gentleman read the seventh page of your epistle dedicatory , he 'll find these words . and truly the geometricians have very admirably performed their part . ( do you see , sir , they are the two legg'd geometricians that have done the feat : ) for whatsoever assistance doth accrew to the life of man , whether from the observation of the heavens , or from the description of the earth , from the notation of times , or from the remotest experiments of navigation ; finally , whatsoever they are in which this present age doth differ from the rude simpleness of antiquity , we must acknowledge to be a debt which we owe meerly to geometry . phi. now , tim , let me ask thee one thing : whether is a mans mind best to be ghess'd at from the beginning of a sentence or end of it ? don 't i conclude and say , that all those fine things are owing to geometry it self , and ( to keep out the pragmatical geometricians ) don 't i say besides , meerly to geometry ? tim. meerly may do excellent service now , to hedge out the geometricians ; but when you writ that book , you design'd no such thing . phi. how can you tell what i design'd ? tim. very well : because you tell us your self , in the words immediately following this great encomium of geometry . viz. if , say you , the moral philosophers had as happily discharged their duty , &c. as what ? as geometry it self ? geometry it self was never upon duty ; and knows no more how to discharge any duty , than to discharge a musket . no , no , i am confident , philautus , it must be the huffing and pragmatical geometricians , that you then meant . but however you need not be at all concerned about it ; for neither geometry , nor the geometricians can ever sue you , for those commendations ; because you have in print revoked the whole sentence . and in law , you know , the last will always voids the former . phi. i revoke in print ? i have made many of my adversaries to pull in their horns , and hang their ears : but never said any thing so hastily my self , as to recant , or repent of it . tim. how it came about , i know not : ( perhaps poetry might send you a basket of chickens ; ) but all that same observation of the heavens , the description of the earth , and the rest of that rich treasure , and furniture which about 47. you gave to geometry , in the year 50. you bequeath'd it all to poetry ; just as it stood , silk curtains and all . phi. to poetry ? that 's very like geometry indeed ! tim. yes to poetry : you shall hear it sir : 't is an excellent sentence , and may do afterwards for grammar ; upon condition 't will be towardly , and promise to be guided by the precepts of true philosophy . whatsoever commodity men receive from the observation of the heavens , from the description of the earth , from the account of time , from walking on the seas ; and whatsoever distinguisheth the civility of europe from the barbarity of the american salvages , is the workmanship of fancy but guided by the precepts of true philosophy . phi. but where 's poetry all this while ? tim. here 's fancy ; and that 's as well , sir. phi. but how do you know , that by fancy i must needs mean the fancy of a poet ; and not that of a geometrician ? and again how do you know but that by philosophy , i meant particularly geometry . tim. i 'll tell you , sir , how i came to discover these two great secrets . the sentence i just now mention'd is in the 132. page of your answer to sir william davenant's preface before gondibert : which answer is so richly fraight with the history , nature and laws of poetry , that i am more than pretty well assur'd , that by fancy you could not easily mean that of a geometrician . and that by philosophy likewise you meant not particularly geometry , but philosophy in general , i am as well assur'd ; because in the very next words you advise poets , to be well skill'd in the true doctrine of moral vertue ; ( that in their heroick poems they may exhibite a venerable and amiable image of heroick vertue ) and ( a little after ) to consult the possibility of nature ; and not to talk of their impenetrable armours , inchanted castles , invulnerable bodies , iron men , flying horses , and a thousand other such things which ( as you say ) are easily feign'd by them that dare . but , now i think on 't , why am i so mad as to trouble my self about this ? 't is better by half for me to let all pass for geometry ; for then have i two most tearing sentences in praise of the geometricians : for , as for geometry it self giving any precepts for the guidance of the fancy , she is so modest and mealy-mouth'd , that i 'll trust her for doing any such thing ; unless she make use of the pen , or mouth of some cuckoldy geometrician . phi. you may catch , and carp , and wrest tim , as long as you will : but you 'l never be able to find any one place , wherein i do absolutely and positively affirm , that the writings of geometricians do any ways transcend the writings of other men . tim. absolutely and positively affirm ! that truly may be somewhat difficult . that is , you 'd have me , i suppose , shew you some such place as this , viz. whereas i thomas , the great mathematician and philosopher of malmesbury ; having , for ten years together , taken all occasions to magnifie the labours , and admire the success of the geometricians in their several undertakings above all other writers : do now publickly declare to all the world , that by geometricians , i meant geometricians . in witness whereof i have set my hand and seal in the presence of &c. such a place as this i don 't know , on a sudden , where to find : but setting aside the solemnity of such an acknowledgement , i don't know any thing that ever was more plainly express'd , than what you have in many places said to the vast credit of geometricians themselves . but now they are all canniballs and cuckolds . let but any body read the 15. page of your leviathan . phi. so he may , if he will : 't will do him good at the heart ; that or any other page . tim. for all that you 'd give money to buy it out of your book . phi. i won't part with any one line of any book that i ever writ , in my whole life , for all the money you can offer . tim. you shall keep it then , sir : the only way , say you , to become truly wise , and to avoid false and senseless tenets , is to order words aright : that is , to determine what every word shall signifie , and how it is to be placed : which no body has done but the geometricians . phi. now , i am sure , i have catch'd thee , tim : for the word geometrician is not in that whole page . tim. but there 's that which is as like it , as the philosopher of malmsbury is like mr. hobbs . i think i can say it just as you do . seeing then that truth consisteth in the right ordering of names in our affirmations , a man that seeketh precise truth had need to remember what every name he uses stands for ; and to place it accordingly , or else he will find himself entangled in words , as a bird in lime-twigs , the more he struggles , the more belimed . and thereforè in geometry ( which is the only science that it hath pleased god hitherto to bestow upon mankind ) men begin at the setling the signification of their words ; which setling of significations they call definitions , and place them in the beginning of their reckonings . do you mind it , sir ? they are those same men , that begin at the setling of the signification of their words ; and they call such setling of significations definitions ; and ( by the blessing of god upon their extraordinary care and endeavours ) the doctrine of lines and figures is so accurately performed by them , that that alone as yet deserves the name of science . phi. i am not bound , tim , to remember every word that i have ●…poken , or writ . phi. no , sir ; that would be a most unreasonable burden : and therefore i suppose when you writ your contra fastum , &c. you might have forgot also what you said lev. p. 20. viz. that of all creatures none is subject to absurdity but men : and none so much as those that profess philosophy . for it is most true that cicero saith of them somewhere ; that there can be nothing so absurd , but may be found in the books of philosophers . and why ? because all , but geometricians , are sots , lubbers , and logger-heads . phi. i am sure these last are none of my words . tim right : but these that follow are ( which are as good ) and the reason , say you , is manifest . for there is not one of them ( and now there 's ten thousand since you fail'd in geometry : ) that begins his ratiocination from the definitions , or explications of the names they are to use ; which is a method that hath been used only in geometry ; whose conclusions have therefore been made indisputable . do you mind it again , philautus ; 't is not an idle tale of ambition , profit , or lust ; ( such as you talk'd of before ) that makes the conclusions in geometry to be indisputable ; but 't is the admireable method , &c. which geometricians alone make use of ? phi. i don't speak one word of the method which geometricians use ; but only of that which is us'd in the science of geometry . tim. by whom : by sow-gelders or rat-catchers ? i beseech you , philautus , don't try at that any more : for you know well enough that geometry her self can't wipe her own nose according to art ; unless she borrows a quadrant of some neighbour . and besides , i find that you right down affirm , that the mathematicians are the only men , that reason methodically ; and in a discourse too , where one could not easily expect any such thing ; ( viz. in your animadversions upon bishop bramhall's vindication of true liberty , &c. p. 46. ) but only i consider , philautus , 't was in the days of ●…our amours ; when you took all possible occasion to hook in that venerable esteem you had of those kind of writers . reason teacheth , say you , and the example of those who only reason methodically , say you , which are the mathematicians , say you , that a man when he will demonstrate the truth of what he is to say , must in the first place determine what he will have to be understood by his words ; which determination is called definition ; whereby the significations of his words are so clearly set down , that there can creep in no ambiguity . thus 't was , philautus , for many years together : write about humane nature , ethicks , politicks , liberty and necessity , or any thing else , still mathematicks was the word , and the mathematicians were the only white boys . i know that that part of philosophy wherein are considered lines and figures , has been delivered to us notably improved by the ancients . i confess indeed that that part of philosophy by which magnitudes and figures are computed is highly improved : the like advancement i have not observed in the other parts of it , &c. because the elements of geometry having been improved by the best wits of all ages , has afforded greater plenty of matter than can well be thrust together within the narrow limits of this discourse ; i thought fit to admonish the reader , that before he proceeds further , he takes into his hands the works of euclid , archimedes , apollonius and other as well ancient as modern writers . for to what end is it to do over again that which is already done ? the little therefore that i shall say concerning geometry , shall be such only as is new and conducing to natural philosophy . phi. but what 's all this for ? and whence hadst it , tim ? tim. all this , sir , i had out of the translator of your book de corpore . the first place i mention'd is in your epistle dedicatory : the second in the beginning of your logick : and the last in the 149. page of your philosophy . phi. what is any mechanical translator to me ? this translator , for ought i know , is some two-penny almanack-maker : or some giddy-headed , conceited mathematician ; who had a mind to foist into my works some commendations of himself , and his own trade . tim. i don't think , sir , that the translator has wrong'd you much ; because ( in his epistle to the reader , he says ) what he did was view'd , corrected and ordered according to your own mind and pleasure . but perhaps the noise of your own latin may be more delightful to you . scio philosophiae partem illam , quae versatur circa lineas & figuras traditam nobis esse bene cultam à veteribus . bene cultam ! i promise you , that 's pretty well for such old fornicators . fateor quidem partem philosophiae eam , in quâ magnitudinum figurarumque rationes supputantur , egregiè cultam esse . say you so : egregiè cultam esse ? i think they deserve a largess : for by the following words they have wrought very hard . in reliquis partibus philosophiae similem operam positam non vidi , &c. phi. and by the words following those ; ( viz. consilium ineo , quoad potero , philosophiae universae , &c. ) others intend to work as hard , and in time to deserve as well . tim. who do you mean , philautus , you nown dear self ? phi. yes , tim , 't is i : i my own self that have advanc'd all parts of philosophy to indisputable and mathematical certainty . 't is i that set forth the first book that ever was truly written about civil philosophy ( epis. ded . de corp . ) in respect of whom ( i mean my self ) pythagoras , plato , aristotle and the rest were meer chimney-sweepers , black pieces of superficial gravity , phantasms and ghosts of philosophy , and served only to be derided by lucian . 't is i that first shew the way ( lev. p. 87. ) how to generate a common-wealth the great leviathan ; or rather ( to speak more reverently ) that mortal god , to which we owe under the immortal god our peace and defence : and that have sent word to ( lev. p. 391. ) such as govern kingdoms , that if either they intended to preserve themselves in authority , or to have their clergy and gentry preserved from the venom of heathen politicians , and from the incantation of deceiving spirits , they should appoint that book of mine publickly to be taught in the universities . 't is i again that first banish'd the hobgoblin school-distinctions ; ( epis. ded. de corp . ) and i●…stead thereof have brought pure light into natural philosophy : ( non pugnando , sed diem inferendo , as i there have it ) having first discovered such a principle in the world as motion ; and having out of my many good wishes for the improvement of philosophy , revealed this great secret to the lazy backs at gresham . who ( as i tell them ep. ded. de nat . aeris ; and in my letter to dr. w. p. 55. ) may do very well , if they would not set their minds wholly upon every new gin , and janty device that is brought from beyond sea. nam conveniant , studia conferant , experimenta faciant quantum volunt , nisi & principiis utantur meis , nihil proficient . they may meet at gresham colledge , and the president ( which my dear friend and translator sorbiere wittily observ'd ) may knock the table with the wooden hammer , and the fellows may lay all their experimental noddles together , and they may build furnaces , and buy coals , and grind spectacles , and shoot stars , and kill cats and pidgeons ; but they 'l never be able to make so much as the tail of a mouse , unless they apply themselves to the doctrine of my motion , and send for me , who will be very ready to help them so long as they use me civilly : for i am at a composition with nature ; and she has promis'd to do nothing but by me and my motion . 't is i that have heard that hugenius and eustachio divini were to be tried by their glasses who was most skillful in opticks of the two ; but , for my part , ( letter to dr. w. p. 54. ) before i set forth my book de homine , i never saw any thing written of that subject intelligibly . lastly , 't is i alone ( ep. ded. contra fast . &c. ) that have throughly examined and mended the principles of geometry it self , and in spight of all my adversaries have truly squar'd the circle . tim. what an excellent thing 't is for a man to keep a common place-book of his own deserts : especially if it be made out of his own works , and that the quotations be ready ? there comes , suppose , a good honest fellow to philautus ; who having look'd upon his picture before his latin works ; and finding there , en quam modicè habitat philosophia ; tells him that those words , as they may be taken , sit about him excellently well . say you so , quoth philautus ? if any man takes those words in a bad sense , let him be who he will that very man do i take for a fool. because i am not only the best logician , the best moralist , and the best natural philosopher , but the greatest mathematician in all europe . as at large i grant it , and acknowledge to my self , in several places of my several books , such pages , such articles , and such editions . neither is there any thing of vain-glory or self-conceit in all this ; because ( quoth philautus ) there is not ; as i my self have proved it in several places of my writings . for ( to define it strictly ) vain glory or self-conceit is a certain idle and wanton form of speech ; by which a man , either in the shade or in the open sun , admires himself , being not justly call'd thereunto . and that man has very little skill in morality , and the common actions of humane life , that cannot see the justice of commending a mans self , as well as of any thing else , in his own defence . and to speak not only prettily well , but extraordinary well of a mans self if vilified and provoked , is a great instance of heroick vertue : ( as i have at large proved it , both in my six lessons , p. 56. and in my letter to dr. w. p. 57. ) and he that neglects that piece of justice towards himself is a most pusillanimous sneaker ; and ( for ought i know ) neglects a duty as great , as any of those that belong to the clergy-mens two tables . and thus it happen'd when i first put out my book de cive : some snarled at this , some looked askew upon that , and some found fault with the whole . but i being well acquainted with the value of my self ; ( keeping always by me a register of my own deserts : ) and being well skill'd in the greatest actions of humane life , presently did my self justice , and straighten'd all . for ( as was said before ) i printed a book a little after , wherein i told my self , and the earl of devonshire , that my book de cive was not meerly the best , but the only book that ever was written of that subject . and then , i pray , what became of my absurd and rural detractors ? so again , there was a small pragmatical cypherer ( he was one of the resemblance of divines : ) went and reported that i had committed some great mistakes in the very principles of geometry . that fellow , say i , shall presently be made a fool of ; and forthwith i call to my principal moral vertue self justice , to rally together all the famous things that have been spoken concer●…ing me ; ( now , there 's no self conceit in this , it being other peoples conceit of me , not my conceit of my self : ) i know a passage ( letter to dr. w. p. 52. ) in an epistle written by a learned french man to an eminent person in france ; wherein i am reckon'd amongst the galilaeo's the des carteses , the bacons and the gassendi's : and 't is generally believed that some of these were no inconsiderable mathematicians ( especially des cartes ) and i am sure in the epistle my name stands immediately after his . but if any body should question the truth of this testimony , it being foraign , i am sure it cannot be denyed ( though my name is not to the book ) but that i give this following testimony of my self ( lux mathem . p. 36 , 37. ) viz. hobbesius extrà legitur , intelligitur , laudatur : hobbesii inventa tum in geometriâ tum in physicâ multa , nova , excelsa , clara , utilia sunt : imo talia , ut nec aetas prior majora vidit , nec ( quantum conjicio ) futura confutabit aut extinguet . o brave arthur of bradley ! now they are meer asses that think any of this ostentation ; it being only to vex and confound my back-biters . oh how the raskals do pine and fret , when i let go the great consciousness of my own worth upon my self ! in short , they may talk and write what they will ; but if i don't commend my self much faster , than they can possibly ever discommend me , then will i give in , and patiently submit to their scurrilous , and clownish contumelies . but notwithstanding all this that you have now said for your self , or i for you ; i have a very great suspition of one thing — phi. what 's that , tim ? tim. that though to praise a mans self , in order to the vexatio●… of his enemies be a very pretty divertisement ; and most undoubtedly a moral vertue ; yet this will not fully reconcile you to your self in the case of the mathematicks . phi. why not ? tim. you must hear the last place which i promis'd to repeat to you , concerning your former opinion of the mathematicians ; and you will then perhaps perceive somewhat . quoniam autem ( de corp. p. 106. ) pars ista philosophiae ( geometriae ) ab excellentissimis omnium temporum ingeniis exculta ( we had benè culta , and egregiè before ; now 't is got to exculta : ) uberiorem tulit segetem , q●…am ut in angustias propositi operis nostri contrudi possit ; lectorem ad hunc locum accedentem admonendum esse censui , ( 't was then very good advice , and so 't is still for all your contra fastum , &c. ) ut euclidis , archimedis , apollonii , aliorumque tum antiquorum tum recentiorum scripta in manus sumat . quorsum enim actum agere ? ego vero de rebus geometricis pauca tantum & nova & ea praesertim quae physicae inserviunt proximis aliquot capitibus dicturus sum . phi. now what do you make of all this ? tim. oh sir ! of that same excellentissimis omnium temporum ingeniis exculta , &c. i make very much : viz. that when you writ that same book de corpore , you were so fully satisfied with what the man euclid , the man archimedes and the man apollonius had done ; ( who were not three sciences , but tres substantes viri in geometry ) that you did then think that there was nothing to be said against them ; nor , as far as they had gone , any thing to be altered . quorsum enim actum agere ? ay quorsum indeed : ego tantum nova & pauca , &c. but now , philautus , they are all scoundrels , hedg-hogs , and caterpillars ; not knowing so much as what a point is , or what a line is , or what superficies is , or what an angle is nor any thing else : nay you don 't certainly know ( non videtur propositio illa universaliter vera , say you , sed dubitans nil pronuncio ) but the famous 47th proposition it self may be false ? so that i am afraid that the gods must restore to pythagoras all the bullocks they have received for that proposition . now , i 'll tell you , philautus , how all this came about . — 't was just so : really ' t was . phi. really 't was , tim ? thou art really an owl . 't was just so ? how so was it ? tim. you know , philautus , you have written a poem upon the peak : and upon ulisses . phi. well . tim. now i am very confident , that were those verses , as capable of being confuted , as your mathematicks are , and have been ; if need were ( as was said before about logick ) we should presently have a book out contra fastum pecci , & ulissis : wherein it should be proved that there never was any such place as the peak ; nor any such man as ulisses ; but that the one was a standing phantasm in derbyshire ; 'tother was a phantasm that travel'd . phi. and how do you apply this to mathematicks . tim. i 'll tell you two sayings of your own ; and then you may apply your self . the one is lev. p. 21. viz. who is so stupid as both to mistake in geometry , and also to persist in it , when another detects his error to him ? the other is ep. ded. hum. nat . viz. as oft as reason is against a man , so oft will a man be against reason . phi. i meant that , tim , only of other people : for i my self never forsook reason in my whole life ; and therefore , suppose , i should grant that in former times i might speak a little too warmly in praise of the geometricians : am i , tim , oblig'd to be always of the same mind ; when i had so many good reasons to alter it ? tim. now , philautus , you say somewhat indeed : if you had had any reasons to do so . but you never had any , nor are ever likely to have any . but only according as you have been bitten by the doctor , and the teeth of time ; so your distemper has constantly increas'd ; and thereupon you invent new exceptions , and seek out new places of refuge . for it is very evident , that when you were first taken ill ; 't was a meer plain wallisiophobia : but the doctor getting deeper and deeper into you ; 't is heighten'd now into a most absolute euclidophobia : which is a disease almost as ill as that same tyrannophobia you spoke of before . and i am very much afraid if the rest of your writings were as strictly examin'd , as your mathematicks have been ; that at last it may come to a perfect philosophophobia ; which is the most dreadful howling disease that can possibly befal a man : ten thousand scepticks don 't make half such a noise , as one man that has got the philosophophobia . therefore i pray , sir , have a care of it : for really i look upon you to be a going that way . and i perceive you your self are not without some apprehensions of danger ; by what you say in your epistle dedicatory to your contra fastum , &c. for a certain , say you , either i am stark mad , or all the geometricians are so : for i differ from them all . remember that , sir ; and , as i said , be careful of your self : for i believe , as for their parts , they all hold pretty sound as yet . phi. sound ? yes , so is a tub with twenty great holes at the bottom . their principles are all false ; their demonstrations are many of them false ; ( and therefore you are likely to have a good reckoning : ) as i have evidently made it out by most solid reasons . tim. i wish , sir , you 'd tell me where those same solid reasons lie . for i can find nothing but only some grammatical , metaphysical small-shot : such as you formerly discharg'd at the doctor , when you and mathematicks first fell out . 'tother day , philautus , i look'd upon a book of yours , called examinatio & emendatio mathematicae hodiernae ; a very good title : surely , think i , we shall have some notable reformation . but reading on i found qualis explicatur in libris johannis wallisii . whenever i saw that same qualis &c. in the title , i presently , from that symptom , concluded that there would be very much of the foremention'd distemper in the book it self . and so it proved : there being very little besides grammatical nibling , and tearing rants at algebra . quantumvis , says the doctor , non sim ●…go prorsus nescius , &c. out , out , out ! says philautus ; abominably out ! quantumvis wallisius doctus sit mathematicus , non est certè latinae linguae peritissimus . quantumvis , prorsus ; what both in the same sentence ? the like was never known . for quantumvis is a mark of uncertainty ; but prorsus puts all out of doubt . etsi might have done well enough ; but quantumvis can never do . then immediately after this , say you , follows sigillatim for singulis , instituat for institueret , laboret for laboraret , proferre for efferre , and those barbarous scholastical phrases , viz. pro formâ , idem erit ac si , and the like : as also this : cum quae in publicum prodeant , pro more scilicet ( eoque satis inveterato ) nonnullis inscripta soleant prodire ; in which small piece of a sentence , you find out no less than three huge geometrical miscarriages . first , say you , cum quae &c. should be cum libri qui &c. for we don't hear of houses or churches going to the press ; but only of books : therefore doubtless the doctor had not his compasses about him , when he said cum quae &c. ( cum quae &c. an ille ipse , say you , quoties in publicum prodit , inscriptus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) prodit ? ) in the second place , say you , the doctor again is out in prodeant , which should be prodeunt : and in the third place , as for his nonnullis inscripta , i can't devise , say you , what possibly to make of it . for the word nonnullis ( solitariè posita ) standing melancholy without any substantive , and rebus being always civil , and ready to be understood ; presently cries out ; next oars , next oars ! so that the doctor 's mathematicks are certainly most extraordinary mathematicks , for he scorns to dedicate them to men , but to rebusses themselves . phi. and did not the doctor , tim , first nibble at my writings and my latin ? tim. if he did , philautus , you have clearly got the day ; for no man ever carried on that humour like you . and thus , say you , it happens in all the books that he has written . for whatever he says , either non placet , or 't is inept , or childish , or vicious , or unintelligible , or wonderful , or lastly malicious and ghebrical . for example : he has put out a book de motu , say you ; which ( at the latter end of my rosetum ) i briefly censure and confute after this manner . the book ( suppose ) is sent to me : and i having read it , am ask'd what i think of it . in the first place , i say , non placet : and there 's for his book in general . then i go on , say you , and read , viz. mechanica est geometria de motu : that 's inept ; because he lets mechanica stand alone without ars in the singular number . impedimentum est id quod motui obstat , vel eum impedit : to put impedit into the definition of impedimentum is horribly childish , say you : and to put resistere into the definition of resistentia is not childish , but vicious . celeritas est affectio motûs &c. is unintelligible ; for affection only belongs to living creatures : and no man ever saw motion to hug , kiss , or feed celerity . continuum quodvis ( secundum cavallerii geometriam indivisibilium ) intelligitur &c. for cavallerius to come into a definition would be very wonderful to any logician . lastly , to make use of symbols , and to say cujuscunque rationis index is most maliciously and ghebrically done . and if euclid , say you , or archimedes should ever come this way , and but see those abominable antichristian scrawles , which the egregious geometer makes , and the word index , they 'd be so horribly scar'd , that we should never have their company again . and therefore now you are in , philautus , i pray let 's hear you rail a little at algebra and symbols . phi. you are a very scoundrel , tim , and somewhat besides , for supposing me to rail : for my language is always clean , gentile , and elegant . tim. this is only modesty : for you 〈◊〉 do 't as well as any man alive . come , sir , let me give you the key . gheber . now away with it : id dictum ghebricè , hoc dictum ghebricè , gibbericè ▪ gabbericè , scabicè , scrubbicè , symbolicè , gambolicè , &c. phi. what are you doing , tim ? tim. don't you see , sir ? i am confuting and confounding the whore algebra : that barbarous , irish , welch whore algebra : that nasty , scabby , pestilential , abomination-whore algebra : that scratching , scrawling , brachygriphal , stigmatical , symbolical whore algebra . ( exam. & emend . p. 10. p. 100. ) abominans praetereo &c. pro peste geometriae habenda est , &c. phi. i hope you don't call this confuting , & c. ? tim. yes but i do ; and so do you : for when you would seem mild , and pretend to reason the case , you talk ten times worse . algebra ? it takes its name , say you , from one gheber : who perhaps might be some comb-maker , dextrous corn-cutter , operator for teeth or some such engineer . symbols ? what a silly thing is it to talk of symbols ( exam. p. 9. ) words are the most ancient and currant of all symbols , &c. phi. and do you really think , tim , that algebra is good for any thing ? tim. i durst not think any thing of it at all , sir ; for fear gheber should get me : but i have heard that vieta , oughtred , cartes , de-wit , and half a dozen more have , for reasons i shall not now mention , spoke well concerning it : whose judgments put all together , i shall for once , philautus , beg leave to prefer before yours . phi. vie●…a i grant ( de corp . p. 156. ) by reason of his great skill in geometry , was a good considerable person . but as for the rest of those ghebrical scrawlers , you mention'd ; i don't know any one thing they ever found out . tim. and truly , philautus , as you order the business , i don't see how they ▪ or any body else ever should . for first of all , you seize upon all motion as yours ; and neither man , nor nature can do any thing , unless you lend them a little of your motion . again all reasoning is plainly yours ; you being the first that ever call'd logick computation . and most of the mathematicks is also yours ; you being the first that demonstrated ( de corp . p. 63. ) the whole to be bigger than any one part . and i don't much question but that the sun and the moon also ( you may do somewhat or other to 'em ) in time , may become yours . but no more of the whore algebra . now look to your self euclid , clavius and the rest of you : for philautus is coming , and upon my word wherever he comes , he makes most dreadful work . you may think ( and so did he once ) that you were the only people upon whose endeavours the blessing of god had fallen . but he has sent back the blessing of god ; and you have made such small progress in your profession of geometry , that there is no one of you ( besides himself ) that knows so much as the definition of it . geometry ( says a famous man among you ) is an art of measuring well . neatly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a timber-merchant , or dial maker ! but there 's very nigh as many absurdities as words in the definition . for first of all geometry is not an art , but a science ; and if that ben't sufficiently absurd , i know not what is . secondly , 't is an art of measuring well , says he : measuring well ? measuring what well ? geometry well ? is geometry then an art of measuring geometry well ? lastly , says he , 't is an art of measuring well : but how does that art measure , and by what ? by sun-beams , or rain-bows ? all which abominable absurdities i avoid ( less . p. 1. cont . fast . p. 7. ) by saying , that 't is the science of determining the quantity of any thing not measured , by comparing it with some other quantity or quantities measured . again say you , suppose we go and search for an exact accompt of a figure ; which is a thing of such vast concernment , that the whole business almost of geometry is to consider nothing else but several figures : and yet , for all that , one had e'en as good turn to rider's dictionary as euclid's elements for any such thing . figura , says euclid , est quae sub aliquibus , &c. how lubberly and porter-like was that said ? figura est quae ? where 's here any antecedent for the relative quae ? ( cont . fast . p. 17. ) if there be any , it must be either est , or figura . as for est , surely no body will take that for an antecedent : and figura is e'en as bad a bedfellow . for then it must be figura est figura quae , &c. which sounds a little oddly out of a geometricians mouth . i told the euclidists of this ( for as i said before , 't is of infinite concernment ) in my six lessons ( p. 1. ) and again in my examinatio ( p. 44. ) and now again in my contra fastum , &c. and yet i believe they are so stupid , that in some copies one may still find figura est quae , &c. if philautus had not come , and comforted poor quae , by saying , figura est magnitudo quae &c. doubtless by this time , she had pined away her self to skin and bones , for want of an antecedent . and thus again , say you , they do in the business of proportion . which , says euclid , est mutua quaedam habitudo , &c. that is in plain english ( less . p. 7. ) proportion is a what-shall-i-call-it isness , or soness ; or , say you , ( less . p. 16. ) a whatshicalt habitude of two quantities . i wonder where the modesty of these euclidists lies , that they should not perceive the bawdiness of this quaedam : all which they might have easily avoided , if with me they had said proportio est relatio &c. and truly 't was worth the writing a book on purpose to leave out quaedam , and put in relatio instead of habitudo . phi. but when do i speak , tim ? tim. speak , sir , you speak all this while . phi. but you pick the worst and least of my exceptions against the geometricians : for i rout them about a point , a line and every thing else of concernment . tim. how so ? phi. i hold , tim , that a point and a line are both really bodies ; though in mathematical consideration they are not . tim. what need we then trouble our selves about such an old metaphysical nicety , as indivisibile and divisibile in infinitum , & c. ? seeing ( suppose they be bodies ) we are not , say you , to take notice of that in mathematical demonstration . phi. but , tim , there 's a vast deal , a very vast deal depends upon a point having bigness , and a line breadth . tim. a vast deal indeed ! if you have but the carving it out . for seeing that your squaring the circle , &c. don't well agree with the principles of geometry ; you 'l shew'em a trick , and make the principles of geometry , to comply with your squaring the circle : and then huff comes out contra fastum , &c. phi. did you ever know me to wrest , or force any thing to comply , & c. ? were you , tim , at my elbow , when i squared the circle ? tim. no : nor any body else , that i can hear of ; for though you have done it twelve times over , yet several people say , 't is still all to do . phi. i say , i have done it ; and have demonstrated it too ( cont . fast . p. 43. ) as manifestly as any proposition in euclid . and therefore why may not i be believed as well as other people , and why should i be said to wrest , & c. ? tim. as for your being believed , philautus , i did never care for relying much upon any mans judgment , that looked upon self-conceit to be a moral vertue : but as for 'tother thing , i had it in part from your self . phi. from my self ; how so ? tim. in the 41. and 43. pages of your contra fastum , &c. you tell us that had the business of punctum , linea , and some such principles of geometry , been sooner examined and corrected ; we had had squaring of circles and many other admirable things long before this time . now i have a phansie that this sentence ought to be thus turned : viz. seeing that squaring the circle is a most admirable thing , if it would but agree with the principles of geometry ; 't is high time now e'en to make 'em agree . but , which is worse than all , philautus , your dear friend tells you , that they won't agree yet . and whereas you have taken such vast pains to prove a point to have bigness , and a line to have breadth ; he 's of the mind ( heaut . p. 112. ) that cheapside is much too narrow to do the business . therefore in my opinion , philautus , you had much better have suffered quae , quaedam , punctum , linea , and the rest of them to have continued , as we had them from euclid ; unless the alterations you made had been more to your profit ; and the grounds you went upon more considerable . a point , say you , is a body : and why ? because ( de corp . p. 59. ) the whole earth is a point , in respect of the heavens ; ergo. again , a point is a body , for 't is a mark ; and the nature of a mark is to be visible : and if visible , then , say you , ( lux mathematica p. 11. ) it must be divisible : and if divisible ; then say i , it must be indivisible : for wee 'l never stand out for one syllable . and then for a line having latitude , and being a body ; that 's so very plain that if it ben't granted nothing , say you , ( lux math. p. 12. 32. ) can be demonstrated in mathematicks . for there 's no demonstrating without diagrams : and no diagrams can be made without drawing of lines , and no lines can be drawn but they will have breadth . and by such niceties and whimsies as these , ( of which i could give you many more instances ) have you vainly endeavoured to preserve your credit , and make people believe you had great skill in the mathematicks . and the very same shifts you have made use of , to secure your carcass , in all that you have said about government , and religion : being all plainly founded upon your three cardinal vertues , self-conceit , bad nature , and most irreligious cowardice . phi. no man ever writ two such treatises of humane politicks , and christian politicks , as i have done — tim. those phrases are perfectly new : phi. in both which i have given the prince such due authority , and such a vast power as will be a foundation of perpetual peace , and happiness in his kingdom . tim. 't is a vast power indeed , philautus , that you have bestowed upon him ; and he is very much beholding to you : for , at one stroke , it utterly destroys both himself and his government . phi. how is that ? tim. you allow him , you remember , to be the maker of all good and evil . phi. what then ? tim. i would only know which way you conferr'd that power upon him : did you send it him in a basket , as a token of your pure love to absolute soveraignty : or how was it ? phi. that power was originally divided amongst all his subjects ; but they all join'd together , and turn'd over all their power of making good and evil to him . tim. don't you believe that , philautus : that any man , that ever thought he had the power of making good and evil , would so part with it , as not to reserve a little for private use ; or at least to keep the receit . and therefore you may make a noise about absolute monarchy , and unlimited soveraignty ; and that if the prince ben't able to raise money at his pleasure , he 'l catch an ague , as certainly as if he went into the hundreds : and if he takes any advice about making of laws , he 'l have a man grow out of his side ; and very tender you may seem to be of the soveraign's health ( with reflections bad enough upon our government ) but you are even with him for all your kindness : for you give him indeed a little money ; but withal every subject leave to take away his throne , and life also . phi. but a subject , tim , is one that has given up all his power , &c. and a prince can't be remov'd without power . tim. but , by your principles , he can call for 't again , when he thinks it for his advantage . phi. but he has promis'd he won't ; and every man is bound to keep his promise . tim. how ( according to you ) is he bound ? has he promised to keep his promise : or has he sworn to keep his promise ; or how has he so fasten'd himself , but that your principles will unty him ? phi. but for a man to break his promise is absurd . tim. 't is very right : 't is absurd ; i remember it very well , in your 3d. chapter de cive . he that contracts , say you , in that he doth contract , denies that action to be in vain : and if he thinks himself not bound to keep it , in thinking so , he affirms the contract to be made in vain : now for a thing to be done in vain , and not in vain is a contradiction : which is absurd . whence , say you , it follows that an injury ( which is breaking of a bargain ) is a kind of absurdity in conversation , as an absurdity is a kind of injury in disputation . and therefore when oliver cut of the kings head , &c. he was guilty of an absurdity , and that 's all . phi. i hated oliver , and his practices as much as you . tim. that you might do in your heart , philautus : as you love christ , when you renounce him . but your writings favour his actions so very much , that there is not one thing that he , and his rogues did , but upon your principles may be easily defended : nay , and demonstrated too ; and train'd from article to article . and were not your books much too ridiculous for people to be guided by ( any further than of themselves they are debauch'd , and villanously bent ) those two opinions alone of yours , viz. that interest is the measure of good and evil in this life ; and in the next life that heaven is only a little better than spring-garden ; and hell not so ill as the counter , are at any time sufficient to set up such another pack of rebels . and yet you are the man that have set up princes , and establish'd them in their thrones : and have shewn such a generation of a common-wealth , that ( give it its due ) is to be called a mortal god. phi. methinks , tim , you begin to be somewhat hot : but be as hot as you will , i stand to this , that no man before me had ever justly stated the rights of princes , nor given them such power as become them . tim. you are a very liberal gentleman indeed , philautus : and have granted to princes , power in a great measure : but by chance so ridiculously blasphemous , that you 'l get ne'r a prince in the world to accept of it . phi. can you confute — tim. confute ? what should i confute : all the madness of bedlam crowded into one man ? for once i 'le try two or three instances of your bounty ; and let standers by judge what kind of confutation it deserves . the first complement you pass upon your prince is , that it would please his soveraignty to umpire the business of the creation : ( a very pretty point indeed for the civil magistrate to decide with his sword : ) i. e. whether the world was eternal , or whether it was created by god. here 's honour now for a prince ! the king of sweden or so , if requested , may give his opinion concerning flanders , or concerning liberty of fishing : but philautus's prince is to have the arbitration of heaven and earth : his prince is to determine whose the whole world is ; and to whom it belongs ; whether to god almighty , or to its own self . phi. who says that god does not govern the world ? tim. i don't know indeed ; but i say if the world made it self , it may e'en as well make shift to look after it self . phi. but i am not , tim , against the providence of god : but thus much i say ; ( de corp. p. 204. ) seeing that all knowledge comes from phantasms ; and no man can have a phantasm of that which is infinite : and seeing that it is very laborious , and would tire the best philosopher to proceed from cause to cause , till he comes to the first and truly eternal cause : i say , upon these and such like accompts , i think it reasonable , that this of the creation of the world , and all such knotty points should be left to the determination of that authority , which has right to determine all things . tim. i think , philautus , i understand you : seeing that there 's no man now living upon earth , that was really and actually present at the creation of the world ; nor that did bonâ fide see , or speak face to face with any man that was : and seeing that the tallest subject , or philosopher that any prince has , can't stand upon his threshold , and from thence look to the furthest end of the world , unless he cuts down the great pear-tree ; nor can stand so long upon one leg , hopping from cause to cause , but that if he hops long enough he may be tired ; therefore we prince , by the authority aforesaid , do declare and determine that the world had no beginning , but was eternal . given at our court — dasho . phi. i don't say 't is so to be determin'd : but that he that has the supreme authority ( seeing the case is very doubtful , and too difficult to be determin'd by natural reasons ; ) may determine it so , if he please . tim. yes doubtless : and that by right and vertue of the first-fruits . phi. the first-fruits ! what first-fruits ? tim. don't you remember , sir , that the dispute concerning the creation of the world is the first-fruits of all disputable questions : and upon that accompt the decision of that controversie as first-fruits belong to him , that has the supream power ? phi. i don 't easily call to mind the meaning of these first-fruits . tim. look , sir , but the above-quoted place de corp. and you 'l soon perceive it . for say you there ; as almighty god when he had brought his people into judaea , allowed the priests the first-fruits reserved to himself ; so when he had delivered up the world to the disputations of men , it was his pleasure that all opinions concerning the nature of infinite and eternal ( as the creation of the world and the like ) known only to himself should ( as the first fruits of wisdom ) be judged by those to whom he had given the supream authority . i wonder , sir , you should forget such an admirable reflexion as this : judaea being so very like the many disputations that are in the world ; and that concerning the creation so very like first-fruits . but if you please , philautus , wee 'l go on to the next complement you bestow upon your prince . and truly if there ever was a complement to purpose , this is one : 't is down , and down , and down again to the ground . phi. what is it , tim ? tim. 't is such a swinger , i can scarce get it out : 't is only , sir , whether there be a god or not ? phi. whether there be a god or not ? what shall the civil magistrate ( whom i never granted to be more than gods lieutenant , lev. p. 361. ) determine whether there be a god or not ? tim. shall he ? why not ? for all knowledge comes from phantasms , &c. and no body whom we can trust , has lately seen or discoursed with god almighty : and 't is plainly a first-fruits-disputation ; i. e. concerning infinite and eternal : and all first-fruits disputations belong to the magistrate . phi. whom do you mean : the hangman ? ( lett. to dr. w. p. 36. ) tim. that 's a very good hit : i perceive philautus begins to be a little angry ; and when so , then a magistrate , forsooth , in strictness of speech , signifies only some officer of the soveraigns , not the soveraign himself . but you may go on , philautus ; and , if i had occasion for any latin , i 'd put in quae and quaedam too : for i love to cross a man , that is made wholly up of such starch'd curiosities . and therefore , i say , you have so far honour'd your prince or magistrate , that if he please indeed there shall be a god ; but if he be out of humour , there shall be none at all . phi. what , can he pluck god almighty out of his throne : and banish him out of the world ? tim. that , philautus , is a little more than he can do ; but ( by your great bounty to him ) he can banish him out of his kingdom ; or if he can't do it alone , he 's to call in the assistance of all his subjects . phi i ghess how you mean , tim ; the prince , i warrant you , is one day or other , to put out a proclamation against the existence o●… a god : and this is to be posted up at every corner of the streets . can't i , in passing by , pull off my hat very low , and cry vous avez mr. prince : and for all that walk religiously home ; believing and trusting in god every step that i set ; and praising him for all the good victuals that i have eaten , and all the great victories that i have obtain'd , over such as out of envy have endeavour'd to answer my books ? tim. but suppose , philautus , he sends poker for you , with an halbert or a musket . phi. he need not trouble himself so far : for i am past those vanities , and had much rather go to him privately , than in such pomp . tim. and when you come there , he tells you that he has been that morning running o're the world , and the affairs thereof ; and , upon the whole , he can't find that there is any god besides himself . what would you then say , philautus ? phi. i should beg his pardon as to that , as great as he is ; and tell him plainly that i know what belongs to a god better than he ; and i know that he is no more than gods lieutenant ; and that i am more oblig'd to god ( being more powerful ) for the several kindnesses that i have receiv'd srom him , and the great mischief that he may do me , than i ever was or can be to him . tim. but if upon that , philautus , the lieutenant cocks his hat , stamps , looks stern and big ; and says that he is sure , he is very sure that there is nothing ( either in heaven or earth ) better or greater than himself ; and that you shall be sure of it too , before he and you part . what shall we do now , philautus ? phi. hah ! how i' st ? cocks , stamps , stern , big ? tim. yes ; 't is just so : come i 'll tell you what you 'd say , sir : — truly says philautus , majesty is not to be put out of humour for every small matter : 't is pity the prince should spoil his hat with cocking it ; or his shoes with stamping , or his countenance with frowning : meekness becomes a subject ; and therefore i 'll be silent . but being silent , philautus , won't serve your turn : for you must pronounce with a clear and lowd voice that he , before whom you now stand , is not gods lieutenant , but god himself : and not only so , but that he is the almighty , omnipotent and eternal god ; who , when you were asleep created you , and all things else ; but especially his own great grandfather ; you must say , pronounce , and subscribe all this ; or else — you need not go on , says philautus , i am yours , i am yours , sir : for what is a true prince but one , to whom all the right and power of the whole kingdom is transferr'd : and if he comes to his soveraignty by right of succession i have ( lev. p. 99. ) prov'd such soveraignty to be a kind of eternity . so that he understands nothing at all of the generation of a common-wealth that sticks in the least to grant every absolute monarch to be almighty , omnipotent and eternal . but you have not done yet , philautus , for after all this you must engage to worship the prince with the very same words , and same postures , as you use to do god almighty : praying unto him for health , long life , rain , fair-weather and the like : and this you must do so lowd , that all your neighbours may hear you ; and besides , that they may think you to be in good earnest ; you must take all publick occasions to curse and blaspheme god , in the most affronting and defying words that can be invented . — that 's a little odd , says philautus , that a prince , let him be as absolute as he can , should be able to make it rain or hold up . but , now i think of it , by right of subjection i have made over my whole body , and every limb of it to his service : and therefore , if the prince will send my tongue upon such an errand , it must not refuse to go , no more than my legs , if they were spoken to . and then , says philautus , as for cursing , blaspheming , &c. god knows my mind well enough as to that : i. e. how i worship him in my heart ; and what honour and service i have done to his church , to himself and the whole trinity by my several writings . but still , philautus , the prince is not so absolutely secure of you , but you may give him a bob at last . for you know there is a very strong report in this part of the world , that many years agon there was one , that called himself the christ , that appear'd upon earth : and he taught that it was better to listen to him , than to the commands of princes ; and he said that he came from god , and that he was the true and only son of god ; and , by many things that he said and did , made several to believe the same . now , if this be so , philautus , this will be a notable check and rebuff to the unlimited authority of your prince . and therefore , if you intend to be a subject quite through , you must needs also renounce christ : ( 't is a small matter , for christ , you know , is no more god the son , than moses was god the father . ) and believe there never was any such person ; but that he was a meer impostor , or a cheat of the kingdom of darkness — to that , replies philautus ; i must confess , most unlimited and irresistible sir , that of all things now visible upon ea●…th , you are to me the greatest and most obliging ; and your opini●…n upon all accompts i am bound to adore : for it is by your great interest in your own dominions as well as elsewhere , that i continue in fame and health , and am protected from the barbarous insolencies of my adversaries . but whereas 't is your princely pleasure to command me not to believe in christ ; ( with humble submission to your irresistibility ) i think you are , as it were , mistaken : for whatever you appoint 〈◊〉 to do in affront to christ ; i can therein deceive you , believing on him in my heart : and should your almighty inclinations proceed further , and force me to deny and forswear such beli●…f ( with all imaginable dread again be it spoken ) 't is not my heart but my tongue alone that denies or forswears , &c. phi. but how do you know , tim , that i 'll say or do any of these things ? did you ever see me tried ? tim. no : but above twenty years ago you promised to do them all in several places of your leviathan . and i know you 'l be as good as your word ; because you desire mr. godolphin ( in your ep. ded. to him ) to tell all people that are offended at that book , that you love your own opinions . if , say you , ( lev. p. 360. ) i want rain , fair weather or any thing else that god alone can bestow on me ; and out of my own humour , wantonness , or opinion , i make solemn prayer for such things to him who has the supream authority ; by doing so , i am certainly a very wicked man , and an absolute idolater ; because out of my own heart i give unto the civil magistrate that worship which is alone due unto god : but if i be compelled to this by the terrour of death , or any other corporal punishment , i may then do it very safely ; without any offence to god almighty , or scandal to my neighbour . well done carcass ! and thus have we turned off moses , or god the father : now let 's see how we can get rid of christ , or god the son : if , say you , ( lev. p. 27. ) a king , senate , or other soveraign person forbid me to believe in christ ( if he does not hear me ) i 'll say he talks non-sense ; because belief and unbelief are not subject to mens commands . for faith is a gift of god ( that comes well out of philautus's mouth ) which men can neither give nor take away by promise of rewards , or menaces of torture . but if the lawful prince ( being aware of such subtlety ) urges further , that i should say with my tongue i believe not in christ ; i can he too cunning for him there also ; for i still do but say so : and therefore rather than i 'll displease my lawful prince ( o heavens ! how do i love and honour my self , and a lawful prince ! ) it shall be done , and ought to be done . for profession with the tongue is but an external thing , and no more than any other gesture whereby we signifie our obedience . rarely come off carcass again ! phi. i must confess that to this purpose i do speak : and very nigh in the same words : and let theologers object what they can , i can most easily prove my self to be a true subject of the christian city ; that is , a son of christs church , and an heir of that salvation which he has bargain'd for . tim. prove , sir ? never in my life did i meet with your fellow for proving : especially considering what inferiour tools you work withal . for you shall talk less morality than a turk , and less christianity than a jew ; ( for you shall not only swear that christ is not as yet come , but that he shall never come : ) and yet give you but a little country motion , and ordinary grammar , and you shall presently be at perch with the primitive christians . i deny christ , suppose , and when that 's done i swear that i do it from the very bottom of my soul : what of all this , says philautus ? denying and swearing too are both meer forms of speech : and speech is but words : and words are but motion : and therefore that divine that talks of blasphemy or heresie coming out of a mans mouth , whose heart is truly firm ; he may as well gape for blasphemy or heresie at thè spout of a pair of bellows . besides , says philautus , people may prate against my professing with my tongue and so forth ; but ( to go to the bottom of the business ) he that knows but the very first elements of government , knows that i have no tongue at all : for 't is one of the princes tongues that i wear in my mouth : and what 's that to me , or any body else what the prince does with his own tongue ? and then , says philautus again : what wondring is here at my speaking two or three words ? is speaking any thing more than a meer gesture of the tongue ? and did naaman , i pray ( when he was allow'd to go into the house of rimmon ) leave his tongue at home ? did not his tongue also bow together with his head ? and did it not , as it were , nod and give consent to what his head and shoulders did ? and then in the last place , says philautus ; as for the several places of scripture which the ecclesiasticks bring against me : such as those of our saviour ; whosoever denyeth me before men , i will deny him before my father which is in heaven : and ye shall be brought before governours and kings for my sake , &c. and fear not them that kill the body , but are not able to kill the soul , &c. 't is plain , that they don 't at all understand the history of that gospel , by which they live : for though our saviour , at the first planting of christianity , commanded his disciples and apostles that they should not be daunted , nor give in ; but rather suffer any thing , than not stand to the faith : yet , thanks be to god , says philautus , such advice is now needless : for christian religion is very well spread and setled now ; and has got great footing in the world ; and a man may either profess or renounce it ( according as it lies for his hand ) with a great deal less danger , and inconvenience than formerly : and therefore if two or three subjects in a kingdom should utterly forsake christ , there 's still enow : and if two or three kingdoms should do the like ; there 's still more kingdoms : and if ( the turk prevailing ) europe , asia and the rest of the whole world should also do the same ; yet christ is still christ : and he has had a fine time of it . and there will be a joyful meeting , and great doings about jerusalem , at the general resurrection : and i hope to be as merry then , as the best of ' em . there be , continues philautus , i know those who understanding neither grammar , nor the history of the gospel shall tell you that , let what will come , they 'l not part with christ ; no not for a thousand worlds . they 'l dye , yea and that a thousand deaths . dye on , says philautus ; for this is meer vain-glory , and affected apostleship ; and all for want of a good dictionary . for martyr ( lev. p. 272. ) is a greek word ; ( which they , poor creatures ! suffer themselves to be knock'd off the head , and never think of ; ) and signifies a witness , an eye-witness ; and especially such an one as saw christ be●…ore , and after his resurrection : which few , i suppose , now alive will pretend to have done : or so much as to have seen those that did see christ : and if there be any such as these latter , they are but martyrs at the second hand ; that is , martyrs of christs martyrs . and therefore if any man has a mind to put himself upon any inconvenience , or run himself into any danger upon the accompt of christian religion , i wish him a good journey ; but i pity him no more than one that should skip off a steeple , for fear he should stumble in coming down the stairs . here 's a christian politician for you , or a true member not of christs church , ( for that 's vulgar ) but of the christian city ! phi. i say , tim , that martyr does signifie a witness . tim. and so does amo signifie to love . phi. that 's false ; for in strictness of speech it signifies i love . tim. how quick and nimble philautus is ? well , suppose then that martyr does signifie a witness : are you willing to be such an one for our saviour ? phi. that is , will i who was born within these hundred years , be willing to be born above sixteen hundred years ago ? well ghess'd tim ! tim. you shall then , philautus , be a martyr of a martyr . i 'd fain have you into some employment . phi. how can i be any such thing ? i never met in my travels with any of the apostles or disciples , that were sent into the world to be witnesses of the resurrection : and no man can glory in being a martyr unless he be sent ; and he must be sent to infidels too : for what need ( lev. p. 273. ) a witness of christ be sent to those , that have had sufficient witnesses already ? tim. if that be all , philautus , wee 'l speed the commission , and you shall be sent , &c. phi. but , i tell you , i had rather stay at home , than be cut o' the crown like a goose , to be a martyr , of a martyr , of a martyr , of i know not whom , or what . tim. i see this martyrdom ( or greek affliction ) won't down with you , philautus ; will you , if need be , for christ's sake suffer a little in plain english ? wee 'l engage you shan't be abused , and call'd martyr : nor have any such improper , and unfashionable word written upon your tomb. phi. how much would you have me suffer : what , dye ? tim. suppose such a thing should be , philautus : according to christian politicks , you 'l clearly be a saver by 't ; when you meet christ at jerusalem . for when he comes to reign here upon earth , he has promised , you know , to make very much of those ( you may chance to be chief secretary of state ) who are faithful to the end . and his kingdom , you know , is a dainty fine kingdom : and worth two or three of the kingdoms of england . phi. but 't is a great way , tim , to go for preferment to jerusalem : and it may be a great while , before christ will come to have his court there . tim. i believe indeed it may ; after that childish , ridiculous , gross , prophane manner that you describe . are you not asham'd , philautus , to pretend to wit , philosophy , mathematicks , &c. and to go about to face , and huff down god almighty , and our saviour , with such intolerable fooleries as first-fruits , martyr , &c. was ever old fop so utterly benum ' , and besotted , as to turn providence out of the world , to prevent tumults and uproars ; and to think to complement his prince , by offering such saucy and witless affronts to god himself ? i 'll undertake , philautus , give but a very small-wit sufficient impudence , prophaneness , and a glass of wine , he shall abuse the scriptures , scoff at heaven , and talk better and more reasonable atheism ex tempore , than you have labour'd into all your grave periods . phi. hey day ! how huffing and swaggering is this tim , because he has got a few of those same church-men on his side ? who are for a spiritual common-wealth ; not minding what i learn them ( lev. p. 317. ) that there are no men on earth whose bodies are spiritual ; and therefore there can be no spiritual common-wealth amongst men that are yet in the flesh . i say , tim , some such as these , that talk of a spiritual-body-politick you may have on your side ; but i am sure all the great wits , and the men of depth , and business go all my way . tim. and my lord bacon is your way too . phi. if he were now alive , 't is likely he would . tim. yes very likely : for , says he , in his essays , it is true , that a little philosophy inclineth mans mind to atheism , but depth in philosophy bringeth mens minds about to religion . phi. this now is very scurrilous , and most uncharitably said : and if the bishop of durham were now alive — tim. what should he do ? phi. he should testifie , tim , to the confusion of all my slanderers , ( ep. ded. to his majesty ) how godlily i behav'd my self , when i was ready to dye : and what a sound and clear conscience i had . tim. conscience ? that 's good indeed ! conscience , you know , is only when one looks over your shoulder , or in at the key-hole . for , you remember , there must be two at least , to make up a true grammatical conscience ; ( because of cum and scio : ) and as for any other conscience ( lev. p. 31. ) i. e. knowledge of ones own secret facts or thoughts , that 's only a metaphorical or rhetorical conscience . but i pray , philautus , after what manner did you confess to the bishop ? did you confess with your tongue , or how ? phi. with my tongue ? what , tim , wouldst thou have men confess with their legs , or shoulders ? tim. truly , philautus , you are such a moveable , slippery , and philosophical kind of christian , that i think the church ought to appoint a peculiar sort of confession for you . for if , after you were recovered , you had but met with any body that had a little scar'd you , you should have unconfessed all again ; and have sworn , and curs'd , that you did but droll with the bishop . phi. under favour , tim , that 's a lye . for i only say that if my lawsul prince or the supreme magistrate require any such thing , for peace sake , and to preserve my life i am bound to obey . tim. and i say , that if the lawsul ostler , or supream magistrate of the stables , should take you into his office , and shew you but a switch ( for that may gangrene ) i understand the principles of your fidelity , and christian courage so well , that , were he so wicked as to demand it , you should not only renounce all belief in christ , but all allegiance to your lawsul prince too : for a breathing time , you know , is very desireable , and whilst he has you in his power , he 's to you as good a lieutenant of god , as any prince upon earth . and naaman the syrian ( lev. p. 271. ) shall do for all ; for the ostler , as well as for the prince himself . phi. for my part , tim , i can't see ( when compelled ) why i may not allow my self as much liberty , as the prophet did to him . tim. but how are you sure , philautus , that the prophet allow'd him any at all ? for there be some , and those learned too , who question whether go in peace signifie naaman's waiting still upon his master , &c. or whether he should forthwith leave his service . but suppose it does ; do you think , philautus , that what naaman did ( which may several ways be imagin'd to be far enough from idolatry ) will countervail , or void all those several plain places of scripture , that are most absolutely against your whimsycal , and prophane opinion ? but philautus's divinity is like the gentlemans , who ( a little before he was to suffer for padding ) being ask'd by his confessour how he came to follow that employment : told him , that he took it up from gods advising the israelites to spoil the aegyptians ; which to him , he said , was a plain place for robbing at any time , and any where : whereas thou shalt not steal , and the like , were all typical and metaphorical ; and only true upon some occasions . but 't is wonderfully strange to me that his majesty should suffer it — phi. suffer what , suffer me — tim. no , sir : suffer his spightful , ambitious priests to preach in his chappel against you . phi. so 't is , tim : and i make bold to tell his majesty to that purpose , in an epistle dedicatory to him . tim. and you did very well so to do , sir : for naaman will do against the whole bible ; and a line or two out of tertullian ( nothing to the purpose ) against all the fathers . and seeing you are so firmly fixt in the catholick faith , and are so condescending and dutiful to all lawful princes , certainly they ought to be very careful to check and rebuke the adversaries of such a dear and devout subject . and therefore let 's see if we can't find never another complement for the prince . if i ben't mistaken ( lev. p. 205. ) there is a pretty obliging one : viz. that if the civil magistrate please , he may take away the word of god ( for we have had it e'en long enough ) and instead thereof , give us gusman , your leviathan , or whatever else he thinks most convenient for his common-wealth . for in the first place 't is plain say you , that the book which is now called the word of god is not really and grammatically the word of god : i. e. 't is neither the noun of god , nor the verb of god , nor any other part of speech of god. but , be it what it will , it obliges no further than the civil magistrate pleaseth : who by making it law , made it first to oblige ; and by repealing that law can make it not to oblige . the old testament indeed was a law , but to the jews only , never to us . the new testament never was a law to any body at all , till 't was made so by princes and emperours . for christ was no law-giver : neither ( if he had made any laws ) had he any kingdom to practise in : neither did he by his civil authority command any thing ; but only advis'd and counsel'd , &c. and sent out the apostles to do the like ; who were to fish and allure ; ( lev. p. 270. ) not like nimrods by coercition and punishing to hunt men into christianity . phi. most of this is true , tim : but first of all i must chastise thee , for thy great saw●…yness in comparing my leviathan to such a raskallionscoundrel-book as gusman : and in the next place , for supposing me to be ambitious of having the bibles turn'd out of churches , and my leviathan made canonical . tim. as for gusman , philautus , i am not , i must confess , much skill'd in that author ; ( and if i were , it would take up a little too long time to debate the business throughly between you two ) but if that book ben't ten times worse than any i ever saw yet , i don't question but it will furnish out a much honester gentleman , a more faithful subject , and a truer christian than yours shall do . and then as for your leviathan being made canon ; you know well enough , philautus , 't was a thing you your self were not without some hopes of . phi. what , tim , did i ever hope , wish , or desire that my leviathan might be appointed by act of parliament to be publickly read in all churches , instead of the bible ? tim. you shall hear , sir : seeing , say you , ( lev. p. 293. ) that neither plato nor any other philosopher hitherto , hath put into order and sufficiently proved all the theorems of moral doctrine , that men may learn thereby how to govern , and how to obey ; i recover some hopes , say you , that one time or other , this writing of mine may fall into the hands of a soveraign , who will consider it himself ( for 't is short , and i think clear ) without the help of any interessed , or envious interpreter ; and by the exercise of entire soveraignty , in protecting the publick teaching of it , convert this truth of speculation , into the utility of practice . 't is worth any soveraigns pains indeed , to take a progress of a year or two to settle and protect in his kingdom a company of such speculations , which , if practis'd , would ( for all your kindness to him ) certainly ruine him . phi. but here 's not a word , tim , of my ever hoping that the bible should give way to my leviathan . what made you say that i had any such expectation or ambition ? tim. don't you remember , philautus , what a huffing challenge you once sent to a doctor of divinity : how that you and your leviathan should preach with him and his bible ? and that without any such ceremonious foolery as ordination ; only the soveraign should lend you one of his life-guard to see you into the pulpit , and to bang those that would not believe you . if , say you ( as i take it 't is in your stigmai ) the soveraign power give me command ( though without the ceremony of imposition of hands ) to teach the doctrine of my leviathan in the pulpit , why am not i , if my doctrine and life be as good as yours , a minister as well as you . right ; why are you not ? for 't is plain that you have the word of command , as well as the doctor ; and a minister has nothing more . and as for authority , you are well enough with him ; for if he swaggers , and produces the bishops orders ; then can you bid your life-guard man swagger too , and cock his pistols : and then as to the book that is preach'd out of , there 's no difference at all between you . for you preaching out of your leviathan preach out of a bible , as well as he . for a bible ( in greek ) is only a book : and most certainly your leviathan is a book : and a most rare one too . but i pray , philautus , how came it into your mind that the word of god does not oblige as much , ( if not a little more ) than the word of a prince ? i must confess indeed that in the beginning of the 36th chapter of your leviathan , you have a very notable observation concerning the word of god ( as was just now hinted ) which , i don't remember , i ever met with in any author : but i don't see , but that it may oblige for all that , without the supream magistrate's drawing his sword . when there is mention , say you , of the word of god , it doth not signifie a part of speech such as grammarians call a noun or a verb , or any simple voice , without a contexture of other words to make it significative ; but a perfect speech or discourse , whereby the speaker affirmeth , denieth , commandeth , promiseth , wisheth , or interrogateth : ( i profess philautus would have been a thundering preacher : how he pours it out ! affirmeth , denieth , commandeth , &c. ) in which sense 't is not vocabulum , that signifies a word ( i pray , gentlemen , remember that , and turn down a proof ; ) 't is not vocabulum but sermo ( in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that is , some speech , discourse or saying . without doubt , if the soveraign had sent out philautus , this same had been the beginning of his first holding forth . 't is a most admirable introduction to a body of divinity . but to proceed , philautus , suppose the word of god ( as you have most painfully and learnedly made it out ) is neither noun , pronoun , verb , participle , nor any of the rest , but only the speech or discourse of god : i pray do so much as let me know ( i desire it once more ) some of your best reasons why this same speech , or discourse of god ( seeing you 'l so have it ) does not oblige us to believe it and practise it , unless it be authoriz'd by kettle-drums , and trumpets . phi. best reasons ? what an impudent trick is this of tim , to call for my best reasons ? any surely are good enough for such a fellow as thou art : in the first place , if thou canst , thou art to understand that whatever was laid down by christ himself , or his apostles after him , as it was laid down by him or them , never did , neither does it now at all oblige . tim. i am such a fool , philautus , that methinks i had much rather mind , and observe what our saviour said , than any thing that can be commanded by the general of an army . phi. you may mind and observe what you will ; but ( take that from me ) you 'l have little thanks for your labour . for it does not at all oblige , ( lev. p. 284 , 285. ) as propounded by him . tim. why so ? phi. because 't is not canonical . tim. canonical ? did not christ and they that followed him give articles of faith , and rules of an holy life ? phi. yes : but neither he nor any of his successours did ever lay down one obligatory canon . for such a canon is a rule authoriz'd and injoin'd by the common-wealth , &c. and that only is truly said to be canonical , which is allow'd of , and made canonical by the soveraign : that is to say which is made law in any kingdom : for a law is the commandment of that man , or assembly to whom we have given — tim. really , philautus , if you don't leave that trick , i 'll get a new man to talk withal . phi. what trick ? tim. you can't come near the word law , but presently you spring forth — for a law is the commandment of that man or assembly , &c. and when 't is every whit to as little purpose , as 't is here . phi. to as little purpose ? by the definition alone of a law , namely , that a law is the commandment of that man , or — tim. what , shall we have it again ? phi. i say , by that definition of a law it is very evident that not any one rule or precept in the whole new-testament was an obligatory canon : i. e. did really oblige any man living till the new-testament was made law. and i am sure it never was made law till — tim. till when ? till 't was made law. that 's all that philautus will engage for : for he 's a very wary gamester , and he 's as sure as can be that the gospel was never publickly owned , nor appointed by any prince to be read in any kingdom or common-wealth ; till that very day , hour , and minute that it was so own'd , and appointed , &c. philautus , i say , is very sure of this ; and thus much he will certainly undertake for , and no more . phi. 't is false : for i undertake further to shew , that whatever our saviour propounded to be done in order to salvation ( till obedience thereunto was commanded by the soveraign-ruler ) was so far from obliging , that every man , without the least injustice , might refuse to observe — tim. for injustice , ( should you have said ) is a breach of the commandment of that man , or assembly — phi. should have said ? what , tim , dost thou undertake to teach me what i should have said : don 't i know when to break of , and when to go on ? tim. indeed , sir , i think that in all right the definition of injustice ought to have come in there : for then the business had been plainly demonstrated . phi. 't is plainly demonstrable , tim , that any man might refuse to obey whatever our saviour said ( till 't was made law ) without being unjust at all . tim. without being unjust ? to whom do you mean , philautus ? phi. to whom can a man be unjust but to his lawful soveraign ; and to those with whom he contracts according to the laws of his country . tim. yes , yes : so i thought : i knew as well as could be , that the demonstration would be thereabouts . phi. what did you know , tim ? tim. i know this , philautus ; that a man may neglect to obey the precepts of christ , and yet not be at all guilty of transporting of leather , or wool. phi. how do you mean , tim ? tim. i mean this , philautus ; suppose i ( being a subject of a kingdom wherein there were no positive laws against swearing or private revenge , but plain and severe ones against transportation of leather , and wool ) had been present at our saviour's sermon ; and believed him and his doctrine : but notwithstanding had still continued a great swearer , and a most revengeful wretch ; thus far i durst venture to say ( and truly you may safely go along with me ) that swearing , to define it strictly , is not transportation of leather , neither is revenge transportation of wool. phi. nor are they a direct breach of any other particular law of the kingdom . tim. how can they possibly be ? what are you mad , philautus ? would you have those things to be a breach of the laws of that kingdom , which we have supposed not to have taken notice of any such things ? never certainly did catchpole , pettifogger , forger of wills , more intangle , shuffle , wrest , scrape , and patch , &c. to bring about their villanous designs : than you have rack'd and tortur'd those two poor words of law and justice to make your self singular in irreligion . and as in your morals , you have thereby endeavour'd to debauch humane nature , and to taint the very foundations of practical reason : so here you use the same silly artifice to frustrate the intentions of christs coming into the world , and to void the obligation of those precepts that he left behind him . phi. you much mistake me , tim , if you think me to be against christ , or his precepts : for faith in him , and obedience to laws is all that i count necessary to salvati●…n . but thus much i say further , that nothing which either our saviour or his apostles propounded was truly law , or did oblige ; for neither he , nor they had any kingdom . and though there were many kingdoms in the world ; over which christ , if he had pleas'd , might have challeng'd to himself the soveraign power ; yet 't is plain , that he utterly disown'd all such publick and regal authority , by saying , my kingdom is not of this world. now , say i , ( lev. p. 286. ) they that have no kingdom , can make no laws . tim. well rhimed , philautus ! kingdom and law. phi. why , can any man , tim , make a law , that is , give out some rule to be observed in a nation , who has no nation to give it to ? must not a man have soveraign right to do it , and strength and authority to make it take effect ? tim. truly , philautus , i cannot forbear to say , that if a private country-gentleman , in a rainy day , should contrive a set of laws ; and send them , by the packet boats into foreign countries , to look for a nation , and people to observe them ; but that some of his laws may chance to come home again unobserved . phi. no question , tim , but that they would : and the reason is because all nations are ready stock'd ; and there 's never a void nation for the gentleman to vent his laws in : and a law is no law , but where it is , or ought to be obeyed . tim. but , i suppose , you don't look upon our saviour ( who was immediately sent from god , and whom we believe , not minding what you do , to be the son of god ) to be only a private person . surely , philautus , if you believe any god at all , you must also believe that he can both make and protect laws without dispossessing of princes , and keeping his standing armies . you may remember that christ could violently have been rescued by twelve legions of angels : and could have sent for as many to have enforc'd his doctrine : which if he had done , then possibly it might have agreed with your great curiosity to have admitted his precepts to have had the force of laws : but , why do i talk to philautus of such vain-philosophy as twelve legions of angels ; which to him are only twelve legions of phantasms ; all to be discomfited with the brandishing of horn-knifes , and the blast of elder-guns ? phi. i don 't at all regard , tim , any of all this : being most fully assur'd that i never read that christ was chosen supream magistrate of any place . tim. neither did you , i warrant you , ever read that he was so much as chosen over-seer , or church-warden of any parish . phi. you are prophane , tim. tim. i bless god , that i believe christ to be his son ; and that i am more oblig'd to observe his precepts ( without your indulgent favouring them to be termed laws ) than the most immediate and direct commands of all the princes in the world : and he that believes otherwise , i suppose , is the man that justly deserves the title of prophane . phi. you may believe what you will , tim : but 't is plain that christ never took upon himself the government of any nation ; neither would he accept of any place of authority or publick employment . tim. and i pray , philautus , what do you think might be the reason of it ? don 't you think it was for fear people should not only believe his doctrine , but count themselves oblig'd to practise it ? was not that , philautus , think you the business ? was it not to prevent some such great absurdity and inconvenience that might have happen'd in the world ? whereas now every one enjoys a most reasonable and blessed liberty : and if the gospel stands with a mans convenience , and be the fashionable book at court , it may then be read and practis'd not without some delight , and benefit : but when it either crosses my own particular interest , or the irresistible humour of my most dreadful prince , thanks be to god , there be other judicious and practical authors , in which a retired and studious gentleman may make shift to spend his time , without any ways disobliging gods second representative , jesus christ. this , philautus , is such a kind of devout meditation as , i suppose , you take bed-ward . and from hence any one , that is not utterly blind , may plainly perceive , what it is that you count obligation : that is , when a man is so chain'd , rop'd or chorded down to his bargain that he can't possibly avoid submitting to 't ; such a man and none else will you allow to be truly oblig'd . neither must he be fasten'd with such chains and chords as the joys and terrors of another life ; for they are at a great distance , and with philautus , very metaphorical : but he is for visible grammatical hemp , and iron , such as grow upon , and is digged out of the earth . where these things be , there 's reason , law , justice , and obligation ; but where they are missing , a man is as free as any fish in the ocean . thus if a man , suppose , has an hundred pound weight of shackles about him , and be under good store of locks ; i believe philautus will grant such an one to be very properly and strictly oblig'd not to ride an hunting : and if a man has half a dozen pikes tickling him at the tail , 't is likely that he also may be look'd upon a soblig'd to march on : but if i privately without either witness or writings borrow a hundred pounds of a friend — phi. if you do , you ought to pay it him again , upon demand . tim. i ought ? why so ; how am i oblig'd ? where 's the shackles , where 's the pikes , & c ? phi. but you know well enough , tim , that you did really and truly borrow of him so much money . tim. yes , sir , that i do very well : but do you think , philautus , that when a gentleman has intrusted me with such a great secret as an hundred pounds , that i am such a great booby , as to blab out this in open court ? phi. but you forget conscience all this while , tim. tim. no more than you have forgotten it in all your writings . can't i say to conscience , couchée conscience : down conscience : close and be still conscience . that man certainly is a very passionate fool , that has so little command of his mouth , as not to be able to keep it shut , when 't is so much to his disadvantage to open it . and se●…ing we are faln upon conscience , philautus , let us put one case more : suppose you find a neighbour of yours in a ditch , just ready to perish : whose life , by wetting the end of your cane , you might easily preserve — phi. o , help him out , help him out , by all means . what a man , a neighbour , and a christian and not help him out ! tim. to what purpose ? do you owe him a helping out , or do you lay in one aforehand ? you don't consider , philautus , that the end of your cane being wetted may catch cold ; and this cold ( by motion ) may creep up to your hand ; and seising your hand , by degrees it may get into the whole mass of blood : and so bring you into some dangerous distemper ; a distemper that may cost you another confession : and if the bishop be out of the way ; you must then send for the lord lieutenant of the county : for he 'l do as well as t'other being commission'd by the prince : and , of the two , is the best and safest conf●…ssour : for he is one of the immediate lieutenants , under gods lieutenant ; and , if need be , can raise all his militia , to defend such a confession as he and you shall agree upon . i say , philautus , seeing your helping him out may occasion you so much trouble , if i were you , i 'd e'en let our neighbour pass on in the business , he has begun . for if you don 't , there is still one much greater mischief that you don't think of . phi. what 's that ? tim. if , philautus , you help him out of the ditch now : you must needs so contrive it , that he may help you out another time . phi. to what end , i prethee , tim , should i wet and endanger my self when i need not ? tim. there is a most absolute necessity of it . for if you omit to do 't ; this neighbour of yours will be your utter enemy , despise you , hate you , and as certainly contrive your death , as you help'd him out of the ditch . phi. if i thought so , tim , he should e'en have gone on , for all philautus , till he came to the bottom . what , shall i be thus rewarded for my great pains , and clemency ? shall he conspire to take away my life , because i endanger'd mine own , to save his ? this truly is very fine ingenuity , and morality ! tim. 't is just such ingenuous morality as you teach your disciples , and would have them to practise . to have received , ( say you , lev. p. 481. ) from one , to whom we think our selves equal , greater benefits than there is hope to requite , disposeth to counterfeit love ; ( meer cou●…terfeit love : he may come , philautus , to your bedside morning and evening , and there ask you blessing , and pretend to adore and worship you ; but all this is only to spy out some cunning place to lay a barrel of gunpowder , and to blow you up : for , as you go on very morally ) such benefits do really produce secret hatred ; and puts a man into the estate of a desperate debtor , that in declining the sight of his creditor , tacitely wishes him there , where he might never see him more . ( that would be just your case , philautus ; for the ingenuous neighbour , whom you have so much oblig'd , may , as was said , pretend to come to see you , but at his heart he wishes ten thousand devils would fetch you away , so that he might never see you again ) for , as you further go on , benefits oblige ; and obligation is thraldom ; and unrequitable obligation , perpetual thraldom , which is to ones equal hateful . phi. what a wondring you make , tim , at this sentence ? whereas , i am confident , i could prove the truth of it from histories of all ages . tim. i don 't at all question , but that in all ages you may find rogues and raskals , somewhere or other : and 't is plain that that 's the very method you took , to make up your moral philosophy . and whereas other writers upon that subject were so civil to humane nature , and studious of the good of mankind as to draw their observations from the most brave , the most vertuous , an●… most generous of men and princes : philautus ( as may have formerly been hinted ) that he might be si●…gular , and sufficiently scandalize his own kind , appeals to nothing else but to the very dregs , and sink ; to the most vile and most unreasonable practi●…es for his authority . obligation is thraldom ! and unrequitable obligation perpetual thraldom and hateful ! phi. what , han't you done wondring yet , tim ? tim. no , sir : and i say fu●…her he that thinks so , and behaves himself accordingly : thinks non-sense , and behaves himself like a beast . phi. how do you know , tim , but that kings may have done so ? tim. and how can i help it , if kings won't live and act like men ? why , philautus , for all your bountiful condescentions and mighty cringes to him that has the supream authority ; i believe that such an one , if he don't observe the laws of nature ( which are known well enough without his interpretation ) may as plainly and easily be proved a tyrant , in the court of reason ; as an ordinary subject that refuseth to obey his laws , may be proved a rebel in westminster-hall . but we are not at leasure , philautus , for that dispute now . phi. if you be , i am ready for you : but if you ben't then let me tell you ; that it is thought by some that sir william stanley far'd ne'er the better for his overmuch-obligation that he laid upon king henry the 7th . in bosworth-field . tim. if , upon that very accompt , he far'd the worse , i say — phi. what do you say ? what , tim , prate against kings ? tim. no , sir ; but i say that his present majesty ( god bless him ) is a reasonable and great man , as well as a great king : who , when highly oblig'd by a late subject , could never be perswaded , by your sort of puny , and ill-natur'd politicians , to think it tedious or reproachful so to be . phi. that was because he was his superiour , and able to requite him ; but the obligation which i observe to be hateful is unrequitable obligation , such as is , for the most part , only amongst equals . tim. come , come philautus ; for a need you can hate without standing upon the curiosity of equals : for if the obligation be but unrequitable , let it be where it will , 't is hateful to you . and upon this accompt , i suppose , it may be that seeing our blessed saviour has laid , by his death , an infinite and unrequitable obligation upon all mankind ; therefore to revenge this kindness , you renounce both him and his gospel . phi. this is only railing , tim , to which i have been so long accustom'd ; that i am pretty well season'd against it . for still i keep to this that nothing can be a law , that is , a precept that obliges , unless he that lays it down has both authority to do it , and coercive secular-power to make it good . tim. and would any man in the world , but such a mad one as philautus , think that a commission , such as our saviour had from the great god of heaven and earth should be of less authority than a ticket from jack of austria , or any tiny-earthly potentate : or that those eternal rewards and punishments which our saviour plainly promises and threatens should be less obliging than running the gantelet , or an hours setting in the stocks ? but i know very well what it is that philautus drives at : viz. if our saviour had either determin'd the breadth of stuffs , or the weight of bread : or had set a certain mulct or fine presently to be levy'd upon every iniquity , then possibly he might have passed for a lawgiver ; and his word might have been taken without a canonical certificate from two justices of the peace . but to say that he that lives and dies in sin shall be eternally damn'd , was only a figurative expression , and a meer frolick which christ began , and spoke to his apostles and disciples to put about . phi. i am sure that the gospel would find but very little entertainment , were it not for the sword of justice . tim. why what , i pray , does the sword of justice towards the making the gospel oblige ? does the magistrate thrust down the gospel into his subjects bellies , with his sword of justice ? if he did , 't would do them but very little good . for 't is plain , philautus , to any one that knows what belongs to religion ; that this same sword of justice which is to make the scriptures canonical has so very little of any obliging vertue in it , that he that does not count himself oblig'd to obey the precepts of christ , only because christ gave them ( i. e. without your sword of justice ) is as far from salvation , as one that never heard of christ at all . phi. i suppose you don't imagine , tim , the command of a lawful prince to blast the obligation of the gospel . tim. no : but , i suppose , he that obeys the gospel only out of complaisance to his prince , will obey any other book out of the same ●…omplaisance ; having no other god , nor religion , but power and the sword. phi. 't is a very strange thing to me that the commands of princes should have such little vertue in them ; whereas the chief thing that our saviour order'd his disciples to preach , was obedience to magistrates . and therefore st. paul bids children to obey their parents in all things ; and servants in all things to obey their masters : now , if it was christs mind that such little potentates , as fathers and masters of families , should be obey'd in all things ; what shall we say to fathers and masters of kingdoms ? tim. what shall we say ? we must say that they must be obey'd in more than all things . phi. in more than all things ? that 's non-sense , tim , and impossible . but it was certainly our saviours intention that they should be obey'd as far as was possible , i. e. in all things . tim. without doubt , sir : and therefore when our saviour preach'd up obedience to magistrates , and said that he came not to destroy but fullfil the law , his meaning certainly , philautus , must be this : viz. whereas i , who am the true son of god , am come into the world to give salvation , and the true means leading thereunto ; which are meekness , sobriety , fidelity , charity , &c. yet , not to deceive you , you are to know that at present , i am only in a private capacity ; and this is no command , but only my private opinion , judgment and advice : and therefore if the supream magistrate calls upon you to cheat , lye , swear , whore , sink , damn ; and to despise and renounce me and my doctrine ; never boggle or stand to consider of it ; but do 't , do 't : mind not at all what i said : for i call'd in now , only by the by : and this is a time only of friendly counsel and invitation . my time of commanding is not as yet come . but i shall have a time of it afterwards ; and that a very great one , when i come to be seated at jerusalem ; and then i shall have great strength and a long retinue : but in the mean while — obey in all things , whatever i say to the contrary . this is the very truth and bottom , philautus , of all your christianity . phi. i am sure of this , that neither christ nor his apostles did any thing more than counsel and invite ; never did he , or they impose , or command . tim. that is , when christ sent out his disciples to preach the gospel , he did not bid them fire a musket at every sentence : and when st. paul exhorted the corinthians to stand fast in the faith ; he did not bid them do 't , in the kings name . phi. no ; nor in any other name of secular authority . tim. no ; for according to you , they only went up and down the world crying the gospel : for a preacher ( as you observe ) in latin is praeco ; that is , a cryer or proclamation-maker and as the prophet esay ( lev. p. 286. ) invites and calls : ho , every man that thirsteth , &c. so they that were sent out to preach the gospel did nothing more , but knock at mens doors , and cryed ho , will you have any gospel within ? or else got upon a stool in the market , and made proclamation of the gospel there ; which , according to philautus , ( without any sin ) need not be any more minded than the singing of a ballad : for christ has no kingdom as yet ; and where no kingdom , there 's no command , and consequently no obligation . that a philosopher and poet should write this for sense or wit ; or that any body else should take it for such in the reading ! for , as for religion , that 's not to be regarded . phi. i am sure i have had many a serious thought about religion : and have been very careful to keep a conscience void of offence towards god , and towards my lawful prince : for my lawful prince is to be minded . tim. yes , sir , your prince must be minded : and truly you have complemented up a fine one . but let me tell you he 's not absolute and perfect , till you have remov'd one objection . phi. what 's that ? tim. you must needs take away heaven and hell : but especially hell. phi. i don't take away hell. tim. no ; not quite ; but you make such a little , pretty , easie , reasonable , convenient hell for villains , traytors , tyrants , and atheists , as never was invented . let me see , say you ( lev. p. 238. ) i have promis'd my lawful prince ( or the ostler ) to blaspheme god , renounce christ and burn my bible : and for peace and government have advis'd others to do the like : but there be some squeamish , clergyfied , disloyal simpletons that will be afraid of hell. therefore i must needs make a little , pretty , tiny hell. for otherwise my eternal almighty prince may chance to be disobey'd , and the peace disturbed . i shall only give you most of your own words , and so take leave . seeing , say you , that the maintainance of civil society dependeth on justice , and justice on the power of life and 〈◊〉 , and other less reward●… and punishments residing in them that have the soveraignty of the common-wealth ; and seeing that 't is impossible that a common-wealth should stand , where any other than the soveraign hath a power of giving greater rewards than life ; and of inflicting greater punishments than death : and seeing surther that it is reported by poets and some bagpipe divines , that eternal life is a greater reward than the lise present , and eternal torment a greater punishment , than the death of nature ; therefore , say you , let us make a pretty good heaven , to invite people to obedience to magistrates : but a very little hell ( about the bigness of a quartan-ague ) for fear people should obey god more than men. and accordingly you do 't . phi. my hell is a very reasonable hell. tim. i remember so much of it that all the men that ever were in the world are to live upon earth at the same time ; and 〈◊〉 , they 'l eat up one another in a day and a night or thereabouts , for want of pasture . cast it up and you 'l find it so : you are a mathematician : and so farewell . phi. what won't you talk a little about the trinity , & c ? tim. i know what persona signifies in the dictionary , and therein lies all your divinity . and therefore , i say again , farewell . the end . the reasonableness of christianity as delivered in the scriptures locke, john, 1632-1704. 1695 approx. 363 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 157 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a48888 wing l2751 estc r22574 12364234 ocm 12364234 60354 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48888) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60354) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 216:5) the reasonableness of christianity as delivered in the scriptures locke, john, 1632-1704. [5], 304 p. printed for awnsham and john churchil ..., london : 1695. written by j. locke. cf. wing. first ed. cf. nuc pre-1956. errata: p. [5]. advertisements: p. 304. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church history -17th century. christianity -early works to 1800. philosophy and religion -early works to 1800. apologetics -early works to 1800. apologetics -history -17th century. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-08 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-08 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the reasonableness of christianity , as delivered in the scriptures . london : printed for awnsham and iohn churchil , at the black swan in pater-noster-row . 1695. the preface . the little satisfaction and consistency is to be found in most of the systems of divinity i have met with , made me betake my self to the sole reading of the scripture ( to which they all appeal ) for the understanding the christian religion . what from thence by an attentive and unbiassed search i have received , reader , i here deliver to thee . if by this my labour thou receivest any light or confirmation in the truth , joyn with me in thanks to the father of lights for his condescention to our vnderstandings . if upon a fair and unprejudiced examination , thou findest i have mistaken the sense and tenor of the gospel , i beseech thee , as a true christian , in the spirit of the gospel ( which is that of charity ) and in the words of sobriety , set me right in the doctrine of salvation . errata . page 35. line 22. read on the. p. 62. l. 26. r. bethesda . p. 63. l. 26. r. little of any thing ; p. 64. ult . r. it was . p. 65. l. 6. r. them at ierusalem . ibid. l. 10 r. ing in that place . p. 67. l. 17. r. that remained . p. 69. l. 23. r. a king , or rather messiah the king , p. 75. l. 6. dele these . ibid. l. 14. r. nor 〈◊〉 . p. 112. l. 4. r. bethesda . p. 161. l. 2. r. and of . p. 165. l. 20. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 present world. p. 194. l. 11. r. availed not devils . p. 217. l. 11. r. in his sermon in the. p. 263. l. ● . r. before observed . p. 264. l. 24. r. custom . p. 271. l. 2. r. apophthegms . ibid. l. 24. r. themselves ; and deduces . p. 282. l. 〈◊〉 . r. no touch of . p. 284. 1. 〈◊〉 confusion . p. 287. l. 17. r. life and. p. 295. l. 22. r. the apostles . p. 203. l. 20. r. treatise ? p. 304. l. 4. ● abstract . ibid. l. 14. read them , the reasonableness of christianity , as delivered in the scriptures . t is obvious to any one who reads the new testament , that the doctrine of redemption , and consequently of the gospel , is founded upon the supposition of adam's fall. to understand therefore what we are restored to by jesus christ , we must consider what the scripture shews we lost by adam . this i thought worthy of a diligent and unbiassed search : since i found the two extreams , that men run into on this point , either on the one hand shook the foundations of all religion , or on the other made christianity almost nothing . for whilst some men would have all adam's posterity doomed to eternal infinite punishment for the transgression of adam , whom millions had never heard of , and no one had authorized to transact for him , or be his representative ; this seemed to others so little consistent with the justice or goodness of the great and infinite god , that they thought there was no redemption necessary , and consequently that there was none , rather than admit of it upon a supposition so derogatory to the honour and attributes of that infinite being ; and so made jesus christ nothing but the restorer and preacher of pure natural religion ; thereby doing violence to the whole tenor of the new testament . and indeed both sides will be suspected to have trespassed this way , against the written word of god , by any one , who does but take it to be a collection of writings designed by god for the instruction of the illiterate bulk of mankind in the way to salvation ; and therefore generally and in necessary points to be understood in the plain direct meaning of the words and phrases , such as they may be supposed to have had in the mouths of the speakers , who used them according to the language of that time and country wherein they lived , without such learned , artificial , and forced senses of them , as are sought out , and put upon them in most of the systems of divinity , according to the notions , that each one has been bred up in . to one that thus unbiassed reads the scriptures , what adam fell from , is visible , was the state of perfect obedience , which is called justice in the new testament , though the word which in the original signifies justice , be translated righteousness : and by this fall he lost paradise , wherein was tranquility and the tree of life , i. e. he lost bliss and immortality . the penalty annexed to the breach of the law , with the sentence pronounced by god upon it , shew this . the penalty stands thus , gen. ii. 17. in the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die . how was this executed ? he did eat , but in the day he did eat , he did not actually die , but was turned out of paradise from the tree of life , and shut out for ever from it , lest he should take thereof and live for ever . this shews that the state of paradise was a state of immortality , of life without end , which he lost that very day that he eat : his life began from thence to shorten , and wast , and to have an end ; and from thence to his actual death , was but like the time of a prisoner between the sentence past and the execution , which was in view and certain . death then enter'd and shewed his face , which before was shut out , and not known . so st. paul , rom. v. 12. by one man sin entred into the world , and death by sin ; i. e. a state of death and mortality : and 1 cor. xv. 22. in adam all die ; i. e. by reason of his transgression all men are mortal , and come to die . this is so clear in these cited places , and so much the current of the new testament , that no body can deny , but that the doctrine of the gospel is , that death came on all men by adam's sin ; only they differ about the signification of the word death . for some will have it to be a state of guilt , wherein not only he , but all his posterity was so involved , that every one descended of him deserved endless torment in hell-fire . i shall say nothing more here how far , in the apprehensions of men , this consists with the justice and goodness of god , having mentioned it above : but it seems a strange way of understanding a law , which requires the plainest and directest words , that by death should be meant eternal life in misery . could any one be supposed by a law , that says , for felony you shall die , not that he should lose his life , but be kept alive in perpetual exquisite torments ? and would any one think himself fairly dealt with , that was so used ? to this they would have it be also a state of necessary sinning , and provoking god in every action that men do : a yet harder sense of the word death than the other . god says , that in the day that thou eatest of the forbidden fruit , thou shalt die ; i. e. thou and thy posterity shall be ever after uncapable of doing any thing , but what shall be sinful and provoking to me , and shall justly deserve my wrath and indignation . could a worthy man be supposed to put such terms upon the obedience of his subjects , much less can the righteous god be supposed , as a punishment of one sin wherewith he is displeased , to put man under a necessity of sinning continually , and so multiplying the provocation ? the reason of this strange interpretation we shall perhaps find in some mistaken places of the new testament . i must confess by death here i can understand nothing but a ceasing to be , the losing of all actions of life and sense . such a death came on adam , and all his posterity by his first disobedience in paradise , under which death they should have lain for ever , had it not been for the redemption by jesus christ. if by death threatned to adam were meant the corruption of humane nature in his posterity , 't is strange that the new testament should not any where take notice of it , and tell us , that corruption seized on all because of adam's transgression , as well as it tells us so of death . but as i remember every ones sin is charged upon himself only . another part of the sentence was , cursed is the ground for thy sake ; in sorrow shalt thou eat of it all the days of thy life , in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread , till thou return unto the ground : for out of it wast thou taken ; dust thou art , and to dust shalt thou return . this shews that paradise was a place of bliss as well as immortality , without toyl , and without sorrow . but when man was turned out , he was exposed to the toyl , anxiety , and frailties of this mortal life , which should end in the dust , out of which he was made , and to which he should return ; and then have no more life or sense than the dust had , out of which he was made . as adam was turned out of paradise , so all his posterity were born out of it , out of the reach of the tree of life , all like their father adam in a state of mortality , void of the tranquility and bliss of paradise . rom. v. 12. by one man sin entered into the world , and death by sin . but here will occur the common objection , that so many stumble at : how doth in consist with the justice and goodness of god , that the posterity of adam should suffer for his sin ; the innocent be punished for the guilty ? very well , if keeping one from what he has no right to be called a punishment . the state of immortality in paradise is not due to the posterity of adam more than to any other creature . nay , if god afford them a temporary mortal life ' 't is his gift , they owe it to his bounty , they could not claim it as their right , nor does he injure them when he takes it from them . had he taken from manking any thing , that was their right ; or did he put men in a state of misery worse than not being without any fault or demerit of their own ; this indeed would be hard to reconcile with the notion we have of justice , and much more with the goodness and other attributes of the supream being , which he has declared of himself , and reason as well as revelation must acknowledge to be in him ; unless we will confound good and evil , god and satan . that such a state of extream irremidiable torment is worse than no being at all , if every one ones sense did not determine against the vain philosophy , and foolish metaphysicks of some men ; yet our saviour's peremptory decision , matt. xxvi . 24. has put it past doubt , that one may be in such an estate , that it had been better for him not to have been born . but that such a temporary life as we now have , with all its frailties and ordinary miseries is better than no being , is evident by the high value we put upon it our selves . and therefore though all die in adam , yet none are truly punished but for their own deeds . rom. ii. 6. god will render to every one , how ? according to his deeds . to those that obey unrighteousness , indignation and wrath , tribulation and anguish upon every soul of man that doth evil , v. 9. 2 cor. v. 10. we must appear before the iudgment-seat of christ , that every one may receive the things done in his body , according to that he has done , whether it be good or bad . and christ himself , who knew for what he should condemn men at the last day , assures us in the two places where he describes his proceeding at the great judgment , that the sentence of condemnation passes only on the workers of iniquity , such as neglected to fulfil the law in acts of charity , mat. vii . 23. luke xiii . 27. mat. xxv . 42. but here is no condemnation of any one , for what his fore-father adam had done , which 't is not likely should have been omitted , if that should have been a cause , why any one was adjudged to the fire with the devil and his angels . and he tells his disciples , that when he comes again with his angels is the glory of his father , that then he will render to every one according to his works , mat. xvi . 27. adam being thus turned out of paradise , and all his posterity born out of it , the consequence of it was , that all men should die , and remain under death for ever , and so be utterly lost . from this estate of death jesus christ restores all mankind to life ; 1 cor. xv. 22. as in adam all die , so in christ shall all be made alive . how this shall be , the same apostle tells us in the foregoing v. 21. by man death came , by man also came the resurrection from the dead . whereby it appears , that the life , which jesus christ restores to all men , is that life , which they receive again at the resurrection . then they recovered from death , which otherwise all mankind should have continued under lost for ever , as appears by st. paul's arguing , 1 cor. xv. concerning the resurrection . and thus men are by the second adam restored to life again : that so by adam's sin they may none of them lose any thing , which by their own righteousness they might have a title to . for righteousness , or an exact obedience to the law , seems by the scripture to have a claim of right to eternal life , rom. iv. 4. to him that worketh ; i. e. does the works of the law , is the reward not reckoned of grace , but of debt . and rev. xxii . 14. blessed are they who do his commandments , that they may have right to the tree of life , which is in the paradise of god. if any of the posterity of adam were just , they shall not lose the reward of it , eternal life and bliss , by being his mortal issue : christ will bring them all to life again ; and then they shall be put every one upon his own tryal , and receive judgment , as he is found to be righteous or no. and the righteous , as our saviour says , mat. xxv . 46. shall go into eternal life . nor shall any one miss it , who has done what our saviour directed the lawyer , who asked , luke x. 25. what he should do to inherit eternal life ? do this , i. e. what is required by the law , and thou shalt live . on the other side , it seems the unalterable purpose of the divine justice , that no unrighteous person , no one that is guilty of any breach of the law , should be in paradise ; but that the wages of sin shold be to every man , as it was to adam , an exclusion of him out of that happy state of immortality , and bring death upon him . and this is so conformable to the eternal and established law of right and wrong , that it is spoke of too as if it could not be otherwise . st. iames says , chap. i. 15. sin when it is finished bringeth forth death , as it were by a natural and necessary production . sin entred into the world , and death by sin , says st. paul , rom. v. 12. & vi. 23. the wages of sin is death . death is the purchase of any , of every sin . gal. iii. 10. cursed is every one who continueth not in all things which are written in the book of the law to do them . and of this st. iames gives a reason , chap. ii. 10 , 11. whosoever shall keep the whole law , and yet offend in one point , he is guilty of all : for he that said , do not commit adultery , said also , do not kill : i. e. he that offends in any one point , sins against the authority which established the law. here then we have the standing and fixed measures of life and death . immortality and bliss belong to the righteous ; those who have lived in an exact conformity to the law of god , are out of the reach of death : but an exclusion from paradise , and loss of immortality , is the portion of sinners , of all those who have any way broke that law , and failed of a compleat obedience to it by the guilt of any one transgression . and thus mankind by the law are put upon the issues of life or death ; as they are righteous , or vnrighteous ; iust or vnjust ; i. e. exact performers , or transgressors of the law. but yet all having sinned , rom. iii. 23. and come short of the glory god , i. e. the kingdom of god in heaven , which is often called his glory , both iews and gentiles , v. 22. so that by the deeds of the law no one could be justified , v. 20. it follows , that no one could then have eternal life and bliss . perhaps it will be demanded , why did god give so hard a law to mankind , that to the apostles time no one of adam's issue had kept it ? as appears by rom. iii. and gal. iii. 21 , 22. answ. it was such a law as the purity of god's nature required , and must be the law of such a creature as man , unless god would have made him a rational creature , and not required him to have lived by the law of reason , but would have countenanced in him irregularity and disobedience to that light which he had ; and that rule , which was suitable to his nature : which would have been , to have authorized disorder , confusion , and wickedness in his creatures . for that this law was the law of reason , or as it is called of nature , we shall see by and by : and if rational creatures will not live up to the rule of their reason , who shall excuse them ? if you will admit them to forsake reason in one point , why not in another ? where will you stop ? to disobey god in any part of his commands ( and 't is he that commands what reason does ) is direct rebellion ; which if dispensed with in any point , government and order are at an end ; and there can be no bounds set to the lawless exorbitancy of unconfined men . the law therefore was , as st. paul tells us , rom. vii . 12 , holy , just , and good , and such as it ought , and could not otherwise be . this then being the case , that whoever is guilty of any sin , should certainly die , and cease to be , the benefit of life restored by christ at the resurrection would have been no great advantage , ( for as much as here again death must have seized upon all mankind , because all had sinned ; for the wages of sin is every where death , as well after as before the resurrection ) if god had not found out a way to justifie some , i. e. so many , as obeyed another law , which god gave , which in the new testament is called the law of faith , rom. iii. 27. and is opposed to the law of works . and therefore the punishment of those who would not follow him was to lose their souls . i. e. their lives , mark viii . 35-38 . as is plain , considering the occasion it was spoke on . the better to understand the law of faith , it will be convenient in the first place to consider the law of works . the law of works then , in short , is that law , which requires perfect obedience , without any remission or abatement ; so that by that law a man cannot be just , or justified without an exact performance of every tittle . such a perfect obedience in the new testament is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we translate righteousness . the language of this law is , do this and live , transgress and die . lev. xviii . 5. ye shall keep my statutes and my judgments , which if a man do he shall live in them . ezek. xx. 11. i gave them my statutes , and shewed them my judgments , which if a man do he shall even live in them . moses , says st. paul , rom. x. 5. describeth the righteousness which is of the law , that the man which doth those things shall live in them . gal. iii. 12. the law is not of faith , but that man that doth them shall live in them . on the other side , transgress and die ; no dispensation , no atonement . v. 10. cursed is every one that continueth not in all things which are written in the book of the law to do them . where this law of works was to be found , the new testament tells us , ( viz. ) in the law delivered by moses . iohn i. 17. the law was given by moses , but faith and truth came by iesus christ. cap. vii . 19. did not moses give you the law , says our saviour , and yet none of you keep the law. and this is the law which he speaks of , where he asks the lawyer , luke x. 26. what is written in the law ? how readest thou ? v. 28. this do and thou shalt live . this is that which st. paul so often stiles the law , without any other distinction , rom. ii. 13. not the hearers of the law are just before god , but the doers of the law are justified . 't is needless to quote any more places , his epistles are all full of it , especially this to the romans . but the law given by moses being not given to all mankind , how are all men sinners ; since without a law there is no transgression ? to this the apostle , v. 14. answers , for when the gentiles which have not the law , do ( i. e. find it reasonable to do ) by nature the things contained in the law ; these having not the law , are a law unto themselves : which shew the work of the law written in their hearts , their consciences also bearing witness , and amongst one another their thoughts accusing or excusing . by which , and other places in the following chapter , 't is plain , that under the law of works is comprehended also the law of nature , knowable by reason as well as the law given by moses . for , says st. paul , rom. iii. 9. 23. we have proved both iews and gentiles , that they are all under sin : for all have sinned , and come short of the glory of god : which they could not do without a law. nay , whatever god requires any where to be done without making any allowance for faith , that is a part of the law of works . so the forbidding adam to eat of the tree of knowledge was part of the law of works . only we must take notice here , that some of god's positive commands being for peculiar ends , and suited to particular circumstances of times , places , and persons , have a limited and only temporary obligation by vertue of god's positive injunction ; such as was that part of moses's law which concerned the outward worship , or political constitution of the jews , and is called the ceremonial and judaical law , in contradistinction to the moral part of it ; which being conformable to the eternal law of right , is of eternal obligation , and therefore remains in force still under the gospel ; nor is abrogated by the law of faith , as st. paul found some ready to infer , rom. iii. 31. do we then make void the law through faith ? god forbid ; yea , we establish the law. nor can it be otherwise : for were there no law of works , there could be no law of faith. for there could be no need of faith , which should be counted to men for righteousness , if there were no law to be the rule and measure of righteousness , which men failed in their obedience to . where there is no law , there is no sin ; all are righteous equally with or without faith. the rule therefore of right is the same that ever it was , the obligation to observe it is also the same : the difference between the law of works and the law of faith is only this ; that the law of works makes no allowance for failing on any occasion . those that obey are righteous , those that in any part disobey are unrighteous , and must not expect life the reward of righteousness . but by the law of faith , faith is allowed to supply the defect of full obedience ; and so the believers are admitted to life and immortality as if they were righteous . only here we must take notice , that when st. paul says , that the gospel establishes the law , he means the moral part of the law of moses : for that he could not mean the ceremonial or political part of it , is evident by what i quoted out of him just now , where he says , the gentiles that do by nature the things contained in the law , their consciences bearing witness . for the gentiles neither did nor thought of the judaical or ceremonial institutions of moses , 't was only the moral part their consciences were concerned in . as for the rest , st. paul tells the galatians , cap. iv. they are not under that part of the law , which v. 3. he calls elements of the world ; and v. 9. weak and beggarly elements . and our saviour himself in his gospel-sermon on the mount , tells them , mat. v. 17. that whatever they might think , he was not come to dissolve the law , but to make it more full and strict : for that that is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is evident from the following part of that chapter , where he gives the precepts in a stricter sense than they were received in before . but they are all precepts of the moral law which he reinforces . what should become of the ritual law he tells the woman of samaria in these words , iohn iv. 21. 23. the hour cometh when you shall neither in this mountain , nor yet at jerusalem worship the father . but the true worshippers shall worship the father in spirit and in truth , for the father seeketh such to worship him . thus then as to the law in short . the civil and ritual part of the law delivered by moses obliges not christians , though to the jews it were a part of the law of works ; it being a part of the law of nature , that man ought to obey every positive law of god , whenever he shall please to make any such addition to the law of his nature . but the moral part of moses's law , or the moral law , ( which is every where the same , the eternal rule of right ) obliges christians and all men every where , and is to all men the standing law of works . but christian believers have the priviledge to be under the law of faith too ; which is that law whereby god justifies a man for believing , though by his works he be not just or righteous , i. e. though he came short of perfect obedience to the law of works . god alone does , or can , justifie or make just those who by their works are not so : which he doth by counting their faith for righteousness , i. e. for a compleat performance of the law. rom. iv. 3. abraham believed god , and it was counted to him for righteousness . v. 5. to him that believeth on him that justifieth the ungodly , his faith is counted for righteousness . v. 6. even as david also describeth the blessedness of the man unto whom god imputeth righteousness without works ; i. e. without a full measure of works , which is exact obedience . v. 7. saying , blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven , and whose sins are covered . v. 8. blessed is the man to whom the lord will not impute sin . this faith for which god justified abraham , what was it ? it was the believing god when he engaged his promise in the covenant he made with him . this will be plain to any one who considers these places together , gen. xv. 6. he believed in the lord , or believed the lord. for that the hebrew phrase believing in , signifies no more but believing , is plain from st. paul's citation of this place , rom. iv. 3. where he repeats it thus : abraham believed god , which he thus explains , v. 18-22 . who against hope , believed in hope , that he might become the father of many nations : according to that which was spoken , so shall thy seed be . and being not weak in faith , he considered not his own body now dead , when he was about an hundred years old , nor yet the deadness of sarah's womb . he staggered not at the promise of god through unbelief ; but was strong in faith , giving glory to god. and being fully perswaded , that what he had promised , he was also able to perform . and therefore it was imputed to him for righteousness . by which it is clear , that the faith which god counted to abraham for righteousness , was nothing but a firm belief of what god declared to him , and a steadfast relying on him for the accomplishment of what he had promised . now this , says st. paul , v. 23 , 24. was not writ for his [ abraham 's ] sake alone , but for us also ; teaching us , that as abraham was justified for his faith , so also ours shall be accounted to us for righteousness , if we believe god as abraham believed him . whereby 't is plain is meant the firmness of our faith without staggering , and not the believing the same propositions that abraham believed ; viz. that though he and sarah were old , and past the time and hopes of children , yet he should have a son by her , and by him become the father of a great people , which should possess the land of canaan . this was what abraham believed , and was counted to him for righteousness . but no body i think will say , that any ones believing this now , shall be imputed to him for righteousness . the law of faith then , in short , is for every one to believe what god requires him to believe , as a condition of the covenant he makes with him ; and not to doubt of the performance of his promises . this the apostle intimates in the close here , v. 24. but for us also , to whom it shall be imputed , if we believe on him that raised up iesus our lord from the dead . we must therefore examine and see what god requires us to believe now under the revelation of the gospel : for the belief of one invisible , eternal , omnipotent god , maker of heaven and earth , &c. was required before , as well as now . what we are now required to believe to obtain eternal life , is plainly set down in the gospel . st. iohn tells us , iohn iii. 36. he that believeth on the son , hath eternal life ; and he that believeth not the son , shall not see life . what this believing on him is , we are also told in the next chapter . the woman saith unto him , i know that the messiah cometh : when he is come , he will tell us all things . iesus said unto her , i that spake unto thee am he . the woman then went into the city , and saith to the men , come see a man that hath told me all things that ever i did . is not this the messiah ? and many of the samaritans believed on him ; for the saying of the woman , who testified , he told me all that ever i did . so when the samaritans were come unto him , many more believed because of his words , and said to the woman ; we believe not any longer because of thy saying , for we have heard our selves , and we know that this man is truly the saviour of the world , the messiah , john iv. 25 , 26. 29. 39 , 40 , 41 , 42. by which place it is plain , that believing on the son is the believing that iesus was the messiah ; giving credit to the miracles he did , and the profession he made of himself . for those who were said to believe on him for the saying of the woman , v. 39. tell the woman , that they now believed not any longer because of her saying ; but that having heard him themselves , they knew , i. e. believed past doubt that he was the messiah . this was the great proposition that was then controverted concerning jesus of nazareth , whether he was the messiah or no ; and the assent to that , was that which distinguished believers form unbelievers . when many of his disciples had forsaken him , upon his declaring that he was the bread of life which came down from heaven , he said to the apostles , will ye also go away ? then simon peter answered him ; lord , to whom shall we go ? thou hast the words of eternal life . and we believe , and are sure thou art the messiah , the son of the living god , iohn vi. 69. this was the faith which distinguished them form apostates and unbelievers , and was sufficient to continue them in the rank of apostles : and it was upon the same proposition , that iesus was the messiah the son of the living god , owned by st. peter , that our saviour said , he would build his church . mat. xvi . 16-18 . to convince men of this he did his miracles : and their assent to , or not assenting to this , made them to be , or not to be of his church ; believers , or not believers . the iews came round about him , and said unto him , how long dost thou make us doubt ? if thou be the messiah tell us plainly . iesus answered them ; i told you , and ye believed not : the works that i do in my father's name they bear witness of me . but ye believe not , because ye are not of my sheep , john x. 24-26 . conformable hereunto st. iohn tells us , that many deceivers are entered into the world , who confess not that iesus , the messiah , is come in the flesh . this is a deceiver , and an antichrist , whosoever abideth not in the doctrine of the messiah has not god. he that abideth in the doctrine of the messiah , i. e. that jesus is he , hath both the father and the son , 2 john 7. 9 , 10. that this is the meaning of the place , is plain from what he says in his foregoing epistle , whosoever believeth that iesus is the messiah , is born of god , 1 john v. 1. and therefore drawing to a close of his gospel , and shewing the end for which he writ it , he has these words : many other signs truly did iesus in the presence of his disciples , which are not written in this book ; but these are written , that ye may believe that iesus is the messiah , the son of god ; and that believing ye might have life through his name , john xx. 30 , 31. whereby it is plain , that the gospel was writ to induce men into a belief of this proposition , that iesus of nazareth was the messiah ; which if they believed , they should have life . accordingly the great question amongst the jews was , whether he were the messiah or no : and the great point insisted on and promulgated in the gospel was , that he was the messiah . the first glad tidings of his birth , brought to the shepherds by an angel , was in these words : fear not , for behold i bring you good tidings of great joy , which shall be to all people ; for to you is born this day in the city of david a saviour , who is the messiah the lord , luke ii. 11. our saviour discoursing with martha about the means of attaining eternal life , saith to her , iohn xi . 27. whosoever believeth in me shall never die . believest thou this ? she saith unto him , yea , lord , i believe that thou art the messiah , the son of god , which should come into the world . this answer of hers sheweth what it is to believe in jesus christ , so as to have eternal life , viz. to believe that he is the messiah the son of god , whose coming was foretold by the prophets . and thus andrew and philip express it : andrew says to his brother simon , we have found the messiah , which is , being interpreted , the christ. philip saith to nathanael , we have found him of whom moses in the law , and the prophets did write , iesus of nazareth , the son of joseph , iohn i. 41. 45. according to what the evangelist says in this place , i have , for the clearer understanding of the scripture , all along put messiah for christ. christ being but the greek name for the hebrew messiah , and both signifying the anointed . and that he was the messiah , was the great truth he took pains to convince his disciples and apostles of ; appearing to them after his resurrection : as may be seen , luke xxiv . which we shall more particularly consider in another place . there we read what gospel our saviour preach'd to his disciples and apostles ; and that , as soon as he was risen from the dead , twice the very day of his resurrection . and if we may gather what was to be believed by all nations , from what was preached unto them ; we may observe , that the preaching of the apostles every where in the acts tended to this one point , to prove that jesus was the messiah . indeed , now after his death , his resurrection was also commonly required to be believed as a necessary article , and sometimes solely insisted on : it being a mark and undoubted evidence of his being the messiah , and necessary now to be believed by those who would receive him as the messiah . for since the messiah was to be a saviour and a king , and to give life and a kingdom to those who received him , as we shall see by and by , there could have been no pretence to have given him out for the messiah , and to require men to believe him to be so , who thought him under the power of death , and corruption of the grave . and therefore those who believed him to be the messiah , must believe that he was risen from the dead : and those who believed him to be risen from the dead , could not doubt of his being the messiah . but of this more in another place . let us see therefore how the apostles preached christ , and what they proposed to their hearers to believe . st. peter at ierusalem , acts ii. by his first sermon , converted three thousand souls . what was his word , which , as we are told , v. 41. they gladly received , and thereupon were baptized ? that may be seen from v. 22. to v. 36. in short this ; which is the conclusion drawn from all that he had said , and which he presses on them as the thing they were to believe , viz. therefore let all the house of israel know assuredly , that god hath made that same iesus , whom ye have crucified , lord and messiah , v. 36. to the same purpose was his discourse to the jews in the temple , acts iii. the design whereof you have , v. 18. but those things that god before had shewed by the mouth of all his prophets , that the messiah should suffer , he hath so fulfilled . in the next chapter acts iv. peter and iohn being examined about the miracle on the lame man , profess it to have been done in the name of jesus of nazareth , who was the messiah , in whom alone there was salvation , v. 10-12 . the same thing they confirm to them again , acts v. 29-32 . and daily in the temple , and in every house they ceased not to teach and preach iesus the messiah , v. 42. what was stephen's speech to the council , acts vii . but a reprehension to them , that they were the betrayers and murderers of the iust one ? which is the title by which he plainly designs the messiah , whose coming was foreshewn by the prophets , v. 51 , 52. and that the messiah was to be without sin ( which is the import of the word just ) was the opinion of the jews , appears from iohn ix . v. 22. compared with 24. acts viii . philip carries the gospel to samaria . then philip went down to samaria , and preached to them . what was it he preached ? you have an account of it in this one word , the messiah , v. 5. this being that alone which was required of them , to believe that iesus was the messiah ; which , when they believed , they were baptized . and when they believed philip 's preaching the gospel of the kingdom of god , and the name of iesus the messiah , they were baptized both men and women , v. 12. philip being sent from thence , by a special call of the spirit , to make an eminent convert , out of isaiah preaches to him jesus , v. 35. and what it was he preached concerning iesus , we may know by the profession of faith the eunuch made , upon which he was admitted to baptism . v. 37. i believe that iesus christ is the son of god : which is as much as to say , i believe that he , whom you call jesus christ , is really and truly the messiah that was promised . for that believing him to be the son of god , and to be the messiah , was the same thing , may appear by comparing iohn i. 45. with v. 49. where nathanael owns jesus to be the messiah in these terms : thou art the son of god ; thou art the king of israel . so the jews , luke xxii . 70. asking christ , whether he were the son of god ; plainly demand of him , whether he were the messiah ? which is evident by comparing that with the three preceding verses . they ask him , v. 67. whether he were the messiah ? he answers , if i tell you , you will not believe ; but withal tells them , that from thenceforth he should be in possession of the kingdom of the messiah , expressed in these words , v. 69. hereafter shall the son of man sit on the right hand of the power of god : which made them all cry our , art thou then the son of god ? i. e. dost thou then own thy self to be the messiah ? to which he replies ; ye say that i am . that the son of god was the known title of the messiah at that time amongst the jews , we may see also from what the jews say to pilate , john xix . 7. we have a law , and by our law he ought to die , because he made himself the son of god ; i. e. by making himself the messiah , the prophet which was to come , but falsely ; and therefore he deserves to die by the law , deut. xviii . 20. that this was the common signification of the son of god , is farther evident form what the chief priests , mocking him , said , when he was at the cross , mat. xxvii . 42. he saved others , himself he cannot save : if he be the king of israel , let him now come down from the cross , and we will believe him . he trusted in god , let him deliver him now , if he will have him ; for he said , i am the son of god ; i. e. he said , he was the messiah : but 't is plainly false ; for if he were , god would deliver him : for the messiah is to be king of israel , the saviour of others ; but this man cannot save himself . the chief priests mention here the two titles then in use whereby the jews commonly designed the messiah , viz. son of god , and king of israel . that of son of god , was so familiar a compellation of the messiah , who was then so much expected and talked of , that the romans it seems , who lived amongst them , had learned it ; as appears from v. 54. now when the centurion , and they that were with him , watching iesus , saw the earthquake , and those things that were done , they feared greatly , saying , truly this was the son of god ; this was that extraordinary person that was looked for . acts ix . st. paul exercising the commission to preach the gospel , which he had received in a miraculous way , v. 20. straitway preached christ in the synagogues , that he is the son of god ; i. e. that jesus was the messiah : for christ in this place is evidently a proper name . and that this was it which paul preached , appears from v. 22. saul increased the more in strength , and confounded the jews who dwelt in damascus , proving that this is the very christ , i. e. the messiah . peter , when he came to cornelius at cesarea ; who by a vision was ordered to send for him , as peter on the other side was by a vision commanded to go to him ; what does he teach him ? his whole discourse , acts x. tends to shew what he says god commanded the apostles to preach unto the people , and to testifie ; that it is he [ jesus ] which was ordained of god to be the iudge of the quick and the dead . and that it was to him that all the prophets give witness , that through his name whosoever believeth in him shall have remission of sins , v. 42 , 43. this is the word which god sent to the children of israel ; that word which was published throughout all judea , and began from galilee , after the baptism which iohn preached , v. 36 , 37. and these are the words which had been promised to cornelius , acts xi . 14. whereby he and all his house should be saved : which words amount only to thus much , that iesus was the messiah , the saviour that was promised . upon their receiving of this ( for this was all was taught them ) the holy ghost fell on them , and they were baptized . 't is observable here , that the holy ghost fell on them before they were baptized ; which in other places converts received not till after baptism . the reason whereof seems to be this ; that god by bestowing on them the holy ghost , did thus declare from heaven , that the gentiles , upon believing iesus to be the messiah , ought to be admitted into the church by baptism as well as the jews . whoever reads st. peter's defence , acts xi . when he was accused by those of the circumcumcision , that he had not kept that distance which he ought with the uncircumcised , will be of this opinion ; and see by what he says , v. 15 , 16 , 17. that this was the ground , and an irresistible authority to him for doing so strange a thing , as it appeared to the jews ( who alone yet were members of the christian church ) to admit gentiles into their communion , upon their believing . and therefore st. peter , in the foregoing chapter , acts x before he would baptize them , proposes this question to those of the circumcision , which came with him , and were astonished , because that on the gentiles also was poured out the gift of the holy ghost : can any one forbid water , that these should not be baptized , who have received the holy ghost as well as we ? v. 47. and when some of the sect of the pharisees , who believed ▪ thought it needful that the converted gentiles should be circumcised , and keep the law of moses , acts xv. peter rose up and said unto them , men and brethren , you know that a good while ago god made choice amongst us , that the gentiles , viz. cornelius , and those here converted with him , by my mouth should hear the gospel , and believe . and god , who knoweth the hearts , bear them witness , giving them the holy ghost , even as he did unto us , and put no difference between us and them , purifying their hearts by faith , v. 7-9 . so that both jews and gentiles , who believed jesus to be the messiah , received thereupon the seal of baptism ; whereby they were owned to be his , and distinguished from unbelievers . from what is above said , we may observe , that this preaching jesus to be the messiah , is called the word , and the word of god ; and believing it , receiving the word of god. vid. acts x. 36 , 37. & xi . 1. 19 , 20. and the word of the gospel , acts xv. 7. and so likewise in the history of the gospel , what mark , chap. iv. 14 , 15. calls simply the word , st. luke calls the word of god , luke xiii . 11. and st. matthew , chap. xiii . 19. the word of the kingdom ; which were , it seems , in the gospel-writers synonymous terms , and are so to be understood by us . but to go on : acts xiii . paul preaches in the synagogue at antioch , where he makes it his business to convince the jews , that god , according to his promise , had of the seed of david raised to israel a saviour , iesus , v. 24. that he was he of whom the prophets writ , v. 25-29 . i. e. the messiah : and that as a demonstration of his being so , god had raised him from the dead , v. 30. from whence be argues thus , v. 32 , 33. we evangelize to you , or bring you this gospel , how that the promise which was made to our fathers , god hath fulfilled the same unto us , in that he hath raised up iesus again ; as it is also written in the second psalm , thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee . and having gone on to prove him to be the messiah , by his resurrection from the dead , he makes this conclusion ; v. 38 , 39. be it known unto you therefore , men and brethren , that through this man is preached unto you forgiveness of sins ; and by him all who believe are justified from all things , from which they could not be justified by the law of moses . this is in this chapter called the word of god over and over again : compare v. 42. with 44. 46. 48 , 49. and chap. xii . v. 24. acts xvii . 2-4 . at thessalonica , paul , as his manner was , went into the synagogue , and three sabbath-days reasoned with the iews out of the scriptures ; opening and alledging , that the messiah must needs have suffered , and risen again from the dead : and that this iesus , whom i preach unto you , is the messiah . and some of them believed , and consorted with paul and silas : but the iews which believed not , set the city in an uproar . can there be any thing plainer , than that the assenting to this proposition , that jesus was the messiah , was that which distinguished the believers from the unbelievers ? for this was that alone which , three sabbaths , paul endeavoured to convince them of , as the text tells us in direct words . from thence he went to berea , and preached the same thing : and the bereans are commended , v. 11. for searching the scriptures , whether those things , i. e. which he had said , v. 2 , 3. concerning jesus his being the messiah , were true or no. the same doctrine we find him preaching at corinth , acts xviii . 4-6 . and he reasoned in the synagogue every sabbath , and perswaded the iews and the greeks . and when silas and timotheus were come from macedonia , paul was pressed in spirit , and testified to the iews , that iesus was the messiah . and when they opposed themselves , and blasphemed , he shook his raiment , and said unto them , your blood be upon your own heads , i am clean ; from henceforth i will go unto the greeks . upon the like occasion he tells the jews at antioch , acts xiii . 46. it was necessary that the word of god should first have been spoken to you : but seeing you put it off from you , we turn to the gentiles . 't is plain here , st. paul's charging their blood on their own heads , is for opposing this single truth , that iesus was the messiah ; that salvation or perdition depends upon believing or rejecting this one proposition . i mean , this is all is required to be believed by those who acknowledge but one eternal and invisible god , the maker of heaven and earth , as the jews did . for that there is something more required to salvation , besides believing , we shall see hereafter . in the mean time , it is fit here on this occasion to take notice , that though the apostles in their preaching to the jews , and the devout , ( as we translate the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who were proselytes of the gate , and the worshippers of one eternal and invisible god , ) said nothing of the believing in this one true god , the maker of heaven and earth ; because it was needless to press this to those who believed and professed it already ( for to such , 't is plain , were most of their discourses hitherto ) yet when they had to do with idolatrous heathens , who were not yet come to the knowledge of the one only true god ; they began with that , as necessary to be believed ; it being the foundation on which the other was built , and without which it could signifie nothing . thus paul speaking to the idolatrous lystrians , who would have sacrificed to him and barnabas , says , acts xiv . 15. we preach unto you , that you should turn from these vanities unto the living god , who made heaven , and earth , and the sea , and all things that are therein . who in times past suffered all nations to walk in their own ways . nevertheless he left not himself without witness in that he did good , and gave us rain from heaven , and fruitful seasons , filling our hearts with food and gladness . thus also he proceeded with the idolatrous athenians , acts xvii . telling them , upon occasion of the altar dedicated to the unknown god , whom ye ignorantly worship , him declare i unto you ; god who made the world , and all things therein : seeing that he is lord of heaven and earth , dwelleth not in temples made with hands . — forasmuch then as we are the off-spring of god , we ought not to think that the godhead is like unto gold , or silver , or stone , graven by art , and man's device . and the times of this ignorance god winked at ; but now commandeth all men every where to repent : because he hath appointed a day in which he will judge the world in righteousness , by that man whom he hath ordained : whereof he hath given assurance unto all men , in that he hath raised him from the dead . so that we see , where any thing more was necessary to be proposed to be believed , as there was to the heathen idolaters , there the apostles were careful not to omit it . acts xviii . 4. paul at corinth reasoned in the synagogue every sabbath-day , and testified to the iews , that iesus was the messiah . ver. 11. and he continued there a year and six months , teaching the word of god amongst them ; i. e. the good news , that jesus was the messiah ; as we have already shewn is meant by the word of god. apollos , another preacher of the gospel , when he was instructed in the way of god more perfectly , what did he teach but this same doctrine ? as we may see in this account of him , acts xviii . 27. that when he was come into achaia , he helped the brethren much who had believed through grace . for he mightily convinced the iews , and that publickly , shewing by the scriptures that iesus was the messiah . st. paul , in the account he gives of himself before festus and agrippa , professes this alone to be the doctrine he taught after his conversion : for , says he , acts xxvi . 22. having obtained help of god , i continue unto this day , witnessing both to small and great , saying none other things than those which the prophets and moses did say should come : that the messias should suffer , and that he should be the first that should rise from the dead , and should shew light unto the people , and to the gentiles . which was no more than to prove that jesus was the messiah . this is that , which , as we have above observed , is called the word of god ; acts xi . 1. compared with the foregoing chapter , from v. 34. to the end . and xiii . 42. compared with 44. 46. 48 , 49. and xvii . 13. compared with v. 11. 3. it is also called the word of the gospel , acts xv. 7. and this is that word of god , and that gospel , which , where-ever their discourses are set down , we find the apostles preached ; and was that faith , which made both jews and gentiles believers and members of the church of christ ; purifying their hearts , acts xv. 9. and carrying with it remission of sins , acts x. 43. so that all that was to be believed for justification , was no more but this single proposition ; that iesus of nazareth was the christ , or the messiah . all , i say , that was to be believed for justification : for that it was not all that was required to be done for justification , we shall see hereafter . though we have seen above from what our saviour has pronounced himself , iohn iii. 36. that he that believeth on the son , hath everlasting life ; and he that believeth not the son , shall not see life , but the wrath of god abideth on him ; and are taught from iohn iv. 39. compared with v. 42. that believing on him , is believing that he is the messiah , the saviour of the world ; and the confession made by st. peter , mat. xvi . 16. that he is the messiah , the son of the living god , being the rock , on which our saviour has promised to build his church ; though this , i say , and what else we have already taken notice of , be enough to convince us what it is we are in the gospel required to believe to eternal life , without adding what we have observed from the preaching of the apostles ; yet it may not be amiss , for the farther clearing this matter , to observe what the evangelists deliver concerning the same thing , though in different words ; which therefore perhaps are not so generally taken notice of to this purpose . we have above observed , from the words of andrew and philip compared , that the messiah , and him of whom moses in the law and the prophets did write , signifie the same thing . we shall now consider that place , iohn i. a little further . ver. 41. andrew says to simon , we have found the messiah . philip , on the same occasion , v. 45. says to nathanael , we have found him , of whom moses in the law and the prophets did write , iesus of nazareth , the son of joseph nathanael , who disbelieved this , when upon christ's speaking to him , he was convinced of it , declares his assent to it in these words ; rabbi , thou art the son of god , thou art the king of israel . from which it is evident , that to believe him to be him of whom moses and the prophets did write , or to be the son of god , or to be the king of israel , was in effect the same as to believe him to be the messiah : and an assent to that , was what our saviour received for believing . for upon nathanael's making a confession in these words , thou art the son of god , thou art the king of israel ; iesus answered and said to him , because i said to thee , i saw thee under the fig-tree , dost thou believe ? thou shalt see greater things than these , v. 51. i desire any , one to read the latter part of the first of iohn , from v. 25. with attention ▪ and tell me , whether it be not plain , that this phrase , the son of god , is an expression used for the messiah . to which let him add martha's declaration of her faith , iohn xi . 27. in these words ; i believe that thou art the messiah , the son of god , who should come into the world ; and that passage of st. iohn , chap. xx. 31. that ye might believe that iesus is the messiah , the son of god ; and that believing , ye might have life through his name : and then tell me whether he can doubt that messiah and son of god were synonymous terms , at that time , amongst the jews . the prophecy of daniel , chap. ix . where he is called messiah the prince ; and the mention of his government and kingdom , and the deliverance by him , in isaiah , daniel , and other prophesies , understood of the messiah ; were so well known to the jews , and had so raised their hopes of him about this time , which by their account was to be the time of his coming to restore the kingdom to israel , that herod no sooner heard of the magi's enquiry after him that was born king of the iews , mat. ii. but he forthwith demanded of the chief priests and scribes , where the messiah should be born , v. 4. not doubting , but if there were any king born to the jews , it was the messiah : whose coming was now the general expectation , as appears , luke iii. 15. the people being in expectation , and all men musing in their hearts of john , whether he were the messiah or not . and when the priests and levites sent to ask him who he was ; he understanding their meaning , answers , iohn i. 19. that he was not the messiah : but he bears witness that jesus is the son of god , i. e. the messiah , v. 34. this looking for the messiah at this time , we see also in simeon ; who is said to be waiting for the consolation of israel , luke ii. 21. and having the child jesus in his arms , he says he had seen the salvation of the lord , v. 30. and anna coming at the same instant into the temple , she gave thanks also unto the lord , and spake of him to all them that looked for redemption in israel , v. 38. and of ioseph of arimathea , it is said , mark xv. 43. that he also expected the kingdom of god : by all which was meant the coming of the messiah . and luke xix . 11. 't is said , they thought that the kingdom of god should immediately appear . this being premised , let us see what it was that iohn the baptist preached , when he first entred upon his ministry . that st. matthew tells us , chap. iii. 1 , 2. in those days came john the baptist preaching in the wilderness of judea , saying , repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand . this was a declaration of the coming of the messiah ; the kingdom of heaven and the kingdom of god being the same , as is clear out of several places of the evangelists ; and both signifying the kingdom of the messiah . the profession which iohn the baptist made , when sent to the jews , iohn i. 19. was , that he was not the messiah ; but that jesus was . this will appear to any one , who will compare v. 26-34 . with iohn iii. 27. 30. the jews being very inquisitive to know whether iohn were the messiah ; he positively denies it , but tells them , he was only his fore-runner ; and that there stood one amongst them , who would follow him , whose shoe-latchet he was not worthy to untie . the next day seeing jesus , he says , he was the man ; and that his own baptizing in water , was only that iesus might be manifested to the world ; and that he knew him not , till he saw the holy ghost descend upon him . he that sent him to baptize having told him , that he on whom he should see the spirit decend , and rest upon , he it was that should baptize with the holy ghost ; and that therefore he witnessed , that this was the son of god , v. 34. i. e. the messiah . and chap. iii. 26 , &c. they came to iohn the baptist , and tell him , that iesus baptized , and that all men went to him . iohn answers , he has his authority from heaven ; you know i never said , i was the messiah , but that i was sent before him ; he must increase , but i must decrease ; for god hath sent him , and he speaks the words of god ; and god hath given all things into the hands of his son , and he that believes on the son , hath eternal life ; the same doctrine , and nothing else but what was preached by the apostles afterwards : as we have seen all through the acts , v. g. that jesus was the messiah . and thus it was that iohn bears witness of our saviour , as jesus himself says , iohn v. 33. this also was the declaration was given of him at his baptism , by a voice from heaven ; this is my beloved son , in whom i am well pleased , mat. iii. 17. which was a declaration of him to be the messiah ; the son of god being ( as we have shewed ) understood to signifie the messiah . to which we may add the first mention of him after his conception , in the words of the angel to ioseph ; mat. i. 21. thou shalt call his name iesus , or saviour ; for he shall save his people from their sins . it was a received doctrine in the jewish nation , that at the coming of the messiah , all their sins should be forgiven them . these words therefore of the angel we may look on as a declaration , that jesus was the messiah ; whereof these words , his people , are a further mark ; which suppose him to have a people , and consequently to be a king. after his baptism , jesus himself enters upon his ministry . but before we examine what it was he proposed to be believed , we must observe , that there is a three-fold declaration of the messiah . 1. by miracles . the spirit of prophecy had now for many ages forsaken the jews : and though their common-wealth were not quite dissolved , but that they lived under their own laws , yet they were under a foreign dominion , subject to the romans . in this state their account of the time being up , they were in expectation of the messiah ; and of deliverance by him in a kingdom , he was to set up , according to their ancient prophesies of him : which gave them hopes of an extraordinary man yet to come from god , who with an extraordinary and divine power , and miracles , should evidence his mission , and work their deliverance . and of any such extraordinary person who should have the power of doing miracles , they had no other expectation but only of their messiah . one great prophet and worker of miracles , and only one more , they expected ; who was to be the messiah . and therefore we see the people justified their believing in him , i. e. their believing him to be the messiah , because of the miracles he did ; iohn vii . 31. and many of the people believed in him , and said , when the messiah cometh , will he do more miracles than this man hath done ? and when the jews , at the feast of dedication , iohn x. 24 , 25. coming about him , said unto him , how long dost thou make us doubt ? if thou be the messiah , tell us plainly . iesus answered them , i told you , and ye believed not ; the works that i do in my father's name , bear witness of me . and iohn v. 36. he says , i have a greater witness than that of john ; for the works which the father hath given me to do , the same works that i do , bear witness of me , that the father hath sent me . where , by the way , we may observe , that his being sent by the father , is but another way of expressing the messiah ; which is evident from this place here , iohn v. compared with that of iohn x. last quoted . for there he says , that his works bear witness of him : and what was that witness ? viz. that he was the messiah . here again he says , that his works bear witness ? of him : and what is that witness ? viz. that the father sent him . by which we are taught , that to be sent by the father , and to be the messiah , was the same thing , in his way of declaring himself . and accordingly we find , iohn iv. 53. & xi . 45. and elsewhere , many hearkened and assented to this testimony , and believed on him , seeing the things that he did . 2. another way of declaring the coming of the messiah , was by phrases and circumlocutions , that did signifie or intimate his coming ; though not in direct words pointing out the person . the most usual of these were , the kingdom of god , and of heaven ; because it was that which was oftnest spoken of the messiah , in the old testament , in very plain words : and a kingdom was that which the jews most looked after , and wished for . in that known place , isa. ix . the government shall be upon his shoulders ; he shall be called the prince of peace : of the increase of his government and peace there shall be no end : vpon the throne of david , and upon his kingdom , to order it , and to establish it with iudgment , and with iustice , from henceforth even for ever . micah v. 2. but thou , bethlehem ephratah , though thou be little among the thousands of judah , yet out of thee shall he come forth unto me , that is to be the rvler in israel . and daniel , besides that he calls him messiah the prince , chap. ix . 25. in the account of his vision of the son of man , chap. vii . 13 , 14. says , there was given him dominion , glory , and a kingdom , that all people , nations , and languages should serve him : his dominion is an everlasting dominion which shall not pass away ; and his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed . so that the kingdom of god , and the kingdom of heaven , were common phrases amongst the jews , to signifie the times of the messiah . luke xiv . 15. one of the jews that sat at meat with him , said unto him , blessed is he that shall eat bread in the kingdom of god. chap. xvii . 20. the pharisees demanded , when the kingdom of god should come ? and st. iohn baptist came , saying , repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand : a phrase he would not have used in preaching , had it not been understood . there are other expressions that signified the messiah , and his coming ; which we shall take notice of as they come in our way . 3. by plain and direct words , declaring the doctrine of the messiah ; speaking out that jesus was he : as we see the apostles did , when they went about preaching the gospel , after our saviour's resurrection . this was the open clear way , and that which one would think the messiah himself , when he came , should have taken ; especially if it were of that moment , that upon mens believing him to be the messiah , depended the forgiveness of their sins . and yet we see that our saviour did not : but on the contrary , for the most part , made no other discovery of himself , at least in iudea , and at the beginning of his ministry , but in the two former ways , which were more obscure ; not declaring himself to be the messiah , any otherwise than as it might be gathered from the miracles he did , and the conformity of his life and actions with the prophesies of the old testament concerning him ; and from some general discourses of the kingdom of the messiah being come , under the name of the kingdom of god , and of heaven . nay , so far was he from publickly owning himself to be the messiah , that he forbid the doing of it : mark viii . 27-30 . he asked his disciples , whom do men say that i am ? and they answered , john the baptist ; but some say , elias ; and others , one of the prophets . ( so that it is evident , that even those who believed him an extraordinary person , knew not yet who he was , or that he gave himself out for the messiah ; though this was in the third year of his ministry , and not a year before his death . ) and he saith unto them , but whom say ye that i am ? and peter answered , and said unto him , thou art the messiah . and he charged them that they should tell no man of him . luke iv. 41. and devils came out of many , crying , thou art the messiah , the son of god : and he rebuking them , suffered them not to speak , that they knew him to be the messiah . mark iii. 11 , 12. unclean spirits , when they saw him , fell down before him , and cryed , saying , thou art the son of god : and he straitly charged them that they should not make him known . here again we may observe from the comparing of the two texts , that thou art the son of god ; or , thou art the messiah ; were indifferently used for the same thing . but to return to the matter in hand . this concealment of himself will seem strange , in one who was come to bring light into the world , and was to suffer death for the testimony of the truth . this reservedness will be thought to look as if he had a mind to conceal himself , and not to be known to the world for the messiah ; nor to be believed on as such . but we shall be of another mind , and conclude this proceeding of his according to divine wisdom , and suited to a fuller manifestation and evidence of his being the messiah ; when we consider , that he was to fill out the time foretold of his ministry ; and , after a life illustrious in miracles and good works , attended with humility , meekness , patience , and suffering , and every way conformable to the prophesies of him , should be lead as a sheep to the slaughter , and with all quiet and submission be brought to the cross , though there were no guilt nor fault found in him . this could not have been , if as soon as he appeared in publick , and began to preach , he had presently professed himself to have been the messiah ; the king that owned that kingdom he published to be at hand . for the sanhedrim would then have laid hold on it , to have got him into their power , and thereby have taken away his life ; at least , they would have disturbed his ministry , and hindred the work he was about . that this made him cautious , and avoid , as much as he could , the occasions of provoking them , and falling into their hands , is plain from iohn vii . 1. after these things iesus walked in galilee ; out of the way of the chief priests and rulers ; for he would not walk in iewry , because the iews sought to kill him . thus , making good what he foretold them at ierusalem , when at the first passover after his beginning to preach the gospel , upon his curing the man at the pool of bethesday , they sought to kill him , iohn v. 16. ye have not , says he , v. 38. his word abiding amongst you : for whom he hath sent , him ye believe not . this was spoken more particularly to the jews of ierusalem , who were the forward men , zealous to take away his life : and it imports , that because of their unbelief and opposition to him , the word of god , i. e. the preaching of the kingdom of the messiah , which is often called the word of god , did not stay amongst them : he could not stay amongst them , preach and explain to them the kingdom of the messiah . that the word of god , here , signifies the word of god that should make jesus known to them to be the messiah , is evident from the context : and this meaning of this place is made good by the event . for after this , we hear no more of jesus at ierusalem , till the pentecost come twelve month ; though 't is not to be doubted but that he was there the next passover , and other feasts between , but privately . and now at ierusalem , at the feast of pentecost , near fifteen months after , he says very little , and not a word of the kingdom of heaven being come , or at hand ; nor did he any miracle there . and returning to ierusalem at the feast of tabernacles , it is plain , that from this time till then , which was a year and a half , he had not taught them at ierusalem . for , 1. it is said , iohn vii . 2. 15. that he teaching in the temple at the feast of tabernacles , the iews marvelled , saying , how knoweth this man letters , having never learned ? a sign they had not been used to his preaching : for if they had , they would not now have marvelled . 2. ver. 19. he says thus to them : did not moses give you the law , and yet none of you keep the law ? why go you about to kill me ? one work , or miracle , i did here amongst you , and ye all marvel . moses therefore gave unto you circumcision , and ye on the sabbath-day circumcise a man : if a man on the sabbath-day receive circumcision , that the law of moses should not be broken , are ye angry with me , because i have made a man every way whole on the sabbath-day ? which is a direct defence of what he did at ierusalem a year and a half before , when he last preached to them there ; which is reported , iohn v. 1-16 . and it is at that very time when he told them v. 38. ye have not the word of god remaining among you , because whom he hath sent ye believe not . whereby , i think , he signifies his not staying and being frequent amongst them , preaching the gospel of the kingdom ; because their great unbelief , opposition , and malice to him would not permit his stay and preaching amongst them . this was manifestly so in fact . for the first miracle he did at ierusalem , which was at the second passover after his baptism , brought him in danger of his life ; which made him forbear preaching again there till the feast of tabernacles , immediately preceding his last passover : so that till half a year before his passion , he did but one miracle , and preached but once publickly , at ierusalem . these tryals he made there : but found their unbelief such , that if he had staid and persisted to preach the good tidings of the kingdom , and to shew himself by miracles among them , he could not have had time and freedom to do those works which his father had given him to finish , as he says , v. 36. of this fifth of st. iohn . when upon the curing of the withered hand on the sabbath-day , the pharisees took counsel with the herodians , how they might destroy him ; iesus withdrew himself with his disciples to the sea : and a great multitude from galilee followed him , and from judea , and from ierusalem , and from idumea , and from beyond jordan , and they about tyre and sidon a great multitude ; when they had heard what great things he did , came unto him , and he healed them all , and charged them that they shovld not make him known : that it might be fulfilled what was spoken by the prophet isaiah , saying : behold my servant whom i have chosen ; my beloved , in whom my soul is well pleased : i will put my spirit upon him , and he shall shew iudgment to the gentiles . he shall not strive , nor cry , neither shall any man hear his voice in the streets , mat. xii . and mark iii. and iohn xi . 47. upon the news of our saviour's raising lazarus from the dead , the chief priests and pharisees convened the sanhedrim , and said , what do we ? for this man does many miracles . v. 53. then from that day forth they took counsel together for to put him to death . v. 54. iesus therefore walked no more openly amongst the iews . his miracles had now so much declared him to be the messiah , that the jews could no longer bear him , nor he trust himself amongst them ; but went thence unto a country near to the wilderness , into a city called ephraim , and there continued with his disciples . this was but a little before his last passover , as appears by the following words , v. 55. and the iews passover was nigh at hand : and he could not , now his miracles had made him so well known , have been secure the little time that now remained till his hour was fully come ; if he had not with his wonted and necessary caution withdrawn , and walked no more openly amongst the iews , till his time ( at the next passover ) was fully come ; and then again he appeared amongst them openly . nor would the romans have suffered him , if he had gone about preaching that he was the king whom the jews expected . such an accusation would have been forwardly brought against him by the jews , if they could have heard it out of his own mouth ; and that had been his publick doctrine to his followers , which was openly preached by the apostles after his death , when he appeared no more . and of this they were accused , acts xvii . 5-9 . but the iews which believed not , moved with envy , took unto them certain lewd fellows of the baser sort , and gathered a company , and set all the city in an uproar ; and assaulted the house of jason , and sought to bring them out to the people . and when they found them [ paul and silas ] not , they drew jason and certain brethren unto the rulers of the city , crying , these that have turned the world upside down , are come hither also , whom jason hath received : and these all do contrary to the decrees of caefar , saying , that there is another king , one iesus . and they troubled the people and the rulers of the city , when they heard these things : and when they had taken security of jason and the other , they let them go . though the magistrates of the world had no great regard to the talk of a king , who had suffered death , and appeared no longer any where ; yet if our saviour had openly declared this of himself in his life-time , with a train of disciples and followers every where owning and crying him up for their king , the roman governour of iudea could not have forborn to have taken notice of it , and have made use of their force against him . this the jews were not mistaken in ; and therefore made use of it as the strongest accusation , and likeliest to prevail with pilate against him for the taking away his life ; it being treason , and an unpardonable offence , which could not scape death from a roman deputy , without the forfeiture of his own life . thus then they accuse him to pilate , luke xxiii . 2. we found this fellow perverting the nation , and forbidding to give tribute to caesar , saying , that he himself is the messiah , a king. our saviour indeed , now that his time was come , ( and he in custody , and forsaken of all the world , and so out of all danger of raising any sedition or disturbance , ) owns himself , to pilate , to be a king ; after having first told pilate , iohn xviii . 36. that his kingdom was not of this world : and for a kingdom in another world , pilate knew that his master at rome concerned not himself . but had there been any the least appearance of truth in the allegations of the jews , that he had perverted the nation ; forbidding to pay tribute to caesar , or drawing the people after him , as their king ; pilate would not so readily have pronounced him innocent . but we see what he said to his accusers , luke xxiii . 13 , 14. pilate , when he had called together the chief priests and the rulers of the people , said unto them , you have brought this man unto me , as one that perverteth the people ; and behold , i having examined him before you , have found no fault in this man , touching those things whereof you accuse him : no , nor yet herod , for i sent you to him ; and lo , nothing worthy of death is done by him . and therefore finding a man of that mean condition , and innocent life , ( no mover of seditions , or disturber of the publick peace , ) without a friend or a follower ; would have dismissed him , as a king of no consequence ; as an innocent man , falsely and maliciously accused by the jews . how necessary this caution was in our saviour , to say or do nothing that might justly offend , or render him suspected to the roman governour ; and how glad the jews would have been to have any such thing against him ; we may see , luke xx. 20. the chief priests and the scribes watched him , and sent forth spies , who should feign themselves just men , that might take hold of his words , that so they might deliver him unto the power and authority of the governour . and the very thing wherein they hoped to entrap him in this place , was paying tribute to caesar , which they afterwards falsely accused him of . and what would they have done , if he had before them professed himself to have been the messiah , their king and deliverer ? and here we may observe the wonderful providence of god , who had so ordered the state of the jews at the time when his son was to come into the world ; that though neither their civil constitution , nor religious worship were dissolved , yet the power of life and death was taken from them ; whereby he had an opportunity to publish the kingdom of the messiah ; that is , his own royalty , under the name of the kingdom of god , and of heaven : which the jews well enough understood , and would certainly have put him to death for , had the power been in their own hands . but this being no matter of accusation to the romans , hindred him not from speaking of the kingdom of heaven , as he did : sometimes in reference to his appearing in the world , and being believed on by particular persons ; sometimes in reference to the power should be given him by the father at his resurrection ; and sometimes in reference to his coming to judge the world at the last day in the full glory and completion of his kingdom . these were ways of declaring himself , which the jews could lay no hold on , to bring him in danger with pontius pilate , and get him seized and put to death . another reason there was , that hindred him as much as the former from professing himself in express words to be the messiah ; and that was , that the whole nation of the jews expecting at this time their messiah , and deliverance by him from the subjection they were in to a foreign yoke , the body of the people would certainly upon his declaring himself to be the messiah their king , have rose up in rebellion , and set him at the head of them . and indeed , the miracles that he did so much disposed them to think him to be the messiah , that though shrouded under the obscurity of a mean condition , and a very private simple life , and his passing for a galilean , ( his birth at bethlehem being then concealed ) and he not assuming to himself any power or authority , or so much as the name of the messiah , yet he could hardly avoid being set up by a tumult , and proclaimed their king. so iohn tells us , chap. v. 14 , 15. then those men , when they had seen the miracles that iesus did , said , this is of a truth that prophet that should come into the world. when therefore iesus perceived that they would come to take him by force to make him king , he departed again into a mountain himself alone . this was upon his feeding of five thousand with five barley loaves and two fishes . so hard was it for him , doing those miracles which were necessary to testifie his mission , and which often drew great multitudes after him , mat. iv. 25. to keep the heady and hasty multitude from such disorder , as would have involved him in it ; and have disturbed the course , and cut short the time of his ministry ; and drawn on him the reputation and death of a turbulent seditious malefactor : contrary to the design of his coming , which was to be offered up a lamb blameless , and void of offence ; his innocence appearing to all the world , even to him that delivered him up to be crucified . this it would have been impossible to have avoided , if in his preaching every where , he had openly assumed to himself the title of their messiah ; which was all was wanting to set the people in a flame ; who , drawn by his miracles , and the hopes of finding a deliverer in so extraordinary a man , followed him in great numbers . we read every where of multitudes ; and in luke xii . 1. of myriads that were gathered about him . this conflux of people , thus disposed , would not have failed , upon his declaring himself to be the messiah , to have made a commotion , and with force set him up for their king. it is plain therefore from these these two reasons , why , ( though he came to preach the gospel , and convert the world to a belief of his being the messiah , and though he says so much of his kingdom , under the title of the kingdom of god , and the kingdom of heaven , ) he yet makes it not his business to perswade them that he himself is the messiah , or does in his publick preaching declare himself to be him . he inculcates to the people , on all occasions , that the kingdom of god is come . he shews the way of admittance into this kingdom , viz. repentance and baptism ; and teaches the laws of it , viz. good life , according to the strictest rules of vertue and morality . but who the king was of this kingdom , he leaves to his miracles to point out to those who would consider what he did , and make the right use of it , now ; or to witness to those who should hearken to the apostles hereafter ; when they preached it in plain words , and called upon them to believe it , after his resurrection ; when there should be no longer any fear that it should cause any disturbance in civil societies and the governments of the world. but he could not declare himself to be the messiah , without manifest danger of tumult and sedition . and the miracles he did , declared it so much , that he was fain often to hide himself , and withdraw from the concourse of the people . the leper that he cured , mark i. though forbid to say any thing , yet blazed it so abroad , that iesus could no more openly enter into the city , but was without in desart places ; and there they came to him from every quarter . and thus he did more than once . this being premised , let us take a view of the promulgation of the gospel by our saviour himself , and see what it was he taught the world , and required men to believe . the first beginning of his ministry , whereby he shewed himself , seems to be at cana in galilee , soon after his baptism ; where he turned water into wine : of which st. iohn , chap. ii. 11. says thus , this beginning of miracles iesus made , and manifested his glory , and his disciples believed in him . his disciples here believed in him , but we hear not of any other preaching to them , but by this miracle , whereby he manifested his glory ; i. e. of being the messiah the prince . so nathanael , without any other preaching , but only our saviour's discovering to him that he knew him after an extraordinary manner , presently acknowledges him to be the messiah ; crying , rabbi , thou art the son of god ; thou art the king of israel . from hence , staying a few days at capernaum , he goes to ierusalem to the passover ; and there he drives the traders out of the temple , iohn ii. 12-15 . saying , make not my father's house a house of merchandize . where we see , he uses a phrase , which by interpretation signifies that he was the son of god , though at that time unregarded . v. 16. hereupon the jews demand , what sign dost thou shew us , since thou doest these things ? iesus answered , destroy ye this temple , and in three days i will raise it again . this is an instance of what way jesus took to declare himself : for 't is plain by their reply , the jews understood him not , nor his disciples neither ; for 't is said , v. 22. when therefore he was risen from the dead , his disciples remembred that he said this to them : and they believed the scripture , and the saying of iesus to them . this therefore we may look on , in the beginning , as a pattern of christ's preaching , and shewing himself to the jews ; which he generally followed afterwards , viz. such a manifestation of himself , as every one at present could not understand ; but yet carried such an evidence with it to those who were well disposed now , or would reflect on it when the whole course of his ministry was over , as was sufficient clearly to convince them that he was the messiah . the reason of this method used by our saviour , the scripture gives us here , at this his first appearing in publick ; after his entrance upon his ministry ; to be a rule and light to us in the whole course of it . for the next verse taking notice that many believed on him , because of his miracles , ( which was all the preaching they had . ) 't is said , v. 24. but iesus did not commit himself unto them , because he knew all men ; i. e. he declared not himself so openly to be the messiah , their king , as to put himself into the power of the jews , by laying himself open to their malice ; whom he knew would be so ready to lay hold on it to accuse him . for , as the next verse 25. shews , he knew well enough what was in them . we may here farther observe , that believing in his name , signifies believing him to be the messiah . v. 22. tells us , that many at the passover believed in his name , when they saw the miracles that he did . what other faith could these miracles produce in them , who saw them , but that this was he , of whom the scripture spoke , who was to be their deliverer ? whilst he was now at ierusalem , nicodemus , a ruler of the jews , comes to him , iohn iii. 1-21 . to whom he preaches eternal life by faith in the messiah , v. 15. & 17. but in general terms , without naming himself to be that messiah ; though his whole discourse tends to it . this is all we hear of our saviour the first year of his ministry ; but only his baptism , fasting , and temptation in the beginning of it ; and spending the rest of it after the passover in iudea with his disciples , baptizing there . but when he knew that the pharisees reported that he made and baptized more disciples than john , he left judea , and got out of their way again into galilee , john iv. 1. 3. in his way back , by the well of sichar , he discourses with the samaritan woman ; and after having opened to her the true and spiritual worship which was at hand , which the woman presently understands of the times of the messiah , who was then looked for ; thus she answers , v. 25. i know that the messiah cometh : when he is come , he will tell us all things . whereupon our saviour , though we hear no such thing from him in ierusalem or iudea , or to nicodemus , yet here to this samaritan woman , he in plain and direct words owns and declares , that he himself , who talked with her , was the messiah , v. 26. this would seem very strange , that he should be more free and open to a samaritan , than he was to the jews ; were not the reason plain from what we have observed above . he was now out of iudea , with a people with whom the iews had no commerce ; v. 9. who were not disposed out of envy , as the iews were , to seek his life , or to accuse him to the roman governour , or to make an insurrection to set a iew up for their king. what the consequence was of his discourse with this samaritan woman , we have an account , v. 28. 39-42 . she left her water-pot , and went her way into the city , and saith to the men , come , see a man who told me all things that ever i did : is not this the messiah ? and many of the samaritans of that city believed on him for the saying of the woman , which testified , he told me all that ever i did . so when the samaritans were come unto him , they besought him that he would tarry with them : and he abode there two days . and many more believed because of his own word : and said unto the woman , now we believe not because of thy saying ; for we have heard him our selves ; and we know , ( i. e. are fully perswaded , ) that it is indeed the messiah , the saviour of the world. by comparing v. 39. with 41 & 42. it is plain , that believing on him signifies no more than believing him to be the messiah . from sichar jesus goes to nazareth , the place he was bred up in ; and there reading in the synagogue a prophecy concerning the messiah out of the lxi of isaiah , he tells them , luke iv. 21. this day is this scripture fulfilled in your ears . but being in danger of his life at nazareth , he leaves it , for capernaum : and then , as st. matthew informs us , chap. iv. 17. he began to preach , and say , repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand . or , as st. mark has it , chap. i. 14 , 15. preaching the gospel of the kingdom of god ; and saying , the time is fulfilled , and the kingdom of god is at hand , repent ye , and believe in the gospel ; i. e. believe this good news . this removing to capernaum , and seating himself there in the borders of zabulon and naphtali , was , as st. matthew observes , chap. iv. 13-16 . that a prophecy of isaiah might be fulfilled . thus the actions and circumstances of his life answered the prophesies , and declared him to be the messiah . and by what st. mark says in this place , it is manifest , that the gospel which he preached and required them to believe , was no other but the good tidings of the coming of the messiah , and of his kingdom ; the time being now fulfilled . in his way to capernaum , being come to cana , a noble-man of capernaum came to him , v. 47. and besought him that he would come down and heal his son , for he was at the point of death . v. 48. then said iesus unto him , except ye see signs and wonders , you will not believe . then he returning homewards , and finding that his son began to mend at the same hour in which iesus said unto him , thy son liveth ; he himself believed , and his whole house , v. 53. here this noble-man is by the apostle pronounced to be a believer . and what does he believe ? even that which jesus complains , v. 48. they would not believe , except they saw signs and wonders : which could be nothing but what those of samaria , in the same chapter , believed ; viz. that he was the messiah . for we no where in the gospel hear of any thing else had been proposed to be believed by them . having done miracles , and cured all their sick at capernaum , he says , let us go to the adjoyning towns , that i may preach there also ; for therefore came i forth , mark i. 38. or , as st. luke has it , chap. iv. 43. he tells the multitude , who would have kept him ▪ that he might not go from them , i must evangelize , or tell the good tidings of the kingdom of god , to other cities also ; for therefore am i sent . and st. matthew , chap. iv. 23. tells us how he executed this commission he was sent on . and iesus went about all galilee , teaching in their synagogues , and preaching the gospel of the kingdom , and curing all diseases . this then was what he was sent to preach every where , viz. the gospel of the kingdom of the messiah ; and by the miracles and good he did , let them know who was the messiah . hence he goes up to ierusalem , to the second passover since the beginning of his ministry . and here discoursing to the jews , who sought to kill him , upon occasion of the man , whom he had cured , carrying his bed on the sabbath-day ; and for making god his father ; he tells them , that he wrought these things by the power of god ; and that he shall do greater things : for that the dead shall , at his summons , be raised ; and that he , by a power committed to him from his father , shall judge them ; and that he is sent by his father ; and that whoever shall hear his word , and believe in him that sent him , has eternal life . this , though a clear description of the messiah , yet we may observe , that here to the angry iews , who sought to kill him , he says not a word of his kingdom , nor so much as names the messiah ; but yet that he is the son of god , and sent from god , he refers them to the testimony of iohn the baptist , to the testimony of his own miracles , and of god himself in the voice from heaven ; and of the scriptures , and of moses . he leaves them to learn from these the truth they were to believe , viz. that he was the messiah sent from god. this you may read more at large , iohn v. 1-47 . the next place where we find him preaching , was on the mount , mat. v. and luke vi. this is by much the longest sermon we have of his any where ; and , in all likelihood , to the greatest auditory . for it appears to have been to the peple gathered to him from galilee , and iudea , and ierusalem , and from beyond iordan ; and that came out of idumea , and from tyre and sidon ; mentioned mark iii. 7 , 8. and luke vi. 17. but in this whole sermon of his we do not find one word of believing , and therefore no mention of the messiah , or any intimation to the people who himself was . the reason whereof we may gather from mat. 12. 16. where christ forbids them to make him known ; which supposes them to know already who he was . for that this xii . chapter of matthew ought to precede the sermon in the mount , is plain , by comparing it with mark ii. beginning at v. 13. to mark iii. 8. and comparing those chapters of st. mark with luke vi. and i desire my reader once for all here to take notice , that i have all along observed the order of time in our saviour's proaching ; and have not , as i think , passed by any of his discourses . in this sermon our saviour only teaches them what were the laws of his kingdom , and what they must do who were admitted into it , of which i shall have occasion to speak more at large in another place ; being at present only enquiring what our saviour proposed as matter of faith to be believed . after this , iohn the baptist sends to him this message , luke vii . 19. asking , art thou he that should come , or do we expect another ? that is , in short , art thou the messiah ? and if thou art , why dost thou let me , thy fore runner , languish in prison ? must i expect deliverance from any other ? to which jesus returns this answer , v. 22 , 23. tell john what you have seen and heard : the blind see , the lame walk , the lepers are cleansed , the deaf hear , the dead are raised , to the poor the gospel is preached ; and blessed is he who is not offended in me . what it is to be offended or scandalized in him , we may see by comparing mat. xiii . 28. and mark iv. 17. with luke viii . 13. for what the two first call scandalized , the last calls standing off from , or forsaking ; i. e. not receiving him as the messiah ; ( vid. mark vi. 1-6 . ) or revolting from him . here jesus refers iohn , as he did the jews before , to the testimony of his miracles , to know who he was ; and this was generally his preaching , whereby he declared himself to be the messiah : who was the only prophet to come , whom the iews had any expectation of ; nor did they look for any other person to be sent to them with the power of miracles , but only the messiah . his miracles , we see by his answer to iohn the baptist , he thought a sufficient declaration amongst them , that he was the messiah . and therefore , upon his curing the possessed of the devil , the dumb , and blind , mat. xii . the people , who saw the miracle , said , v. 23. is not this the son of david ? as much as to say , is not this the messiah ? whereat the pharisees being offended , said , he cast out devils by beelzebub . jesus shewing the falshood and vanity of their blasphemy , justifies the conclusion the people made from this miracle ; saying , v. 28. that his casting out devils by the spirit of god , was an evidence that the kingdom of the messiah was come . one thing more there was in the miracles done by his disciples , which shewed him to be the messiah ; that they were done in his name . in the name of iesus of nazareth , rise up and walk , says st. peter to the lame man whom he cured in the temple , acts iii. 6. and how far the power of that name reached , they themselves seem to wonder , luke x. 17. and the seventy returned again with joy , saying , lord , even the devils are subject to us in thy name . from this message from iohn the baptist , he takes occasion to tell the people , that iohn was the fore-runner of the messiah ; that from the time of iohn the baptist the kingdom of the messiah began ; to which time all the prophets and the law pointed , luke vii . and mat. xi . luke viii . 1. afterwards he went through every city and village , preaching and shewing the good tidings of the kingdom of god. here we see , as every where , what his preaching was ; and consequently what was to be believed . soon after , he preaches from a boat to the people on the shoar . his sermon at large we may read , mat. xiii . mark iv. and luke viii . but this is very observeable , that this second sermon of his here , is quite different from his former in the mount. for that was all so plain and intelligible , that nothing could be more so : whereas this is all so involved in parables , that even the apostles themselves did not understand it . if we enquire into the reason of this , we shall possibly have some light from the different subjects of these two sermons . there he preached to the people only morality ; clearing the precepts of the law from the false glosses which were received in those days ; and setting forth the duties of a good life in their full obligation and extent , beyond what the judiciary laws of the israelites did , or the civil laws of any country could prescribe or take notice of . but here in this sermon by the sea-side , he speaks of nothing but the kingdom of the messiah , which he does all in parables . one reason whereof st. matthew gives us , chap. xiii . 35. that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophet , saying , i will open my mouth in parables , i will utter things that have been keep secret from the foundations of the world. another reason our saviour himself gives of it , v. 11 , 12. because to you is given to know the mysteries of the kingdom of heaven , but to them it is not given . for whosoever hath , to him shall be given , and he shall have more abundantly : but whosoever hath not , i. e. improves not the talents that he hath , from him shall be taken away , even that that he hath . one thing it may not be amiss to observe ; that our saviour here in the explication of the first of these parables to his apostles , calls the preaching of the kingdom of the messiah , simply the word ; and luke viii . 21. the word of god : from whence st. luke , in the acts , often mentions it under the name of the word , and the word of god , as we have elsewhere observed . to which i shall here add that of acts viii . 4. therefore they that were scattered abroad , went every where preaching the word : which word , as we have found by examining what they preached all through their history , was nothing but this , that iesus was the messiah : i mean , this was all the doctrine they proposed to be believed . for what they taught , as well as our saviour , contained a great deal more ; but that concerned practice , and not belief . and therefore our saviour says , in the place before quoted , luke viii . 21. they are my mother , and my brethren , who hear the word of god , and do it : obeying the law of the messiah their king , being no less required than their believing that jesus was the messiah , the king and deliverer that was promised them . mat. ix . 13. we have an account , again of this preaching ; what it was , and how . and iesus went about all the cities and villages , teaching in their synagogues , and preaching the gospel of the kingdom ; and healing every sickness , and every disease amongst the people . he acquainted them that the kingdom of the messiah was come , and left it to his miracles to instruct and convince them that he was the messiah . mat. x. when he sent his apostles abroad , their commission to preach we have v. 7 , 8. in these words : as ye go , preach , saying , the kingdom of heaven is at hand ; heal the sick , &c. all that they had to preach , was , that the kingdom of the messiah was come . whosoever should not receive them , the messengers of this good tidings , nor hearken to their message , incurred a heavier doom than sodom and gomorrha at the day of judgment , v. 14 ▪ 15. but v. 32. whosoever shall confess me before men , i will confess him before my father who is in heaven . what this confessing of christ is , we may see , by comparing iohn xii . 4. with ix . 22. nevertheless among the chief rulers also many believed in him ; but because of the pharisees they did not confess him , lest they should be put out of the synagogue . and chap. ix . 22. these words spake his parents , because they feared the iews : for the iews had agreed already , that if any man did confess that he was the messiah , he should be put out of the synagogue . by which places it is evident , that to confess him , was to confess that he was the messiah . from which give me leave to observe also ( what i have cleared from other places , but cannot be too often remark'd , because of the different sense has been put upon that phrase ; ) viz. that believing on or in him ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred either way by the english traslation ) signifies believing that he was the messiah . for many of the rulers ( the text says ) believed on him ; but they durst not consess what they believed , for fear they should be put out of the synagogue . now the offence for which it was agreed that any one should be put out of the synagogue , was ▪ if he did confess that iesus was the messiah . hence we may have a clear understanding of that passage of st. paul to the romans , where he tells them positively , what is the faith he preaches ; rom. x. 8 , 9. that is the word of faith which we preach ; that if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the lord iesus , and believe in thine heart , that god hath raised him from the dead , thou shalt be saved : and that also of st. iohn iv. 14 , 15. we have seen , and do testifie , that the father sent the son to be the saviour of the world : whosoever shall confess that iesus is the son of god , god dwelleth in him , and be in god. where confessing jesus to be the son of god , is the same with confessing him to be the messiah : those two expressions being understood amongst the jews to signifie the same thing , as we have shewn already . how calling him the son of god came to signifie that he was the messiah , would not be hard to shew . but it is enough that it appears plainly that it was so used , and had that import amongst the jews at that time ; which if any one desires to have further evidenced to him , he may add mat. xxvi . 63. iohn vi. 69. & xi . 27. & xx. 31. to those places before occasionally taken notice of . as was the apostles commission , such was their performance ; as we read , luke ix . 6. they departed , and went through the towns , preaching the gospel , and healing every where . jesus bid them preach , saying , the kingdom of heaven is at hand . and st. luke tells us , they went through the towns , preaching the gospel ; a word which in saxon answers well the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and signifies , as that does , good news . so that what the inspired writers call the gospel , is nothing but the good tidings that the messiah and his kingdom was come ; and so it is to be understood in the new testament ; and so the angel calls it good tidings of great joy , luke ii. 10. bringing the first news of our saviour's birth . and this seems to be all that his disciples were at that time sent to preach . so luke ix . 59 , 60. to him that would have excused his present attendance , because of burying his father ; iesus said unto him , let the dead bury their dead , but go thou and preach the kingdom of god. when , i say , this was all they were to preach , i must be understood , that this was the faith they preached ; but with it they joyned obedience to the messiah , whom they received for their king. so likewise when he sent out the seventy , luke x. their commission was in these words , v. 9. heal the sick , and say unto them , the kingdom of god is come nigh unto you . after the return of his apostles to him , he sits down with them in a mountain ; and a great multitude being gathered about them , st. luke tells us , chap. ix . 11. the people followed him , and he received them , and spake unto them of the kingdom of god ; and healed them that had need of healing . this was his preaching to this assembly , which consisted of five thousand men , besides women and children : all which great multitude he fed with five loaves and two fishes , mat. xiv . 21. and what this miracle wrought upon them , st. iohn tells us , chap. vi. 14 , 15. then these men , when they had seen the miracle that iesus did , said , this is of a truth that prophet that should come into the world ; i. e. the messiah . for the messiah was the only person that they expected from god , and this the time they looked for him . and hence iohn the baptist , mat. xi . 3. stiles him , he that should come ; as in other places , come from god , or sent from god , are phrases used for the messiah . here we see our saviour keeps to his usual method of preaching : he speaks to them of the kingdom of god , and does miracles ; by which they might understand him to be the messiah , whose kingdom he spake of . and here we have the reason also , why he so much concealed himself , and forbore to own his being the messiah . for what the consequence was , of the multitudes but thinking him so , when they were got together , st. iohn tells us in the very next words : when iesus then perceived that they would come and take him by force to make him a king , he departed again into a mountain himself alone . if they were so ready to set him up for their king , only because they gathered from his miracles that he was the messiah , whilst he himself said nothing of it ; what would not the people have done ; and what would not the scribes and pharisees have had an opportunity to accuse him of ; if he had openly professed himself to have been the messiah , that king they looked for ? but this we have taken notice of already . from hence going to capernaum , whither he was followed by a great part of the people , whom he had the day before so miraculously fed ; he , upon the occasion of their following him for the loaves , bids them seek for the meat that endureth to eternal life : and thereupon , iohn vi. 22-69 . declares to them his being sent from the father ; and that those who believed in him , should be raised to eternal life : but all this , very much involved in a mixture of allegorical terms of eating , and of bread , bread of life , which came down from heaven , &c. which is all comprehended and expounded in these short and plain words , v. 47. & 54. verily , verily i say unto you , he that believeth on me , hath everlasting life and i will raise him up at the last day . the sum of all which discourse is , that he was the messiah sent from god ; and that those who believed him to be so , should be raised from the dead at the last day to eternal life . these who he spoke to , were of those who the day before would by force have made him king ; and therefore 't is no wonder he should speak to them of himself , and his kingdom and subjects , in obscure and mystical terms ; and such as should offend those who looked for nothing but the grandeur of a temporal kingdom in this world , and the protection and prosperity they had promised themselves under it . the hopes of such a kingdom , now that they had found a man that did miracles , and therefore concluded to be the deliverer they expected , had the day before almost drawn them into an open insurrection , and involved our saviour in it . this he thought fit to put a stop to ; they still following him 't is like with the same design . and therefore though he here speaks to them of his kingdom , it was in a way that so plainly bauk'd their expectation ; and shock'd them ; that when they found themselves disappointed of those vain hopes , and that he talked of their eating his flesh , and drinking his blood , that they might have life ; the jews said , v. 52. how can this man give us his flesh to eat ? and many , even of his disciples , said , it was an hard saying , who can bear it ? and so were scandalized in him , and forsook him , v. 60. 66. but what the true meaning of this discourse of our saviour was , the confession of st. peter , who understood it better and answered for the rest of the apostles shews : when jesus asked him , v. 67. will ye also go away ? then simon peter answered him , lord , to whom shall we go ? thou hast the words of eternal life ; i. e. thou teachest us the way to attain eternal life ; and accordingly we believe , and are sure that thou art the messiah , the son of the living god. this was the eating his flesh , and drinking his blood , whereby those who did so had eternal life . sometime after this , he enquires of his disciples , mark viii . 27. who the people took him for ? they telling him , for iohn the baptist , or one of the old prophets risen from the dead ; he asked , what they themselves thought ? and here again peter answers in these words , mark viii . 29. thou art the messiah . luke ix . 20. the messiah of god. and mat. xvi . 16. thou art the messiah , the son of the living god : which expressions , we may hence gather , amount to the same thing . whereupon our saviour tells peter , mat. xvi . 17 , 18. that this was such a truth as flesh and blood could not reveal to him , but only his father who was in haven ; and that this was the foundation on which he was to build his church . by all the parts of which passage it is more than probable , that he had never yet told his apostles in direct words that he was the messiah ; but that they had gathered it from his life and miracles . for which we may imagine to our selves this probable reason ; because that if he had familiarly , and in direct terms , talked to his apostles in private that he was the messiah the prince , of whose kingdom he preached so much in publick every where ; iudas , whom he knew false and treacherous , would have been readily made use of to testifie against him , in a matter that would have been really criminal to the roman governour . this perhaps may help to clear to us that seemingly abrupt reply of our saviour to his apostles , iohn vi. 70. when they confessed him to be the messiah . i will , for the better explaining of it , set down the passage at large . peter having said , we believe , and are sure that thou art the messiah , the son of the living god. iesus answered them , have not i chosen you twelve , and one of you is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? this is a reply seeming at first sight nothing to the purpose ; when yet it is sure all our saviour's discourses were wise and pertinent . it seems therefore to me to carry this sense , to be understood afterwards by the eleven ( as that of destroying the temple , and raising it again in three days was ) when they should reflect on it after his being betray'd by iudas : you have confessed , and believe the truth concerning me ; i am the messiah your king : but do not wonder at it , that i have never openly declared it to you : for amongst you twelve , whom i have chosen to be with me , there is one who is an informer , or false accuser , ( for so the greek word signifies , and may possibly here be so translated , rather than devil ) who , if i had owned my self in plain words to have been the messiah , the king of israel , would have betrayed me , and informed against me . that he was yet cautious of owning himself to his apostles positively to be the messiah , appears farther from the manner wherein he tells peter , v. 18. that he will build his church upon that confession of his , that he was the messiah . i say unto thee , thou art cephas , or a rock , and upon this rock i will build my church , and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it . words too doubtful to be laid hold on against him , as a testimony that he professed himself to be the messiah ; especially if we joyn with them the following words , v. 19. and i will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven ; and what thou shalt bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven ; and what thou shalt loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . which being said personally to peter , render the foregoing words of our saviour ( wherein he declares the fundamental article of his church to be the believing him to be the messiah ) the more obscure and doubtful , and less liable to be made use of against him ; but yet such as might afterwards be understood . and for the same reason he yet here again forbids the apostles to say that he was the messiah , v. 20. from this time ( say the evangelists ) jesus began to shew to his disciples , ( i. e. his apostles , who are often called disciples ) that he must go to jerusalem , and suffer many things from the elders , chief priests , and scribes ; and be killed , and be raised again the third day . these , though all marks of the messiah , yet how little understood by the apostles , or suited to their expectation of the messiah , appears from peter's rebuking him for it in the following words , mat. xvi . 22. peter had twice before owned him to be the messiah , and yet he cannot here bear that he should suffer , and be put to death , and be raised again . whereby we may perceive , how little yet jesus had explained to the apostles what personally concerned himself . they had been a good while witnesses of his life and miracles ; and thereby being grown into a belief that he was the messiah , were in some degree prepared to receive the particulars that were to fill up that character , and answer the prophesies concerning him ; which from henceforth he began to open to them , ( though in a way which the jews could not form an accusation out of ) the time of the accomplishment of all , in his sufferings , death , and resurrection , now drawing on . for this was in the last year of his life ; he being to meet the jews at ierusalem but once more at the passover , who then should have their will upon him ; and therefore he might now begin to be a little more open concerning himself : though yet so , as to keep himself out of the reach of any accusation , that might appear just or weighty to the roman deputy . after his reprimand to peter , telling him that he savoured not the things of god , but of man ; mark viii . 34. he calls the people to him , and prepares those , who would be his disciples , for suffering ; telling them , v. 38. whoever shall be ashamed of me and my words in this adulterous and sinful generation , of him also shall the son of man be ashamed when he cometh in the glory of his father with the holy angels : and then subjoyns , mat. xvi . 27 , 28. two great and solemn acts , wherein he would shew himself to be the messiah the king : for the son of man shall come in the glory of his father , with his angels ; and then he shall render every man according to his works . this is evidently meant of the glorious appearance of his kingdom , when he shall come to judge the world at the last day ; described more at large , mat xxv . when the son of man shall come in his glory , and all the holy angels with him , then shall be sit upon the throne of his glory . then shall the king say to them on his right hand , &c. but what follows in the place above quoted , mat. xvi . 28. verily , verily , there be some standing here , who shall not tast of death , till they see the son of man coming in his kingdom ; importing that dominion , which some there should see him exercise over the nation of the jews , was so covered ; by being annexed to the preceding v. 27. ( where he spoke of the manifestation and glory of his kingdom at the day of judgment ) that though his plain meaning here in v. 28. be , that the appearance and visible exercise of his kingly power in his kingdom was so near , that some there should live to see it ; yet if the foregoing words had not cast a shadow over these later , but they had been left plainly to be understood , as they plainly signified , that he should be a king ; and that it was so near , that some there should see him in his kingdom ; this might have been laid hold on , and made the matter of a plausible and seemingly just accusation against him , by the jews , before pilate . this seems to be the reason of our saviour's inverting here the order of the two solemn manifestations to the world of his rule and power ; thereby perplexing at present his meaning , and securing himself , as was necessary , from the malice of the jews , which always lay at catch to intrap him , and accuse him to the roman governour ; and would , no doubt , have been ready to have alledged these words , some here shall not tast of death , till they see the son of man coming in his kingdom , against him , as criminal ; had not their meaning been , by the former verse , perplexed , and the sense at that time rendred unintelligible , and not applicable by any of his auditors to a sense that might have been prejudicial to him before the roman governour . for how well the chief of the jews were disposed towards him , st. luke tells us , chap. xi . 54. laying wait for him , and seeking to catch something out of his mouth , that they might accuse him : which may be a reason to satisfie us of the seemingly doubtful and obscure way of speaking used by our saviour in other places ; his circumstances being such , that without such a prudent carriage and reservedness , he could not have gone through the work which he came to do ; nor have performed all the parts of it , in a way correspondent to the descriptions given of the messiah , and which should be afterwards fully understood to belong to him , when he had left the world. after this , mat. xvii . 10 , &c. he , without saying it in direct words , begins , as it were , to own himself to his apostles to be the messiah ; by assuring them , that as the scribes , according to the prophecy of malachy , chap. iv. 5. rightly said , that elias was to usher in the messiah ; so indeed elias was already come , though the jews knew him not , and treated him ill : whereby they understood that he spoke to them of john the baptist , v. 13. and a little after he somewhat more plainly intimates that he is the messiah , mark ix . 41. in these words : whosoever shall give you a cup of water to drink in my name , because ye belong to the messiah . this , as i remember , is the first place where our saviour ever mentioned the name of messiah ; and the first time that he went so far towards the owning , to any of the jewish nation , himself to be him . in his way to jerusalem , bidding one follow him , luke ix . 59. who would first bury his father , v. 60. iesus said unto him , let the dead bury their dead ; but go thou and preach the kingdom of god. and luke x. 1. sending out the seventy disciples , he says to them , v. 9. heal the sick , and say , the kingdom of god is come nigh unto you . he had nothing else for these , or for his apostles , or any one , it seems , to preach ; but the good news of the coming of the kingdom of the messiah . and if any city would not receive them , he bids them , v. 10. go into the streets of the same , and say , even the very dust of your city , which cleaveth on us , do we wipe off against you : notwithstanding , be ye sure of this , that the kingdom of god is come nigh unto you . this they were to take notice of , as that which they should dearly answer for ; viz. that they had not with faith received the good tidings of the kingdom of the messiah . after this , his brethren say unto him , iohn vii . 2 , 3 , 4. ( the feast of tabernacles being near ) depart hence , and go into judea , that thy disciples also may see the works that thou doest : for there is no man that does any thing in secret , and he himself seeketh to be known openly . if thou do these things , shew thy self to the world. here his brethren , which the next verse tells us did not believe in him , seem to upbraid him with the inconsistency of his carriage ; as if he designed to be received for the messiah , and yet was afraid to shew himself : to whom he justified his conduct , ( mentioned v. 1. ) in the following verses ; by telling them , that the world ( meaning the jews especially ) hated him , because he testified of it , that the works thereof are evil ; and that his time was not yet fully come , wherein to quit his reserve , and abandon himself freely to their malice and fury : and therefore , though he went up unto the feast , it was not openly ; but as it were in secret , v. 10. and here coming into the temple about the middle of the feast , he justifies his being sent from god ; and that he had not done any thing against the law in curing the man at the pool of bethesday , v. iohn v. 1-16 . on the sabbath-day ; which , though done above a year and an half before , they made use of as a pretence to destroy him . but what was the true reason of seeking his life , appears from what we have in this vii . chapter , v. 25-34 . then said some of them at jerusalem , is not this he whom they seek to kill ? but lo , he speaketh boldly , and they say nothing unto him . do the rulers know indeed that this is the very messiah ? howbeit , we know this man whence he is ; but when the messiah cometh , no man knoweth whence he is . then cryed iesus in the temple , as he taught , ye both know me , and ye know whence i am : and i am not come of my self , but he that sent me is true , whom ye know not . but i know him , for i am from him , and he hath sent me . then they sought [ an occasion ] to take him , but no man laid hands on him , because his hour was not yet come . and many of the people believed on him , and said , when the messiah cometh , will be do more miracles than these which this man hath done ? the pharisees heard that the people murmured such things concerning him ; and the pharisees and chief priests sent officers to take him . then said iesus unto them , yet a little while am i with you , and then i go to him that sent me : ye shall seek me , and not find me ; and where i am there ye cannot come . then said the iews among themselves , whither will he go , that we shall not find him ? here we find that the great fault in our saviour , and the great provocation to the jews , was his being taken for the messiah ; and doing such things as made the people believe in him ; i. e. believe that he was the messiah . here also our saviour declares , in words very easie to be understood , at least after his resurrection , that he was the messiah : for if he were sent from god , and did his miracles by the spirit of god , there could be no doubt but he was the messiah . but yet this declaration was in a way that the pharisees and priests could not lay hold on to make an accusation of , to the disturbance of his ministry , or the seizure of his person , how much soever they desired it : for his time was not yet come . the officers they had sent to apprehend him , charmed with his discourse , returned without laying hands on him , v. 45 , 46. and when the chief priests asked them , why they brought him not ? they answered , never man spake like this man. whereupon the pharisees reply , are ye also deceived ? have any of the rulers , or of the pharisees believed on him ? but this people , who know not the law , are cursed . this shews what was meant by believing on him ; viz. believing that he was the messiah . for , say they , have any of the rulers , who are skilled in the law , or of the devout and learned pharisees , acknowledged him to be the messiah ? for as for those who in the division among the people concerning him , say , that he is the messiah , they are ignorant and vile wretches , know nothing of the scripture , and being accursed , are given up by god to be deceived by this impostor , and to take him for the messiah . therefore , notwithstanding their desire to lay hold on him , he goes on ; and v. 37 , 38. in the last and great day of the feast , iesus stood and cryed , saying ; if any man thirst , let him come unto me and drink : he that believeth on me , as the scripture hath said , out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water . and thus he here again declares himself to be the messiah ; but in the prophetick stile ; as we may see by the next verse of this chapter , and those places in the old testament that these words of our saviour refer to . in the next chapter , iohn viii . all that he says concerning himself , and what they were to believe , tends to this ; viz. that he was sent from god his father ; and that if they did not believe that he was the messiah , they should die in their sins : but this in a way , as st. iohn observes , v. 27. that they did not well understand . but our saviour himself tells them , v. 28. when ye have lift up the son of man , then shall ye know that i am he . going from them , he cures the man born blind , whom meeting with again , after the jews had questioned him , and cast him out , iohn ix . 35-38 . jesus said to him , dost thou believe on the son of god ? he answered , who is he , lord , that i might believe on him ? and iesus said unto him , thou hast both seen him , and it is he that talketh with thee . and he said , lord , i believe . here we see this man is pronounced a believer , when all that was proposed to him to believe , was , that jesus was the son of god ; which was , as we have already shewn , to believe that he was the messiah . in the next chapter , iohn x. 1-21 . he declares the laying down of his life for both jews and gentiles ; but in a parable , which they understood not , v. 6. 20. as he was going to the feast of the dedication , the pharisees ask him , luke xvii . 20. when the kingdom of god , i. e. of the messiah , should come ? he answers , that it should not come with pomp , and observation , and great concourse ; but that it was already begun amongst them . if he had stopt here , the sense had been so plain , that they could hardly have mistaken him ; or have doubted , but that he meant , that the messiah was already come , and amongst them ; and so might have been prone to infer , that jesus took upon him to be him . but here , as in the place before taken notice of , subjoyning to this the future revelation of himself , both in his coming to execute vengeance on the jews , and in his coming to judgment mixed together , he so involved his sense , that it was not easie to understand him . and therefore the jews came to him again in the temple , iohn x. 23. and said , how long dost thou make us doubt ? if thou be the christ tell us plainly . iesus answered , i told you , and ye believed not : the works that i do in my father's name , they bear witness of me . but ye believed not , because ye are not of my sheep , as i told you . the believing here , which he accuses them of not doing , is plainly their not believing him to be the messiah , as the foregoing words evince , and in the same sense it is evidently meant in the following verses of this chapter . from hence iesus going to bethabara , and thence returning to bethany ; upon lazarus's death , iohn xi . 25-27 . jesus said to martha , i am the resurrection and the life , he that believeth in me , though he were dead , yet he shall live ; and whosoever liveth , and believeth in me , shall not die for ever . so i understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , answerable to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the septuagint , gen. iii. 22. or iohn vi. 51. which we read right in our english translation , live for ever . but whether this saying of our saviour here can with truth be translated , he that liveth and believeth in me , shall never die , will be apt to be questioned . but to go on . believest thou this ? she said unto him , yea , lord , i believe that thou art the messiah , the son of god , which should come into the world. this she gives as a full answer to our saviour's demands ; this being that faith , which whoever had , wanted no more to make them believers . we may observe farther , in this same story of the raising of lazarus , what faith it was our saviour expected ; by what he says , v. 41 , 42. father , i thank thee that thou hast heard me . and i know that thou hearest me always . but because of the people who stand by , i said it , that they may believe that thou hast sent me . and what the consequence of it was , we may see , v. 45. then many of the iews who came to mary , and had seen the things which iesus did , believed on him : which belief was , that he was sent from the father ; which in other words was , that he was the messiah . that this is the meaning , in the evangelists , of the phrase of believing on him , we have a demonstration in the following words , v. 47 , 48. then gathered the chief priests and pharisees a council , and said , what do we ? for this man does many miracles ; and if we let him alone , all men will believe on him . those who here say , all men would believe on him , were the chief priests and pharisees his enemies ; who sought his life ; and therefore could have no other sense nor thought of this faith in him , which they spake of , but only the believing him to be the messiah : and that that was their meaning , the adjoyning words shew . if we let him alone , all the world will believe on him ; i.e. believe him to be the messiah . and the romans will come and take away both our place and nation . which reasoning of theirs was thus grounded . if we stand still , and let the people believe on him , i.e. receive him for the messiah ; they will thereby take him and set him up for their king , and expect deliverance by him ; which will draw the roman arms upon us , to the destruction of us and our country . the romans could not be thought to be at at all concerned in any other belief whatsoever , that the people might have in him . it is therefore plain , that believing on him , was , by the writers of the gospel , understood to mean , the believing him to be the messiah . the sanhedrim therefore , v. 53 , 54. from that day forth consulted for to put him to death . iesus therefore walked not yet ( for so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , and so i think it ought here to be translated ) boldly , or open-fac'd among the iews ; i.e. of ierusalem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot well here be translated no more , because within a very short time after , he appeared openly at the passover , and by his miracles and speech declared himself more freely than ever he had done ; and all the week before his passion taught daily in the temple , mat. xx. 17. mark x. 32. luke xviii . 31 , &c. the meaning of this place seems therefore to be this : that his time being not yet come , he durst not yet shew himself openly , and confidently , before the scribes and pharisees , and those of the sanhedrim at ierusalem , who were full of malice against him , and had resolved his death ; but went thence unto a country near the wilderness , into a city called ephraim , and there continued with his disciples , to keep himself out of the way till the passover , which was nigh at hand , v. 55. in his return thither , he takes the twelve aside , and tells them before hand what should happen to him at ierusalem , whither they were now going ; and that all things that are written by the prophets concerning the son of man , should be accomplished . that he should be betrayed to the chief priests and scribes ; and that they should condemn him to death , and deliver him to the gentiles ; that he should be mocked , and spit on , and scourged , and put to death ; and the third day he should rise again . but st. luke tells us , chap. xviii . 34. that the apostles understood none of these things , and this saying was hid from them ; neither knew they the things which were spoken . they believed him to be the son of god , the messiah sent from the father ; but their notion of the messiah was the same with the rest of the jews ; that he should be a temporal prince and deliverer . that which distinguished them from the unbelieving jews , was , that they believed jesus to be the very messiah , and so received him as their king and lord accordingly . we see , mark x. 35. that even in this their last journey with him to ierusalem , two of them , iames and iohn , coming to him , and falling at his feet , said , grant unto us , that we may fit , one on thy right hand , and the other on thy left hand , in thy glory ; or , as . st. matthew has it , chap. xx. 21. in thy kingdom . and now the hour being come that the son of man should be glorified , he , without his usual reserve , makes his publick entry into ierusalem , riding on a young ass ; as it is written , fear not , daughter of sion , behold , thy king cometh fitting on an asses colt. but these things , says st. iohn , chap. xii . 16. his disciples understood not at the first ; but when iesus was glorified , then remembred they that these things were written of him , and that they had done these things unto him . though the apostles believed him to be the messiah , yet there were many occurrences of his life which they understood not , at the time when they happened , to be fore-told of the messiah ; which after his ascension they found exactly to quadrate . and all the people crying hosanna , blessed is the king of israel , that cometh in the name of the lord ; this was so open a declaration of his being the messiah , that luke xix . 39. some of the pharisees from among the multitude said unto him , master , rebuke thy disciples . but he was so far from stopping them , or disowning this their acknowledgment of his being the messiah , that he said unto them , i tell you , that if these should hold their peace , the stones would immediately cry out . and again , upon the like occasion of their crying hosanna , to the son of david , in the temple , mat. xxi . 15 , 16. when the chief priests and scribes were sore displeased , and said unto him , hearest thou what they say ? iesus said unto them , yea ; have ye never read , out of the months of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise ? and now , v. 14 , 15. he cures the blind and the lame openly in the temple . and when the chief priests and scribes saw the wonderful things that he did , and the children crying in the temple hosanna , they were enraged . one would not think , that after the multitude of miracles that our saviour had now been doing for above three years together , that the curing the lame and blind should so much move them . but we must remember , that though his ministry had abounded with miracles , yet the most of them had been done about galilee , and in parts remote from ierusalem : there is but one left upon record hitherto done in that city ; and that had so ill a reception , that they sought his life for it ; as we may read , iohn v. 16. and therefore we hear not of his being at the next passover , because he was there only privately , as an ordinary jew : the reason whereof we may read , iohn vii . 1. after these things , iesus walked in galilee , for he would not walk in jewry , because the iews sought to kill him . hence we may guess the reason why st. iohn omitted the mention of his being at ierusalem at the third passover after his baptism ; probably because he did nothing memorable there . indeed , when he was at the feast of tabernacles , immediately preceding this his last passover , he cured the man born blind : but it appears not to have been done in ierusalem it self , but in the way as he retired to the mount of olives ; for there seems to have been no body by , when he did it , but his apostles . compare v. 2. with v. 8. 10. of iohn ix . this , at least , is remarkable ; that neither the cure of this blind man , nor that of the other infirm man , at the passover above a twelve month before at ierusalem , was done in the sight of the scribes , pharisees , chief priests , or rulers . nor was it without reason , that in the former part of his ministry he was cautious of shewing himself to be the messiah ; and by repeated miracles done in their sight before the people , of provoking the rulers in ierusalem , where he was in their power . but now that he was come to the last scene of his life , and that the passover was come , the appointed time wherein he was to compleat the work he came for , in his death and resurrection , he does many things in ierusalem it self , before the face of the scribes , pharisees , and whole body of the jewish nation , to manifest himself to be the messiah . and , as st. luke says , chap. xix . 47 , 48. he taught daily in the temple : but the chief priests , and the scribes , and the chief of the people sought to destroy him ; and could not find what they might do , for all the people were very attentive to hear him . what he taught , we are not left to guess , by what we have found him constantly preaching elsewhere ; ( the kingdom of god's being come , and requiring repentance . ) but st. luke tells us , chap. xx. 1. he taught in the temple , and evangelized ; or , as we translate it , preached the gospel : which , as we have shewed , was the making known to them the good news of the kingdom of the messiah . and this we shall find he did , in what now remains of his history . in the first discourse of his , which we find upon record after this , iohn xii . 20 , &c. he fore-tells his crucifixion ; and the belief of all sorts , both iews and gentiles , on him after that . whereupon the people say to him , v. 34. we have heard out of the law , that the messiah abideth for ever ; and how sayest thou , that the son of man must be lifted up ? who is this son of man ? in his answer he plainly designs himself , under the name of light ; which was what he had declared himself to them to be , the last time that they had seen him in ierusalem . for then at the feast of tabernacles , but six months before , he tells them in the very place where he now is , viz. in the temple , i am the light of the world ; whosoever follows me , shall not walk in darkness , but shall have the light of life ; as we may read , iohn viii . 12. & ix 5. he says , as long as i am in the world , i am the light of the world. but neither here , nor any where else , does he , even in these four or five last days of his life ( though he knew his hour was come , and was prepared for his death , v. 27. and scrupled not to manifest himself to the rulers of the jews to be the messiah , by doing miracles before them in the temple ) ever once in direct words own himself to the jews to be the messiah ; though by miracles , and other ways , he did every where make it known to them , so that it might be understood . this could not be without some reason ; and the preservation of his life , which he came now to ierusalem on purpose to lay down , could not be it . what other could it then be , but the same which had made him use caution in the former part of his ministry ; so to conduct himself , that he might do the work which he came for , and in all parts answer the character given of the messiah in the law and the prophets ? he had fulfilled the time of his ministry ; and now taught , and did miracles openly in the temple , before the rulers and the people , not fearing to be seized . but he would not be seized for any thing that might make him a criminal to the government ; and therefore he avoided giving those , who in the division that was about him enclined towards him , occasion of tumult for his sake ; or to the jews his enemies , matter of just accusation against him out of his own mouth , by professing himself to be the messiah , the king of israel in direct words . it was enough , that by words and deeds he declared it so to them , that they could not but understand him ; which 't is plain they did , luke xx. 16. 19. mat. xxi . 45. but yet neither his actions , which were only doing of good ; nor words , which were mystical and parabolical ; ( as we may see , mat. xxi . & xxii . and the parallel places of matthew and luke ; ) nor any of his ways of making himself known to be the messiah ; could be brought in testimony , or urged against him , as opposite or dangerous to the government . this preserved him from being condemned as a malefactor ; and procured him a testimony from the roman governour his judge , that he was an innocent man , sacrificed to the envy of the iewish nation . so that he avoided saying that he was the messiah , that to those who would reflect on his life and death after his resurrection , he might the more clearly appear to be so . it is farther to be remarked , that though he often appeals to the testimony of his miracles who he is , yet he never tells the iews that he was born at bethlehem ; to remove the prejudice that lay against him , whilst he passed for a galilean , and which was urged as a proof that he was not the messiah , iohn vii . 41 , 42. the healing of the sick , and doing of good miraculously , could be no crime in him , nor accusation against him . but the naming of bethlehem for his birth-place , might have wrought as much upon the mind of pilate , as it did on herod's ; and have raised a suspicion in him as prejudicial to his innocence , as herod's was to the children born there . his pretending to be born at bethlehem , as it was liable to be explained by the iews , could not have failed to have met with a sinister interpretation in the roman governour , and have rendred iesus suspected of some criminal design against the government . and hence we see , that when pilate asked him , iohn xix . 9. whence art thou ? iesus gave him no answer . whether our saviour had not an eye to this straitness , this narrow room that was left to his conduct , between the new converts and the captious jews , when he says , luke xii . 50. i have a baptism to be baptized with , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how am i straitned till it be accomplished , i leave to be considered . i am come to send fire on the earth , says our saviour , and what if it be already kindled ? i.e. there begin already to be divisions about me , v. iohn vii . 12. 43. & ix . 16. & x. 19. and i have not the freedom , the latitude , to declare my self openly as i am , the messiah , till after my death . my way to my throne is closely hedged in on every side , and much straitned , within which i must keep , till it bring me to my cross ; in its due time and manner , so that it do not cut short the time , nor cross the end of my ministry . and therefore to keep up this inoffensive character , and not to let it come within the reach of accident or calumny , he withdrew with his apostles out of the town every evening ; and kept himself retired out of the way , luke xxi . 37. and in the day-time he was teaching in the temple , and every night he went out and abode in the mount that is called the mount of olives ; that he might avoid all concourse to him in the night , and give no occasion of disturbance , or suspicion of himself in that great conflux of the whole nation of the iews , now assembled in ierusalem at the passover . but to return to his preaching in the temple . he bids them , iohn xii . 36. to believe in the light whilst they have it . and he tells them , v. 46. i am the light come into the world , that every one who believes in me should not remain in darkness . which believing in him , was the believing him to be the messiah , as i have elsewhere shewed . the next day , mat. xxi . he rebukes them for not having believed iohn the baptist , who had testified that he was the messiah . and then , in a parable , declares himself to be the son of god , whom they should destroy ; and that for it god would take away the kingdom of the messiah from them , and give it to the gentiles . that they understood him thus , is plain from luke xx. 16. and when they heard it , they said , god forbid . and v. 19. for they knew that he had spoken this parable against them . much to the same purpose was his next parable concerning the kingdom of heaven , mat. xxii . 1-10 . that the jews not accepting of the kingdom of the messiah , to whom it was first offered , others should be brought in . the scribes and pharisees , and chief priests , not able to bear the declaration he made of himself to be the messiah ; ( by his discourses and miracles before them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , iohn xii . 37. which he had never done before ) impatient of his preaching and miracles ; and being not able otherwise to stop the increase of his followers ; ( for , said the pharisees among themselves , perceive ye how ye prevail nothing ? behold , the world is gone after him , iohn xii . 19. so that the chief priests , and the scribes , and the chief of the people ) sought to destroy him , the first day of his entrance into ierusalem , luke xix . 47. the next day again they were intent upon the same thing , mark xi . 17 , 18. and he taught in the temple ; and the scribes , and the chief priests heard it , and sought how they might destroy him ; for they feared him , because all the people were astonished at his doctrine . the next day but one , upon his telling them the kingdom of the messiah should be taken from them ; the chief priests and scribes sought to lay hands on him the same hour ; and they feared the people , luke xx. 19. if they had so great a desire to lay hold on him , why did they not ? they were the chief priests and the rulers , the men of power . the reason st. luke plainly tells us , in the next verse : and they watched him , and sent forth spies , which should feign themselves just men , that they might take hold of his words ; that so they might deliver him unto the power and authority of the governour . they wanted matter of accusation , against him , to the power they were under . that they watched for ; and that they would have been glad of , if they could have entangled him in his talk ; as st. matthew expresses it , chap. xxii . 15. if they could have laid hold on any word that had dropt from him , that might have rendred him guilty or suspected to the roman governour ; that would have served their turn , to have laid hold upon him , with hopes to destroy him . for their power not answering their malice , they could not put him to death by their own authority , without the permission and assistance of the governour ; as they confess , iohn xviii . 31. it is not lawful for us to put any man to death . this made them so earnest for a declaration in direct words , from his own mouth , that he was the messiah . 't was not that they would more have believed in him , for such a declaration of himself , than they did for his miracles , or other ways of making himself known , which it appears they understood well enough . but they wanted plain direct words , such as might support an accusation , and be of weight before an heathen judge . this was the reason why they pressed him to speak out , iohn x. 24. then came the iews round about him , and said unto him , how long dost thou hold us in suspense ? if thou be the messiah , tell us plainly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. in direct words : for that st. iohn uses it in that sense , we may see , chap. xi . 11-14 . jesus saith to them , lazarus sleepeth . his disciples said , if , he sleeps , he shall do well ; howbeit , iesus spake of his death ; but they thought he had spoken of taking of rest in sleep . then said iesus to them plainly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lazarus is dead . here we see what is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , plain direct words , such as express the thing without a figure ; and so they would have had jesus pronounce himself to be the messiah . and the same thing they press again , mat. xvi . 63. the high-priest adjuring him by the living god , to tell them whether he were the messiah , the son of god ; as we shall have occasion to take notice by and by . this we may observe in the whole management of their design against his life . it turned upon this ; that they wanted and wished for a declaration from him , in direct words , that he was the messiah : something from his own mouth , that might offend the roman power , and render him criminal to pilate . in the 21 st . verse of this xx of luke , they asked him , saying , master , we know that thou sayest and teachest rightly ; neither acceptest thou the person of any , but teachest the way of god truly . is it lawful for us to give tribute to caesar or no ? by this captious question they hoped to catch him , which way soever he answered . for if he had said , they ought to pay tribute to caesar , 't would be plain he allowed their subjection to the romans ; and so in effect disowned himself to be their king and deliverer : whereby he would have contradicted , what his carriage and doctrine seemed to aim at , the opinion that was spread amongst the people , that he was the messiah . this would have quash'd the hopes , and destroyed the faith of those who believed on him ; and have turned the ears and hearts of the people from him . if on the other side , he answered no , it is not lawful to pay tribute to caesar ; they had had out of his own mouth wherewithal to condemn him before pontius pilate . but st. luke tells us , v. 23. he perceived their craftiness , and said unto them , why tempt ye me ? i. e. why do ye'lay snares for me ? ye hypocrites , shew me the tribute-money ; so it is , mat. xxii . 19. whose image and inscription has it ? they said , caesar ' s. he said unto them , render therefore to caesar the things that are caesar's ; and to god the things that are god's . by the wisdom and caution of which unexpected answer , he defeated their whole design . and they could not take hold of his words before the people ; and they marvelled at his answer , and held their peace , luke xx. 26. and leaving him , they departed , mat. xxii . 22. he having by this reply , ( and what he answered to the sadducees concerning the resurrection , and to the lawyer , about the first commandment , mark xii . ) answered so little to their satisfaction or advantage ; they durst ask him no more questions , any of them . and now their mouths being stop'd , he himself begins to question them about the messiah ; asking the pharisees , mat. xxii . 41. what think ye of the messiah , whose son is he ? they say unto him , the son of david . wherein , though they answered right , yet he shews them in the following words , that however they pretended to be studiers and teachers of the law , yet they understood not clearly the scriptures concerning the messiah ; and thereupon he sharply rebukes their hypocrisie , vanity , pride , malice , covetousness , and ignorance ; and particularly tells them , v. 13. ye shut up the kingdom of heaven against men : for ye neither go in your selves , nor suffer ye them that are entring , to go in . whereby he plainly declares to them , that the messiah was come , and his kingdom began ; but that they refused to believe in him themselves , and did all they could to hinder others from believing in him ; as is manifest throughout the new testament : the history whereof sufficiently explains what is meant here by the kingdom of heaven , which the scribes and pharisees would neither go into themselves , nor suffer others to enter into . and they could not choose but understand him , though he named not himself in the case . provoked a new by his rebukes , they get presently to council , mat. xxvi . then assembled together the chief priest , and the scribes , and the elders of the people , unto the palace of the high-priest , who was called caiphas , and consulted that they might take iesus by subtilty , and kill him . but they said , not on the feast-day , lest there be an vproar among the people . for they feared the people , says st. luke , chap. xxii . 2. having in the night got jesus into their hands , by the treachery of iudas , they presently led him away bound to annas the high-priest , iohn xviii . 13. 19. the high-priest then asked iesus of his disciples , and of his doctrine . iesus answered him , i spake openly to the world ; i ever taught in the synagogue , and in the temple , whither the iews always resort ; and in secret have i said nothing . a proof that he had not in private to his disciples declared himself in express words to be the messiah , the prince . but he goes on . why askest thou me ? ask iudas , who has been always with me . ask them who heard me , what i have said unto them ; behold , they know what i said . our saviour we see here warily declines , for the reasons above mentioned , all discourse of his doctrine . annas getting nothing out of him for his turn , v. 24. sends him away to caiphas , and the sanhedrim ; who , mat. xxvi . 59. sought false witness against him : but when they found none that were sufficient , or came up to the point they desired ; which was to have something against him to take away his life , ( for so i think the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mean , mark xiv . 56. 59. ) they try again what they can get out of him himself , concerning his being the messiah ; which if he owned in express words , they thought they should have enough against him at the tribunal of the roman governour , to make him laesae majestatis reum , and so to take away his life . they therefore say to him , luke xxii . 67. if thou be the messiah , tell us . nay , as st. matthew hath it , the high-priest adjures him by the living god to tell them whether he were the messiah . to which our saviour replies : if i tell you , ye will not believe ; and if i ask you , ye will not answer me , nor let me go . if i tell you , and prove to you , by the testimony given of me from heaven , and by the works that i have done among you , you will not believe in me , that i am the messiah . or if i should ask you where the messiah is to be born ; and what state he should come in ; how he should appear , and other things that you think in me are not reconcileable with the messiah ; you will not answer me , and let me go , as one that has no pretence to be the messiah , and you are not afraid should be received for such . but yet i tell you , hereafter shall the son of man sit on the right hand of the power of god , v. 70. then said they all , art thou then the son of god ? and he said unto them , ye say that i am . by which discourse with them , related at large here by st. luke , it is plain , that the answer of our saviour , set down by st. matthew , chap. xxvi . 64. in these words , thou hast said ; and by st. mark , chap. xiv . 62. in these , i am ; is an answer only to this question , art thou then the son of god ? and not to that other , art thou the messiah ? which preceded , and he had answered to before : though matthew and mark , contracting the story , set them down together , as if making but one question ; omitting all the intervening discourse ; whereas 't is plain out of st. luke , that they were two distinct questions , to which iesus gave two distinct answers . in the first whereof , he , according to his usual caution , declined saying in plain express words , that he was the messiah ; though in the latter he owned himself to be the son of god. which , though they being iews , understood to signifie the messiah ; yet he knew could be no legal or weighty accusation against him before a heathen ; and so it proved . for upon his answering to their question , art thou then the son of god ? ye say that i am ; they cry out , luke xxii . 71. what need we any further witnesses ? for we our selves have heard out of his own mouth : and so thinking they had enough against him , they hurry him away to pilate . pilate asking them , iohn xviii . 29-32 . what accusation bring you against this man ? they answered , and said , if he were not a malefactor , we would not have delivered him up unto thee . then said pilate unto them , take ye him , and iudge him according to your law. but this would not serve their turn , who aimed at his life , and would be satisfied with nothing else . the iews therefore said unto him , it is not lawful for us to put any man to death . and this was also , that the saying of iesus might be fulfilled which he spake , signifying what death he should dye . pursuing therefore their design , of making him appear to pontius pilate guilty of treason against caesar , luke xxiii . 2. they began to accuse him , saying ; we found this fellow perverting the nation , and forbidding to give tribute to caesar ; saying , that he himself is the messiah the king : all which were inferences of theirs , from his saying , he was the son of god : which pontius pilate finding ( for 't is consonant , that he examined them to the precise words he had said ) their accusation had no weight with him . however , the name of king being suggested against jesus , he thought himself concerned to search it to the bottom . iohn xviii . 33-37 . then pilate entred again into the iudgment-hall , and called iesus , and said unto him , art thou the king of the iews ? iesus answered him , sayest thou this of thy self , or did others tell it thee of me ? pilate answered , am i a iew ? thine own nation and the chief priest have delivered thee unto me : what hast thou done ? iesus answered , my kingdom is not of this world : if my kingdom were of this world , then would my servants fight , that i should not be delivered to the iews : but my kingdom is not from hence . pilate therefore said unto him , art thou a king then ? iesus answered , thou sayest that i am a king. for this end was i born , and for this cause came i into the world , that i should bear witness to the truth : every one that is of the truth heareth my voice . in this dialogue between our saviour and pilate , we may observe , 1. that being asked , whether he were the king of the iews ? he answers so , that though he deny it not , yet he avoided giving the least umbrage , that he had any design upon the government . for though he allows himself to be a king , yet to obviate any suspicion , he tells pilate his kingdom is not of this world ; and evidences it by this , that if he had pretended to any title to that country , his followers , which were not a few , and were forward enough to believe him their king , would have fought for him ; if he had had a mind to set himself up by force , or his kingdom were so to be erected . but my kingdom , says he , is not from hence ; is not of this fashion , or of this place . 2. pilate , being by his words and circumstances satisfied that he laid no claim to his province , or meant any disturbance of the government , was yet a little surprized to hear a man , in that poor garb , without retinue , or so much as a servant or a friend , own himself to be a king ; and therefore asks him , with some kind of wonder , art thou a king then ? 3. that our saviour declares , that his great business into the world was , to testifie and make good this great truth , that he was a king ; i. e. in other words , that he was the messiah . 4. that whoever were followers of truth , and got into the way of truth and happiness , received this doctrine concerning him , viz. that he was the messiah their king. pilate being thus satisfied , that he neither meant , nor could there arise any harm from his pretence , whatever it was , to be a king ; tells the jews , v. 38. i find no fault in this man. but the jews were the more fierce , luke xxiii . 5. saying , he stirreth up the people to sedition , by his preaching through all jewry , beginning from galilee to this place . and then pilate , learning that he was of galilee , herod's jurisdiction , sent him to herod ; to whom also the chief priest and scribes , v. 10. vehemently accused him . herod finding all their accusations either false or frivolous , thought our saviour a bare object of contempt ; and so turning him only into ridicule , sent him back to pilate : who calling unto him the chief priests , and the rulers , and the people , v. 14. said unto them , ye have brought this man unto me , as one that perverteth the people ; and behold , i having examined him before you , have found no fault in this man , touching these things whereof ye accuse him ; no , nor yet herod ; for i sent you to him : and so nothing worthy of death is done by him : and therefore he would have released him . for he knew the chief priests had delivered him through envy , mark xv. 10. and when they demanded barrabbas to be released , but as for jesus , cryed , crucifie him ; luke xxiii . 22. pilate said unto them the third time , why ? what evil hath he done ? i have found no cause of death in him ; i will therefore chastise him , and let him go . we may observe in all this whole prosecution of the jews , that they would fain have got it out of iesus's own mouth , in express words , that he was the messiah : which not being able to do with all their art and endeavour ; all the rest that they could alledge against him , not amounting to a proof before pilate , that he claimed to be king of the jews ; or that he had caused or done any thing towards a mutiny or insurrection among the people ; ( for upon these two , as we see , their whole charge turned ) pilate again and again pronounced him innocent : for so he did a fourth , and a fifth time ; bringing him out to them , after he had whip'd him , iohn xix . 4. 6. and after all , when pilate saw that he could prevail nothing , but that rather a tumult was made , he took water , and washed his hands before the multitude , saying , i am innocent of the blood of this just man ; see you to it , mat. xxvii . 24. which gives us a clear reason of the cautious and wary conduct of our saviour ; in not declaring himself , in the whole course of his ministry , so much as to his disciples , much less to the multitude or the rulers of the jews , in express words , to be the messiah the king : and why he kept himself always in prophetical or parabolical terms : ( he and his disciples preaching only the kingdom of god , i. e. of the messiah , to be come ) and left to his miracles to declare who he was ; though this was the truth , which he came into the world , as he says himself , iohn xviii . 37. to testifie , and which his disciples were to believe . when pilate , satisfied of his innocence , would have released him ; and the jews persisted to cry out , crucifie him , crucifie him , iohn xix . 6. pilate says to them , take ye him your selves , and crucifie him : for i do not find any fault in him . the jews then , since they could not make him a state-criminal , by alledging his saying that he was the son of god ; say , by their law it was a capital crime , v. 7. the iews answered to pilate , we have a law , and by our law he ought to die ; because he made himself the son of god. after this , pilate was the more desirous to release him , v. 12 , 13. but the iews cried out , saying , if thou let this man go , thou art not caesar 's friend : whosoever maketh himself a king , speaketh against caesar. here we see the stress of their charge against jesus ; whereby they hoped to take away his life ; viz. that he made himself king. we see also upon what they grounded this accusation , viz. because he had owned himself to be the son of god. for he had , in their hearing , never made or professed himself to be a king. we see here likewise the reason why they were so desirous to draw , from his own mouth , a confession in express words that he was the messiah ; viz. that they might have what might be a clear proof that he did so . and last of all , we see the reason why , though in expressions , which they understood , he owned himself to them to be the messiah ; yet he avoided declaring it to them , in such words as might look criminal at pilate's tribunal . he owned himself to be the messiah plainly to the understanding of the iews ; but in ways that could not , to the understanding of pilate , make it appear that he laid claim to the kingdom of iudea , or went about to make himself king of that country . but whether his saying , that he was the son of god , was criminal by their law , that pilate troubled not himself about . he that considers what tacitus , suetonius , seneca , de benef. l. 3. c. 26. say of tiberius and his reign , will find how necessary it was for our saviour , if he would not dye as a criminal and a traytor , to take great heed to his words and actions ; that he did , or said not any thing , that might be offensive , or give the least umbrage to the roman government . it behoved an innocent man , who was taken notice of for something extraordinary in him , to be very wary ; under a jealous and cruel prince , who encouraged informations , and filled his reign with executions for treason ; under whom words spoken innocently , or in jest , if they could be misconstrued , were made treason ; and prosecuted with a rigor , that made it always the same thing to be accused and condemned . and therefore we see , that when the iews told pilate , iohn xix . 12. that he should not be a friend to caesar , if he let iesus go ; ( for that whoever made himself king , was a rebel against caesar ; ) he asks them no more , whether they would take barrabbas , and spare iesus ; but ( though against his conscience ) gives him up to death , to secure his own head. one thing more there is , that gives us light into this wise and necessarily cautious management of himself , which manifestly agrees with it , and makes a part of it : and that is , the choice of his apostles ; exactly suited to the design and fore-sight of the necessity of keeping the declaration of the kingdom of the messiah , which was now expected , within certain general terms during his ministry ; and not opening himself too plainly or forwardly , to the heady jews , that he himself was the messiah ; but leaving it to be found out by the observation of those who would attend to the purity of his life , and the testimony of his miracles , and the conformity of all with the predictions concerning him ; without an express promulgation that he was the messiah , till after his death . his kingdom was to be opened to them by degrees , as well to prepare them to receive it , as to enable him to be long enough amongst them ; to perform what was the work of the messiah to be done ; and fulfil all those several parts of what was foretold of him in the old testament , and we see applyed to him in the new. the iews had no other thoughts of their messiah , but of a mighty temporal prince , that should raise their nation into an higher degree of power , dominion , and prosperity than ever it had enjoyed . they were filled with the expectation of a glorious earthly kingdom . it was not therefore for a poor man , the son of a carpenter , and ( as they thought ) born in galilee , to pretend to it . none of the iews , no not his disciples , could have born this ; if he had expresly avowed this at first , and began his preaching , and the opening of his kingdom this way ; especially if he had added to it , that in a year or two he should dye an ignominious death upon the cross. they are therefore prepared for the truth by degrees . first , iohn the baptist tells them , the kingdom of god ( a name by which the jews called the kingdom of the messiah ) is at hand . then our saviour comes , and he tells them of the kingdom of god ; sometimes that it is at hand , and upon some occasions , that it is come ; but says in his publick preaching little or nothing of himself . then come the apostles and evangelists after his death , and they in express words teach what his birth , life , and doctrine had done before , and had prepared the well-disposed to receive ; viz. that iesus is the messiah . to this design and method of publishing the gospel , was the choice of the apostles exactly adjusted ; a company of poor , ignorant , illiterate men ; who , as christ himself tells us , mat. xi . 25. and luke x. 21. were not of the wise and prudent men of the world : they were , in that respect , but meer children . these , convinced by the miracles they saw him daily do , and the unblameable life he lead , might be disposed to believe him to be the messiah : and though they with others expected a temporal kingdom on earth , might yet rest satisfied in the truth of their master ( who had honoured them with being near his person ) that it would come , without being too inquisitive after the time , manner , or seat of his kingdom ; as men of letters , more studied in their rabbins , or men of business , more versed in the world , would have been forward to have been . men great , or wise , in knowledge or ways of the world , would hardly have been kept from prying more narrowly into his design and conduct ; or from questioning him about the ways and measures he would take , for ascending the throne ; and what means were to be used towards it , and when they should in earnest set about it . abler men , of higher births or thoughts , would hardly have been hindred from whispering , at least to their friends and relations , that their master was the messiah ; and that though he concealed himself to a fit opportunity , and till things were ripe for it , yet they should ere long see him break out of his obscurity , cast off the cloud , and declare himself , as he was , king of israel . but the ignorance and lowness of these good poor men made them of another temper . they went along in an implicite trust on him , punctually keeping to his commands , and not exceeding his commission . when he sent them to preach the gospel , he bid them preach the kingdom of god to be at hand ; and that they did , without being more particular than he had ordered ; or mixing their own prudence with his commands , to promote the kingdom of the messiah . they preached it , without giving , or so much as intimating that their master was he : which men of another condition , and an higher education , would scarce have forborn to have done . when he asked them , who they thought him to be ; and peter answered , the messiah , the son of god , mat. xvi . 16. he plainly shews , by the following words , that he himself had not told them so ; and at the same time , v. 20. forbids them to tell this their opinion of him , to any body . how obedient they were to him in this , we may not only conclude from the silence of the evangelists concerning any such thing , published by them any where before his death ; but from the exact obedience three of them paid to a like command of his . he takes peter , iames , and iohn into a mountain ; and there moses and elias coming to him , he is transfigured before them : mat. xvii . 9. he charges them , saying ; see that ye tell no man what you have seen , till the son of man shall be risen from the dead . and st. luke tells us , what punctual observers they were of his orders in this case : chap. ix . 36. they kept it close , and told no man , in those days , any of those things which they had seen . whether twelve other men , of quicker parts , and of a station or breeding which might have given them any opinion of themselves , or their own abilities ; would have been so easily kept from medling beyond just what was prescribed them , in a matter they had so much interest in ; and have said nothing of what they might in humane prudence have thought would have contributed to their master's reputation , and made way for his advancement to his kingdom ; i leave to be considered . and it may suggest matter of meditation , whether st. paul was not for this reason , by his learning , parts , and warmer temper , better fitted for an apostle after , than during our saviour's ministry : and therefore , though a chosen vessel , was not by the divine wisdom called till after christ's resurrection . i offer this only as a subject of magnifying the admirable contrivance of the divine wisdom , in the whole work of our redemption , as far as we are able to trace it by the foot-steps which god hath made visible to humane reason . for though it be as easie to omnipotent power to do all things by an immediate over-ruling will ; and so to make any instruments work , even contrary to their nature , in subserviency to his ends ; yet his wisdom is not usually at the expence of miracles ( if i may so say ) but only in cases that require them , for the evidencing of some revelation or mission to be from him . he does constantly ( unless where the confirmation of some truth requires ▪ it otherwise ) bring about his purposes by means operating according to their natures . if it were not so , the course and evidence of things would be confounded ; miracles would lose their name and force , and there could be no distinction between natural and supernatural . there had been no room left to see and admire the wisdom , as well as innocence , of our saviour ; if he had rashly every where exposed himself to the fury of the jews , and had always been preserved by a miraculous suspension of their malice , or a miraculous rescuing him out of their hands . it was enough for him once to escape from the men of nazareth , who were going to throw him down a precipice , for him never to preach to them again . our saviour had multitudes that followed him for the loaves ; who barely seeing the miracles that he did , would have made him king. if to the miracles he did , he had openly added in express words , that he was the messiah , and the king they expected to deliver them ; he would have had more followers , and warmer in the cause , and readier to set him up at the head of a tumult . these indeed , god , by a miraculous influence , might have hundred from any such attempt : but then posterity could not have believed that the nation of the iews did at that time expect the messiah , their king and deliverer ; or that iesus , who declared himself to be that king and deliverer , shewed any miracles amongst them , to convince them of it ; or did any thing worthy to make him be credited or received . if he had gone about preaching to the multitude which he drew after him , that he was the messiah , the king of israel ; and this had been evidenced to pilate ; god could indeed , by a supernatural influence upon his mind , have made pilate pronounce him innocent ; and not condemn him as a malefactor , who had openly , for three years together , preached sedition to the people , and endeavoured to perswade them that he was the messiah their king , of the blood-royal of david , come to deliver them . but then i ask , whether posterity would not either have suspected the story , or that some art had been used to gain that testimony from pilate ? because he could not ( for nothing ) have been so favourable to iesus , as to be willing to release so turbulent and seditious a man ; to declare him innocent ; and cast the blame and guilt of his death , as unjust , upon the envy of the jews . but now the malice of the chief priests , scribes , and pharisees ; the headiness of the mob , animated with hopes , and raised with miracles ; iudas's treachery , and pilate's care of his government , and the peace of his province , all working naturally as they should ; iesus , by the admirable wariness of his carriage , and an extraordinary wisdom visible in his whole conduct , weathers all these difficulties , does the work he comes for , uninterruptedly goes about preaching his full appointed time , sufficiently manifests himself to be the messiah in all the particulars the scriptures had foretold of him ; and when his hour is come , suffers death ; but is acknowledged both by iudas that betrayed , and pilate that condemned him , to dye innocent . for , to use his own words , luke xxiv . 46. thus it is written , and thus it behooved the messiah to suffer . and of his whole conduct , we have a reason and clear resolution in those words to st. peter , mat. xxvi . 53. thinkest thou that i cannot now pray to my father , and he shall presently give me more than twelve legions of angels ? but how then shall the scripture be fulfilled , that thus it must be ? having this clue to guide us , let us now observe how our saviour's preaching and conduct comported with it , in the last scene of his life . how cautious he has been in the former part of his ministry , we have already observed . we never find him to use the name of the messiah but once , till he now came to ierusalem this last passover . before this , his preaching and miracles were less at ierusalem ( where he used to make but very short stays ) than any where else . but now he comes six days before the feast , and is every day in the temple teaching ; and there publickly heals the blind and the lame , in the presence of the scribes , pharisees , and chief priests . the time of his ministry drawing to an end , and his hour coming , he cared not how much the chief priests , elders , rulers , and the sanhedrim were provoked against him by his doctrine and miracles ; he was as open and bold in his preaching and doing the works of the messiah now at ierusalem , and in the sight of the rulers , and of all the people , as he had been before cautious and reserved there , and careful to be little taken notice of in that place , and not to come in their way more than needs . all now that he took care of , was , not what they should think of him , or design against him , ( for he knew they would seize him ) but to say or do nothing that might be a just matter of accusation against him , or render him criminal to the governour . but as for the grandees of the iewish nation , he spares them not , but sharply now reprehends their miscarriages publickly in the temple ; where he calls them , more than once , hypocrites ; as is to be seen , mat. xxiii . and concludes all with no softer a compellation , than serpents and generation of vipers . after this serve reproof of the scribes and pharisees , being retired with his disciples into the mount of olives , over against the temple ; and there fore-telling the destruction of it ; his disciples ask him , mat. xxiv . 3 , &c. when it should be , and what should be the signs of his coming ? he says to them , take heed that no man deceive you : for many shall come in my name ; i. e. taking on them the name and dignity of the messiah , which is only mine ; saying , i am the messiah , and shall deceive many . but be not you by them mislead , nor by persecution driven away from this fundamental truth , that i am the messiah ; for many shall be scandalized , and apostatize , but he that endures to the end , the same shall be saved : and this gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in all the world : i e. the good news of me , the messiah , and my kingdom , shall be spread through the world. this was the great and only point of belief they were warned to stick to ; and this is inculcated again , v. 23-26 . and mark xiii . 21-23 . with this emphatical application to them in both these evangelists , behold , i have told you before-hand ; remember ye are fore-warned . this was in his answer to the apostles enquiry concerning his coming , and the end of the world , v. 3. for so we translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; we must understand the disciples here to put their question , according to the notion and way of speaking of the iews . for they had two worlds , as we translate it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the present world , and the world to come . the kingdom of god , as they called it , or the time of the messiah , they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the world to come , which they believed was to put an end to this world : and that then the just should be raised from the dead ; to enjoy , in that new world , a happy eternity , with those of the jewish nation who should be then living . these two things , viz. the visible and powerful appearance of his kingdom , and the end of the world , being confounded in the apostles question , our saviour does not separate them , nor distinctly reply to them apart ; but leaving the enquirers in the common opinion , answers at once concerning his coming to take vengeance of the iewish nation , and put an end to their church , worship , and common-wealth ; which was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which they counted should last till the messiah came : and so it did , and then had en end put to it . and to this he joyns his last coming to judgment , in the glory of his father , to put a final end to this world , and all the dispensation belonging to the posterity of adam upon earth . this joyning them together , made his answer obscure , and hard to be understood by them then ; nor was it safe for him to speak plainer of his kingdom , and the destruction of ierusalem ; unless he had a mind to be accused for having designs against the government . for iudas was amongst them : and whether no other but his apostles were comprehended under the name of his disciples , who were with him at this time , one cannot determine . our saviour therefore speaks of his kingdom in no other stile but that which he had all along hitherto used , viz. the kingdom of god ; luke xxi . 31. when you see these things come to pass , know ye that the kingdom of god is nigh at hand . and continuing on his discourse with them , he has the same expression , mat. xxv . 1. then the kingdom of heaven shall be like unto ten virgins . at the end of the following parable of the talents , he adds , v. 31. when the son of man shall come in his glory , and all the holy angels with him , then shall he sit upon the throne of his glory , and before him shall be gathered all the nations . and he shall set the sheep on his right hand , and the goats on his left . then shall the king say , &c. here he describes to his disciples the appearance of his kingdom , wherein he will shew himself a king in glory upon his throne ; but this in such a way , and so remote , and so unintelligible to a heathen magistrate ; that if it had been alledged against him , it would have seemed rather the dream of a crazy brain , than the contrivance of an ambitious or dangerous man designing against the government : the way of expressing what he meant , being in the prophetick stile ; which is seldom so plain , as to be understood , till accomplished . 't is plain , that his disciples themselves comprehended not what kingdom he here spoke of , from their question to him after his resurrection , wilt thou at this time restore again the kingdom to israel ? having finished these discourses , he takes order for the passover , and eats it with his disciples ; and at supper tells them , that one of them should betray him : and adds , iohn xiii . 19. i tell it you now , before it come , that when it is come to pass , you may know that i am . he does not say out the messiah ; iudas should not have that to say against him if he would ; though that be the sense in which he uses this expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am , more than once . and that this is the meaning of it , is clear from mark xii . 6. luke xxi . 8. in both which evangelists the words are , for many shall come in my name , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am : the meaning whereof we shall find explained in the parallel place of st. matthew , chap. xxiv . 5. for many shall come in my name , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am the messiah . here in this place of iohn xiii . jesus fore-tells what should happen to him , viz. that he should be betrayed by iudas ; adding this prediction to the many other particulars of his death and suffering , which he had at other times foretold to them . and here he tells them the reason of these his predictions , viz. that afterwards they might be a confirmation to their faith. and what was it that he would have them believe , and be confirmed in the belief of ? nothing but this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was the messiah . the same reason he gives , iohn xiii . 28. you have heard , how i said unto you , i go away , and come again unto you : and now i have told you before it come to pass , that when it is come to pass , ye might believe . when iudas had left them , and was gone out , he talks a little freer to them of his glory , and his kingdom , than ever he had done before . for now he speaks plainly of himself , and his kingdom , iohn xiii . 31. therefore when he [ judas ] was gone out , iesus said , now is the son of man glorified , and god is also glorified in him . and if god be glorified in him , god ▪ shall also glorifie him in himself , and shall straitway glorifie him . and luke xxii . 29. and i will appoint unto you a kingdom , as my father hath appointed unto me ; that ye may eat and drink with me at my table in my kingdom . though he has every where all along through his ministry preached the gospel of the kingdom ; and nothing else but that and repentance , and the duties of a good life ; yet it has been always the kingdom of god , and the kingdom of heaven : and i do not remember , that any where , till now , he uses any such expression , as my kingdom . but here now he speaks in the first person , i will appoint you a kingdom ; and in my kingdom : and this we see is only to the eleven , now iudas was gone from them . with these eleven , whom he was now just leaving , he has a long discourse to comfort them for their loss of him ; and to prepare them for the persecution of the world ; and to exhort them to keep his commandments , and to love one another . and here one may expect all the articles of faith should be laid down plainly ; if any thing else were required of them to believe , but what he had taught them , and they believed already ; viz. that he was the messiah , john xiv . 1. ye believe in god , believe also in me . v. 29. i have told you before it come to pass , that when it is come to pass , ye may believe . it is believing on him , without any thing else . iohn xvi . 31. iesus answered them , do you now believe ? this was in answer to their professing , v 30. now are we sure that thou knowest all things , and needest not that any man should ask thee : by this we believe that thou comest forth from god. john xvii . 20. neither pray i for these alone , but for them also which shall believe on me through their word . all that is spoke of believing , in this his last sermon to them , is only believing on him , or believing that he came from god ; which was no other than believing him to be the messiah . indeed , iohn xiv . 9. our saviour tells philip , he that hath seen me , hath seen the father . and adds , v. 10. believest thou not that i am in the father , and the father in me ? the words that i speak unto you , i speak not of my self : but the father that dwelleth in me , he doth the works . which being in answer to philip's words , v. 9. shew us the father , seem to import thus much : no man hath seen god at any time , he is known only by his works . and that he is my father , and i the son of god , i. e. the messiah , you may know by the works i have done ; which it is impossible i could do of my self , but by the union i have with god my father . for that by being in god , and god in him , he signifies such an union with god , that god operates in and by him , appears not only by the words above-cited out of v. 10. ( which can scarce otherwise be made coherent sense ) but also from the same phrase used again by our saviour presently after , v. 20. at that day , viz. after his resurrection , when they should see him again , ye shall know that i am in my father , and you in me , and i in you ; i. e. by the works i shall enable you to do , through a power i have received from the father : which whoever sees me do , must acknowledge the father to be in me ; and whoever sees you do , must acknowledge me to be in you . and therefore he says , v. 12. verily , verily i say unto you , he that believeth on me , the works that i do shall he also do , because i go unto my father . though i go away , yet i shall be in you , who believe in me ; and ye shall be enabled to do miracles also for the carrying on of my kingdom , as i have done ; that it may be manifested to others that you are sent by me , as i have evidenced to you that i am sent by the father . and hence it is that he says , in the immediately preceding v. 11. believe me that i am in the father , and the father in me ; if not , believe me for the sake of the works themselves . let the works that i have done convince you that i am sent by the father ; that he is with me , and that i do nothing but by his will , and by vertue of the union i have with him ; and that consequently i am the messiah , who am anointed , sanctified , and separate by the father to the work for which he hath sent me . to confirm them in this faith , and to enable them to do such works as he had done , he promises them the holy ghost , iohn xiv . 25 , 26. these things i have said unto you , being yet present with you . but when i am gone , the holy ghost , the paraclet ( which may signifie monitor as well as comfortor , or advocate ) which the father shall send you in my name , he shall shew you all things , and bring to your remembrance all things which i have said . so that considering all that i have said , and laying it together , and comparing it with what you shall see come to pass , you may be more abundantly assured that i am the messiah , and fully comprehend that i have done and suffered all things foretold of the messiah ; and that were to be accomplished and fulfilled by him , according to the scriptures . but be not filled with grief that i leave you ; iohn xvi . 7. it is expedient for you that i go away : for if i go not away , the paraclet will not come unto you . one reason why , if he went not away , the holy ghost could not come , we may gather from what has been observed concerning the prudent and wary carriage of our saviour all through his ministry , that he might not incur death with the least suspicion of a malefactor : and therefore though his disciples believed him to be the messiah , yet they neither understood it so well , nor were so well confirmed in the belief of it , as after that he being crucified and risen again , they had received the holy ghost ; and with the gifts of the holy spirit , a fuller and clearer evidence and knowledge that he was the messiah ; and were enlightned to see how his kingdom was such as the scriptures foretold , though not such as they , till then , had expected . and now this knowledge and assurance received from the holy ghost , was of use to them after his resurrection ; when they could then boldly go about , and openly preach , as they did , that iesus was the messiah ; confirming that doctrine by the miracles which the holy ghost impowered them to do . but till he was dead and gone , they could not do this . their going about openly preaching , as they did after his resurrection , that iesus was the messiah ; and doing miracles every where to make it good , would not have consisted with that character of humility , peace , and innocence , which the messiah was to sustain ; if they had done it before his crucifixion . for this would have drawn upon him the condemnation of a malefactor , either as a stirrer of sedition against the publick peace ; or as a pretender to the kingdom of israel . and hence we see , that they who before his death preached only the gospel of the kingdom ; that the kingdom of god was at hand ; as soon as they had received the holy ghost after his resurrection , changed their stile , and every where in express words declare that iesus is the messiah , that king which was to come . this , the following words here in st. iohn xvi . 8-14 . confirm ; where he goes on to tell them ; and when he is come , he will convince the world of sin : because they believed not on me . your preaching then , accompanied with miracles , by the assistance of the holy ghost , shall be a conviction to the world that the iews sinned in not believing me to be the messiah . of righteousness , or justice : because i go to my father , and ye see me no more . by the same preaching and miracles you shall confirm the doctrine of my ascension ; and thereby convince the world that i was that iust one , who am therefore ascended to the father into heaven , where no unjust person shall enter . of iudgment : because the prince of this world is judged . and by the same assistance of the holy ghost ye shall convince the world that the devil is judged or condemned , by your casting of him out , and destroying his kingdom , and his worship where ever you preach . our saviour adds , i have yet many things to say unto you , but you cannot bear them now . they were yet so full of a temporal kingdom , that they could not bear the discovery of what a kind of kingdom his was , nor what a king he was to be ; and therefore he leaves them to the coming of the holy ghost , for a farther and fuller discovery of himself , and the kingdom of the messiah ; for fear they should be scandalized in him , and give up the hopes they had now in him , and forsake him . this he tells them , v. 1. of this xvi . chapter : these things i have said unto you , that you may not be scandalized . the last thing he had told them before his saying this to them , we find in the last verses of the precedent chapter : when the paraclet is come , the spirit of truth , he shall witness concerning me . he shall shew you who i am , and witness it to the world ; and then ye also shall bear witness , because ye have been with me from the beginning . he shall call to your mind what i have said and done , that ye may understand it , and know , and bear witness concerning me . and again here , iohn xvi . after he had told them , they could not bear what he had more to say , he adds ; v. 13. howbeit , when the spirit of truth is come , he will guide you into all truth ; and he will shew you things to come : he shall glorifie me . by the spirit , when he comes , ye shall be fully instructed concerning me ; and though you cannot yet , from what i have said to you , clearly comprehend my kingdom and glory ; yet he shall make it known to you wherein it consists : and though i am now in a mean state , and ready to be given up to contempt , torment , and death ; so that ye know not what to think of it ; yet the spirit , when he comes , shall glorifie me , and fully satisfie you of my power and kingdom ; and that i sit on the right hand of god , to order all things for the good and increase of it , till i come again at the last day in fulness of glory . accordingly , the apostles had a full and clear sight and perswasion of this , after they had received the holy ghost ; and they preached it every where boldly and openly , without the least remainder of doubt or uncertainty . but that they understood him not , yet even so far as his death and resurrection , is evident from v. 17 , 18. then said some of the disciples among themselves , what is this that he saith unto us ; a little while , and ye shall not see me ; and again , a little while , and ye shall see me ; and because i go to the father ? they said therefore , what is this that he saith , a little while ? we know not what he saith . upon which he goes on to discourse to them of his death and resurrection , and of the power they should have of doing miracles ; but all this he declares to them in a mystical and involved way of speaking ; as he tells them himself , v. 25. these things have i spoken to you in proverbs ; i. e. in general , obscure , aenigmatical , or figurative terms . ( all which , as well as allusive apologues , the jews called proverbs or parables ) hitherto my declaring of my self to you hath been obscure , and with reserve ; and i have not spoken of my self to you in plain and direct words , because ye could not bear it . a messiah , and not a king , you could not understand ; and a king living in poverty and persecution , and dying the death of a slave and malefactor upon a cross , you could not put together . and had i told you in plain words that i was the messiah , and given you a direct commission to preach to others that i professedly owned my self to be the messiah , you and they would have been ready to have made a commotion , to have set me upon the throne of my father david , and to fight for me , that your messiah , your king , in whom are your hopes of a kingdom , should not be delivered up into the hands of his enemies , to be put to death ; and of this , peter will instantly give you an example . but the time cometh when i shall no more speak unto you in parables ; but i shall shew unto you plainly of the father . my death and resurrection , and the coming of the holy ghost , will speedily enlighten you , and then i shall make you know the will and design of the father ; what a kingdom i am to have , and by what means , and to what end , v. 27. and this the father himself will shew unto you ; for he loveth you , because ye have loved me , and have believed that i came out from the father ; because ye have believed that i am the son of god , the messiah ; that he hath anointed and sent me ; though it hath not been yet fully discovered to you , what kind of kingdom it shall be , nor by what means brought about . and then our saviour , without being asked , explaining to them what he had said ; and making them understand better , what before they stuck at , and complained secretly among themselves that they understood not ; they thereupon declare , v. 30. now are we sure that thou knowest all things , and needest not that any man should ask thee . 't is plain thou knowest mens thoughts and doubts before they ask . by this we believe that thou comest forth from god. iesus answered , do ye now believe ? notwithstanding that you now believe that i came from god , and am the messiah , sent by him ; behold , the hour cometh , yea , is now come , that ye shall be scattered ; and as it is , mat. xxvi . 31. and shall all be scandalized in me . what it is to be scandalized in him , we may see by what followed hereupon , if that which he says to st. peter , mark xiv . did not sufficiently explain it . this i have been the more particular in ; that it may be seen , that in this last discourse to his disciples ( where he opened himself more than he had hitherto done ; and where , if any thing more was required to make them believers , than what they already believed , we might have expected they should have heard of it ; ) there were no new articles proposed to them , but what they believed before , viz. that he was the messiah , the son of god , sent from the father ; though of his manner of proceeding , and his sudden leaving the world , and some few particulars , he made them understand something more than they did before . but as to the main design of the gospel , viz. that he had a kingdom , that he should be put to death , and rise again , and ascend into heaven to his father , and come again in glory to judge the world ; this he had told them : and so had acquainted them with the great council of god , in sending him the messiah , and omitted nothing that was necessary to be known or believed in it . and so he tells them himself , iohn xv. 15. henceforth i call ye not servants ; for the servant knoweth not what his lord does : but i have called ye friends ; for all things i have heard of my father , i have made known unto you ; though perhaps ye do not so fully comprehend them , as you will shortly , when i am risen and ascended . to conclude all , in his prayer , which shuts up this discourse , he tells the father what he had made known to his apostles ; the result whereof we have iohn xvii . 8. i have given unto them the words which thou gavest me , and they have received them , and they have believed that thov didst send me : which is in effect , that he was the messiah promised and sent by god. and then he prays for them , and adds , v. 20 , 21. neither pray i for these alone , but for them also who shall believe on me through their word . what that word was , through which others should believe in him , we have seen in the preaching of the apostles all through the history of the acts , viz. this one great point , that jesus was the messiah . the apostles , he says , v. 25. know that thou hast sent me ; i. e. are assured that i am the messiah . and in v. 21. & 23. he prays , that the world may believe ( which v. 23. is called knowing ) that thou hast sent me . so that what christ would have believed by his disciples , we may see by this his last prayer for them , when he was leaving the world , as well as by what he preached whilst he was in it . and as a testimony of this , one of his last actions , even when he was upon the cross , was to confirm this doctrine ; by giving salvation to one of the thieves that was crucified with him , upon his declaration that he believed him to be the messiah ; for so much the words of his request imported , when he said , remember me , lord , when thou comest into thy kingdom , luke xxiii . 42. to which jesus replied , v. 43. verily i say unto thee , to day shalt thou be with me in paridise . an expression very remarkable : for as adam , by sin , left paradise ; i. e. a state of happy immortality ; here the believing thief , through his faith in iesus the messiah , is promised to be put in paradise , and so re-instated in an happy immortality . thus our saviour ended his life . and what he did after his resurrection , st. luke tells us , acts i. 3. that he shewed himself to the apostles forty days , speaking things concerning the kingdom of god. this was what our saviour preached in the whole course of his ministry , before his passion : and no other mysteries of faith does he now discover to them after his resurrection . all he says , is concerning the kingdom of god ; and what it was he said concerning that , we shall see presently out of the other evangelists ; having first only taken notice , that when now they asked him , v. 6. lord , wilt thou at this time restore again the kingdom to israel ? he said , unto them , v. 7. it is not for you to know the times , and the seasons , which the father hath put in his own power : but ye shall receive power after that the holy ghost is come upon you ; and ye shall be witnesses unto me unto the utmost parts of the earth . their great business was to be witnesses to iesus , of his life , death , resurrection , and ascension ; which put together , were undeniable proofs of his being the messiah : which was what they were to preach , and what he said to them concerning the kingdom of god ; as will appear by what is recorded of it in the other evangelists . the day of his resurrection , appearing to the two going to emmaus , luke xxiv . they declare , v. 21. what his disciples faith in him was : but we trusted that it had been he which should have redeemed israel ; i.e. we believed that he was the messiah ▪ come to deliver the nation of the iews . upon this iesus tells them , they ought to believe him to the messiah , notwithstanding what had happened ; nay , they ought by his suffering and death to be confirmed in that faith , that he was the messiah . and v. 26 , 27. beginning at moses and all the prophets , he expounded unto them in all the scriptures , the things concerning himself ; how that the messiah ought to have suffered these things , and to have entred into his glory . now he applies the prophesies of the messiah to himself , which we read not that he did ever do before his passion . and afterwards appearing to the eleven , luke xxiv . 36. he said unto them , v. 44-47 . these words which i spoke unto you while i was yet with you , that all things must be fulfilled which are written in the law of moses , and in the prophets , and in the psalms concerning me . then opened he their vnderstandings , that they might understand the scripture , and said unto them ; thus it is written , and thus it behoved the messiah to suffer , and to rise from the dead the third day ; and that repentance , and remission of sins should be preached in his name among all nations , beginning at ierusalem . here we see what it was he had preached to them , though not in so plain open words , before his crucifixion ; and what it is he now makes them understand ; and what it was that was to be preached to all nations , viz. that he was the messiah , that had suffered , and rose from the dead the third day , and fulfilled all things that was written in the old testament concerning the messiah ; and that those who believed this , and repented , should receive remission of their sins through this faith in him . or , as st. mark has it , chap. xvi . 15. go into all the world , and preach the gospel to every creature ; he that believeth , and is baptized , shall be saved ; but he that believeth not , shall be damned , v. 20. what the gospel , or good news was , we have shewed already , viz. the happy tidings of the messiah being come . v. 20. and they went forth and preached every where , the lord working with them , and confirming the word with signs following . what the word was which they preached , and the lord confirmed with miracles , we have seen already out of the history of their acts ; having given an account of their preaching every where , as it is recorded in the acts , except some few places , where the kingdom of the messiah is mentioned under the name of the kingdom of god ; which i forbore to set down , till i had made it plain out of the evangelists , that that was no other but the kingdom of the messiah . it may be seasonable therefore now , to add to those sermons we have formerly seen of st. paul ( wherein he preached no other article of faith , but that iesus was the messiah , the king , who being risen from the dead , now reigneth , and shall more publickly manifest his kingdom , in judging the world at the last day ) what farther is left upon record of his preaching . acts xix . 8. at ephesus , paul went into the synagogues , and spake boldly for the space of three months ; disputing and perswading concerning the kingdom of god. and acts xx. 25. at miletus he thus takes leave of the elders of ephesus : and now behold , i know that ye all among whom i have gone preaching the kingdom of god , shall see my face no more . what this preaching the kingdom of god was , he tells you , v. 20 , 21. i have kept nothing back from you , which was profitable unto you , but have shewed you , and have taught you publickly , and from house to house ; testifying both to the iews , and to the greeks , repentance towards god , and faith towards our lord iesus christ. and so again , acts xxviii . 23 , 24. when they [ the jews at rome ] had appointed him [ paul ] a day , there came many to him into his lodging ; to whom he expounded and testified the kingdom of god ; perswading them concerning iesus , both out of the law of moses , and out of the prophets , from morning to evening . and some believed the things which were spoken , and some believed not . and the history of the acts is concluded with this account of st. paul's preaching : and paul dwelt two whole years in his own hired house , and received all that came in unto him , preaching the kingdom of god , and teaching those things which concern the lord iesus the messiah . we may therefore here apply the same conclusion , to the history of our saviour , writ by the evangelists ; and to the history of the apostles , writ in the acts ; which st. iohn does to his own gospel , chap. xx. 30 , 31. many other signs did iesus before his disciples ; and in many other places the apostles preached the same doctrine , which are not written in these books ; but these are written , that you may believe that iesus is the messiah , the son of god ; and that believing , you may have life in his name . what st. iohn thought necessary and sufficient to be believed , for the attaining eternal life , he here tells us . and this , not in the first dawning of the gospel ; when , perhaps , some will be apt to think less was required to be believed , than after the doctrine of faith , and mystery of salvation , was more fully explained , in the epistles writ by the apostles . for it is to be remembred , that st. iohn says this not as soon as christ was ascended ; for these words , with the rest of st. iohn's gospel , were not written till many years after not only the other gospels , and st. luke's history of the acts ; but in all appearance , after all the epistles writ by the other apostles . so that above threescore years after our saviour's passion ; ( for so long after , both epiphanius and st. ierome assure us this gospel was written ) st. iohn knew nothing else required to be believed for the attaining of life , but that iesus is the messiah , the son of god. to this , 't is likely , it will be objected by some , that to believe only that iesus of nazareth is the messiah , is but an historical , and not a justifying or saving faith. to which i answer ; that i allow to the makers of systems and their followers , to invent and use what distinctions they please ; and to call things by what names they think fit . but i cannot allow to them , or to any man , an authority to make a religion for me , or to alter that which god hath revealed . and if they please to call the believing that which our saviour and his apostles preached and proposed alone to be believed , an historical faith ; they have their liberty . but they must have a care how they deny it to be a justifying or saving faith , when our saviour and his apostles have declared it so to be , and taught no other which men should receive , and whereby they should be made believers unto eternal life ; unless they can so far make bold with our saviour , for the sake of their beloved systems , as to say , that he forgot what he came into the world for ; and that he and his apostles did not instruct people right in the way and mysteries of salvation . for that this is the sole doctrine pressed and required to be believed in the whole tenour of our saviour's and his apostles preaching , we have shewed through the whole history of the evangelists and the acts. and i challenge them to shew that there was any other doctrine , upon their assent to which , or disbelief of it , men were pronounced believers , or unbelievers ; and accordingly received into the church of christ , as members of his body , as far as meer believing could make them so , or else kept out of it . this was the only gospel-article of faith which was preached to them . and if nothing else was preached every where , the apostles argument will hold against any other articles of faith to be be believed under the gospel ; rom. x. 14. how shall they believe that whereof they have not heard ? for to preach any other doctrines necessary to be believed , we do not find that any body was sent . perhaps it will farther be urged , that this is not a saving faith ; because such a faith as this the devils may have , and 't was plain they had ; for they believed and declared iesus to be the messiah . and st. iames , chap. ii. 19. tells us , the devils believe , and tremble ; and yet they shall not be saved . to which i answer , 1. that they could not be saved by any faith , to whom it was not proposed as a means of salvation , nor ever promised to be counted for righteousness . this was an act of grace , shewn only to mankind . god dealt so favourably with the posterity of adam , that if they would believe iesus to be the messiah , the promised king and saviour ; and perform what other conditions were required of them by the covenant of grace ; god would justifie them , because of this belief . he would account this faith to them for righteousness , and look on it as making up the defects of their obedience ; which being thus supplied by what was taken instead of it , they were looked on as just or righteous , and so inherited eternal life . but this favour shewn to mankind , was never offered to the fallen angels . they had no such proposals made to them : and therefore whatever of this kind was proposed to men , it availed them not , whatever they performed of it . this covenant of grace was never offered to them . 2. i answer ; that though the devils believed , yet they could not be saved by the covenant of grace ; because they performed not the other condition required in it , altogether as necessary to be performed as this of believing , and that is repentance . repentance is as absolute a condition of the covenant of grace , as faith ; and as necessary to be performed as that . iohn the baptist , who was to prepare the way for the messiah , preached the baptism of repentance for the remission of sins , mark 1. 4. as iohn began his preaching with repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand , mat. iii. 2. so did our saviour begin his , mat. iv. 17. from that time began iesus to preach , and to say , repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand . or , as st. mark has it in that parallel place , mark i. 14 , 15. now after that john was put in prison , iesus came into galilee , preaching the gospel of the kingdom of god , and saying ; the time is fulfilled , and the kingdom of god is at hand : repent ye , and believe the gospel . this was not only the beginning of his preaching , but the sum of all that he did preach ; viz. that men should repent , and believe the good tidings which he brought them ; that the time was fulfilled for the coming of the messiah . and this was what his apostles preached , when he sent them out , mark vi. 12. and they going out , preached that men should repent . believing jesus to be the messiah , and repenting , were so necessary and fundamental parts of the covenant of grace , that one of them alone is often put for both . for here st. mark mentions nothing but their preaching repentance ; as st. luke , in the parallel place , chap. ix . 6. mentions nothing but their evangelizing , or preaching the good news of the kingdom of the messiah : and st. paul often in his epistles puts faith for the whole duty of a christian. but yet the tenour of the gospel is what christ declares , luke xii . 3. 5. vnless ye repent , ye shall all likewise perish . and in the parable of the rich man in hell , delivered by our saviour , luke xvi . repentance alone is the means proposed of avoiding that place of torment , v. 30 , 31. and what the tenor of the doctrine , which should be preached to the world , should be , he tells his apostles after his resurrection , luke xxiv . 27. viz. that repentance and remission of sins should be preached in his name , who was the messiah . and accordingly , believing iesus to be the messiah , and repenting , was what the apostles preached . so peter began , acts ii. 38. repent , and be baptized . these two things were required for the remission of sins , viz. entring themselves in the kingdom of god ; and owning and professing themselves the subjects of iesus , whom they believed to be the messiah , and received for their lord and king ; for that was to be baptized in his name : baptism being an initiating ceremony known to the iews , whereby those , who leaving heathenism , and professing a submission to the law of moses , were received into the common-wealth of israel . and so it was made use of by our saviour , to be that solemn visible act , whereby those who believed him to be the messiah , received him as their king , and professed obedience to him , were admitted as subjects into his kingdom : which in the gospels is called the kingdom of god ; and in the acts and epistles often by another name , viz. the church . the same st. peter preaches again to the iews , acts iii. 19. repent , and be converted , that your sins may be blotted out . what this repentance was ; which the new covenant required as one of the conditions to be performed by all those who should receive the benefits of that covenant ; is plain in the scripture , to be not only a sorrow for sins past , but ( what is a natural consequence of such sorrow , if it be real ) a turning from them , into a new and contrary life . and so they are joyned together , acts iii. 19. repent and turn about ; or , as we render it , be converted . and acts xxvi . repent and turn to god. and sometimes turning about is put alone , to signifie repentance , mat. xiii . 15. luke xxii . 32. which in other words is well expressed by newness of life . for it being certain that he who is really sorry for his sins , and abhors them , will turn from them , and forsake them ; either of these acts , which have so natural a connexion one with the other , may be , and is often put for both together . repentance is an hearty sorrow for our past misdeeds , and a sincere resolution and endeavour , to the utmost of our power , to conform all our actions to the law of god. so that repentance does not consist in one single act of sorrow ( though that being the first and leading act , gives denomination to the whole ) but in doing works meet for repentance , in a sincere obedience to the law of christ , the remainder of our lives . this was called for by iohn the baptist , the preacher of repentance , mat. iii. 8. bring forth fruits meet for repentance . and by st. paul here , acts xxvi . 20. repent and turn to god , and do works meet for repentance . there are works to follow belonging to repentance , as well as sorrow for what is past . these two , faith and repentance ; i. e. believing jesus to be the messiah , and a good life ; are the indispensible conditions of the new covenant . the reasonableness , or rather necessity of which , ( as the only conditions required in the covenant of grace , to be performed by all those who would obtain eternal life ) that we may the better comprehend , we must a little look back to what was said in the beginning . adam being the son of god ; and so st. luke calls him , chap. iii. 38. had this part also of the likeness and image of his father , viz. that he was immortal . but adam transgressing the command given him by his heavenly father , incurred the penalty , forfeited that state of immortality , and became mortal . after this , adam begot children : but they were in his own likeness , after his own image ; mortal , like their father . god nevertheless , out of his infinite mercy , willing to bestow eternal life on mortal men , sends jesus christ into the world ; who being conceived in the womb of a virgin ( that had not known man ) by the immediate power of god , was properly the son of god ; according to what the angel declared to his mother , luke i. 30-35 . the holy ghost shall come upon thee , and the power of the highest shall over shadow thee : therefore also that holy thing which shall be born of thee , shall be called the son of god. so that being the son of god , he was , like his father , immortal . as he tells us , iohn v. 26. as the father hath life in himself , so hath be given to the son to have life in himself . and that immortality is a part of that image , wherein these ( who were the immediate sons of god , so as to have no other father ) were made like their father , appears probable , not only from the places in genesis concerning adam , above taken notice of , but seems to me also to be intimated in some expressions concerning iesus , the son of god. in the new testament , col. i. 15. he is called the image of the invivisible god. invisible seems put in , to obviate any gross imagination , that he ( as images use to do ) represented god in any corporeal or visible resemblance . and there is farther subjoyned , to lead us into the meaning of it , the first-born of every creature ; which is farther explained , v. 18. where he is termed the first-born from the dead : thereby making out , and shewing himself to be the image of the invisible god ; that death hath no power over him : but being the son of god , and not having forfeited that son-ship by any trangression , was the heir of eternal life ; as adam should have been , had he continued in his filial duty . in the same sense the apostle seems to use the word image in other places , viz. rom. viii . 29. whom he did foreknow , he also did predestinate to be conformed to the image of his son , that he might be the first-born among many brethren . this image , to which they were conformed , seems to be immortality and eternal life . for 't is remarkable that in both these places st. paul speaks of the resurrection ; and that christ was the first-born among many brethren ; he being by birth the son of god , and the others only by adoption , as we see in this same chapter , v. 15-17 . ye have received the spirit of adoption , whereby we cry , abba , father : the spirit it self bearing witness with our spirits that we are the children of god. and if children , then heirs ; and ioynt-heirs with christ : if so be that we suffer with him , that we may also be glorified together . and hence we see that our saviour vouchsafes to call those , who at the day of judgment are through him entring into eternal life , his brethren ; mat. xxv . 40. in as much as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren . and may we not in this find a reason why god so frequently in the new testament , and so seldom , if at all , in the old , is mentioned under the single title of the father ? and therefore our saviour says , mat. xi . no man knoweth the father save the son , and he to whomsoever the son will reveal him . god has now a son again in the world , the first-born of many brethren , who all now , by the spirit of adoption , can say , abba , father . and we by adoption , being for his sake made his brethren , and the sons of god , come to share in that inheritance , which was his natural right ; he being by birth the son of god : which inheritance is eternal life . and again , v. 23. we groan within our selves , waiting for the adoption , to wit , the redemption of our body ; whereby is plainly meant the change of these frail mortal bodies , into the spiritual immortal bodies at the resurrection ; when this mortal shall have put on immortality , 1 cor. xv. 54. which in that chapter , v. 42-44 . he farther expresses thus : so also is the resurrection of the dead . it is sown in corruption , it is raised in incorruption : it is sown in dishonour , it is raised in glory : it is sown in weakness , it is raised in power : it is sown a natural body , it is raised a spiritual body , &c. to which he subjoyns , v. 49. as we have born the image of the earthy , ( i. e. as we have been mortal , like earthy adam our father , from whom we are descended , when he was turned out of paradise ) we shall also bear the image of the heavenly ; into whose sonship and inheritance being adopted , we shall , at the resurrection , receive that adoption we expect , even the redemption of our bodies ; and after his image , which is the image of the father , become immortal . hear what he says himself , luke xx. 35 , 36. they who shall be accounted worthy to obtain that world , and the resurrection from the dead , neither marry , nor are given in marriage . neither can they die any more ; for they are equal unto the angels , and are the sons of god , being the sons of the resurrection . and he that shall read st. paul's arguing , acts xiii . 32 , 33. will find that the great evidence that jesus was the son of god , was his resurrection . then the image of his father appeared in him , when he visibly entred into the state of immortality . for thus the apostle reasons ; we preach to you , how that the promise which was made to our fathers , god hath fulfilled the same unto us , in that he hath raised up iesus again ; as it is also written in the second psalm , thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee . this may serve a little to explain the immortality of the sons of god , who are in this like their father , made after his image and likeness . but that our saviour was so , he himself farther declares , iohn x. 18. where speaking of his life , he says , no one taketh it from me , but i lay it down of my self : i have power to lay it down , and i have power to take it up again . which he could not have had , if he had been a mortal man , the son of a man , of the seed of adam ; or else had by any transgression forfeited his life . for the wages of sin is death : and he that hath incurred death for his own transgression , cannot lay down his life for another , as our saviour professes he did . for he was the just one , acts vii . 57. and xii . 14. who knew no sin . 2 cor. v. 21. who did no sin , neither was guile found in his mouth . and thus , as by man came death , so by man came the resurrection of the dead . for as in adam all die , so in christ shall all be made alive . for this laying down his life for others , our saviour tells us , iohn x. 17. therefore does my father love me , because i lay down my life , that i might take it again . and this his obedience and suffering was rewarded with a kingdom ; which , he tells us , luke xxii . his father had appointed unto him ; and which , 't is evident out of the epistle to the hebrews , chap. xii . 2. he had a regard to in his sufferings : who for the joy that was set before him , endured the cross , despising the shame , and is set down at the right hand of the throne of god. which kingdom given him upon this account of his obedience , suffering , and death , he himself takes notice of , in these words , iohn xvii . 1-4 . iesus lift up his eyes to heaven , and said , father , the hour is come , glorifie thy son , that thy son also may glorifie thee . as thou hast given him power over all flesh , that he should give eternal life to as many as thou hast given him . and this is life eternal , that they may know thee the only true god , and iesus the messiah , whom thou hast sent . i have glorified thee on earth : i have finished the work which thou gavest me to do . and st. paul , in his epistle to the philippians , chap. ii. 8-11 . he humbled himself , and became obedient unto death , even the death of the cross. wherefore god also hath highly exalted him , and given him a name that is above every name : that at the name of iesus every knee should bow , of things in heaven , and things in earth , and things under the earth ; and that every tongue should confess that iesus christ is lord. thus god , we see , designed his son christ iesus a kingdom , an everlasting kingdom in heaven . but though as in adam all die , so in christ all shall be made alive ; and all men shall return to life again at the last day ; yet all men having sinned , and thereby come short of the glory of god , as st. paul assures us , rom. iii. 23. ( i.e. not attaining to the heavenly kingdom of the messiah , which is often called the glory of god ; as may be seen , rom. v. 2. & xv. 7. & ii. 7. mat. xvi . 27. mark viii . 38. for no one who is unrighteous , i. e. comes short of perfect righteousness , shall be admitted into the eternal life of that kingdom ; as is declared , 1 cor. vi. 9. the unrighteous shall not inherit the kingdom of god ; ) and death , the wages of sin , being the portion of all those who had transgressed the righteous law of god ; the son of god would in vain have come into the world , to lay the foundations of a kingdom , and gather together a select people out of the world , if , ( they being found guilty at their appearance before the judgment-seat of the righteous judge of all men at the last day ) instead of entrance into eternal life in the kingdom he had prepared for them , they should receive death , the just reward of sin , which every one of them was guilty of . this second death would have left him no subjects ; and instead of those ten thousand times ten thousand , and thousands of thousands , there would not have been one left him to sing praises unto his name , saying , blessing , and honour and glory , and power , be unto him that sitteth on the throne , and unto the lamb for ever and ever . god therefore , out of his mercy to mankind , and for the erecting of the kingdom of his son , and furnishing it with subjects out of every kindred , and tongue , and people , and nation , proposed to the children of men , that as many of them as would believe iesus his son ( whom he sent into the world ) to be the messiah , the promised deliverer ; and would receive him for their king and ruler ; should have all their past sins , disobedience , and rebellion forgiven them : and if for the future they lived in a sincere obedience to his law , to the utmost of their power ; the sins of humane frailty for the time to come , as well as all those of their past lives , should , for his son's sake , because they gave themselves up to him to be his subjects , be forgiven them : and so their faith , which made them be baptized into his name ; ( i.e. enroll themselves in the kingdom of iesus the messiah , and profess themselves his subjects , and consequently live by the laws of his kingdom ) should be accounted to them for righteousness ; i.e. should supply the defects of a scanty obedience in the sight of god ; who counting this faith to them for righteousness , or compleat obedience , did thus justifie , or make them just , and thereby capable of eternal life . now , that this is the faith for which god of his free grace justifies sinful man ; ( for 't is god alone that justifieth , rom. viii . 33. rom. iii. 26. ) we have already shewed ; by observing through all the history of our saviour and the apostles , recorded in the evangelists , and in the acts , what he and his apostles preached and proposed to be believed . we shall shew now , that besides believing him to be the messiah their king , it was farther required , that those who would have the priviledge , advantages , and deliverance of his kingdom , should enter themselves into it ; and by baptism being made denizons , and solemnly incorporated into that kingdom , live as became subjects obedient to the laws of it . for if they believed him to be the messiah their king , but would not obey his laws , and would not have him to reign over them , they were but greater rebels ; and god would not justifie them for a faith that did but increase their guilt , and oppose diametrically the kingdom and design of the messiah ; who gave himself for us , that he might redeem us from all iniquity , and purifie unto himself a peculiar people , zealous of good works , titus ii. 14. and therefore st. paul tells the galatians , that that which availeth is faith ; but faith working by love. and that faith without works , i.e. the works of sincere obedience to the law and will of christ , is not sufficient for our justification , st. iames shews at large , chap. ii. neither indeed could it be otherwise ; for life , eternal life being the reward of justice or righteousness only , appointed by the righteous god ( who is of purer eyes than to behold iniquity ) to those only who had no taint or infection of sin upon them , it is impossible that he should justifie those who had no regard to justice at all , whatever they believed . this would have been to encourage iniquity , contrary to the purity of his nature ; and to have condemned that eternal law of right , which is holy , just , and good ; of which no one precept or rule is abrogated or repealed ; nor indeed can be ; whilst god is an holy , just , and righteous god , and man a rational creature . the duties of that law arising from the constitution of his very nature , are of eternal obligation ; nor can it be taken away or dispensed with , without changing the nature of things , overturning the measures of right and wrong , and thereby introducing and authorizing irregularity , confusion , and disorder in the world. which was not the end for which christ came into the world ; but on the contrary , to reform the corrupt state of degenerate man ; and out of those who would mend their lives , and bring forth fruit meet for repentance , erect a new kingdom . this is the law of that kingdom , as well as of all mankind ; and that law by which all men shall be judged at the last day . only those who have believed iesus to be the messiah , and have taken him to be their king , with a sincere endeavour after righteousness , in obeying his law , shall have their past sins not imputed to them ; and shall have that faith taken instead of obedience ; where frailty and weakness made them transgress , and sin prevailed after conversion in those who hunger and thirst after righteousness ( or perfect obedience ) and do not allow themselves in acts of disobedience and rebellion , against the laws of that kingdom they are entred into . he did not expect , 't is true , a perfect obedience void of all slips and falls : he knew our make , and the weakness of our constitutions too well , and was sent with a supply for that defect . besides , perfect obedience was the righteousness of the law of works ; and then the reward would be of debt , and not of grace ; and to such there was no need of faith to be imputed to them for righteousness . they stood upon their own legs , were just already , and needed no allowance to be made them for believing jesus to be the messiah , taking him for their king , and becoming his subjects . but whether christ does not require obedience , sincere obedience , is evident from the laws he himself pronounces ( unless he can be supposed to give and inculcate laws only to have them disobeyed ) and from the sentence he will pass when he comes to judge . the faith required was , to believe iesus to be the messiah , the anointed ; who had been promised by god to the world. amongst the iews ( to whom the promises and prophesies of the messiah were more immediately delivered ) anointing was used to three sorts of persons , at their inauguration ; whereby they were set apart to three great offices ; viz. of priests , prophets , and kings . though these three offices be in holy writ attributed to our saviour , yet i do not remember that he any where assumes to himself the title of a priest , or mentions any thing relating to his priesthood : nor does he speak of his being a prophet but very sparingly , and once or twice , as it were , by the by : but the gospel , or the good news of the kingdom of the messiah , is what he preaches every where , and makes it his great business to publish to the world. this he did , not only as most agreeable to the expectation of the iews , who looked for their messiah , chiefly as coming in power to be their king and deliverer ; but as it best answered the chief end of his coming , which was to be a king , and as such to be received by those who would be his subjects in the kingdom which he came to erect . and though he took not directly on himself the title of king till he was in custody , and in the hands of pilate ; yet 't is plain , king , and king of israel , were the familiar and received titles of the messiah . see iohn i. 50. luke xix . 38. compared with mat. xxi . 9. and mark xi . 9. iohn xii . 13. mat. xxi . 5. luke xxiii . 2. compared with mat. xxvii . 11. and iohn xviii . 33-37 . mark xv. 12. compared with mat. xxvii . 22. mat. xxvii . 42. what those were to do , who believed him to be the messiah , and received him for their king , that they might be admitted to be partakers with him of this kingdom in glory , we shall best know by the laws he gives them , and requires them to obey ; and by the sentence which he himself will give , when , sitting on his throne , they shall all appear at his tribunal , to receive every one his doom from the mouth of this righteous judge of all men. what he proposed to his followers to be believed , we have already seen ; by examining his , and his apostles preaching , step by step , all through the history of the four evangelists , and the acts of the apostles . the same method will best and plainest shew us , whether he required of those who believed him to be the messiah , any thing besides that faith , and what it was . for he being a king , we shall see by his commands what he expects from his subjects : for if he did not expect obedience to them , his commands would be but meer mockery ; and if there were no punishment for the transgressors of them , his laws would not be the laws of a king , that had authority to command , and power to chastise the disobedient ; but empty talk , without force , and without influence . we shall therefore from his injunctions ( if any such there be ) see what he has made necessary to be performed , by all those who shall be received into eternal life in his kingdom prepared in the heavens . and in this we cannot be deceived . what we have from his own mouth , especially if repeated over and over again , in different places and expressions , will be past doubt and controversie . i shall pass by all that is said by st. iohn baptist , or any other , before our saviour's entry upon his ministry and publick promulgation of the laws of his kingdom . he began his preaching with a command to repent ; as st. matt. tells us . iv. 17. from that time iesus began to preach ; saying , repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand . and luke v. 32. he tells the scribes and pharisees , i came not to call the righteous ; those who were truly so , needed no help , they had a right to the tree of life , but sinners to repentance . in this sermon , as he calls it , in the mount , luke vi. and matt. v , &c. he commands they should be exemplary in good works . let your light so shine amongst men , that they may see your good works , and glorify your father which is in heaven , matt. v. 15. and that they might know what he came for , and what he expected of them , he tells them , v. 17-20 . think not that i am come to dissolve or loosen the law , or the prophets : i am not come to dissolve , or loosen , but to make it full , or compleat ; by giving it you in its true and strict-sense . here we see he confirms , and at once reinforces all the moral precepts in the old testament . for verily i say to you , till heaven and earth pass , one jot or one tittle , shall in no wise pass from the law , till all be done . whosoever therefore shall break one of these least commandments , and shall teach men so , he shall be called the least , ( i. e. as it is interpreted ) shall not be at all , in the kingdom of heaven . v. 21. i say unto you , that except your righteousness , i. e. your performance of the eternal law of right , shall exceed the righteousness of the scribes and pharisees , ye shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven : and then he goes on to make good what he said , v. 17. viz. that he was come to compleat the law , viz. by giving its full and clear sense , free from the corrupt and loosning glosses of the scribes and pharisees , v. 22-26 . he tells them , that not only murder , but causeless anger , and so much as words of contempt , were forbidden . he commands them to be reconciled and kind towards their adversaires ; and that upon pain of condemnation . in the following part of his sermon , which is to be read luke vi. and more at large , matt. v , vi , vii . he not only forbids actual uncleanness , but all irregular desires , upon pain of hell-fire ; causless divorces ; swearing in conversation , as well as forswearing in judgment ; revenge ; retaliation ; ostentation of charity , of devotion , and of fasting ; repetitions in prayer ; covetousness ; worldly care ; censoriousness : and on the other side , commands loving our enemies ; doing good to those that hate us ; blessing those that curse us ; praying for those that despightfully use us ; patience , and meekness under injuries ; forgiveness ; liberality , compassion : and closes all his particular injunctions , with this general golden rule , matt. vii . 12. all things whatsoever ye would have that men should do to you , do ye even so to them : for this is the law and the prophets . and to shew how much he is in earnest , and expects obedience to these laws ; he tells them luke vi. 35. that if they obey , great shall be their reward ; they shall be called , the sons of the highest . and to all this , in the conclusion , he adds this solemn sanction ; why call ye me lord , lord , and do not the things that i say ? 't is in vain for you to take me for the messiah your king , unless you obey me . not every one who calls me lord , lord , shall enter into the kingdom of heaven , or be sons of god ; but he that does the will of my father which is in heaven . to such disobedient subjects , though they have prophesied and done miracles in my name , i shall say at the day of judgment ; depart from me ye workers of iniquity , i know you not . when matt. xii . he was told , that his mother and brethren sought to speak with him , v. 49. stretching out his hands to his disciples , he said , be hold my mother and my brethren ; for whosoever shall do the will of my father , who is in heaven , he is my brother , and sister , and mother . they could not be children of the adoption , and fellow heirs with him of eternal life , who did not do the will of his heavenly father . matt. xv. and mark. vi. the pharisees finding fault , that his disciples eat with unclean hands , he makes this declaration to his apostles : do ye not perceive , that whatsoever from without entreth into a man , cannot defile him ; because it enters not into his heart , but his belly . that which cometh out of the man , that defileth the man : for from within , out of the heart of men , proceed evil thoughts , adulteries , fornicati-murders , thefts , false witnesses , covetousness , wickedness , deceit , laciviousness , an evil eye , blasphemy , pride , foolishness . all these ill things come from within , and defile a man. he commands self-denial , and the exposing our selves to suffering and danger , rather than to deny or disown him : and this upon pain of loosing our souls ; which are of more worth than all the world. this we may read , matt. xvi . 24-27 . and the parallel places , matt. viii . and luke ix . the apostles disputing amongst them , who should be greatest in the kingdom of the messiah , matt. xviii . 1. he thus determines the controversy : mark. ix . 35. if any one will be first , let him be last of all , and servant of all ; and setting a child before them adds , matt. xviii . 3. verily i say unto you , vnless ye turn , and become as children , ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven . mat. xviii . 15. if thy brother shall trespass against thee , go and tell him his fault between thee and him alone : if he shall hear thee , thou hast gained thy brother . but if he will not hear thee , then take with thee one or two more , that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established . and if he shall neglect to hear them , tell it to the church : but if he neglect to hear the church , let him be unto thee as an heathen and publican . v. 21. peter said , lord , how often shall my brother sin against me , and i forgive him ? till seven times ? iesus said unto him , i say not unto thee , till seven times ; but until seventy times seven . and then ends the parable of the servant , who being himself forgiven , was rigorous to his fellow-servant , with these words ; v. 34. and his lord was worth , and delivered him to the tormentors , till he should pay all that was due unto him . so likewise shall my heavenly father do also unto you , if you from your hearts forgive not every one his brother their trespasses . luke x25 . to the lawyer , asking him , what shall i do to inherit eternal life ? he said , what is written in the law ? how readest thou ? he answered , thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thy heart , and with all thy soul , and with all thy strength , and with all thy mind ; and thy neighbour as thy self . jesus said , this do , and thou shalt live . and when the lawyer , upon our saviour's parable of the good samaritan , was forced to confess , that he that shewed mercy , was his neighbour ; jesus dismissed him with this charge , v. 37. go , and do thou likewise . luke xi . 41. give alms of such things as ye have : behold , all things are clean unto you . luke xii . 15. take heed , and beware of covetousness . v. 22. be not sollicitous what ye shall eat , or what ye shall drink , nor what ye shall put on ; be not fearful , or apprehensive of want , for it is your father's pleasure to give you a kingdom . sell that you have , and give alms : and provide your selves bags that wax not old , and treasure in the heavens that faileth not : for where your treasure is , there will your heart be also . let your loyns be girded , and your lights burning ; and ye your selves like unto men that wait for the lord , when he will return . blessed are those servants , whom the lord when he cometh , shall find watching . blessed is that servant , whom the lord having made ruler of his houshold , to give them their portion of meat in due season , the lord , when he cometh , shall find so doing . of a truth i say unto you , that he will make him a ruler over all that he hath . but if that servant say in his heart , my lord delayeth his coming ; and shall begin to beat the men-servants , and maidens , and to eat and drink , and to be drunken : the lord of that servant will come in a day when he looketh not for him , and at an hour when he is not aware , and will cut him in sunder , and will appoint him his portion with vnbelievers . and that servant who knew his lord's will , and prepared not himself , neither did according to his will , shall be beaten with many stripes . for he that knew not , and did commit things worthy of stripes , shall be beaten with few stripes . for unto whomsoever much is given , of him shall be much required : and to whom men have committed much , of him they will ask the more . luke xiv . 11. whosoever exalteth himself , shall be abased : and he that humbleth himself , shall be exalted . v. 12. when thou makest a dinner or supper , call not thy friends , or thy brethren , neither thy kinsmen , nor thy neighbours ; lest they also bid thee again , and a recompence be made thee . but when thou makest a feast , call the poor and maimed , the lame , and the blind ; and thou shalt be blessed : for they cannot recompence thee : for thou shalt be recompenced at the resurrection of the iust. v. 33. so likewise , whosoever he be of you , that is not ready to forego all that he hath , he cannot be my disciple . luke xvi . 9. i say unto you , make to your selves friends of the mammon of vnrighteousness ; that when ye fail they may receive you into everlasting habitations . if ye have not been faithful in the unrighteous mammon , who will commit to your trust the true riches ? and if ye have not been faithful in that which is another mans , who shall give you that which is your own ? luke xvii . 3. if thy brother trespass against thee , rebuke him ; and if he repent , forgive him . and if he trespass against thee seven times in a day , and seven times in a day turn again to thee , saying , i repent ; thou shalt forgive him . luke xviii . 1. he spoke a parable to them , to this end , that men ought always to pray , and not to faint . v. 18. one comes to him , and asks him , saying , master , what shall i do to inherit eternal life ? iesus said to him , if thou wilt enter into life , keep the commandments . he says , which ? iesus said , thou knowest the commandments : thou shalt not kill ; thou shalt not commit adultery ; thou shalt not steal ; thou shalt not bear false witness ; defraud not ; honour thy father , and thy mother ; and thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self . he said , all these have i observed from my youth . iesus hearing this , loved him ; and said unto him , yet lackest thou one thing : sell all that thou hast , and give it to the poor , and thou shalt have treasure in heaven ; and come , follow me . to understand this right , we must take notice , that this young man asks our saviour , what he must do , to be admitted effectually into the kingdom of the messiah ? the jews believed , that when the messiah came , those of their nation that received him , should not die ; but that they , with those who being dead should then be raised again by him , should enjoy eternal life with him . our saviour , in answer to this demand , tells the young man , that to obtain the eternal life of the kingdom of the messiah , he must keep the commandments . and then enumerating several of the precepts of the law , the young man says , he had observed these from his childhood . for which , the text tells us , jesus loved him . but our saviour , to try whether in earnest he believed him to be the messiah , and resolved to take him to be his king , and to obey him as such , bids him give all he has to the poor , and come , and follow him ; and he should have treasure in heaven . this i look on to be the meaning of the place . this , of selling all he had , and giving it to the poor , not being a standing law of his kingdom ; but a probationary command to this young man ; to try whether he truly believed him to be the messiah , and was ready to obey his commands , and relinquish all to follow him , when he his prince required it . and therefore we see , luke xix . 14. where our saviour takes notice of the jews not receiving him as the messiah , he expresses it thou ; we will not have this man to reign over us . 't is not enough to believe him to be the messiah , unless we also obey his laws , and take him to be our king , to reign over us . mat. xxii . 11-13 . he that had not on the wedding-garment , though he accepted of the invitation , and came to the wedding , was cast into utter darkness . by the wedding-garment , 't is evident good works are meant here . that wedding-garment of fine linnen , clean and white , which we are told , rev. xix . 8. is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 righteous acts of the saints : or , as st. paul calls it , ephes. iv. 1. the walking worthy of the vocation wherewith we are called . this appears from the parable it self : the kingdom of heaven , says our saviour , v. 2. is like unto a king , who made a marriage for his son. and here he distinguishes those who were invited , into three sorts . 1. those who were invited , and came not ; i.e. those who had the gospel , the good news of the kingdom of god proposed to them , but believed not . 2. those who came , but had not on a wedding-garment ; i.e. believed iesus to be the messiah , but were not new clad ( as i may so say ) with a true repentance , and amendment of life ; nor adorned with those vertues , which the apostle , col. iii. requires to be put on . 3. those who were invited , did come , and had on the wedding-garment ; i.e. heard the gospel , believed iesus to be the messiah , and sincerely obeyed his laws . these three sorts are plainly designed here ; whereof the last only were the blessed , who were to enjoy the kingdom prepared for them . mat. xxiii . be not ye called rabbi : for one is your master , even the messiah , and ye all are brethren . and call no man your father upon the earth : for one is your father which is in heaven . neither be ye called masters : for one is your master , even the messiah . but he that is greatest amongst you , shall be your servant . and whosoever shall exalt himself , shall be abased ; and he that shall humble himself , shall be exalted . luke xxi . 34. take beed to your selves , lest your hearts be at any time over-charged with surfeiting and drunkenness , and cares of this life . luke xxii . 25. he said unto them , the kings of the gentiles exercise lordship over them ; and they that exercise authority upon them , are called benefactors . but ye shall not be so . but he that is greatest amongst you , let him be as the younger ; and he that is chief , as he that doth serve . john xiii . 34. a new commandment i give unto you , that ye love one another ; as i have loved you , that ye also love one another . by this shall all men know that ye are my disciples , if ye love one another . this command , of loving one another , is repeated again , chap. xv. 12. & 17. john xiv . 15. if ye love me , keep my commandments . v. 21. he that hath my commandments , and keepeth them , he it is that loveth me : and he that loveth me , shall be loved of my father , and i will love him , and manifest my self to him . v. 23. if a man loveth me , he will keep my words . v. 24. he that loveth me not , keepeth not my sayings . john xv. 8. in this is my father glorified , that ye bear much fruit ; so shall ye be my disciples . v. 14. ye are my friends , if ye do whatsoever i command you . thus we see our saviour not only confirmed the moral law ; and clearing it from the corrupt glosses of the scribes and pharisees , shewed the strictness as well as obligation of its injunctions ; but moreover , upon occasion , requires the obedience of his disciples to several of the commands he afresh lays upon them ; with the enforcement of unspeakable rewards and punishments in another world , according to their obedience , or disobedience . there is not , i think , any of the duties of morality , which he has not some where or other , by himself and his apostles , inculcated over and over again to his followers in express terms . and is it for nothing , that he is so instant with them to bring forth fruit ? does he their king command , and is it an indifferent thing ? or will their happiness or misery not at all depend upon it , whether they obey or no ? they were required to believe him to be the messiah ; which faith is of grace promised to be reckoned to them for the compleating of their righteousness , wherein it was defective : but righteousness , or obedience to the law of god , was their great business ; which if they could have attained by their own performances , there would have been no need of this gracious allowance , in reward of their faith : but eternal life , after the resurrection , had been their due by a former covenant , even that of works ; the rule whereof was never abolished , though the rigour were abated . the duties enjoyned in it were duties still . their obligations had never ceased ; nor a wilful neglect of them was ever dispensed with . but their past transgressions were pardoned , to those who received iesus , the promised messiah , for their king ; and their future slips covered , if renouncing their former iniquities , they entred into his kingdom , and continued his subjects , with a steady resolution and endeavour to obey his laws . this righteousness therefore , a compleat obedience and freedom from sin , are still sincerely to be endeavoured after . and 't is no where promised , that those who persist in a wilful disobedience to his laws , shall be received into the eternal bliss of his kingdom , how much soever they believe in him . a sincere obedience , how can any one doubt to be , or scruple to call , a condition of the new covenant , as well as faith ; whoever read our saviour's sermon in the mount , to omit all the rest ? can any thing be more express than these words of our lord ? mat. vi. 14. if you forgive men their trespasses , your heavenly father will also forgive you : but if ye forgive not men their trespasses , neither will your father forgive your trespasses . and ioh. xiii . 17. if ye know these things , happy are ye if ye do them . this is so indispensible a condition of the new covenant , that believing without it will not do , nor be accepted ; if our saviour knew the terms on which he would admit men into life . why call ye me lord , lord , says he , luke vi. 46. and do not the things which i say ? it is not enough to believe him to be the messiah , the lord , without obeying him . for that these he speaks to here , were believers , is evident , from the parallel place , matt. vii . 21-23 . where it is thus recorded : not every one who says lord , lord , shall enter into the kingdom of heaven ; but he that doth the will of my father , which is in heaven . no rebels , or refractory disobedient , shall be admitted there ; though they have so far believed in jesus , as to be able to do miracles in his name ; as is plain out of the following words . many will say to me in that day , have we not prophesied in thy name , and in thy name have cast out devils ; and in thy name have done many wonderful works ? and then will i profess unto them , i never knew you , depart from me ye workers of iniquity . this part of the new covenant , the apostles also , in their preaching the gospel of the messiah , ordinarily joined with the doctrine of faith. st. peter in his first sermon , acts ii. when they were pricked in heart , and asked , what shall we do ? says , v. 38. repent , and be baptized , every one of you , in the name of iesus christ , for the remission of sins . the same he says to them again in his next speech , acts iv. 26. vnto you first , god having raised up his son iesus , sent him to bless you . how was this done ? in tvrning away every one from yovr iniqvities . the same doctrine they preach to the high priest and rulers , acts v. 30. the god of our fathers raised up iesus , whom ye slew and hanged on a tree . him hath god exalted with his right hand , to be a prince and a saviour for to give repentance to israel , and forgiveness of sins ; and we are witnesses of these things , and so is also the holy ghost , whom god hath given to them that obey him . acts xvii . 30. paul tells the athenians , that now under the gospel , god commandeth all men every where to repent . acts xx. 21. st. paul in his last conference with the elders of ephesus , professes to have taught them the whole doctrine necessary to salvation . i have , says he , kept back nothing that was profitable unto you ; but have shewed you , and have taught you publickly , and from house to house ; testifying both to the iews and to the greeks : and then gives an account what his preaching had been , viz. repentance towards god , and faith towards our lord iesus the messiah . this was the sum and substance of the gospel which st. paul preached ; and was all that he knew necessary to salvation ; viz. repentance , and believing iesus to be the messiah : and so takes his last farewel of them , whom he should never see again , v. 32. in these words . and now brethren , i commend you to god , and to the word of his grace , which is able to build you up , and to give you an inheritance among all them that are sanctified . there is an inheritance conveyed by the word and covenant of grace ; but it is only to those who are sanctified . acts. xxiv . 24. when felix sent for paul , that he and his wife drusilla might hear him , concerning the faith in christ ; paul reasoned of righteousness , or justice , and temperance ; the duties we owe to others , and to our selves ; and of the judgment to come ; till he made felix to tremble . whereby it appears , that temperance and iustice were fundamental parts of the religion that paul professed , and were contained in the faith which he preached . and if we find the duties of the moral law not pressed by him every where ; we must remember , that most of his sermons left upon record , were preached in their synagogues to the jews , who acknowledged their obedience due to all the precepts of the law : and would have taken it amiss to have been suspected , not to have been more zealous for the law than he . and therefore it was with reason that his discourses were directed chiefly to what they yet wanted , and were averse to ; the knowledge and imbracing of jesus their promised messiah . but what his preaching generally was , if we will believe him himself , we may see acts xxvi . where giving an account to king agrippa of his life and doctrine , he tells him , v. 20. i shewed unto them of damascus , and at ierusalem , and throughout all the coasts of iudea , and then to the gentiles , that they should repent and turn to god , and do works meet for repentance . thus we see , by the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , that he required of those who believed him to be the messiah , and received him for their lord and deliverer , that they should live by his laws : and that ( though in consideration of their becoming his subjects , by faith in him , whereby they believed and took him to be the messiah , their former sins should be forgiven ) yet he would own none to be his , nor receive them as true denizons of the new ierusalem , into the inheritance of eternal life ; but leave them to the condemnation of the unrighteous ; who renounced not their former miscarriages , and lived in a sincere obedience to his commands . what he expects from his followers , he has sufficiently declared as a legislator . and that they may not be deceived , by mistaking the doctrine of faith , grace , free-grace , and the pardon and forgiveness of sins and salvation by him , ( which was the great end of his coming ) he more than once declares to them ; for what omissions and miscarriages he shall judge and condemn to death , even those who have owned him , and done miracles in his name ; when he comes at last to render to every one according to what he hath done in the flesh ; sitting upon his great and glorious tribunal , at the end of the world. the first place where we find our saviour to have mentioned the day of judgment , is ioh. v. 28 , 29. in these words ; the hour is coming , in which all that are in their graves shall hear his [ i. e. the son of god's ] voice , and shall come forth ; they that have done good unto the resurrection of life ; and they that have done evil , unto the resurrection of damnation . that which puts the distinction , if we will believe our saviour , is the having done good or evil . and he gives a reason of the necessity of his judging or condemning those who have done evil , in the following words ; v. 30. i can of my own self do nothing . as i hear i judge ; and my iudgment is just : because i seek not my own will , but the will of my father who hath sent me . he could not judge of himself ; he had but a delegated power of judging from the father , whose will he obeyed in it , and who was of purer eyes than to admit any unjust person into the kingdom of heaven . matt. vii . 22 , 23. speaking again of that day , he tells what his sentence will be , depart from me ye workers of iniquity . faith in the penitent and sincerely obedient , supplies the defect of their performances ; and so by grace they are made just. but we may observe ; none are sentenced or punished for unbelief ; but only for their misdeeds . they are workers of iniquity on whom the sentence is pronounced . matt. xiii . 14. at the end of the world , the son of man shall send forth his angels ; and they shall gather out of his kingdom all scandals , and them which do iniqvity ; and cast them into a furnace of fire ; there shall be wailing and gnashing of teeth . and again , v. 49. the angels shall sever the wicked from among the ivst ; and shall cast them into the furnace of fire . matt. xvi . 24. for the son of man shall come in the glory of his father , with his angels : and then be shall reward every man according to his works . luke xiii . 26. then shall ye begin to say ; we have eaten and drunk in thy presence , and thou hast taught in our streets . but he shall say , i tell you , i know you not ; depart from me ye workers of iniquity . matt. xxv . 21-26 . when the son of man shall come in his glory ; and before him shall be gathered all nations ; he shall set the sheep on his right hand , and the goats on his left : then shall the king say to them on his right hand , come ye blessed of my father , inherit the kingdom prepared for you , from the foundation of the world ; for , i was an hungred , and ye gave me meat ; i was thirsty , and ye gave me drink ; i was a stranger , and ye took me in ; naked , and ye cloathed me ; i was sick , and ye visited me ; i was in prison , and ye came unto me . then shall the righteous answer him , saying , lord , when saw we thee an hungred , and fed thee ? &c. and the king shall answer , and say unto them ; verily , i say unto you , in as much as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren , ye have done it unto me . then shall he say unto them on the left hand , depart from me , ye cursed , into everlasting fire , prepared for the devil and his angels . for i was an hungred , and ye gave me no meat ; i was thirsty , and ye gave me no drink ; i was a stranger , and ye took me not in ; naked , and ye cloathed me not ; sick and in prison , and ye visited me not . in so much that ye did it not to one of these , ye did it not to me . and these shall go into everlasting punishment : but the righteous into life eternal . these , i think , are all the places where our saviour mentions the last judgment ; or describes his way of proceeding in that great day : wherein , as we have observed , it is remarkable , that every where the sentence follows , doing or not doing ; without any mention of believing , or not believing . not that any to whom the gospel hath been preached , shall be saved , without believing iesus to be the messiah : for all being sinners , and transgressors of the law , and so unjust ; are all liable to condemnation ; unless they believe , and so through grace are justified by god for this faith , which shall be accounted to them for righteousness . but the rest wanting this cover , this allowance for their transgressions , must answer for all their actions : and being found transgressors of the law , shall by the letter , and sanction of that law , be condemned , for not having paid a full obedience to that law : and not for want of faith. that is not the guilt , on which the punishment is laid ; though it be the want of faith , which lays open their guilt uncovered ; and exposes them to the sentence of the law , against all that are unrighteous . the common objection here , is ; if all sinners shall be condemned , but such as have a gracious allowance made them ; and so are justified by god , for believing iesus to be the messiah , and so taking him for their king , whom they are resolved to obey , to the utmost of their power ; what shall become of all mankind , who lived before our saviour's time ; who never heard of his name ; and consequently could not believe in him ? to this , the answer is so obvious and natural , that one would wonder , how any reasonable man should think it worth the urging . no body was , or can be , required to believe what was never proposed to him , to believe . before the fulness of time , which god from the council of his own wisdom had appointed to send his son in ; he had at several times , and in rent manners , promised to the people of israel , an extraordinary person to come ; who , raised from amongst themselves , should be their ruler and deliverer . the time ; and other circumstances of his birth , life , and person ; he had in sundry prophesies so particularly described , and so plainly foretold , that he was well known , and expected by the jews ; under the name of the messiah , or anointed , given him in some of these prophesies . all then that was required before his appearing in the world , was to believe what god had revealed ; and to rely with a full assurance on god for the performance of his promise ; and to believe , that in due time he would send them the messiah ; this anointed king ; this promised saviour , and deliverer ; according to his word . this faith in the promises of god ; this relying and acquiescing in his word and faithfulness ; the almighty takes well at our hands , as a great mark of homage , paid by us poor frail creatures , to his goodness and truth , as well as to his power and wisdom ; and accepts it as an acknowledgment of his peculiar providence , and benignity to us . and therefore our saviour tells us , iohn xii . 44. he that believes on me , believes not on me ; but on him that sent me . the works of nature shew his wisdom and power : but 't is his peculiar care of mankind , most eminently discovered in his promises to them , that shews his bounty and goodness ; and consequently engages their hearts in love and affection to him . this oblation of an heart , fixed with dependance and affection on him , is the most acceptable tribute we can pay him ; the foundation of true devotion ; and life of all religion . what a value he puts on this depending on his word , and resting satisfied in his promises , we have an example in abraham ; whose faith was counted to him for righteousness ; as we have before remarked out of rom. iv. and his relying firmly on the promise of god , without any doubt of its performance ; gave him the name , of the father of the faithful ; and gained him so much favour with the almighty , that he was called the friend of god : the highest and most glorious title can be bestowed on a creature . the thing promised was no more , but a son by his wife sarah ; and a numerous posterity by him , which should possess the land of canaan . these were but temporal blessings ; and ( except the birth of a son ) very remote ; such as he should never live to see , nor in his own person have the benefit of . but because he questioned not the performance of it ; but rested fully satisfied in the goodness , truth , and faithfulness of god who had promised ; it was counted to him for righteousness . let us see how st. paul expresses it ; rom. iv. 18-22 . who , against hope , believed in hope , that he might become the father of many nations ; according to that which was spoken , so shall thy seed be . and being not weak in his faith , he considered not his own body now dead , when he was above an hundred years old ; neither yet the deadness of sarah 's womb. he staggered not at the promise of god through unbelief , but was strong in faith , giving glory to god ; and being fully perswaded , that what he had promised , he was able to perform . and therefore , it was imputed to him for righteousness . st. paul having here emphatically described the strength and firmness of abraham's faith , informs us ; that he thereby gave glory to god ; and therefore it was accounted to him for righteousness . this is the way that god deals with poor frail mortals . he is graciously pleased to take it well of them ; and give it the place of righteousness , and a kind of merit in his sight ; if they believe his promises , and have a steadfast relying on his veracity and goodness . st. paul heb. xi . 6. tells us ; without faith it is impossible to please god : but at the same time tells us what faith that is . for , says he , he that cometh to god , must believe that he is ; and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him . he must be perswaded of god's mercy and good will to those , who seek to obey him ; and rest assured of his rewarding those who rely on him , for whatever , either by the light of nature , or particular promises , he has revealed to them of his tender mercies ; and taught them to expect from his bounty . this description of faith ( that we might not mistake what he means by that faith , without which we cannot please god , and which recommended the saints of old ) st. paul places in the middle of the list of those who were eminent for their faith ; and whom he sets as patterns to the converted hebrews , under persecution ; to encourage them to persist in their confidence of deliverance by the coming of iesus christ ; and in their belief of the promises they now had under the gospel : not to draw back from the hope that was set before them ; nor apostatize from the profession of the christian religion . this is plain from v. 35-38 . of the precedent chapter : cast not away therefore your confidence , which hath great recompence of reward . for ye have great need of persisting , or perseverance ; ( for so the greek word signifies here , which our translation renders patience . vid. luke viii . 15. ) that after ye have done the will of god , ye might receive the promise . for yet a little while , and he that shall come will come , and will not tarry . now the just shall live by faith. but if any man draw back , my soul shall have no pleasure in him . the examples of faith , which st. paul enumerates and proposes in the following words , chap. xi . plainly shew , that the faith whereby those believers of old pleased god , was nothing but a steadfast relyance on the goodness and faithfulness of god , for those good things , which either the light of nature , or particular promises , had given them grounds to hope for . of what avail this faith was with god , we may see , v. 4. by faith abel offered unto god a more excellent sacrifice than cain ; by which he obtained witness that he was righteous . v. 5. by faith enoch was translated , that he should not see death : for before his translation he had this testimony , that be pleased god. v. 7. noah , being warned of god of things not seen as yet ; being wary , by faith prepared an ark , to the saving of his house ; by the which be condemned the world , and became heir of the righteousness which is by faith. and what it was that god so graciously accepted and rewarded , we are told , v. 11. through faith also sarah her self received strength to conceive seed , and was delivered of a child ; when she was past age . how she came to obtain this grace from god , the apostle tells us ; because she judged him faithful who had promised . those therefore who pleased god , and were accepted by him before the coming of christ , did it only by believing the promises , and relying on the goodness of god , as far as he had revealed it to them . for the apostle , in the following words , tells us , v. 13. these all died in faith , not having received ( the accomplishment of ) the promises ; but having seen them afar off : and were perswaded of them , and embraced them . this was all that was required of them ; to be perswaded of , and embrace the promises which they had . they could be perswaded of no more than was proposed to them ; embrace no more than was revealed ; according to the promises they had received , and the dispensations they were under . and if the faith of things seen afar off ; if their trusting in god for the promises he then gave them ; if a belief of the messiah to come ; were sufficient to render those who lived in the ages before christ , acceptable to god , and righteous before him ; i desire those who tell us , that god will not , ( nay , some go so far as to say ) cannot accept any who do not believe every article of their particular creeds and systems ; to consider , why god , out of his infinite mercy , cannot as well justifie man now for believing iesus of nazareth to be the promised messiah , the king and deliverer ; as those heretofore , who believed only that god would , according to his promise , in due time send the messiah , to be a king and deliverer . there is another difficulty often to be met with , which seems to have something of more weight in it : and that is , that though the faith of those before christ ; ( believing that god would send the messiah , to be a prince , and a saviour to his people , as he had promised ; ) and the faith of those since his time , ( believing iesus to be that messiah , promised and sent by god ) shall be accounted to them for righteousness , yet what shall become of all the rest of mankind ; who having never heard of the promise or news of a saviour , not a word of a messiah to be sent , or that was come , have had no thought or belief concerning him ? to this i answer ; that god will require of every man , according to what a man hath , and not according to what he hath not . he will not expect the improvement of ten talents , where he gave but one ; nor require any one should believe a promise , of which he has never heard . the apostle's reasoning , rom. x. 14. is very just : how shall they believe in him , of whom they have not heard ? but though there be many , who being strangers to the common-wealth of israel , were also strangers to the oracles of god committed to that people ; many , to whom the promise of the messiah never came , and so were never in a capacity to believe or reject that revelation ; yet god had , by the light of reason , revealed to all mankind , who would make use of that light , that he was good and merciful . the same spark of the divine nature and knowledge in man , which making him a man , shewed him the law he was under as a man ; shewed him also the way of attoning the merciful , kind , compassionate author and father of him and his being , when he had transgressed that law. he that made use of this candle of the lord , so far as to find what was his duty ; could not miss to find also the way to reconciliation and forgiveness , when he had failed of his duty : though if he used not his reason this way ; if he put out , or neglected this light ; he might , perhaps , see neither . the law is the eternal , immutable standard of right . and a part of that law is , that a man should forgive , not only his children , but his enemies ; upon their repentance , asking pardon , and amendment . and therefore he could not doubt that the author of this law , and god of patience and consolation , who is rich in mercy , would forgive his frail off-spring ; if they acknowledged their faults , disapproved the iniquity of their transgressions , beg'd his pardon , and resolved in earnest for the future to conform their actions to this rule , which they owned to be just and right . this way of reconciliation , this hope of attonement , the light of nature revealed to them . and the revelation of the gospel having said nothing to the contrary , leaves them to stand and fall to their own father and master , whose goodness and mercy is over all his works . i know some are forward to urge that place of the acts , chap. iv. as contrary to this . the words , v. 10. & 12. stand thus : be it known unto you all , and to all the people of israel , that by the name of iesus christ of nazareth , whom ye crucified , whom god raised from the dead , even by him doth this man , [ i. e. the lame man restored by peter ] stand here before you whole . this is the stone which is set at nought by you builders , which is become the head of the corner . neither is there salvation in any other : for there is none other name under heaven given among men , in which we must be saved . which , in short , is ; that iesus is the only true messiah ; neither is there any other person but he given to be a mediator between god and man , in whose name we may ask and hope for salvation . it will here possibly be asked , quorsum perditio hoec ? what need was there of a saviour ? what advantage have we by iesus christ ? it is enough to justifie the fitness of any thing to be done , by resolving it into the wisdom of god , who has done it ; whereof our narrow understandings , and short views may utterly incapacitate us to judge . we know little of this visible , and nothing at all of the state of that intellectual world ; wherein are infinite numbers and degrees of spirits out of the reach of our ken or guess ; and therefore know not what transactions there were between god and our saviour , in reference to his kingdom . we know not what need there was to set up a head and a chieftain , in opposition to the prince of this world , the prince of the power of the air , &c. whereof there are more than obscure intimations in scripture . and we shall take too much upon us , if we shall call god's wisdom or providence to account , and pertly condemn for needless , all that that our weak , and perhaps biaffed vnderstandings , cannot account for . though this general answer be reply enough to the forementioned demand , and such as a rational man , or fair searcher after truth , will acquiesce in ; yet in this particular case , the wisdom and goodness of god has shewn it self so visibly to common apprehensions , that it hath furnished us abundantly wherewithal to satisfie the curious and inquisitive ; who will not take a blessing , unless they be instructed what need they had of it , and why it was bestowed upon them . the great and many advantages we receive by the coming of iesus the messiah , will shew that it was not without need , that he was sent into the world. the evidence of our saviour's mission from heaven is so great , in the multitude of miracles he did before all sorts of people ; ( which the divine providence and wisdom has so ordered , that they never were , nor could be denied by any of the enemies and opposers of christianity , ) that what he delivered cannot but be received as the oracles of god , and unquestionable verity . though the works of nature , in every part of them , sufficiently evidence a deity ; yet the world made so little use of their reason , that they saw him not ; where even by the impressions of himself he was easie to be found . sense and lust blinded their minds in some ; and a careless inadvertency in others ; and fearful apprehensions in most ( who either believed there were , or could not but suspect there might be , superiour unknown beings ) gave them up into the hands of their priests , to fill their heads with false notions of the deity , and their worship with foolish rites , as they pleased : and what dread or craft once began , devotion soon made sacred , and religion immutable . in this state of darkness and ignorance of the true god , vice and superstition held the world. nor could any help be had or hoped for from reason ; which could not be heard , and was judged to have nothing to do in the case : the priests every where , to secure their empire , having excluded reason from having any thing to do in religion . and in the croud of wrong notions , and invented rites , the world had almost lost the sight of the one only true god. the rational and thinking part of mankind , 't is true , when they sought after him , found the one , supream , invisible god : but if they acknowledged and worshipped him , it was only in their own minds . they kept this truth locked up in their own breast as a secret , nor ever durst venture it amongst the people ; much less amongst the priests , those wary guardians of their own creeds and profitable inventions . hence we see that reason , speaking never so clearly to the wise and vertuous , had never authority enough to prevail on the multitude ; and to perswade the societies of men , that there was but one god , that alone was to be owned and worshipped . the belief and worship of one god , was the national religion of the israelites alone : and if we will consider it , it was introduced and supported amongst that people by revelation . they were in goshen , and had light ; whilst the rest of the world were in almost egyptian darkness , without god in the world. there was no part of mankind , who had quicker parts , or improved them more ; that had a greater light of reason , or followed it farther in all sorts of speculations , than the athenians : and yet we find but one socrates amongst them , that opposed and laughed at their polytheism , and wrong opinions of the deity ; and we see how they rewarded him for it . whatsoever plato , and the soberest of the philosophers thought of the nature and being of the one god , they were fain , in their outward professions and worship , to go with the herd , and keep to the religion established by law ; which what it was , and how it had disposed the mind of these knowing , and quick-sighted grecians , st. paul tells us , acts xvii . 22-29 . ye men of athens , says he , i perceive that in all things ye are too superstitious . for as i passed by , and beheld your devotions , i found an altar with this inscription , to the vnknown god. whom therefore ye ignorantly worship , him declare i unto you . god that made the world , and all things therein , seeing that he is lord of heaven and earth , dwelleth not in temples made with hands : neither is worshipped with mens hands , as though he needed nay thing , seeing he giveth unto all life , and breath , and all things ; and hath made of one blood all the nations of men , for to dwell on the face of the earth ; and hath determined the times before appointed , and the bounds of their habitations ; that they should seek the lord , if haply they might feel him out , and find him , though he be not far from every one of us . here he tells the athenians , that they , and the rest of the world ( given up to superstition ) whatever light there was in the works of creation and providence , to lead them to the true god , yet they few of them found him . he was every where near them ; yet they were but like people groping and feeling for something in the dark , and did not see him with a full clear day-light ; but thought the godhead like to gold , and silver , and stone , graven by art and man's device . in this state of darkness and error , in reference to the true god , our saviour found the world. but the clear revelation he brought with him , dissipated this darkness ; made the one invisible true god known to the world : and that with such evidence and energy , that polytheism and idolatry hath no where been able to withstand it . but where ever the preaching of the truth he delivered , and the light of the gospel hath come , those mists have been dispelled . and in effect we see that since our saviour's time , the belief of one god has prevailed and spread it self over the face of the earth . for even to the light that the messiah brought into the world with him , we must ascribe the owning , and profession of one god , which the mahumetan religion had derived and borrowed from it . so that in this sense it is certainly and manifestly true of our saviour , what st. iohn says of him ; i iohn iii. 8. for this purpose the son of god was manifested , that he might destroy the works of the devil . this light the world needed , and this light it received from him : that there is but one god , and he eternal ; invisible ; not like to any visible objects , nor to be represented by them . if it be asked , whether the revelation to the patriarchs by moses , did not teach this , and why that was not enough ? the answer is obvious ; that however clearly the knowledge of one invisible god , maker of heaven and earth , was revealed to them ; yet that revelation was shut up in a little corner of the world ; amongst a people by that very law , which they received with it , excluded from a commerce and communication with the rest of mankind . the gentile world in our saviour's time , and several ages before , could have no attestation of the miracles , on which the hebrews built their faith , but from the iews themselves ; a people not known to the greatest part of mankind ; contemned and thought vilely of by those nations that did know them ; and therefore very unfit and unable to propagate the doctrine of one god in the world , and diffuse it through the nations of the earth , by the strength and force of that ancient revelation , upon which they had received it . but our saviour , when he came , threw down this wall of partition ; and did not confine his miracles or message to the land of canaan , or the worshippers at ierusalem . but he himself preached at samaria , and did miracles in the borders of tyre and sydon , and before multitudes of people gathered from all quarters . and after his resurrection , sent his apostles amongst the nations , accompanied with miracles ; which were done in all parts so frequently , and before so many witnesses of all sorts , in broad day-light , that , as i have often observed , the enemies of christianity have never dared to deny them ; no , not iulian himself : who neither wanted skill nor power to enquire into the truth ; nor would have failed to have proclaimed and exposed it , if he could have detected any falshood in the history of the gospel ; or found the least ground to question the matter of fact published of christ , and his apostles . the number and evidence of the miracles done by our saviour and his followers , by the power and force of truth , bore down this mighty and accomplished emperour , and all his parts , in his own dominions . he durst not deny so plain matter of fact ; which being granted , the truth of our saviour's doctrine and mission unavoidably follows ; notwithstanding whatsoever artful suggestions his wit could invent , or malice should offer , to the contrary . 2. next to the knowledge of one god ; maker of all things ; a clear knowledge of their duty was wanting to mankind . this part of knowledge , though cultivated with some care , by some of the heathen philosophers ; yet got little footing among the people . all men indeed , under pain of displeasing the gods , were to frequent the temples : every one went to their sacrifices and services : but the priests made it not their business to teach them virtue . if they were diligent in their observations and ceremonies ; punctual in their feasts and solemnities , and the tricks of religion ; the holy tribe assured them , the gods were pleased ; and they looked no farther . few went to the schools of the philosophers , to be instructed in their duties ; and to know what was good and evil in their actions . the priests sold the better pennyworths , and therefore had all the customs . lustrations and processions were much easier than a clean conscience , and a steady course of virtue ; and an expiatory sacrifice , that attoned for the want of it , was much more convenient , than a strict and holy life . no wonder then , that religion was every where distinguished from , and preferred to virtue ; and that it was dangerous heresy and prophaneness to think the contrary . so much virtue as was necessary to hold societies together ; and to contribute to the quiet of governments ; the civil laws of commonwealths taught , and forced upon men that lived under magistrates . but these laws , being for the most part made by such who had no other aims but their own power , reached no farther than those things , that would serve to tie men together in subjection ; or at most , were directly to conduce to the prosperity and temporal happiness of any people . but natural religion in its full extent , was no where , that i know , taken care of by the force of natural reason . it should seem by the little that has hitherto been done in it ; that 't is too hard a thing for unassisted reason , to establish morality in all its parts upon its true foundations ; with a clear and convincing light . and 't is at least a surer and shorter way , to the apprehensions of the vulgar , and mass of mankind ; that one manifestly sent from god , and coming with visible authority from him , should as a king and law-maker tell them their duties ; and require their obedience ; than leave it to the long , and sometimes intricate deductions of reason , to be made out to them : which the greatest part of mankind have neither leisure to weigh ; nor , for want of education and use , skill to judge of . we see how unsuccessful in this , the attempts of philosophers were before our saviour's time . how short their several systems came of the perfection of a true and compleat morality is very visible . and if , since that , the christian philosophers have much outdone them ; yet we may observe , that the first knowledge of the truths they have added , are owing to revelation : though as soon as they are heard and considered , they are found to be agreeable to reason ; and such as can by no means be contradicted . every one may observe a great many truths which he receives at first from others , and readily assents to , as consonant to reason ; which he would have found it hard , and perhaps beyond his strength to have discovered himself . native and original truth , is not so easily wrought out of the mine , as we who have it delivered , ready dug and fashon'd into our hands , are apt to imagine . and how often at fifty or threescore years old are thinking men told , what they wonder how they could miss thinking of ? which yet their own contemplations did not , and possibly never would have helped them to . experience shews that the knowledge of morality , by meer natural light , ( how agreeable soever it be to it ) makes but a flow progress , and little advance in the world. and the reason of it is not hard to be found ; in men's necessities , passions , vices , and mistaken interests , which turn their thoughts another way . and the designing leaders , as well as following herd , find it not to their purpose to imploy much of their meditations this way . or whatever else was the cause , 't is plain in fact ; humane reason unassisted , failed men in its great and proper business of morality . it never from unquestionable principles , by clear deductions , made out an entire body of the law of nature . and he that shall collect all the moral rules of the philosophers , and compare them with those contained in the new testament , will find them to come short of the morality delivered by our saviour , and taught by his apostles ; a college made up for the most part of ignorant , but inspired fishermen . though yet , if any one should think , that out of the sayings of the wise heathens , before our saviour's time , there might be a collection made of all those rules of morality , which are to be found in the christian religion ; yet this would not at all hinder , but that the world nevertheless stood as much in need of our saviour , and the morality delivered by him . let it be granted ( though not true ) that all the moral precepts of the gospel were known by some body or other , amongst mankind , before . but where or how , or of what use , is not considered . suppose they may be picked up here and there ; some from solon and bias in greece ; others from tully in italy : and to compleat the work , let confutius , as far as china , be consulted ; and anacarsis the scythian contribute his share . what will all this do , to give the world a compleat morality ; that may be to mankind , the unquestionable rule of life and manners ? i will not here urge the impossibility of collecting from men , so far distant from one another , in time , and place , and languages . i will suppose there was a stobeus in those times , who had gathered the moral sayings , from all the sages of the world. what would this amount to , towards being a steady rule ; a certain transcript of a law that we are under ? did the saying of aristippus , or confutius , give it an authority ? was zeno a lawgiver to mankind ? if not , what he or any other philosopher delivered , was but a saying of his . mankind might hearken to it , or reject it , as they pleased ; or as it suited their interest , passions , principles or humours . they were under no obligation : the opinion of this or that philosopher , was of no authority . and if it were , you must take all he said under the same character . all his dictates must go for law , certain and true ; or none of them . and then , if you will take any of the moral sayings of epicurus ( many whereof seneca quotes , with esteem and approbation ) for precepts of the law of nature ; you must take all the rest of his doctrine for such too ; or else his authority ceases : and so no more is to be received from him , or any of the sages of old , for parts of the law of nature , as carrying with it an obligation to be obeyed , but what they prove to be so . but such a body of ethicks , proved to be the law of nature , from principles of reason , and reaching all the duties of life ; i think no body will say the world had before our saviour's time . 't is not enough , that there were up and down scattered sayings of wise men , conformable to right reason . the law of nature , was the law of convenience too : and 't is no wonder , that those men of parts , and studious of virtue ; ( who had occasion to think on any particular part of it , ) should by meditation light on the right , even from the observable convenience and beauty of it ; without making out its obligation from the true principles of the law of nature , and foundations of morality . but these incoherent apohtegms of philosophers , and wise men ; however excellent in themselves , and well intended by them ; could never make a morality , whereof the world could be convinced , and with certainty depend on . whatsoever should thus be universally useful , as a standard to which men should conform their manners , must have its authority either from reason or revelation . 't is not every writer of morals , or compiler of it from others , that can thereby be erected into a law-giver to mankind ; and a dictator of rules , which are therefore valid , because they are to be found in his books ; under the authority of this or that philosopher . he that any one will pretend to set up in this kind , and have his rules pass for authentique directions ; must shew , that either he builds his doctrine upon principles of reason , self-evident in themselves ; or that he deduces all the parts of it from thence , by clear and evident demonstration : or must shew his commission from heaven ; that he comes with authority from god , to deliver his will and commands to the world. in the former way , no body that i know before our saviour's time , ever did ; or went about to give us a morality . 't is true there is a law of nature . but who is there that ever did , or undertook to give it us all entire , as a law ; no more , nor no less , than what was contained in , and had the obligation of that law ? who , ever made out all the parts of it ; put them together ; and shewed the world their obligation ? where was there any such code , that mankind might have recourse to , as their unerring rule , before our saviour's time ? if there was not , 't is plain , there was need of one to give us such a morality ; such a law , which might be the sure guide of those who had a desire to go right ; and if they had a mind , need not mistake their duty ; but might be certain when they had performed , when failed in it . such a law of morality , jesus christ hath given us in the new testament ; but by the later of these ways , by revelation . we have from him a full and sufficient rule for our direction ; and conformable to that of reason . but the truth and obligation of its precepts ; hath its force , and is put past doubt to us , by the evidence of his mission . he was sent by god : his miracles shew it ; and the authority of god in his precepts cannot be questioned . here morality has a sure standard , that revelation vouches , and reason cannot gainsay , nor question ; but both together witness to come from god the great law-maker . and such an one as this out of the new testament , i think the world never had , nor can any one say is any where else to be found . let me ask any one , who is forward to think that the doctrine of morality was full and clear in the world , at our saviour's birth ; whether would he have directed brutus and cassius , ( both men of parts and virtue , the one whereof believed , and the other disbelieved a future being ) to be satisfied in the rules and obligations of all the parts of their duties ; if they should have asked him where they might find the law , they were to live by , and by which they should be charged or acquitted , as guilty or innocent ? if to the sayings of the wise , and the declarations of philosophers ; he sends them into a wild wood of uncertainty , to an endless maze ; from which they should never get out : if to the religions of the world , yet worse : and if to their own reason , he refers them to that which had some light and certainty ; but yet had hitherto failed all mankind in a perfect rule ; and we see , resolved not the doubts that had risen amongst the studious and thinking philosophers ; nor had yet been able to convince the civilized parts of the world , that they had not given , nor could without a crime , take away the lives of their children , by exposing them . if any one shall think to excuse humane nature , by laying blame on men's negligence , that they did not carry morality to an higher pitch ; and make it out entire in every part , with that clearness of demonstration which some think it capable of ; he helps not the matter . be the cause what it will , our saviour found mankind under a corruption of manners and principles , which ages after ages had prevailed , and must be confessed was not in a way or tendency to be mended . the rules of morality were in different countries and sects , different . and natural reason no where had , nor was like to cure the defects and errors in them . those just measures of right and wrong , which necessity had any where introduced , the civil laws prescribed , or philosophy recommended ; stood not on their true foundations . they were looked on as bonds of society , and conveniencies of common life , and laudable practises . but where was it that their obligation was throughly known and allowed , and they received as precepts of a law ; of the highest law , the law of nature ? that could not be , without a clear knowledge and acknowledgment of the law-maker , and the great rewards and punishments , for those that would or would not obey him . but the religion of the heathens , as was before observed ; little concerned it self in their morals . the priests that delivered the oracles of heaven , and pretended to speak from the gods ; spoke little of virtue and a good life . and on the other side , the philosophers who spoke from reason , made not much mention of the deity in their ethicks . they depended on reason and her oracles ; which contain nothing but truth . but yet some parts of that truth lye too deep for our natural powers easily to reach , and make plain and visible to mankind , without some light from above to direct them . when truths are once known to us , though by tradition , we are apt to be favourable to our own parts ; and ascribe to our own understandings the discovery of what , in truth , we borrowed from others ; or , at least , finding we can prove what at first we learnt from others , we are forward to conclude it an obvious truth , which , if we had sought , we could not have missed . nothing seems hard to our understandings , that is once known ; and because what we see we see with our own eyes , we are apt to over-look or forget the help we had from others , who first shewed and pointed it out to us , as if we were not at all beholden to them for that knowledge ; which being of truths we now are satisfied of , we conclude our own faculties would have lead us into without any assistance ; and that we know them , as they did , by the strength and perspicuity of our own minds , only they had the luck to be before us . thus the whole stock of human knowledge is claimed by every one , as his private possession , as soon as he ( profiting by others discoveries ) has got it into his own mind ; and so it is : but not properly by his own single industry , nor of his own acquisition . he studies , 't is true , and takes pains to make a progress in what others have delivered ; but their pains were of another sort , who first brought those truths to light , which he afterwards derives from them . he that travels the roads now , applauds his own strength and legs , that have carried him so far in such a scantling of time ; and ascribes all to his own vigor , little considering how much he ows to their pains , who cleared the woods , drained the bogs , built the bridges , and made the ways passable ; without which he might have toiled much with little progress . a great many things we have been bred up in the belief of from our cradles , ( and are notions grown familiar , and as it were natural to us , under the gospel , ) we take for unquestionable obvious truths , and easily demonstrable ; without considering how long we might have been in doubt or ignorance of them , had revelation been silent . and many are beholden to revelation , who do not acknowlede it . 't is no diminishing to revelation , that reason gives its suffrage too to the truths revelation has discovered . but 't is our mistake to think , that because reason confirms them to us , we had the first certain knowledge of them from thence , and in that clear evidence we now possess them . the contrary is manifest , in the defective morality of the gentils before our saviour's time ; and the want of reformation in the principles and measures of it , as well as practice . philosophy seemed to have spent its strength , and done its utmost ; or if it should have gone farther , as we see it did not , and from undenyable principles given us ethicks in a science like mathematicks in every part demonstrable , this yet would not have been so effectual to man in this imperfect state , nor proper for the cure. the bulk of mankind have not leisure nor capacity for demonstration ; nor can carry a train of proofs ; which in that way they must always depend upon for conviction , and cannot be required to assent till they see the demonstration . wherever they stick , the teachers are always put upon proof , and must clear the doubt by a thread of coherent deductions from the first principle , how long , or how intricate soever that be . and you may as soon hope to have all the day-labourers and tradesmen , the spinsters and dairy maids perfect mathematicians , as to have them perfect in ethicks this way . hearing plain commands , is the sure and only course to bring them to obedience and practice . the greatest part cannot know , and therefore they must believe . and i ask , whether one coming from heaven in the power of god , in full and clear evidence and demonstration of miracles , giving plain and direct rules of morality and obedience , be not likelier to enlighten the bulk of mankind , and set them right in their duties , and bring them to do them , than by reasoning with them from general notions and principles of humane reason ? and were all the duties of humane life clearly demonstrated ; yet i conclude , when well considered , that method of teaching men their duties , would be thought proper only for a few , who had much leisure , improved understandings , and were used to abstract reasonings . but the instruction of the people were best still to be left to the precepts and principles of the gospel . the healing of the sick , the restoring sight to the blind by a word , the raising , and being raised from the dead , are matters of fact , which they can without difficulty conceive ; and that he who does such things , must do them by the assistance of a divine power . these things lye level to the ordinariest apprehension ; he that can distinguish between sick and well , lame and sound , dead and alive , is capable of this doctrine . to one who is once perswaded that jesus christ was sent by god to be a king , and a saviour of those who do believe in him ; all his commands become principles : there needs no other proof for the truth of what he says , but that he said it . and then there needs no more but to read the inspired books , to be instructed : all the duties of morality lye there clear , and plain , and easy to be understood . and here i appeal , whether this be not the surest , the safest , and most effectual way of teaching : especially if we add this farther consideration ; that as it suits the lowest capacities of reasonable creatures , so it reaches and satisfies , nay , enlightens the highest . and the most elevated understandings cannot but submit to the authority of this doctrine as divine ; which coming from the mouths of a company of illiterate men , hath not only the attestation of miracles , but reason to confirm it ; since they delivered no precepts but such , as though reason of it self had not clearly made out , yet it could not but assent to when thus discovered ; and think itself indebted for the discovery . the credit and authority our saviour and his apostles had over the minds of men , by the miracles they did ; tempted them not to mix ( as we find in that of all the sects of philosophers , and other religions ) any conceits ; any wrong rules ; any thing tending to their own by-interest , or that of a party ; in their morality . no tang of prepossession or phansy ; no footsteps of pride or vanity , ostentation or ambition , appears to have a hand in it . it is all pure , all sincere ; nothing too much , nothing wanting : but such a compleat rule of life , as the wisest men must acknowledge , tends entirely to the good of mankind : and that all would be happy , if all would practise it . 3. the outward forms of worshipping the deity , wanted a reformation . stately buildings , costly ornaments , peculiar and uncouth habits , and a numerous huddle of pompous , phantastical , cumbersome ceremonies , every where attended divine worship . this , as it had the peculiar name , so it was thought the principal part , if not the whole of religion . nor could this possibly be amended whilst the jewish ritual stood ; and there was so much of it mixed with the worship of the true god. to this also our saviour , with the knowledge of the infinite invisible supream spirit , brought a remedy ; in a plain , spiritual , and suitable worship . iesus says to the woman of samaria , the hour cometh , when ye shall neither in this mountain , nor yet at jerusalem , worship the father . but the true worshippers , shall worship the father , both in spirit and in truth ; for the father seeketh such to worship . to be worshipped in spirit and in truth ; with application of mind and sincerity of heart , was what god henceforth only required . magnificent temples , and confinement to certain places , were now no longer necessary for his worship ; which by a pure heart might be performed any where . the splendor and distinction of habits , and pomp of ceremonies , and all outside performances , might now be spared . god who was a spirit , and made known to be so , required none of those ; but the spirit only : and that in publick assemblies , ( where some actions must lie open to the view of the world ) all that could appear and be seen , should be done decently , and in order , and to edification . decency , order , and edification , were to regulate all their publick acts of worship ; and beyond what these required , the outward appearance , ( which was of little value in the eyes of god ) was not to go . having shut out indecency and confusions out of their assemblies , they need not be solicitous about useless ceremonies . praises and prayer , humbly offered up to the deity , was the worship he now demanded ; and in these every one was to look after his own heart , and know that it was that alone which god had regard to , and accepted . 4. another great advantage received by our saviour , is the great incouragement he brought to a virtuous and pious life : great enough to surmount the difficulties and obstacles that lie in the way to it ; and reward the pains and hardships of those , who stuck firm to their duties , and suffered for the testimony of a good conscience . the portion of the righteous has been in all ages taken notice of , to be pretty scanty in this world. virtue and prosperity , do not often accompany one another ; and therefore virtue seldom had many followers . and 't is no wonder she prevailed not much in a state , where the inconveniencies that attended her were visible , and at hand ; and the rewards doubtful , and at a distance . mankind , who are and must be allowed to pursue their happiness ; nay , cannot be hindred ; could not but think themselves excused from a strict observation of rules , which appeared so little to consist with their chief end , happiness ; whilst they kept them from the enjoyments of this life ; and they had little evidence and security of another . 't is true , they might have argued the other way , and concluded ; that , because the good were most of them ill treated here . there was another place where they should meet with better usage : but 't is plain , they did not . their thoughts of another life were at best obscure : and their expectations uncertain . of manes , and ghosts , and the shades of departed men , there was some talk ; but little certain , and less minded . they had the names of styx and acheron ; of elisian fields , and seats of the blessed : but they had them generally from their poets ▪ mixed with their fables . and so they looked more like the inventions of wit and ornaments of poetry , than the serious perswasions of the grave and the sober . they came to them bundled up amongst their tales ; and for tales they took them . and that which rendred them more suspected , and less useful to virtue , was , that the philosophers seldom set on their rules on men's minds and practises , by consideration of another life . the chief of their arguments were from the excellency of virtue : and the highest they generally went , was the exalting of humane nature . whose perfection lay in virtue . and if the priest at any time talked of the ghosts below , and a life after this , it was only to keep men to their superstitious and idolatrous rites ; whereby the use of this doctrine was lost to the credulous multitude ; and its belief to the quicker sighted , who suspected it presently of priest-craft . before our saviour's time , the doctrine of a future state , though it were not wholly hid , yet it was not clearly known in the world. 't was an imperfect view of reason ; or , perhaps the decay'd remains of an ancient tradition ; which rather seemed to float on mens phansies , than sink deep into their hearts . it was something , they knew not what , between being and not being . something in man they imagined might scape the grave : but a a perfect compleat life of an eternal duration , after this ; was what entred little into their thoughts , and less into their perswasions . and they were so far from being clear herein , that we see no nation of the world publickly professed it , and built upon it : no religion taught it : and 't was no where made an article of faith , and principle of religion till jesus christ came ; of whom it is truly said , that he at his appearing brought light and immortality to light . and that not only in the clear revelation of it ; and in instances shewn of men raised from the dead ; but he has given us an unquestionable assurance and pledge of it , in his own resurrection and ascention into heaven . how hath this one truth changed the nature of things in the world ? and given the advantage to piety over all that could tempt or deter men from it . the philosophers indeed shewed the beauty of virtue : they set her off so as drew mens eyes and approbation to her : but leaving her unendowed , very few were willing to espouse her . the generality could not refuse her their esteem and commendation ; but still turned their backs on her and forsook her , as a match not for their turn . but now there being put into the scales , on her side , an exceeding and immortal weight of glory ; interest is come about to her ; and virtue now is visibly the most enriching purchase , and by much the best bergain . that she is the perfection and excellency of our nature ; that she is her self a reward , and will recommend our names to future ages , is not all that can now be said for her . 't is not strange that the learned heathens satisfied not many with such airy commendations . it has another relish and efficacy , to perswade men that if they live well here , they shall be happy hereafter . open their eyes upon the endless unspeakable joys of another life ; and their hearts will find something solid and powerful to move them . the view of heaven and hell , will cast a slight upon the short pleasures and pains of this present state ; and give attractions and encouragements to virtue , which reason , and interest , and the care of our selves , cannot but allow and prefer . upon this foundation , and upon this only , morality stands firm , and may defy all competition . this makes it more than a name ; a substantial good , worth all our aims and endeavours ; and thus the gospel of jesus christ has delivered it to us . 5. to these i must add one advantage more we have by jesus christ , and that is the promise of assistance . if we do what we can , he will give us his spirit to help us to do what , and how we should . 't will be idle for us , who know not how our own spirits move and act us , to ask in what manner the spirit of god shall work upon us . the wisdom that accompanies that spirit , knows better than we how we are made , and how to work upon us . if a wise man knows how to prevail on his child , to bring him to what he desires ; can we suspect , that the spirit and wisdom of god should fail in it ; though we perceive or comprehend not the ways of his operation ? christ has promised it , who is faithful and just ; and we cannot doubt of the performance . 't is not requisite on this occasion , for the inhancing of this benefit , to enlarge on the frailty of our minds , and weakness of our constitutions ; how liable to mistakes , how apt to go astray , and how easily to be turned out of the paths of virtue . if any one needs go beyond himself , and the testimony of his own conscience in this point ; if he feels not his own errors and passions always tempting , and often prevailing , against the strict rules of his duty ; he need but look abroad into any age of the world to be convinced . to a man under the difficulties of his nature , beset with temptations , and hedged in with prevailing custom ; 't is no small encouragement to set himself seriously on the courses of virtue , and practise of true religion , that he is from a sure hand , and an almighty arm , promised assistance to support and carry him through . there remains yet something to be said to those who will be ready to object , if the belief of jesus of nazareth to be the messiah , together with those concomitant articles of his resurrection , rule , and coming again to judge the world , be all the faith required as necessary to justification , to what purpose were the epistles written ; i say , if the belief of those many doctrines contained in them , be not also necessary to salvation ? and if what is there delivered , a christian may believe or disbelieve , and yet nevertheless be a member of christ's church , and one of the faithful ? to this i answer , that the epistles were written upon several occasions : and he that will read them as he ought , must observe what 't is in them is principally aimed at ; find what is the argument in hand , and how managed ; if he will understand them right , and profit by them . the observing of this will best help us to the true meaning and mind of the writer : for that is the truth which is to be received and believed ; and not scattered sentences in scripture-language , accommodated to our notions and prejudices . we must look into the drift of the discourse , observe the coherence and connexion of the parts , and see how it is consistent with it self , and other parts of scripture ; if we will conceive it right . we must not cull out , as best suits our system , here and there a period or a verse ; as if they were all distinct and independent aphorisms ; and make these the fundamental articles of the christian faith , and necessary to salvation , unless god has made them so . there be many truths in the bible , which a good christian may be wholly ignorant of , and so not believe ; which , perhaps , some lay great stress on , and call fundamental articles , because they are the distinguishing points of their communion . the epistles , most of them , carry on a thread of argument , which in the stile they are writ , cannot every where be observed without great attention . and to consider the texts , as they stand and bear a part in that , is to view them in their due light , and the way to get the true sense of them . they were writ to those who were in the faith , and true christians already : and so could not be designed to teach them the fundamental articles and points necessary to salvation . the epistle to the romans was writ to all that were at rome beloved of god , called to be saints , whose faith was spoken of through the world , chap. 1. 7 , 8. to whom st. paul's first epistle to the corinthians was , he shews , chap i. 2. 4. &c. vnto the church of god which is at corinth , to them that are sanctified in christ iesus , called to be saints ; with all them that in every place call upon the name of iesus christ our lord , both theirs and ours . i thank my god always on your behalf , for the grace of god which is given you by iesus christ ; that in every thing ye are enriched by him in all utterance , and in all knowledge : even as the testimony of christ was confirmed in you . so that ye come behind in no gift ; waiting for the coming of the lord iesus christ. and so likewise the second was , to the church of god at corinth , with all the saints in achaia , chap. i. 1. his next is to the churches of galatia . that to the ephesians was , to the saints that were at ephesus , and to the faithful in christ iesus . so likewise , to the saints and faithful brethren in christ at colosse , who had faith in christ iesus , and love to the saints . to the church of the thessalonians . to timothy his son in the faith. to titus his own son after the common faith. to philemon his dearly beloved , and fellow-labourer . and the author to the hebrews calls those he writes to , holy brethren , partakers of the heavenly calling , chap. iii. 1. from whence it is evident , that all those whom st. paul writ to , were brethren , saints , faithful in the church , and so christians already ; and therefore wanted not the fundamental articles of the christian religion ; without a belief of which they could not be saved : nor can it be supposed , that the sending of such fundamentals was the reason of the apostle's writing to any of them . to such also st. peter writes , as is plain from the first chapter of each of his epistles . nor is it hard to observe the like in st. iames and st. iohn's epistles . and st. iude directs his thus : to them that are sanctified by god the father , and preserved in iesus christ , and called . the epistles therefore being all written to those who were already believers and christians , the occasion and end of writing them , could not be to instruct them in that which was necessary to make them christians . this 't is plain they knew and believed already ; or else they could not have been christians and believers . and they were writ upon particular occasions ; and without those occasions had not been writ ; and so cannot be thought necessary to salvation : though they resolving doubts , and reforming mistakes , are of great advantage to our knowledge and practice . i do not deny , but the great doctrines of the christian faith are dropt here and there , and scattered up and down in most of them . but 't is not in the epistles we are to learn what are the fundamental articles of faith , where they are promiscuously , and without distinction mixed with other truths in discourses that were ( though for edification indeed , yet ) only occasional . we shall find and discern those great and necessary points best in the preaching of our saviour and the aples , to those who were yet strangers , and ignorant of the faith , to bring them in , and convert them to it . and what that was , we have seen already out of the history of the evangelists , and the acts ; where they are plainly laid down , so that no body can mistake them . the epistles to particular churches , besides the main argument of each of them , ( which was some present concernment of that particular church to which they severally were address'd ) do in many places explan the fundamentals of the christian religion ; and that wisely ; by proper accommodations to the apprehensions of those they were writ to , the better to make them imbibe the christian doctrine , and the more easily to comprehend the method , reasons , and grounds of the great work of salvation . thus we see in the epistle to the romans , adoption ( a custom well known amongst those of rome ) is much made use of , to explain to them the grace and favour of god , in giving them eternal life ; to help them to conceive how they became the children of god , and to assure them of a share in the kingdom of heaven , as heirs to an inheritance . whereas the setting out , and confirming the christian faith to the hebrews , in the epistle to them , is by allusions and arguments , from the ceremonies , sacrifices , and oeconomy of the jews , and reference to the records of the old testament . and as for the general epistles , they , we may see , regard the state , and exigencies , and some peculiarities of those times . these holy writers , inspired from above , writ nothing but truth ; and in most places very weighty truths to us now ; for the expounding , clearing , and confirming of the christian doctrine , and establishing those in it who had embraced it . but yet every sentence of theirs must not be taken up , and looked on as a fundamental article necessary to salvation ; without an explicit belief whereof , no body could be a member of christ's church here , nor be admitted into his eternal kingdom hereafter . if all , or most of the truths declared in the epistles , were to be received and believed as fundamental articles , what then became of those christians who were fallen asleep ? ( as st. paul witnesses in his first to the corinthians , many were ) before these things in the epistles were revealed to them ? most of the epistles not being written till above twenty years after our saviour's ascension , and some after thirty . but farther , therefore , to those who will be ready to say , may those truths delivered in the epistles , which are not contained in the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , and are therefore by this account not necessary to salvation , be believed , or disbelieved without any danger ? may a christian safely question or doubt of them ? to this i answer , that the law of faith , being a covenant of free grace , god alone can appoint what shall be necessarily believed by every one whom he will justifie . what is the faith which he will accept and account for righteousness , depends wholly on his good pleasure . for 't is of grace , and not of right , that this faith is accepted . and therefore he alone can set the measures of it : and what he has so appointed and declared , is alone necessary . no body can add to these fundamental articles of faith ; nor make any other necessary , but what god himself hath made and declared to be so . and what these are , which god requires of those who will enter into , and receive the benefits of the new covenant , has already been shewn . an explicit belief of these , is absolutely required of all those to whom the gospel of jesus christ is preached , and salvation through his name proposed . the other parts of divine revelation are objects of faith , and are so to be received . they are truths whereof none that is once known to be such , may or ought to be disbelieved . for to acknowledge any proposition to be of divine revelation and authority , and yet to deny or disbelieve it , is to offend against this fundamental article and ground of faith , that god is true . but yet a great many of the truths revealed in the gospel , every one does , and must confess , a man may be ignorant of ; nay , disbelieve , without danger to his salvation : as is evident in those , who allowing the authority , differ in the interpretation and meaning o several texts of scripture , not thought fundamental : in all which 't is plain the contending parties , on one side or tother , are ignorant of , nay , disbelieve the truths delivered in holy writ ; unless contrarieties and contradictions can be contained in the same words , and divine revelation can mean contrary to it self . though all divine revelation requires the obedience of faith ; yet every truth of inspired scriptures is not one of those , that by the law of faith is required to be explicitly believed to justification . what those are , we have seen by what our saviour and his apostles proposed to , and required in those whom they converted to the faith. those are fundamentals ; which 't is not enough not to disbelieve : every one is required actually to assent to them . but any other proposition contained in the scripture , which god has not thus made a necessary part of the law of faith , ( without an actual assent to which he will not allow any one to be a believer ) a man may be ignorant of , without hazarding his salvation by a defect in his faith. he believes all that god has made necessary for him to believe , and assent to : and as for the rest of divine truths , there is nothing more required of him , but that he receive all the parts of divine revelation , with a docility and disposition prepared to imbrace , and assent to all truths coming from god ; and submit his mind to whatsoever shall appear to him to bear that character . where he , upon fair endeavours , understands it not ; how can he avoid being ignorant ? and where he cannot put several texts , and make them consist together ; what remedy ? he must either interpret one by the other , or suspend his opinion . he that thinks that more is , or can be required , of poor frail man in matters of faith , will do well to consider what absurdities he will run into . god out of the infiniteness of his mercy , has dealt with man as a compassionate and tender father . he gave him reason , and with it a law : that could not be otherwise than what reason should dictate ; unless we should think , that a reasonable creature , should have an unreasonable law. but considering the frailty of man , apt to run into corruption and misery , he promised a deliverer , whom in his good time he sent ; and then declared to all mankind , that whoever would believe him to be the saviour promised , and take him now raised from the dead , and constituted the lord and judge of all men , to be their king and ruler , should be saved . this is a plain intelligible proposition ; and and the all-merciful god seems herein to have consulted the poor of this world , and the bulk of mankind . these are articles that the labouring and illiterate man may comprehend . this is a religion suited to vulgar capacities ; and the state of mankind in this world , destined to labour and travel . the writers and wranglers in religion fill it with niceties , and dress it up with notions ; which they make necessary and fundamental parts of it ; as if there were no way into the church , but through the academy or lyceum . the bulk of mankind have not leisure for learning and logick , and superfine distinctions of the schools . where the hand is used to the plough , and the spade , the head is seldom elevated to sublime notions , or exercised in mysterious reasonings . 't is well if men of that rank ( to say nothing of the other sex ) can comprehend plain propositions , and a short reasoning about things familiar to their minds , and nearly allied to their daily experience . go beyond this , and you amaze the greatest part of mankind : and may as well talk arabick to a poor day labourer , as the notions and language that the books and disputes of religion are filled with ; and as soon you will be understood . the dissenting congregations are supposed by their teachers to be more accurately instructed in matters of faith , and better to understand the christian religion , than the vulgar conformists , who are charged with great ignorance ; how truly i will not here determine . but i ask them to tell me seriously , whether half their people have leisure to study ? nay , whether one in ten of those who come to their meetings in the country , if they had time to study them , do or can understand , the controversies at this time so warmly managed amongst them , about justification , the subject of this present treatise . i have talked with some of their teachers , who confess themselves not to understand the difference in debate between them . and yet the points they stand on , are reckoned of so great weight , so material , so fundamental in religion , that they divide communion and separate upon them . had god intended that none but the learned scribe , the disputer or wise of this world , should be christians , or be saved , thus religion should have been prepared for them ; filled with speculations and niceties , obscure terms , and abstract notions . but men of that expectation , men furnished with such acquisitions , the apostle tells us , i cor. i. are rather shut out from the simplicity of the gospel ; to make way for those poor , ignorant , illiterate , who heard and believed promises of a deliverer ; and believed jesus to be him ; who could conceive a man dead and made alive again , and believe that he should at the end of the world , come again , and pass sentence on all men , according to their deeds . that the poor had the gospel preached to them ; christ makes a mark as well as business of his mission . mat. xi . 5. and if the poor had the gospel preached to them , it was , without doubt , such a gospel , as the poor could understand , plain and intelligible : and so it was , as we have seen , in the preachings of christ and his apostles . finis . printed for a. & j. churchil , in pater-noster-row . a view of universal history from the creation to 1695. wherein the most remarkable persons and things in the known kingdoms and countries of the world are set down in several columns , by way of synchronism , according to their proper centuries and years . in 16 copper plates . by f. talents , a. m. a compleat journal of both houses of parliament throughout the whole reign of q. elizabeth . by sir symonds dewes , knight . fol. notitia monastica : or , a history of all the religious houses in england and wales , &c. 8vo . by tho. tanner . the resurrection of the ( same ) body , asserted from the tradition of the heathens , the ancient jews , and the primitive church . with an answer to the objections brought against it . by humph. hody , d. d. octavo . bishop wilkins of prayer and preaching , enlarged by the bp. of norwich and dr. williams . octavo . the gentleman's religion , with grounds and reasons of it . 20. by a private gentleman . dr. patrick's new version of all the psalms of david . 120. to be sung in churches . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a48888-e280 gen. iii. 17-19 . remarks on the new philosophy of des-cartes in four parts ... / done by a gentleman. howard, edward. 1700 approx. 443 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 200 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44631 wing h2978 estc r11446 12254151 ocm 12254151 57274 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44631) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57274) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 149:8) remarks on the new philosophy of des-cartes in four parts ... / done by a gentleman. howard, edward. [56], 343 p. : ill. printed by j. gardyner and sold by richard ellison ..., london : 1700. the author's epistle dedicatory signed: ed. howard. reproduction of original in british library. (from t.p.) i. of the principles of humane knowledge -ii. of the principles of material things -iii. of the principles as they relate to the visible world -iv. of the principles of the earth. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng descartes, rené, 1596-1650. philosophy, french -17th century. 2004-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion remarks on the new philosophy of des-cartes . in four parts . i. of the principles of humane knowledge . ii. of the principles of material things . iii. of the principles , as they relate to the visible world. iv. of the principles of the earth . done by a gentleman . — felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas . virgil. london : printed by j. gardyner , and sold by richard ellison , in the pall-mall , near st. james's house , m dc c. the author's epistle dedicatory to his royal highness the prince of denmark . princes , great sir , of superlative esteem have to their glory promoted the excellencies of science , and are accordingly conspicuous in records of fame : if they have been illustrious in their sphere , the court ; they have not judg'd themselves greater under a canopy of state , than when their grandeur has flourish'd , with the incouragement and growth of the arts of knowledge . and tho' princes , as to the conduct of their affairs , may by their prudence select their proper ministers , and courtly observance of such on whom they confer the grace of officiary dignities : 't is not to be denied , that science , without other courtship than its own merit ; ought to be an especial favourite of the soul , and chiefly so valu'd by the most eminent of men. a motive of such high importance , that it caus'd the great alexander to declare , that he had rather be a prince of science , than commander of the vast dominions possess'd by him : and doubtless , he in great part , made good the expression , both as to his own abilities , and the improvements he receiv'd from his tutor aristotle ; whose learned works had never been so far diffus'd in the world , had they not been incourag'd and assisted by the countenance and power of his famous pupil . the next great example was julius caesar , who is mention'd , by plutarch , as a parallel in valour and warlike conquest 's to the mighty alexander ; but far surpassing the conduct of his arms and counsels of state , as to the perpetual memorial of his glory and erudite accomplishments ; men famous in mathematical science were authoris'd by him , to amend the then erroneous computation of the sun 's annual revolution ; to which at this day , in the julian year , we own our calendar , and the month of july dedicated to his everlasting renown , in the year that was rectified by his imperial command : a work transcending the greatest of his earthly fame , as to the height of the sun , the sovereign of light , his name is exalted in story . if the great julius caesar from his soveraign dignity and vast ingenuity of mind , was signally accomplish'd to patronise so sublime a performance ; what could recompence the deserts of such famous persons , who were his subservient assistants , or as it were the ministers of heaven , in order to give the sun 's ecliptick year a renovated conduct and glory : of which persons sosigenes , a mathematician of aegypt is chiefly mention'd . but were his astronomical abilities compar'd with admir'd tycho , who was of noble extraction in the same nation where the many great predecessors of your royal highness had dominion and birth ; 't is not to be doubted that the accurate skill and observations of tycho the dane had exceeded sosigenes the aegyptian : and possibly , had he been consulted , might have furnish'd the world with a more perfect computation of the year , than is , either the julian or gregorian account . his admirable skill , vigilancy and experience , imploy'd twenty years in astronomical science , did in a manner crown his vast endeavours : there being no observations , at this day , that can compare with those made by unparallell'd tycho . and 't is not improbable , amongst his astrological predictions , were they known to us , that he signally presag'd the happy alliance of your royal highness both to the danish and english throne : and how , in future time , you would be no less a favourer and promoter of the excellencies of mathematical learning , than any of your monarchial predecessors . nor can the extraordinary dignity be unknown to your royal highness , by which that science does , beyond all others , advance the elevation of the eyes and heart , in order to the divine contemplation of the wonderful movements and beings of the celestial orbs , however far distant from us . if the sun revolves in his diurnal circumference more than sixteen millions of english miles ; to what admirable , tho' less proportion , does then amount the period he makes in every hour , and minute of time. insomuch , that it may be affirm'd , that by astronomical calculations in a high measure , we are divinely taught to be more perspicuous admirers of the heavenly works and conduct of the almighty , than otherwise could be discern'd by us : which wonderful movements of the sun , planets and stars , together with the benignities of heaven incident to their illuminations , causes and effects , are , to our admiration , with such a stupendious facility dispos'd , and ordain'd above ; that it can be attributed to no other original , than the operations of incomprehensible providence . but of what substance , and manner of existence , the celestial luminaries , together with the incommensurable orbs , height and distances in which they revolve , may be defin'd ; are thoughts that have been the inextricable astonishment of learned pens , as they have been pos'd to determine the nature of their essence and other proprieties . notwithstanding , it appears , that by writers of refin'd judgments , the sun , moon , and stars , with whatsoever may be denominated the orbs above ; are deem'd , in a manner , by them either spiritual appearances , or equivalently such , for want of other extrordinary epithet , or definement suitable to the nature of their essence and motion ; by reason that their substance does not admit any visible change , or alteration in them : which would be perceptible , were they not essentially distinct from all elementary compositions . these instances in brief , i thought fit to present to your royal highness , as preparatory to your inspection of such particulars as i have written in this book , on the philosophy , and mathematical passages inscrib'd by des-cartes : which are humbly dedicated to the perusal of your royal highness , by your most dutiful humble servant , ed. howard . the preface to the reader . the dignity of philosophical science , has always been celebrated by the most eminent of men in all its capacities : for as men , are endu'd by the gifts of the mind , above all other animated creatures ; philosophy does by its excellency highly advance the useful speculations and comprehension of one man superior to another . if princes , or supreme magistrates ; it wonderfully improves the conduct and prudence of their rule , and fits their subordinate ministers with such signal qualifications as naturally lenifie the course ignorance of vulgar men , and attract their obedience . tho' iron be a harsh and rugged metal , the loadstone can affectedly draw it : and doubtless philosophical knowledge , when duely communicated , has a more compleat and genuine sympathy on the souls of men ; as it usefully displays the benign and facile conduct of providence , in disposing the government and contexture of the universe , with its admir'd appurtenances : in which may be observ'd such a perspicuous and endear'd compliance to order and rule , that nature seems but an empress of philosophical science , as she ordains , by causes and effects , the obedience of her numberless subiects . from whose great example may well be suppos'd , that the wise and learned of men instituted civil and doctrinal societies , as the most natural directors and conservators of humane being . nor can the total world be more aptly denominated than the vast presence-chamber of nature ; in which , by a general admittance to the eyes of mankind , may be perceiv'd her outward ornaments of state and greatness : but in that mighty room she is most significantly attended by the nobless in knowledge , who clearest discern philosophical grandeur ; and especially how , and where it is most requisitely eminent when wedded to mathematical science the queen of truth : without which solemnity , it is impossible to celebrate nature , or providence , the sublime disposer of her wonderful operations , demonstrably admirable ; and consequently that the hours of time , by which we subsist , together with its commodious seasons , could not , otherwise be computed by us : whereas , contrarily , ungracious ignorance , as also heedless neglect and contempt of science , are usually such concomitants as chiefly proceed from customary sloth and illiterate modes of conversation ; even in persons of superior degree , who should be , to the exalting of the dignity of their souls , leading examples and especial incouragers of such parts of knowledge , as might embellish their esteem , and patronize the endeavours of others : but too many of these , however big in looks , estate , and interest , and accordingly their outward meen and appearance ; cannot but inwardly blush , if deeply consider'd by them , how diminitively they are ensoul'd , if compar'd with the intellectuals of many of their inferiors ; or as if they were born meerly to injoy the affluence and pleasures of life , without recompensing their value , by fitting of their understandings in order to a due intelligence of the causes and bounties of nature , from whence they proceed . if the titles that such men have to their external grandeur , quality , or estate , were question'd or debas'd , they would doubtless resent it accordingly ; if not hold themselves oblig'd to clear their repute and interest , in all those considrations . but were they requir'd to make out their claims to polite literature , they could not but concede , that there are more knights of st. george than honourers of science . nor can it be deny'd , that whensoever the eminencies of science are not commendably patroniz'd , the inconvenience must necessarily arise from the too frequent depravitiess of conversation and manners that to cover foppish , or debauch'd ignorance , would disguise the want of apprehension by endeavouring to ridicule knowledge by absurd and licencious railleries . not that it is to be expected , that all persons of dignity , or such as are advanc'd to degrees of trust , or magistracy in the nation ; should be all proficients in philosophical and mathematical erudition : tho' more advantagious and usefully becoming , in them , relating to their national affairs and stations , on whatsoever account ; than to others of inferior concernment and manner of life . wherefore , 't is very conducing both to the service of the publick , and lasting applause and fame of such persons ; if they are not scientifically capacitated , or their abilities otherwise imploy'd , that they would be renown'd incouragers of learning , together with convenient bounty ; by which means such persons might be supported in schools , and places set apart for that purpose , that are sufficiently accomplish'd to instruct others in the before-mention'd sciences : which in a short time might exalt the academical fame of england to a second athens . how many petitions have contitinually been presented to the royal magistrate , and favour'd by persons of nearest access to the throne , that tend to private advantages and exaltatious to stations of superiority and profit ; but amongst all these addresses , few to be observ'd , that would advance the publick honour and emoluments , that deservedly appertain to the advancement of the skill , and arts of knowledge ? which is no small reason , that the most considerable parts and exercise of humane understanding are so thinly discern'd , or too commonly decay'd amongst us . if scientifical abilities have a cursory deference and value , from some persons who are not learned enough to prove their esteem of performances of excellent importance ; the applause that it receives from not a few of them , is no better than the bare encomium of vertue : which caus'd the pcet juvenal to reflect on the unworthy of his time , when he says , that — robitas laudatur et alget : as if men were oblig'd to improve the knowledge of others , at the cost of their diligence ; or enough rewarded , if not voted down by the ignorant : which cold regard , or at best , but a luke-warm respect to science ; is no small cause , that many of our youthful nobility and gentry so rawly return from academies and tutors : from whence it afterwards proceeds , that they far more incapably enter upon the service of the nation , at land , or sea , than otherwise they might : and for no other reason , than because philosophical and mathematical excellencies are not more familiarly taught and practis'd . 't were too much , in this place , to recount the many commodious applications and uses of those sciences , in reference to publick and private affairs : which are , on divers accounts , so very considerable , as they might deserve the diligence of a learned pen , to enumerate their conjoyn'd value ; by which the causes , effects , motions , and operations of nature would be more experimentally and certainly understood . and what ought more sublimely to be consider'd , the continu'd blessings of providence , in their most natural methods , bestow'd on mankind , would be without philosophical and mathematical knowledge , insensibly perceiv'd , if not supinely inadverted by us . and tho' the suns times faithful accountant , together with the moon and stars , in their outward appearance , invite the wonder of our eyes ; and what is far more incomprehensible , the manner of their existencies and diversified progressions in their orbs above : yet in none of these supreme considerations , could they be rationally admir'd , however vast their distance from us ; did not science exalt our intellects to such approximate and necessary computations , as render them , tho' no farther apprehended by us , the effectual supporters of our worldly beings and if a catechism were pertinently compil'd of the works of the omnipotent , joyn'd to that of his holy word , and duely explain'd by national authority : it might assure a more palpable conviction , even to obstinate opposers , that god does exist , than can be deduc'd from the simplicity of meer belief , howsoever convey'd . nothing being so demonstrably evident , to humane comprehension , as what is apparently manifest to the eye and senses ; to which purpose , the divine application of the undeniable assurance and proof to be attain'd by the sciences precedently mention'd , would undoubtedly incline the most prudent of men devoutly to acquiesce , and profligate from their souls , the too common inconsiderate tenents , and atheism of others : as also , to their superlative glory , conspicuously distinguish'd from such numbers of mankind , that no farther imploy their understandings , than by indulging the sensual satisfactions and pleasures of life : amongst whom , may be found such an impious sort of men , that to varnish their evil examples , and stains of manners , would seem refin'd under the name of wits : and thereby arrogate to themselves an arbitrary decision , or neglect of whatsoever they please to disallow , or is above their capacities to value : and these , for the greatest part , are antipathiz'd to all polite science ; or determine it , as a point resolv'd by them , far inferior to their loose drolleries , lampoons , scurrilous reflections , and abuses impudently pointed against the ingenious desert , and performances of others ; as on the feet of their ignominious verse , they run in the nation . and strange it is , that such ungracious associators should not only have their ordinary countenancers and abetters ; but also their leaders , men of title , who , as their captain-generals , command their undisciplin'd lists : as if by their endeav urs , ignorance , and contempt of knowledge , might be no less prevalent , than when the barbarous goths and vandals demolish'd records of precedent literature . but , heaven be thank'd , the present age does yet abound with such laudable ingenuities and patrons of erudition , as enough defeat the malice and ignorance of illiterate opposers : the only remaining means , and strong reserve , by which the value of philosophy , with all its accomplishments , may receive suitable acceptance and protection . to which worthy personages , next to his royal highness the prince of denmark , together with such of eminent quality , who have incourag'd the impression , is chiefly presented the confiderable importance of this book : not doubting , that it may be inspected , by a judicious eye , no less valuable in english , where it dissents from des-cartes , than his did receive applause when publish'd with the best of his eloquence and reasons , in french , or latin. notwithstanding 't is very observable , that some fantastical judgments no less propensely value french authors than the reception they give to the mode of cloaths that are devis'd by taylers at paris . but as to the productions of the mind , by advancement of science , 't is palyably known , that the most learned and accurate productions and inventions of the french have not been only equall'd but improv'd by english writers : to which purpose , i will , instead of many , insert a few examples . vieta , who is acknowledg'd the first author of the commodious use of literal algebra , had he liv'd contemporary with our english harriot , must have granted , that the most curious part , or in which consists the main secret of that profound science , was discover'd and compleated by him . and so well perceiv'd by des-cartes , that he , in the manner of a plagiary derives the most exquisite part of his algebraical skill and process , from our learned harriot : and so publish'd to the world , in the history of algebra eruditely compil'd by dr. wallis . to harriot may be added our famous oughtred , whose deep mathematical knowledge and perfection of theorems , was never exceeded by any french writer . in the judgment of vieta , it was thought impossible , by knowing the simple anomaly of the sun , or planets , geometrically to find the equated ; the contrary of which is evidently prov'd by the learned bp. seth ward in his book entitled astronomia geometrica . if the ingenious peter ramus was the first deviser of the analysis in numbers of the cubick root ; the operation is much facilitated by the accurate invention of mr. joseph raphson , in his converging series , to his praise now extant . and what yet more superlatively exceeds to the honour of this island , both ancient and modern inventions ; is admirably evident in the structure of logarithms compil'd by the famous lord napier : by which the former difficulties of mathematical computations , in every kind , are totally wav'd ; and in their stead facile calculations by logarithms , resolv'd with ease and delight . if philosophically compar'd french authors with english ; or instead of more , des-cartes be mention'd , according to the esteem allow'd him by some persons : the works of our incomparable bacon may be instanc'd as an experimental confutation of the failings of the other ; with no less assurance , than that probable truth condemns fiction : nothing being more gracious in a philosopher , than a natural discovery of causes and effects : or indeed , when the parts of a naturalist and philosopher are duely joyn'd : which actually elevated the admirable reputation allow'd to the georgicks of virgil ; because in them he manifestly discloses the effects and operations of nature , obviously agreeable to common observation : and i cannot liken any works more eminently to the excellency of his , than the natural manner of philosophy deliver'd by unparallel'd bacon . whereas , if we confide on the principles of des-cartes , we must rely on fictitious inventions , instead of warantable experience ; as will appear by the ensuing remarks on the parts i treat of . no man can doubt , that any thing is more requisite , or deserv'dly commendable , than the endeavours whereby to fathom such depths of science , as pertinently contribute to the profoundest search and satisfaction of the humane mind : amongst which , none are more considerable than such as most emphatically conduce to the apprehending the wonderful manner by which the animated being and life , with all their proprieties , exist in the body of man. and what parts of contemplation , or refin'd literature , can so naturally enbellish the intellect , as the rational discernment of the being of the humane soul ; and how it operatively conspires with its corporeal residence ? the understanding of which , if sufficiently acquir'd , may be deem'd the quintessence , or soul of philosophical knowledge ; as it instructs us to comprehend the nature of the soul , that appertains to our persons . many are the opinions of philosophers , not necessary to be mention'd here , by which they differ not more from themselves than des-cartes does from all of them , concerning the manner of existence and operating of the soul in the humane body : the main of whose tenent , or idea , as he calls it , is , that the humane mind being a thinking substance , committed to the body , by god , may sensibly apprehend objects , without the use of the senses , or being precedently entertain'd by them : by which opinion of his he opposes common experience , together with that noted philosophical axiom , that nothing is in the intellect , which was not first in the senses . if a man becomes accidentally blind , there is not therefore with the loss of his sight any such curtain drawn before his imagination , that totally obscures the memorial of things formerly impress'd on his intellect by the senses . so that the maxim of des-cartes is far more blind , than a sightless man ; as he states his inference : ' tho' upon this obscure principle he erects the main foundation of the first part of his philosophy , as it relates to humane cognition . notwithstanding , he is so fond of the new-fashion'd ideas and notions which he there not a little magnifies , that he exposes them , ( as he finds occasion ) to the view of his reader in other parts of his works , besides those i have to do with ; witness the fourth particular of the first chapter of his dioptricks , or of light and the manner of vision by the telescope , where he has this unintelligible expression : if we consider , saies he , the distinction that a man blind , from his nativity , can make betwixt the colour of trees , water , stones , and the like , meerly by the use and touch of the staff he walks with ; no less certainly , than seeing men can discern red , yellow , or blew , in any visible object ; although their differences could be no other , in such bodies , than diversities of motion , or the resistance they make to the blind man's staff. it has been an undoubted maxim , that whosoever is blind , is no judge of colours : but by the quaint philosophy of this author it seems a resolv'd point , that a man may see without the use of eyes : so that a sightless man , who cannot make a safe step without a guide , may , if conducted to walk to the end of a street , declare certainly of what shape , figure , or colour , every post is that he touches with the staff that supports him . i confess , as i read this particular , i expected , that he would have somewhat more exalted the conceit , by affirming , that a blind man might perfectly inspect through the glasses of the telescope , he there writes of ; and next give an account of the bigness , diameters , and various appearances of the stars , colours of the rain-bow , and other meteors : in summ , he might have as well asserted , that the ear could perform the office of seeing , as by feeling it could be executed , in any kind , by a blind man's management , nor less unintelligible is the general definition he gives , in the before-mention'd head , of colours ; which he terms no other than various modalities , by which they are receiv'd in objects of colour . whereas they are certain proprieties inseparably appertaining both to animated , and inanimated bodies ; as sure as a brown horse is naturally different from a gray , or chesnut : and 't were a weak imagination , to estimate colour , otherwise than nature has appropriated it to particular subjects : and whosoever would fancy the contrary , let him try , whether he can wash a blackmoor's face untill it becomes white . another passage he inserts in the 4th chapter of his dioptricks , where he states his . idea of the soul , as a distinct substance separated from the senses , by supposing , that 't is the soul alone , and not the body , that is sensibly concern'd : as he would infer from extasie , or distracted contemplation ; in which circumstance he conceives , that the soul is totally abstracted from the corporeal parts : whilst the body remains stupified , or bereav'd of sense ; no less than when by wounds , or diseases , the brain is prejudic'd . but could be think , that in any such disturbance of body and mind , the soul does more than live as well as the body ; since , in that condition , 't is impossible for the soul to act deliberately , of any thing , whilst the senses are disabled , or not assisting her operations ? yet in this plight of body and mind , he is very inclinable to determine the soul , a separate thinking substance , but incapable of sensibly executing her intellectual faculty ; which is much the same , as to allow her , in this case , a nonsensical existence ; or not able to apprehend any object without the concurring of the senses . this objection is undeniably manifest ; if pertinently consider'd the main potentials , by which are actually effected and compleated the essential capacities of the life of the intellect and senses , as they animatively conspire in the body of man : for as there are always extant a sufficient quantity of the most refin'd spirits , or quintessence naturally extracted from the corporeal temperament , and in a wonderful and indiscernable method diffus'd into the cells and crannies of the brain ; by which means , as the excellent lord bacon observes , they are able to move the whole mass , or weight of the body , in the most swiftest operations and exercise : yet by no search , or anatomical inspection are these admirable particles , or quintessences of our nature , at all discernable : tho' not to be denied , that they consist of quantitative parts ; because nothing but quantity can operate on quantitative dimensions , as signified by humane composition . wherefore , the wonderful being and active force of the material spirits , or quintessence of the corporeal temper , can have no other apter epithet , than was given by democritus to his notion of atoms , which he conceiv'd by reason and experience to be things really existing , but not to be perceiv'd by the sense of seeing this notion well apprehended is more than sufficient to convict the tenent , of des-cartes , whereby he would define the humane soul to be a distinct thinking substance in the body of man , where it has being , action and life ; yet discharg'd , in point of thought , from the accomplishment it has in the temperial excellency that it admirably exerts and partakes ; so that , in that sense , it may be term'd the soul of the body's temperature . if at any time , the seat of the intellect in the brain is perplex'd , confus'd , or detrimentally wounded , or stupified , the soul is obstructed for want of its contiguous passage in the nerves , arteries , and sinews , however subtile the contexture which they derive from the brain to the parts of the body : which could not be , is the soul , according to this author , were in substance essentially distinct from the most refin'd operations and attributes , that sensibly emerge from the corporeal composition . let a man contemplate of any object , or employment of his senses , he shall find , is duely consider'd , that in the same moment there is a ready emanation of the spirits of the mind , to the same purpose , which are most contiguous to the several uses , parts , and temperatures of the body ; tho' not otherwise spiritual : wherefore , the soul may not be improperly term'd equivalently such , as by her imperceptible essence , she has , in a manner , an ubiquitary efficacy in the total body , and every of its parts and members . if the souls of all mankind be committed to bodies , by god , as so many thinking substances ; it must necessarily follow , that they all had a precedent creation ; and therefore could lose nothing of their perfection , until joyn'd to the body . but if according to the opinion of some , the soul is traductionally produc'd , and born with the body , as the disparities and temperatures of men , both in mind and person , seem to be exerted , either from affinity in blood , or parentally propagated by the connexion of the bodily parts and senses ; it must according to that tenent , be materially produc'd . wherefore 't is far more probable , if the soul be granted a thinking substance united to the senses , by the ordainment of the almighty : than to allow it , as does des-cartes , seperately and actively intelligent in the body of man. of what kind of substance this author would define the humane soul , is not intelligible from any definition given by him ; but as he affirms it active and motional : and therefore consisting , suitably to his teuent , of quantitative parts , it must be elementarily compos'd , and consequently mortal by nature : by reason that there is no sublunary substance , that has not a mutable and perishable being . so that within the compass of the world , and course of providence , there is no immortal thing that can be , by man , apprehended . which may be naturally argu'd from the doctrine of des-cartes , as it relates to the humane soul. notwithstanding , to improve his philosophical system , i will conclude , that as a learned catholick , 't was granted by him , that the eternalizing of the humane soul , however compos'd , or operative in the body of man , was wholly to be referr'd to the decree of the omnipotent . in his second part , he grosly defines and mistakes the nature of body , by affirming , that it does not consist , as as one thing may be said to be more ponderous , hard , or distinctly colour'd than another , but as it is differently extended in length , breadth and depth ; which is a very incompatible tenent , or all one as to assert , that air , water , man and beast , are no otherwise distinguishable , than as any one of them are heavier , or less than another ; tho' absolutely bereav'd of their other proprieties : which shews , that there is neither head , or tail , in the shape of his treatise , on this subject . in his third part , amongst divers of his questionable positions and phaenomena's , which i conceive are considerably tax'd by me , he does in a high degree , essentially debase the conspicuous sphere of glory and light visibly beheld in the wonderful appearance of the sun ; which according to his definition , is no other than a flaming substance that flashingly moves continually from one place to another within its circumference ; but with such resemblance to our common fire , that it dissolves whatsoever matter is contiguous to its movement : notwithstanding he would distinguish it from the notion we have of fire , as it is sed and maintain'd by consuming of such materials as are not too hard to be dissolv'd . and is not this a pretty kind of distinction by which he gives a different denomination to the flaming substance , as be terms it , of the sun , from the combustible nature of tarrestial fire , tho' , in effect , he grants that the operation is the same in both : there being little difference betwixt dossolution caus'd by a flaming substance , and burning , as matter may be understood either way alter'd or consum'd . the fuel , on which be conceives the flaming substance of the sun , to operate , is no other than , what be calls his first element , or imaginary material fund , as be determines , and orders it , of the worlds original being above and below ; so that by a thorough-pac'd fiction he constitutes the heavens and earth materially the same . and if so , he must grant that their substance may be equally subject to the variable alterations generatively , or corruptly understood , no less than terrestial beings ; which is contradictory to common experience : there being no such etherial changes as are frequently visible in things below : which is an undeniable argument that the substance of the earth could never be derivatively the same with that of the heavens , or originally so compos'd . of which the reader may be satisfied , at large , when he inspects my particular remarks , that confirm my general exception , amongst other things , against the fourth part of his philosophy , where he makes the earth , as it were , a diminitive brat engendred by seeds descending from skies . to be plain , these parts of his philosophy , which include the whole , depend on so many fabulous phaenomena's and improbable conjectures , diversly introduc'd by him , that it is impossible to apprehend any direct foundation on which he erects the babel of his hypothesis in reference to the heavens and earth . so that it were prolixly improper , should i load my preface by discussing of such particulars that require a more ample debate in their proper places . it being more suitable to the nature of a preface to intimate briefly such observations as may give the reader a taste of what he is more largely to consider : wherefore i shall refer him to my remarks as in course they are to be read ; where i believe he may find them as pertinently compendious as my endeavours could accomplish , or perhaps his ingenuity may expect . and for my own vindication , i can sincerely avow that i discharg'd , from my perusal of his tractates , such opinionative reflections as usually flow from the pens of opposite authors : being so fully prepar'd both as to the repute of the person and the value that i propensly allow'd to his great abilities ; that i did , in a manner , not doubt that i should be proselited by his principles . but finding , upon a mature and thorough consideration , that his maxims , in divers particulars , not only check'd with my understanding , but also against the proofs that might be adjusted against them : i could not but infer that in a judicious conception he was not the same des cartes , or grandee of knowledge , that had been , by many , attributed to his caracter . so that i might well pronounce — quantum mutatus ab illo hectore . not that i presume on my success farther than he contributes to his own defeat , by intruding such notions , ideas , systems and existency of things , that could by no method of providence , or nature , have being in the world. notwithstanding all which , he confidently assures his reader that he takes himself to be no author of novelties , or principles disagreeable to the most famous of ancient philosophers : tho' palpably manifest that he neither mentions plato , aristotle , or any others of old , or modernly renown'd , that he does not sharpen his pen to confute : tho' the proofs that he offers are as far short of the validity of many of theirs , as fiction is from best probability , or experimental assurance : as may be seen by some examples given by me . to conclude , had not these motives prevail'd on my judgment , and what is more the demonstrative evidence that i have instanc'd from proof ; i had been far more inclinable , as i consider'd , on many accounts , the learned deserts of this author , to have annex'd to his esteem my praise , instead of my opposition . farwel . remarks on the first part of the new philosophy of des-cartes . concerning the principles of humane knowledge . part . i. nothing is more commendable then the exercising of the humane mind in such requisite contemplations , as most effectually conduce to the improvement of the understanding in things of special importance . and tho' man do's exist in a world whose structure is no less admirable to his speculation then how he came to have being in it , or originally ensoul'd above other creatur's : yet nature , is no such step-dame as not to communicate , by her works , such plentiful discoveries to the rational faculty as have an ample perspicuity and genuine tendency to improve our apprehensions . a treasure of science that ought to be far more valuable , by the judicious , than an excess of worldly riches that may fill the coffers of such as are meanly apprehensive , or ungratefully inconsiderate of the bounties of providence that in a natural course replenish the earth they possess . so that in effect they are no farther sensible of the conduct of nature , in whatsoever they most advantageously injoy , then a man might be of a tale in a romance that represents some , above others , indiscretely fortunate . how precious should then be consider'd the deserts of such persons , who by their elaborate endeavours , and learn'd proficiencies so nearly trace the footsteps of nature , that they render their knowledge approximate to her closest recess : whose mighty door is no way so perspicuously open'd as by the key of philosophical science , which if duely apprehended , or more regardfully incumbent on the souls of men ; it would discountenance not a few , that out of more than necessary respects to their worldly interest and concerns of life , bereave themselves of time and advertency in reference to such common objects as by ordainments from above have a present operation on our senses : to which purpse more emphatically in the ensuing discussions . but here it may be observ'd , that notwithstanding that by the natural facility of providence much is convey'd to common understanding ; t is not to be concluded from thence , that all are equally discernable : which , in effect , were to affirm , that in the numbers of men , every man was alike intelligent , or no less capable of philosophical , or mathematical literature , then such as are eruditely famous in both . it being very evident , that as some persons are by nature exalted to predominant accomplishments in order to the government of inferiors ; so there is an undeniable superintendency conferr'd on others as being gifted from above to be supreame in science , if their superiority be legitimately qualified . but if arbitrary or transgressing from genuine and natural probabilities , or methods of certainty , it then degenerat's , in its best interpretation , to a studied fiction , or artifice of learned tyranny ; by imposing , at will , on the judgments of others . nor is it to be admir'd from the unwary condescentions of men ; that a person of reputed capacity should subject their opinions to the dictatorship in science that he is prone to attribute to himself : insomuch that the errors that drop from his pen , instead of being tax'd , find a passable reception . whether this reflection is applicable , as too much an opiniator , to the otherwise ingenious des-cartes , i leave to a serious examination of his principles by the reader of what here follows : which shall contain the main essentials of this part of his works i now treat of ; taking due care to deliver the meaning of his words as plainly in english as they are to be found in the latin. his first considerable assertion is , that in search of truth , we may not improperly doubt of the imaginary and sensible existence of things : ( his reason is ) because the senses of a man awake may err , as well as when by dream he imagines any thing that never had being suitable to his imagination . to which may be replied , that notwithstanding that it may be granted , that both waking and dreaming the fancy may represent objects that never were truly such ; it being very possible , that a man may contemplate on a chimera , a monster , or the like , that never had being in the world : but that being done , and the imagination examin'd , 't will be found , that such particulars had a precedent residence in the senses ; however disorderly or uncouthly the figures of different bodies imaginably appearing : for example , 't is impossible , otherwise , to imagine a substance partly composed of man and beast , such as the centaurs , or other seeming mixtures of creatures which had no other rise than from poetical fables : yet these being substantially represented by the fancy either waking , or sleeping ; the sensitive part of the imagination will peremptorily determine , that the different shapes and figures of any such things that the fancy seems to unite , had a precedent residence in the senses ; as their species had been discernable in part , or in their whole shape and figure : it being no less easie to imagine half a man , or half a horse , than it is to conjoyn their proportions by the license of fancy as it may intrigue with our senses : so that whether this learned monsieur were sleeping or waking when he inscrib'd this query , 't is certain , that he declin'd the sensible method of his intellect , as he undertakes to separate the mind from participating with the senses : yet on this improbable distinction , is grounded much of his subsequent matter . who affirms immediately after , that of things which we sometimes judge most certain , and such as may be properly termed mathematical demonstrations , or principles of themselves manifest , we have afterwards doubted ; because , says he , we have observed some such propositions that have been erroneously delivered . but can it be argued from any mathematical problem , that whosoever doubts or commits that mistake is not therefore certain of his senses ; which were all one as to assert , that he who is not mathematically knowing ( of which science too many in the world are ignorant ) cannot assure himself , that he is in any other kind sensible . for illustration , let a mathematical line be supposed , and according to the axiom of euclid granted to signifie length , but no breadth , which may be allowed a very necessary and refined maxim as being , in a mathematical sense , the abstracting of matter from lines consider'd in themselves , that in substance they may not be part of their measure : but as a line is beheld in any kind represented or delineated , it is impossible for the eye to perceive it in any other capacity , than as it appears to have both longitude and latitude ; for else it could not be the object of sight , which clearly explains the difference betwixt geometrical science and sense ; the one being made evident by the instructions and rules of practice , the other annexed as a propriety to nature ; by whose assistance a man may certainly be said to see and feel tho' totally ignorant of any mathematical theorem . there is nothing more evident , than that every man is endu'd with freedome of will , by the concession of god , and their natural compositions , to imploy their senses in the most obvious and certain way of management ; but far from being alike capacitated in the gifts and contemplation of the mind : one may perform whatsoever can be required from his senses as perfectly as another , notwithstanding there be a vast disparity in their understandings ; which in effect is granted by this author , as he words the particulars i hitherto treat of : and mentions nothing more of moment to be observed , untill he comes to his seventh head , where he states the most capital principle , as he conceives , in order to the erecting of the proofs he subsequently offers : but whether to be allowed that validity , he seems to magnifie , will soon appear . rejecting , says he , all things of which we can in any manner doubt , as also supposing them false ; we may easily suppose , that there is no god , no heaven , no bodies ; and that we have neither hands or feet , or any bodies : but not that we , who so imagine , are nothing ; because it is absurd to conceive , that whatsoever thinks does not exist at the time of its thinking : wherefore he concludes , that he is , and that he thinks , is of all the most certain truth that can be acquired by philosophical order . who would not judge , that so wild an invention as this , in order to improve knowledge , might not rather proceed from some person in bedlam , than from des-cartes ? of whom if interrogated , how he comes to suppose , that a man may point-blank , on the account of his fiction , deny the being of a god , together with all the visible particulars already mention'd ? as to the existence of the deity , he that considers the necessity of its concession , as he beholds the wonderful conduct of the universe , with so many miraculous objects as are contain'd therein , will as soon give credit to any forgery of fables , as to doubt of the world 's omnipotent creator . and no less impossible to acquiesce in his other suppositions ; there being no body that has his eyes to see , and hands and feet , can doubt , that he discerns that which is called heaven above his head , and that he feels with hands , and treads on the earth with feet . but , if you 'l pass the supposition of des-cartes , he will assure you , that both seeing and feeling is not so intelligible , as ego cogito , and ego sum : whereas , in truth , i neither can understand , that i either live or think , but as my senses conspire with my intellect : if not , one may as well conclude , that he may live without thinking of whatsoever he knew before , or was sensibly requisite to his being and life . so nakedly has this author stript the humane soul from the necessity of participating with the body ; and this he farther undertakes to affirm by his next step , where he positively expresses , that there is no other method of defining the nature of the mind , and its distinction from the body : adding , that it may be done by examining what we are , and supposing all things false that are diverse from us ; whence ( says he ) we may perspicuously apprehend , that no extension , figure , local motion , nor any thing like these , attributed to the body , could appertain to our nature : on which account he concludes , that meer cogitation is more to be preferred , in point of certainty , than any corporeal thing that could be apprehended . to which i answer , that had it been demanded , of this thinking gentleman , whether at the time he writ this treatise , he did not contemplate of some bodily notion ? for how could he pen the wording in any kind of extension , figure , local motion , or the like , and be without thought of their being , when he nam'd them such ? had he been in that season , to have answer'd this querie , it must have posed his contemplating in the singular way he proposes . and if the author of this conceit could not perform what he requires , it could not be doctrinal to others : it being as impossible totally to separate the mind from the senses , as to think of a non-entity , or what has no existence ; which were a contradiction to nature and the sensible impression adherent to the intellect with the being of things ; and such s cannot be apprehended by it , otherwise than as they are compossed of quantitive and bodily parts . could i imagine another world as vast as this , with as many individual beings and creatures of all sorts , as are contained within the compass of the universe we inhabit ; i could think of no other in all its parts , than such a one , or in likeness , the same with this , that had with all its particulars , been the precedent sensible object , of my understanding . so heterogeneous to the nature of humane comprehension , is the principle of des-cartes , whereby he endeavours to separate the imagination from the commixture it has with our senses . these discussions , if duly considered , are sufficient to defeat the farther progress of his maxims ; which , in effect , will be liable to the same confutation : but to give him the scope he takes , together with the advantage he can make by it ; let us admit the question he makes , in his ninth particular , which he conceives very emphatical to the purpose ; and where he has this passage ; supposing , by a kind of interlude of his fancy , himself to see , to walk , and have being , and all these corporeally performed , yet makes no certain conclusion from thence : because ( says he , ) i may sleeping think i see , or walk , notwithstanding my eyes be not open , and that i move not from the place i was in , and perhaps as if i conceiv'd that i had no body : all which if referred to the operation of the mind , whereby he imagin'd or thought that he saw and walked , he determines certain . and i affirm no less , if to the imagination be annexed , the impression made in it , by the senses . for so i can think that i saw , or walk'd when i slept ; which imports no more , than that there was a residence in my intellect , conveyed by my senses of my seeing , and observing of my walking person when i was really awake . so that it must be a very empty notion to conceive , that i can be personated meerly by the working of my brain , without comprehending any concern of the senses : for example , seeing , or moving must needs have a necessary relation to my bodily parts , and the senses that appertain to motion ; as i cannot move on the ground , but as , on it , i feel i move . so that all that can be implied from this visionary conceit of des-cartes , is , that the fancy imaginarily retain'd , what before had been actually performed by the senses . he proceeds to explicate , that misconception , by not orderly philosophizing , is the absolute cause that the mind is not accurately distinguished from the body . and here , methinks , he imposes too critical a task to be practically discharged by the common use of humane understanding , considering how few the world affords that are philosophically accomplished , or sufficiently instructed to that purpose : or if they were , could they be therefore convinced , that his manner of distinguishing the mind from the body , is not a more refined conceit than can be exerted by any imagination that resides in bodily composition ? is it not manifest , that elementary substances are the ingredients of our constitutions as they temper our flesh and bloud ? and can the soul that resides within their circumference , and acts by them , contemplate her self discharged from them ; yet at the same time , as is acknowledged by des-cartes , imploy her imagination in representing such objects as could not be known to her , but as the senses had made their impressions , on things , on the intellect , that in their material proprieties and shapes had been precedently apprehended by them : and it were unnaturally absurd to annex thought to any other method actuated by the brain of man : it being no less insignificant to allow the mind a distinct exercise within the body , the region of her dominion , than to suppose a prince to govern without the requisite assistance of his subjects . thus far , i conceive , stand sufficiently taxed the groundless mistakes , if not fictions of this learned author : whose defects did chiefly emerge from his attributing to his abilities , as if proceeding from him as the first of men , that by their grandeur could remove such difficulties , that , in their nature , are too perplexed for the resolution of the eruditest pen , as they relate to the manner of being and acting of the humane soul : which if considered absolutely spiritual ; the question may be , how any thing , perfectly spiritual , can be inclosed , actuate , and exist in a corporeal substance ? since in a philosophical construction , nothing can act on body , or have being with it , in any consideration ; but what is composed of bodily parts . if contrarily , the mind or soul of man , be deemed a material essence , the attribute of immortality conferred on its dignity by common opinion , will be debas'd by that definition ; notwithstanding it may be affirmed , that whatsoever its substance is , or manner of being in the humane body ; it is equally facile to the omnipotent to eternilize its existence , as to transform by resurrection , the dust of a rotten carkass to the material figure and parts of the body that had been so consumed . in the next place he takes for granted , that the mind may with that simplicity understand it self , as it may doubt of all things else . but how can that bare intelligence be attributed to the mind , that cannot by what has been before discussed , so much as ruminate of any thing of which it does not participate with the senses ? the reason he gives to the contrary , is , that the mind finding in its self many ideas , which so long as it contemplates , and of nothing , without it self , either affirms , or denies , it cannot be deceived . but can he prove that the mind , at that time he proposes , has no comixture with the senses : the argument he gives to make good his assertion , is , that the mind being furnished with divers notions , composeth demonstrations , to which so long as it attends , it assures it self that they are true . and what these ideas are he exemplifies , by affirming , that the mind is replenished with ideas of numbers and figures ; besides common notions , amongst which this , that if to equals be added equals , there shall remain equals , and the like ; on which ground he proves , that the three angles of every plain triangle are equal to two right . which cannot be denied by any man that understands mathematical certainties . but must every man that reads des-cartes , be so skilled in that science as to be able to demonstrate , that the three angles of a triangle are equal to two right ones ; which many thousands of men are not able to perform ? and if not , they will be little advantaged by the notions here mentioned of this author . however , to treat him in his own method , and for satisfaction of such as are mathematically knowing ; can it be denyed , that taking the half of four , there will equally remain two : and this must properly signifie the substracting from some numerical quantity , as it really relates to its arithmetical proportion or measure ; it being impossible to take the half of nothing : wherefore the maxim must have reference to some substantial thing ; or as the figure of four had been precedently seen , or written , to whatsoever purpose it might sensibly relate ; and if so , the demonstration cannot meerly proceed from the mind without the concurrance of the sense ; as i cannot tell one , two , three , and not be apprehensive , that i count something . and he that would determine to the contrary , may as well affirm , that a man can tell cash without the use of his feeling and fingers ; or fancy money in a bag and be able to compute its summ by the notional operation of the mind , according as it is applyed by this author . who to exalt the height of his ideas , tho' far incompatible to what he designs 'em , he undertakes to prove , that amongst the troops of fancy , which may be exerted by the brain , there will be found one of that sublime tendency , that the most perfect existence , or being of a god , may be implyed by it ; together with such a necessary and eternal being , as distinguishes it from the possible , or contingent existence that may be attributed to all other things . if this doctrine be true ; i may consequently determine , that the methods of providence by which the universe and whatsoever it contains subsist , are but so many contingencies ; or that 't was accidental that the sun did yesterday ascend to the meridian , if not deified by an idea of his existence : whereas there must be such a determined and necessary being of providence , by the decree of the almighty , in the conduct and preservation of the universe , with whatsoever it contains , that it cannot have a period otherwise than by a total cessation of its natural effects and operations , as so many bounties conferred from above , on the vast circumference of the world , together with every individual thing that appertains to it . not that it can be denyed , that by the usual effects of nature , no minute does pass in which there are not produced innumerable alterations as in course , generation and corruption succeed one another in the various changes of all things that have life and growth : yet , not to be implied , that by any idea of them that can be imagined , according to this author , is to be understood that they accidentally subsist , or vary in their manner of being , which would , by construction , impute contingencies to the incomprehensible wisdom and methods of providence tending to the conservation and production of men and creatures . but to return to the remaining part of his fourteenth particular , where he undertakes , with ample assurance , to exalt his idea of the being of a god , by the proof that is to be made , that the three angles of a triangle are equal to two right , from whence as a parallel certainty he concludes the existence of god supremely perfect . but can it be affirmed of any idea , as he terms it , that because it is a mathematical truth , that the three angles of a triangle are equal to two right ; that it is sufficient to prove , from that theorem , the miraculous being and perfection of omnipotencie . and thus he again supposes , that all men must be so far geometrically knowing , or they will be deficient , or without demonstrative conviction that the deity does exist . if this doctrine were true , it were no less requisite that all mankind should have recourse , betimes , to the school of euclid ; where they might be instructed as fully of the necessary proportions of all the angles and sides of that figure , together with what its area contains in feet , inches , or the like ; naturally and usefully applicable to corporeal measures : which were very disconsonant to his idea of any perfection in a triangle , as he would parallel it to the proving of the existence of the deity ; which cannot be likened to any commensurable figure , or being : because two immensely infinite to come within the precinct or computation of lines . and he that most exactly discerns the properties of a triangle , in every of its capacities , can but apply it to commensurable parts and proportions , as before express'd , and nothing more absurd than to assimilate their proofs , on any account , to the undenyable existence of the omnipotent so fully evident to the eye and sense , in the sublime wonders beheld within the compass of the universe : insomuch , that it is very emphatically expressed by the poet , where he affirms , that god has taken care to inform us by miraculous mediums suitable to these words — os homini sublime dedit caelumque videre , jussit et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus . as much more obvious to general apprehension than any geometrical problem . could it be unknown to the intelligent des-cartes , how vast a multitude of humane kind are scarce able to define a triangle as a figure consisting of three angles ; and far less apprehensive of the truth of its useful attributes ; if not regardlesly unconcerned , whether there is such a thing or no ; or not at all conducing to the exerting of omnipotence ? for which they conceive they are , by the goodness of providence , furnished with more palpable motives : and such as are approved by himself , as shall be observed in convenient place . in the mean time he much insists on his triangular idea , as a truth that gives a main rise to the proof of the necessary existence of omnipotence ; because as he affirms , that there is no other idea to be found so absolutely certain ; and yet he grants , in effect , that it is no more than that , in a triangle , the three angles are equal to two right : the disparity whereof , as he renders the application , has been , i presume , sufficiently noted already . notwithstanding , it may not improperly be farther demanded , why a person of his exquisite science should not alledge other mathematical certainties , rather than fix , as he seems to do , on the peculiar example he gives of a triangle ? yet not to be questioned that the manifest perfection of a circle , in being a round without any point that can signifie its beginning or end ; together with the admirable equality ; not to be found in any other figure , that every line , as so many wonderful attributes , has to each other , if drawn from its center to its circumference ; is a more sublime resemblance and proof of an infinite being , than is consistent with a triangle . all which , but most especially its circular perfection , if considered by its proper excellency , is no other than an indeterminate individual , or geometrical wonder , not to be attributed to any other figure : no man having ever been able to give it an exact measure , or such as may be deemed its square ; tho' the accurate endeavour of the famous in mathematical science . whereas the triangle is every way comensurable by the sides and angles it contains . if a unite be considered in its arithmetical capacity , it is a nearer parallel to the proving of an incomprehensible existence of god , than can be deduced from the idea he undertakes to give of a triangle : nothing being more admirable than the entireness of the number one ; in being both its own root and square , and also its cube and root ; and in the same manner continues , in a geometrical progression , to the highest of powers : nor can it be wholly divided or substracted by any other number : which excellencies solely appertain to unity . yet from none of these examples , howsoever certain in themselves , can be asserted the existence of god by such an idea , of any of them , as may universally prove the necessary existence of the deity , both as they are the truths of science ; and therefore not every man 's sensible conviction , as also that they are only applicable to things of a material being ; as i cannot term the square , cube , or any figurative demensions , the comprehension or measures of nothing : which , in effect , is required by des-cartes , as he would abstract his speculation from all concomitancy with the bodily senses : and consequently imputes it as a fault , or neglect in not distinguishing accordingly , the perfect idea of god , as it impresses on the mind the necessary existency of the almighty . but the main objection is , and far from being answered by him , that the imagination cannot be separated from objects of sense : for let a man contemplate with the utmost exactness that his mind can afford , it will certainly terminate on one thing or other , that resembles material parts ; tho' by supposition as vastly extended as 't is possible to imagine : wherefore had this learned gentleman thoroughly considered the speculative part , of his idea , when he inscrib'd its notion ; as sure as he was of humane composition , he would have annexed a corporeal representation , in some kind , to what he calls his idea ; or he must , as insignificantly , or as near to nothing have imployed the labour of his brain , as if he could have contemplated of a vacuity : all which is equally absurd to whomsoever will allow to himself the liberty of thinking . on which consideration , and fully to confute his supposition of bare ideas of the mind : it has pleased the almighty by the wonderful and no less apparent prospect of the universe , with every thing contained within its boundless complex ; to convince us , that nothing is comprehended by it , but what may imply the denomination of corporeal miracles : yet so admirably different , that what is of elementary form and substance , within the residence of earth and air , seems perfectly distinguished by the manner of being and essence , of the sun and stars , tho' of bodily resemblance : yet none of them have other appearance , in the most refined conception we have of their natures , than objects of our senses . and tho' the original of the universe , or the individuals it comprehends , be not manifest by any external assurance ; 't is perfectly evident , that they had a beginning from an omnipotent cause ; by reason that our not knowing how they had primitive existence ; is an undeniable conviction , that in being miraculous to our understanding , or as so many actual works , wonderfully visible ; they could not be produced , or continued , otherwise than by an omnipotent , incomprehensible will and providence . so far does the observation of admirable facts , that by divine conduct are openly exposed to the eyes of our reason and sense , exceed the most refined dictates of science ; as they direct the sublime ascents of our conceptions by a more exact progression , than geometrically can be given to the highest of its powers . how impertinent is it then to depart from the road of common sense , by supposing such an idea in the mind , as from any mathematical problem might guide us to the proof of a deified existence ? tho' contrary to the palpable method of the omnipotent , ordained by the miracles of his works : which enormous mistake is evidently this author's , in a great part of his treatise , as he mainly endeavours to parallel his demonstration of the existence of god with mathematical certainty . which science , tho' above all to be preferred , for the dignity of its unerrable maxims , and particularly so esteemed by me : yet i cannot but judge it incompatibly applied , even by this learned author , to the purpose he would intend it ; and deserves a remark accordingly . he yet farther proceeds to heighten his notion of ideas ; amongst which he selects the idea of something most exquisitely perfect ; by which he would have understood the necessary existence of god. i will favour the ambiguity of his expression so far as not to believe , that he meant by his idea a necessitated existence , which could imply , that the deity had an exigency of being from some other thing : because , whatsoever is necessitated cannot have , of it self , an entire voluntary existence ; or , as one cause might necessitate the being of another ; which cannot be applied to supreme and infinite perfection . nor was it possible for him or any man to imagine , by the most refin'd contemplation , that the necessary existence of god can be more clearly understood , then by the actual prospect he has given us of his all-sufficiency , and wonderful providence annexed to the conservation of the universe , and all it contains . and if otherwise interpreted , the being of god , as separated from the miraculous prospect and munificence we actually receive from the excellency of his works , that fill the world we inhabit : were in effect to attribute to the deity a solitary existence , or not the author of the innumerable effects of infinite goodness that have an emanation from him . so that 't is not any idea , of necessary existence by which god can be apprehended ; but rather the necessitated being that the total comprehension of heaven and earth does receive from his ordainment . which appears to be very significantly the sense of this author ; as upon farther consideration he thickens his idea in his 17th particular , where he has this expression : if any man has the idea of a machine , or fabrick produced by most curious artisice , he will concede , that it merits the utmost inquisition of his thought , whereby to be informed of the authentick cause by which it was so accurately effected ; and such as could by no device , or humane skill , receive perfection . what could these words import , other than his substantial idea of the constituted being and conservation of the universe , in reference to god the author ? and having added to his idea , the weighty consideration of the world's existence , he might well acknowledge , that it is the substantial union of matter and form , that gives admirable subsistence to every individual thing , circumscribed by the mighty universe ; wherein is visibly presented , by the wondrous proprieties of composition and conduct , an incomprehensible founder . which perfections not to be imitated by any parallel structure , or performed by humane industry or art ; he fully annexeth to their excellencies , the necessary dependency and manifestation of omnipotent power . by which method , according to the soundest speculation of des-cartes , may be perspicuously exerted the otherwise indefinable being of the almighty : because , as he grants , the extent of humane composition , in soul and body , cannot farther ascend than by objects of sense , or such as have visible limitation , to the admiration , tho' not to the perfect definition of their sublime cause ; which can be no other than god as far exceeding all imaginable expressing and height of rational accents . and is not this doctrine more readily apprehended by all that may , ( if they please ) be ocular spectators , or by any means sensible discerners of the works of the world , that , by omnipotent appointment surround them above , and below ; than from the dry idea of a triangle , whose three angles amount to two right : and from thence deduce the truth of god's necessary existence ; which if possible , by mankind , so to be demonstrated , 't were no less requisite for women than men , to be able to resolve the problem ; if they would assert their belief of the being of a deity : it being highly necessary , in order to that especial concern , that there should be a sufficient number of female geometricians : which i confess might add certainty to their instructions , tho' not otherwise divine , when they preach in the society of quakers . wherefore i may well admire , that such a confufed and impracticable principle should be entangled , by this author , with mathematical verity ; of which science he had , as to other uses , a learned accomplishment : it being his real mistake , or too much curiosity , where he undertakes to confirm , by a mathematical inference , that god does exist ; instead of the open evidence , that is visible to mankind , from the miraculous consistence of the world , and the works it comprehends . wherefore 't is judiciously affirmed by incomparable bacon , that he had rather be impos'd on by the jewish talmud , or alcaron , then deny , that the universe , with whatsoever it contains , is without the rule of a mind , or , which is all one , the sovereignty of the deity . but the authority of this quotation , together with the reasons i have before inserted , are very disagreeable to the mental idea of des-cartes , by which he rather insers the being of the deity by his notion of the structure of the world , than by the prospect we have of its actual conduct and admirable composure . on which he grounds this interrogation ; from whence ( saies he ) had any man being , that has an idea of god's perfections , unless from something more perfect than himself ? which doubtless is true , if understood of the apparent means described in the wonderful figure and facts comprehended by the universe , as the effects of an omnipotent cause . and thus may thought ascend , by a miraculous scale , to the acknowledgement of the immense power and providence of god actually manifest by works . but not as this author affirms , from being as he calls it , naturally enlightned or capacitated from a meer idea of the mind , whereby to conclude , that man has a present , or primivitive existence from any thing more perfect ; as he insinuates : since 't is very possible , that from an idea , more natural than his , may be imagined that humane composition and life , might be produced in a course of nature , which some have been prone to determine , from materials very much inferior to the subsistence of mankind , either in soul or body . and this is frequently discernable as from elementary commixtures and operations , animals proceed from vegetables , and the contrary . insomuch that aristotle , in his last chapter , of the generation of animals , conjectures ; that the origine of men as well as other creatures , might have in time past , an earthly production ; and which he in another place , supposes , by a long backward computation of time , to have probably been an artifice of nature heretofore known and omitted . yet none of these methods , however they were , but must have had the allowance of providence , without which there can be nothing , in any kind , compleated . notwithstanding , it cannot be affirm'd , with des-cartes , that although we have not , as he alledgeth , being from our selves ; 't is no assurance , that we can derive our immediate existence , from something more perfect than our natures : which if an univocal truth , relating to god , the most supreme and perfect of beings ; it may be objected whether so many imperfections as are naturally adherent to our compositions , could be consistent with any perfections that were bestowed by the almighty ; or by which we must not have been more excellently temper'd in the best of our faculties , than really we are : if not every individual of mankind equally perfect in all parts of knowledge , had the humane mind been so commited to our bodies by supreme allowance : the contrary of which may be asserted from common experience ; as sure that particulars of mankind are not more different in their external features , than they are in the internal proprieties of the soul. however des-cartes is pleased so far to dissent from the universal sway of experimental science , that he undertakes to philosophize against the rules , and dictates of nature , by devising of principles whereby he would totally sever the mind from the body : and with that parity too , that he excepts no imbecillity incident to sex and age ; if the mind be clearly evacuated , by a dose of his idea , from corporeal thought , should it tend to the soul of being , operation and management , that is ineffably conferred by providence on the works of nature : yet all these mighty limits , howsoever appearing providentially impassible ; must be so refinedly penetrated by his idea , that it may not encounter a substance , tho' no grosser than the least particle of epicurus's atoms . but how to fix the imagination on any thing of infinite perfection , so as to surpass the boundaries of the universe ; and in that vast journey of thought , exempt from the intellect , all bodily perception ; were no less absurd than the epithete of an incorporeal phantasme : which every man that does think , either sleeping , or waking , may sensibly confute : it being impossible to imagine , by any strength of thought , the perfections of god farther than our compositions of body and soul , are capable to extend . yet this manner of humane intelligence , is so peremptorily thwarted by the suppositions of this author ; that he undertakes so to dis-joyn the correspondency that the intellect has with the senses , that , according to his maxims , men cannot be assured , that either god or their souls exist ; if their imagination be not very singularly applied by expelling at pleasure , all conception of bodily objects ; or that there is any such thing as corporeal residence , or motion ; or that the heavens are replenished with stars ; or that there is earth , or that men have bodies and sublunary existence ; or at most but moral certainties , that we sensibly perceive , there are any such things : unless by his manner of idea , the mind may be so stript from its corporeal appurtenances , that it may reign with such simplicity in its kingdom of thought , that it may have nothing to do with dominion over the senses , or body wherein it has being . on which distinct method of thinking he conceives does depend the natural propriety of the soul , as it may , by imagination , be separated from the body . to come therefore to the improbability of his assertion : let it be granted , that he , or any other man , could reject by speculation all bodily particulars that are visibly and sensibly perceived within the compass of the world ; were it possible , at the same time , to entertain thought by no representation of other things of a corporeal nature ; which would amount to the creating of thought somewhat more fictitious than when ensoul'd by poets their invention of gods and goddesses : because they did not transport their fictions beyond , or without the resembling of something in being before . but exceeded by the imaginary suggestions of this author , who gives no rise to his thought from any thing by likeness precedently known to himself , or any body else : yet from this pure conceit does he argue the clear existence of the humane soul , and the knowledge that it may perfectly have of the being of god. i should not have made this discussion here , being much to the purpose of which i have already treated ; had not occasion been given , by what succeeds , so far to impress , its necessary reiteration . to proceed therefore with him to his 21 particular , where he undertakes to prove , that from the evidence we have of something more perfect than our selves , we may clearly determine the manner of our duration , and temporary continuance ; as also the natural subsistence of all other things ; because , as he alledgeth , no such particulars depend on themselves . which is a clear truth , if he would intend by his notion the intermediate conduct of providence in the modalities , production and conservation it gives , in a usual course , to things within the boundaries of the universe . in which may be discerned , that some individuals are more or less durable , or subject to decay , alteration and periods of their existence : yet all these varieties are not openly to be understood otherwise than , in a natural method , they may be effects of elementary operations ; and this is no less than experimentally certain , as sure as there is heat , cold , dryness , and moisture : and consequently , the ingredients of bodies as they have temperatures from them ; which is notoriously manifest in the complexions , dispositions , and tempers of men and other creatures . but without these necessary mediums , to lift up our imagination , after the manner of his idea , to a meer notion of a sublime cause that gives being and conservation to all things ; were to depart from the immediate school of providence , by undertertaking to be our own instructers of what we cannot without its natural information , by any contemplative thought , or imaginary speculation , howsoever refined , possibly apprehend . yet on this incomprehensible way of thinking , is generally erected the main fund , and tendency of his principles , whereby he undertakes to improve humane understanding . i find nothing more intervenes , in this part of his treatise , that requires in substance any farther remark : wherefore to avoid repitition , i pass on to his 25th head , where he has this expression . if god , from himself , or others , reveals any thing , that exceeds the genuine strength of our understandings , such are the mysteries of the trinity , and incarnation of christ , we ought not to refuse their belief ; nor admire , that many things are both in the immense nature of god , as also in those created by him , that surpass our capacities . all which i readily acknowledge , tho' i cannot but admire , that so speculative a person as monsieur des cartes , should not annex to his belief of this three-fold mystery , the admirable facility of providence , by which the most essential part of that stupendious article of humane faith , comprehended in christ the second person in the mysterious creed of christianity , is so far , for our more sensible conviction , of familiar resemblance to the works of the omnipotent , as they are composed of bodily life and figure , relating to man and creatures ; that by this dispensation the redeemer of mankind is represented in the form and substance of flesh , as the most captivating object of our devotion and sense : it being impossible to conceive , how any idea of worship can so mystically fasten the mind , that it may be totally barr'd from conspiring with the senses in the admittance of corporeal objects . which may be no inconsiderable reason , why christian profession has allowed the representations of the passion and resurrection of christ , to impress their memorial on the heart of the believer . how little does the manner of this author's idea , so magnified by his pen , conduce to the proving , that god does exist ; or that the worship of christ , otherwise than a miraculous work , proceeding from omnipotent power , should be the object of humane devotion ? with this distinction , that although every fact of the almighty comprehended by the universe , be equally wonderful ; we are obliged , by precepts , to pay the duty of our souls to no other than christ. which this author seems to acknowledge , where he excepts his bare idea , of the being of a deity , from the stupendious co-existence of god in the substance of flesh : as if but beholding to his speculation for the belief of the one , and to religion for the other . from whence it may be concluded , that it was the design of des-cartes to decline the common road of providence , in hopes to be celebrated for a singular conceit of his brain , whereby he would instruct others to believe , that the method of god's works , tho' as broadly visible as the features of the world's face , were too narrow to exert from them , his idea of the almighty . because , as he affirms , 't is possible to imagine , that there is no heaven , no earth , no bodies of men ; and yet by a naked idea , in the mind , be assured , that god does exist , tho' none of his works had being at all . — but passages of this nature , having been precedently taxed , the reader is referred to them . the next point that he comes close up to , is , that we ought not to weary the brain with disputing of what is meant by infinite : because he judges it absurd in man , who is of a finite being , to determine any thing of an infinite . to which purpose he gives several instances ; as the vain discussion , or quere , whether if a line be supposed infinite , the middle part of that line be not also infinite ? because , with such things , ( saies he ) we ought not to be concerned , unless we judge our mind also infinite . which i fully grant judiciously advised : but find it very dissentaneous to a main notion of his , formerly mentioned , whereby he affirms , that 't is very facile by a meer idea of the mind , tho' acting within the limitation of the body , to imagine the infinite existence of the deity , by no other speculation than may be made on the wings of thought , when on its contemplative journey . but how to be clear from all corporeal impediments , both within , and without the body , notwithstanding he here allows it confined to a finite imagination ; appears too like a contradiction , in the terms he delivers ; or which is much the same , that in one place , of his writings , he spoke of an infinite idea , and of a finite in another : how therefore to reconcile him to himself , on that account , is not to be apprehended . and this may be aptly inferred from what he adds in the paragraph i treat of , where he affirms , that no extension can be imagined so vast , that a greater cannot be given ; which is as numerically certain , as that archimedes , by sixty three cyphers and a unite before them , produc'd a greater number than could be equalled if the total world from the center of the earth to the sphere of the fixed stars , were replenished with the numerous particles of sands of the sea. if thoughts could be multiplyed so as they might exceed the summ before mentioned , as many more might be added to their number : yet every particular thought would be severally terminated by some object of sense . on the contrary , the notion of infinite may rather pass for a manner of speaking than actually explicable by the humane intellect : and thus immense , infinite , and the like , are attributed to god , not as their meaning is otherwise to be understood than as they have reference to the works of the almighty ; of which , because no account is to be given how they either began or are continued ; our highest admirations , not to be expressed by accents of speech , ought to exalt our wonder , incomprehensibly annexed to a word of infinite denomination . and this , in substance , he soon after concedes ; where he holds it very advisable , that we should not inquisitively reason of natural things , or the end to which they are ordained , farther than god and nature have constituted and propos'd them to our observation , least we should seem to arrogate to our selves any participation with his counsels : to which he judiciously adds , that god is to be acknowledged the efficient cause of all things , yet so , as that he has not extinguished the natural light of our understandings in being familiarly acquainted with such attributes and effects of his omnipotent power , as he has manifestly exposed to our apprehensions : all which are undoubtedly requisite to our duty . but how does this concenter with his single idea of god , as here he requires the concurrence of our reason and senses , to the useful exposition of such objects as are manifest to us ? and what can be implyed from thence , other than that the abundant operations and wonderful effects of a supreme cause are evident in the apparent being and works , within the compass of the universe , that must necessarily depend on it ; without which it were impossible for us to have the plenitude of a sensible conviction ? insomuch , that i think it not improper to insert the opinion of certain a astrologer ; who affirms , that if the fixed stars had not a constant distance , or that the diurnal motion of the coelestial sphers did not perpetually move in time , no individual thing would last a moment ; which notion , of this astrologer , if but conjecturally allowed , has a far more significant relation to the proof of the existence of god , as a supreme cause , than can be appropriated to any idea of the mind that abstracts the immense means and facts of providence from the obvious concurrence they have with our contemplation of the being of the almighty , and the superlative disposer of whatsoever we can behold , or imagine : and i should be glad if the contrary had not been the mistake of the learned des-cartes . his next considerations is , that god is supremely true , and the illuminator of our understandings ; and therefore cannot deceive us , or at all the cause of those errors that we are of our selves obnoxious to . which is undeniable , if by the enlightning of our minds , he means the conviction we have from the works and operations of providence , that conspicuously assure us , that omnipotence is their supreme cause and author . but if he explains fully his meaning , as he seems to do , by what follows in his next particular ; his sense is , that if we have a clear and distinct discernment of any object , by the faculty of knowing given as from god , we cannot be deceived . insomuch that he affirms , that god were a deceiver , if he had bestowed on us a perverse and false conception of things , instead of a true one. if this opinion of his were sound , and that god had so impowr'd the humane mind , that it could , of it self , serenely distinguish truth from falsehood : what reason can be given why all men should not equally be perspicuously intelligent , as most suitable to the capacious munificence of the almighty ? and consequently every man's reason and senses irresistably compliant : since 't is not imaginable , that such a gift , authorized by god , could be less than universal and perfect , as it must needs affect the understandings of all mankind ; and next compleat an equality of knowledge and goodness , with all other requisite endowments of the soul : the possibility of which is strenuously asserted by this author in his 30th particular , where he affirms , that these admirable gifts may be accomplished as well sleeping , as waking , if duely adverted how our clear thoughts may be distinguished from such as are confused . which direction of his , if rendered practicable , would amply tend to humane felicity , by cleansing the minds of vicious persons , fools , and knaves ; nay , abrogate the use of bedlam , by a recipe from the pen of des-cartes : who affirms , that 't is but being thoughtfully industrious and imaginatively separate , either sleeping , or waking , the purity of thoughts from such as are confused . but were it interrogated , whether any sorts of men , ( before mentioned ) since none are excepted by him , might not affert , with as much confidence as he undertakes to direct them ; that they had either dreaming , or waking , a clear idea of truth , in one kind or other ; which could not be mistaken if avowed by them that the notion was clear and distinct , and therfore perfect ? because not otherwise , as he alledges , the gift of god , whereby the mind of man , is enabled to separate , by pure imagination , truth from falshood . if distinction of thought , from thought , by any power of the mind , can be termed a certain representation of truth , and principally meant of god , or whatsoever is ordain'd by him ; it must as has been already proved , be grounded on some admirable prospect of the works of the omnipotent , and thence conclude as a mighty truth , that he wonderfully exists , or it could fix on nothing . in summ , should a man endeavour to refine the clearest conception that he could possibly have of a spiritual existence , his imagination might not be so immensely dilated as to meet with no corporeal stop from the prone concurrence of the intellect with the senses , and the familiar admittance that is yielded , by the mind , to their objects : yet such a man might assure himself , that he as certainly discerns the truth of bodily objects entertained by his imagination , as can be pretended , by any method of thinking , prescribed by this author . and thus ' t is . too commonly the fate of many to be seduced by the over-curiosity , and search made by particular persons who would build their esteem on the novelty of their tenents ; the usual allurements of inconstancy in the humane soul : till rejected by time they are held no farther useful than almanacks out of date . whether the same success may not be expected , relating to some parts of the writings of des-cartes , where he undertakes to improve knowledge by methods more consonant to fiction than science , not a little to the disrepute of , otherwise , his vast abilities ; i leave to the reader to determine . in his 9th page , he gives us this caution , that notwithstanding god can be no deceiver , yet , frequently it happens that we deceive our selves ; which is no less divine as to god , then certain that mankind are diversly erroneous ; as more or less their frailties are incident to their dispositions and natures . but if granted according to his often repeated maxim of humane knowledge , that perfection of thought is so clearly applicable to the humane mind , that the cumber of sensible objects , may , by idea , be totally emptied from it , and nothing remain but perfect intelligence : how , according to that tenent , can he affirm , that the mind does admit deception ? if suitable to his common notion , not seldome instanced by him , the mind may be so notionally and wonderfully illuminated , that it cannot be without certainty ; because its perfect apprehension must be given from something more perfect , which is god : and no body can think otherwise , if the means , that god has ordained by his works , be regardfully considered ; on which account , 't is not to be understood , how his manner of thought can have else any contiguity with our reason , or senses . and which , i suppose , has been enough before confuted . in his following words he endeavours to be plainer understood by granting , that in the intellect is volition , as well as imagination , which by its impulse on the humane mind , renders it erroneously obnoxious . but can it be consistent with the notion , so much applauded by him , of a perfect idea of truth essential , as he defines it , to the humane mind , and notwithstanding that perfection , to admit the possibility of being imposed on by the will : is , in effect , to acknowledge , that there is no such perfect determination in the mind whereby to distinguish truth from falsehood ; or if there were , how can it be supposed , that the certainty of the imagination , when filling of the mind , would not subject the will to the reality of truth conceived by it ? which to deny , were no less absurd than to assert , that the soul , by its own consent , did rebel against its main prerogative , and renounce the highest propriety of its dominion : so that no notion of truth , in a natural course , can have any stedfest assurance in the mind , if lyable to the refractory contradiction it may have from the will : insomuch , that had he named the notional idea , he so much contends for , an irresistable inspiration ; he must have been more divinely understood by his reader : by which he might have inferred , that by a zealous contemplation of the mind , there would have been wanting no perfect certainty or conception , of all matters tending to holy religion and life : things very necessary , and exceedingly conducing to universal satisfaction and repose of the soul , if such an agreeable and unerrable idea could manifestly have issued from the meer result of thought ; without being beholding to any intermediate work , or conduct of providence to sublimate the speculation . but enough has been before inserted , in opposition to the manner of thinking , prescribed by his pen ; and for which , as his main fund , he requires no more than that a man should imagine , that there is something , in being , more perfect then himself : all which he assures might be accomplished by all mankind , as a gift , from above , conferred on the soul ; did not the peremptory . sway of the will resist the clear discernment of truth inherent in the mind . for whose single and unconfinable perfections , notwithstanding he had averred them before , he soon afterwards acknowledges their limitation in these words . — the intellect , ( saies he , ) extends its preception but to few things offered unto it . what he would mean by things offered unto it , unless actual objects , is not to be understood ; neither does he signifie how he would otherwise be apprehended by the epression ; which can have no numerical , or specifical construction , except he had nominated any real thing or object represented by the imaginary faculty of the mind . from whence it may be concluded , that , he does , in this place , in his own terms , however dissentaneous to what he had formerly asserted , enough concede , that there can be no other than a limited idea to things consisting of matter , form , and bodily parts : it being no less unnatural than impossible , that the intellect should , at one time , be conversant with objects of sense , and at another , be wholly intent on meer speculation without them . yet he undertakes to inform , how this unnatural repugnancy of thought may pass on the authority of his tenent ; by impeaching of the humane will , for arbitrary compelling of the mind to be confused and finite ; whereas it would otherwise distinguish by clear and distinct certainty whatsoever was imagined by it . and yet he could not but know that it is inconsistent with the essential method of rational understanding , to averr , that the judiciary part of the mind can be so compulsively managed , or streightned by the will : notwithstanding that the contrary is far more intelligible , in respect that there can be no actual tendency of thought , in the soul of man , but must have a necessary consent of the will : it being absurd to imagine , that a man can think of any thing without its assent and concurrence ; which were no better sense , than if one could be said to think , and not be a voluntary thinker . if duely considered , the faculties by which the understanding is compleatly executed ; 't is very demonstrable that the mind is not more annexed to the will , than furnished by the memory ; whose office is to keep the main records of the soul , and from their numerous catalogue present such memorials as are occasionally proper to attract the complyance of the understanding and will. there being no real thought on whatsoever object imployed , other than what has been , in substance , or similitude , by the memory precedently retain'd . and therefore unwarrantably asserted the supposition of this author , whereby he would inferr the separate actings of the faculties of the soul , or the possibility of clear perception without their concurrence . true it is , that humane understanding is too frequently sway'd , impedited , and corrupted , by the impetuousness of the will , as it conspires with the appetite and senses , which by their plausible , and importunate temptations , so prevail on the understanding , that its rational excellence is , in many kinds debased , as it allows their sensual admittance ; but still no otherwise than as it consents with the will : and therefore not , truly inferred by this author , that the intellect is so wildly guided , and imposed on by the will , that it absolutely resigns , or deserts its rational throne ; or any clear intelligence that by the gift of the almighty is naturally inherent in the mind of man : but rather betrayed by the treachery of the will and senses , to impare by its frail complyance the requisite intelligence and prerogative that ought to be inseparable from its supreme dominion . wherefore this learned monsieur , after he thoroughly labour'd the most concise criticisms of his brain , by endeavouring to prove that the faculty of clear , and distinct perception was inherent in the mind ; he does notwithstanding acknowledge , in divers passages of the treatise i deal with , that the mind cannot so exert its jurisdiction as not to be perplexedly , or confusedly prevailed on by the will : which he fully attributes to the inveiglement of the understanding caused by the conspiring of the will with the senses , and the natural freedome by which it operates on the intelligent capacity of the humane soul : which is , in substance , the compleat sense of several particulars written by him ; but most especially in his 38 head , where he grants , that the perspicuity of discernment conferred on the soul , by divine appointment is no farther absolute than as it meets with a voluntary assent , by which it is either made our perfect apprehension , or on the contrary , evaded by the actual freedome of the will : for which he gives this instance , in this manner embellish'd ; the will , ( saies he ) together with the senses , ought to compleat the allegiance they owe to the sovereignty of the humane intellect , as god's select and natural vicegerent over the body and members ; which being frequently violated by the irregular conduct of the will and prevalent complyance it obtains from the appetite and senses ; the genuine duty is renounced that ought to be perfectly paid to the native monarchy of the mind ; and instead thereof , a foreign and sensual usurpation raised by the confus'd mobile of the senses . this paraphrase may be emphatically allowed on his words ; nor can it be denyed , that the excellent faculty , with which the understanding is imbued is not by innumerable depravations erroneously misguided by the proneness of the dispensation it gives to the importunate sensualities incident to humane constitutions : which is very manifest in the different qualifications and tempers of the body and mind ; as by common experience , some individuals of mankind excell in prudence and moralities of life the dispositions of others . insomuch , that it may be questioned , whether , or no , from a natural course of providence the different temperatures of body and mind do not proceed ? and therefore more prevalent , if not hardly to be resisted . all which , upon the matter , is precedently acknowledged by himself , where he confesses , that notwithstanding the soul of man is enlightened by god , with clear perception , it is lyable to the depraved conduct of the will and senses . but how he can exempt the understanding from such a contiguous depravation , and require its separate intelligence ; yet grant , as he does , that the humane body and soul are conjoyned and exist , as all things do , by the ordination of god ; tho' no one body and soul but operatively different from others , and no less various than corporeal features are ocularly distinguished . so that the soul , tho' given by god , has no absolute assurance of unerrable perfection ; notwithstanding that , according to his doctrine , it cannot be destitute of perfect discernment tending to all requisite certainty in whatsoever it determines . but had he been ask'd , why every thinking man who grants that he exists , and all things else , by the admirable dispensation of the omnipotent , should not be proportionably compleated by his understanding and senses , whereby there might result an unerrable perception or notion of things evident from such as are confus'dly understood ? the quere would doubtless pose as learned a thinker as was this author . as also , if supposed such a positive certainty in humane understanding , as he undertakes to assert , why it should be thought to be so insufficient a gift of god , that it should not at all times be able to over-rule , or not absolutely suppress the imperfect assaults and erroneous temptations of the will and senses ? notwithstanding that experience assures , that there is no universal humane perfection , either known or practised : and as certain it is , that he would not have presented the world with so many inventions of his brain , whereby to explain the principles he avowes ; if he had thought , that every man's intelligence , or capacity of thinking , had been evident , or not wanted the instructions of his pen : it being absurd to conceive , that the soul should be sufficiently capacitated from god , to distinguish betwixt certain and uncertain cogitations , and want any advertisement from man more methodically to advantage its intelligent faculty : of which , he amply concedes , that no man can be assured of its perspicuous execution , by reason of the powerful reluctancy and impediment it receives from the will and senses . to as little purpose does he offer his distinction betwixt the act of volition and the assent to be deceived , that proceeds from the inclination that the understanding has to be swayed by the senses : but how any man can be said to assent without the voluntary freedome and concurrence of his will ; is more like a contradiction than rationally to be apprehended . and must , in his own phrase , tend to the defeating of the amplitude of knowledge bestowed by god on the humane mind , if rendered conditional , or subordinate to our voluntary complyance . by which manner of discussions , he has confusedly involved the serenity he would allye to his principles , in order to the unerrable perception attributed by him , to the intellectual faculty . yet after several passages of this nature , he seems to recant them in his 43 particular , where he peremptorily affirms , that it is as impossible to the mistaken , if we yield our assent to such things as we clearly understand , as to believe , that god is a deceiver . if this tenent were true , the brain of every man would , as it were by divine decree , be filled with certainties : but how assured of this infallible discernment ; the answer that must be given , from the principle of des-cartes , is , by clearly distinguishing of things by the perspicuous faculty of the humane intellect : because , ( saies he ) it rarely happens , that any man will yield his spontaneous aslent to any thing of which he has not a veritable assurance from his understanding : but if duely considered how numerously the world is replenished with mankind , of all ages and complexions , that give up their assents to the dictates of others , as they conceive them to be more intelligible than themselves ; and yet , in so doing , however they erre , may not be less confident of direct perception than any of their tutors . to be plain , were there such an absolute gift conferred on the soul by divine appointment ; 't is not to be denyed , that men , women and children , would be equally gifted , and accordingly distinguish by the undeniable clearness of their intellects , all notions of things certainly to be apprehended , or dubiously to be rejected : because god , as he affirms , has endued the soul with a separate jurisdiction , and perfect determination without the assistance or concurrence of the will and senses ; and therefore as a compleat donative from above , might have a ripe discernment before the bodily parts grow to perfection . and if so , there is more reason to expect , that it should actuate , alike perspicuously , the intellectual faculty in the youth , age , and sexes of mankind , than that they should be differently judicious , or disagreeably subject to the imbecillities of their natural compositions , as they appear to common observation : yet this conclusion has as near a resemblance to his premises as grass to grass . this reflection may well have a pertinent allowance ; if considered with what confidence he averrs , that god has so disposed the soul in the body of man , that it can exactly distinguish of truth and falsehood in every consideration : whereas the contrary is rather manifest as our corporeal existencies are providentially sustained : by which it appears , that , in course of nature , the life is no otherwise ensouled in the body , than as it is complicated with the affections and tinctures of the senses : and from whence the act●ons of the mind suitably exert their operations : and this is very apparent from the natural concourse of elementary ingredients that mix with our dispositions and moralities of life . so that 't is not to be doubted , that by a natural conduct , and capacity appropriated to their bodily constitutions , some men are more scientifically intelligent , discreet , and temperate than others : as contrarily , the vast numbers of inconsiderate , imprudent idiots , and frantick persons in several kinds , are every where evident ; which can have no other cause than issuing from the irresistible sourse of their corporeal tempers , together with the tides of commotion and disturbance , on which the soul , as on so many impetuous billows , is more or less perpetually fluctuated . wherefore 't is not a little bold in this author , who peremptorily affirms , that there is a clear and distinct perception , on all accounts , resident in the understanding , if as he requires , the prejudices we have from our constitutions , and bodily imperfections were distinctly avoided by separating the intelligence of the mind from all intermixture of the senses ; as a faculty , conferred by god , on the humane intellect : which to deny , according to his notion , were all one as to term god a deceiver . i call'd this his tenent bold before , and i may add to it presumption , and ignorance , beyond expectation in so learned a writer : might he not as well have affirmed ? that a man can have an unerrable prospect and conception of the manner of the existence of the omnipotent , as also of the original being of the universe , together with mankind , and every individual animal and thing within its total extent ; had there been such a divine gift bestowed on the intellectual faculty : and must have been far more infallibly manifest in the uniting of religion tending to the worship of god ; which doubtless , as the most necessary intelligence , would have been conferred by the almighty , whereby he might be more unanimously adored by all mankind . but this is not so decreed by god , nor in the power of man to accomplish by resisting , as he insinuates , the prejudices and incapacities incident to our innate tempers of body and mind . not that i deny , that there is a constant visible conviction palpably discernable in the works of the almighty , by which the total world is miraculously constituted ; from whence may be fully concluded , without any help of the method , or idea of thought delivered by des-cartes ; that god does exist , and is to be worship'd : and he that otherwise inferrs must repine against the measures of knowledge providentially ordained ; which were all one with the incongruous and exorbitantly absurd assertion of this author , that implyes a deceptiom in god , if , in effect , he did not deceive the determin'd progression of his providence , in its natural conduct and operation ; by dispensing to all mankind an unerrable apprehension of every truth , that ought to be most requisitely understood , however disproportion'd to the tempers of mind and body ; or experimentally repugnant to the ordain'd course of nature , differently manifest in the faculties of the soul , science , and gifts ; as they are variously specified and proportioned in humane persons . not that the intellectual capacity is thereby so generally or naturally disproportioned as not palpably to discern all requisite truths expanded in the miraculous works of the omnipotent ; which otherwise had been impertinently exposed to the sensible conviction of our understanding : insomuch , that every vulgar sense , if not slothful , or regardless , or not naturally deprived of their intellectual faculty , or not made so happy as to be induced by proper instruction , and teaching ; cannot but acknowledge from the facts and conduct of providence , that they are the effects of an infinite cause ; and consequently no other than so many infallible convictions that the deity does exist , and ought to be ador'd . and whosoever affirms to the contrary , does in effect arraign providence , or term it a deceiver , together with such visible wonders as are externally manifest , and whereby we receive sensible apprehension of the being of a god , tho' invisible to our eyes . wherefore the tenent of this author , that there is a power in the mind of man to distinguish , by meer idea , truth from falsehood , must be a very imperfect notion ; there being nothing more difficult , if not impossible , than for the humane soul to be so far disrob'd of its habitual impediments , the senses ; as clearly to discern at all times , the most requisite truths : because , if at any one time the idea of the mind , as he defines it , be less perfect than at another ; it is impossible for any man , by that manner of speculation , to be secure , that he does not erroneously contemplate , by not effectually separating the purity of meer imagination from all the defects incident to humane nature . notwithstanding , if you will rely upon the notion of des-cartes , he tells you , that god were a deceiver , unless the soul of man , given from above , were not , by executing his manner of idea , an infallible discerner of truth from error . which he is no more able to prove , than if he had undertaken to convince the world , that by imagination the soul may discharge it self from its co-habitation with the senses ; or that in a notional conception both parts of a contradiction may be determined true : which is the same with his peremptory contradiction of the open and powerful truth of god's existence , manifest in the being of the universe , and all it contains , by affirming , that 't is possible , by meer thinking to apprehend that there is a deity ; without the wonderful objects and means of providence evidently conveyed to the eyes of our reason and senses . true it is , that the intelligible faculty has a fervent and indefatigable desire of apprehending in the most spiritual and divinest conception , such things as might sublimely accomplish the understanding : which restless endeavour in the humane soul is no less apparent than endlessly continued in various searches and inquisitions whereby to determine , on the most considerable accounts , whatsoever , the divided tenents and notions of men would most satisfactorily reconcile . but such is the infelicity of the soul , that as it is incumbered or clogg'd with the senses ; it cannot , by its best conceptions , be absolutely divided from them ; and therefore uncapable of acquiescing in agreeable concord , otherwise than as the soul is united with them in the most sensible and familiar way of conviction . had des-cartes been asked whether or no it was not far more facile to demonstrate the geometrical measure of so many acres of land , than mathematically to compute the immense distance , from us , of the sphere of the fixed stars ? he would soonhave granted , that an account of the former was much easier to be performed than of the latter . how much more remote , from the most accurate prospects of our understanding , are the infinite attributes of the omnipotent ! or not possibly to be discerned by any idea of mind , otherwise than as they are effectually published , to our useful and holy admiration , in the miraculous and immense consistency of the total world. the next considerable undertaking of this author is , briefly to deliver such notions of which all our thoughts are most especially produc'd or compounded : and how by them are to be distinguished such as are clear , from others obscure , or by which we are deceived . to which purpose his main maxim in his 48 particular , he thus expresses , — whatsoever they are ( saies he , ) that relate to our perception , are to be considered as things , or as certain affections of things , or as eternal verities having no existence without our cogitation . of those that are to be considered as things , the most general are to be comprehended by the denominations of substance , duration , order , number and the like , as they may be understood to appertain to all other things . and these he annexeth unto two generalities , the one of which he defines , in reference to things as they are only conceived by thought of the mind , or , as he terms them , wholly belonging to a thinking substance ; the other , as it respects materiality , or body : but perception , volition , with all their modalities , he refers to what , he calls the substance of thinking , either as to magnitude , or extension ; as they may be considered in length , breadth , height , figure and motion ; situation , divisibility , and the like . other things there are which by experience we find , that do neither solely appertain to the mind , nor to the body ; and which proceed from the strict intimacy and union that the mind has with the body ; as the diversities of our appetites and passions , which have no consistence with sole cogitation . and this is the full sense , of the place i treat on , as near as his words can be properly englished . the first remark that ought to be judiciously tender'd on this part of his treatise , is , whether according to sound reason , or essential rules of philosophy , he has duly defined what he calls substantial thinking , by the epithet he gives it , appropriated to the mind ? but if to a thinking substance be annex'd , according to him , the essence or propriety of thought ; the quere may be , how any thing that is substantial can be genuinely supposed to imploy thought , otherwise than on something that is also substantial ? and if so , why not likewise corporeal ? except he could sensibly make it appear , that substance can be separated from corporeal existence : which he has not been able to explicate , notwithstanding that he has attempted to do it with the most refined method of his philosophical science ; as may be seen in this tract of his , which has occasioned my remarks , and i doubt not , in the sense of a judicious reader , precedently by me disproved . but to go with him as far as his assertions require ; and next suppose , that the humane soul is a substance ; but in what manner substantial , is not defined by this author , in any kind , either as incorporeal , suitable to the dialect of the schools ; or otherwise as the rational , sensitive and vegetative soul are in the body entirely united . the proof that he offers for giving to it a substantial denomination is grounded on the proprieties or qualities , he annexeth to it : because whatsoever is not something can neither have those nor any other attributes : all which in his 13 particular , he farther undertakes to explain ; and where he expresses . — that substance is not to be understood but as it relates to some attribute or other , which chiefly declare its nature and essence ; and to which they appertain : adding , that as length , breadth and depth , constitute the nature of body ; so by thought is constituted the nature of substantial thinking . from whence he concludes , that whatsoever can be attributed to body presupposeth extension , or the manner only of something extended ; but what are to be found in the mind , are so many various modalities of cogitation . the example he gives is , that corporeal figure cannot be understood but in the thing that is extended ; nor motion but in whatsoever is moved ; contrarily , extension may be understood , by the mind , without either figure , or motion . this paragraph , tho' written by the pen of des-cartes , cannot have so favourable an interpretation as might render it congruous to common understanding . that the rational soul may be substantial is not philosophically to be denied : nor so defined does it lessen the possibility it has of being immortal ; because equally in the power of the almighty to give the souls of all mankind immortality , together with the compleating of the dust of rotten carcasses , according to the doctrine of the resurrection , unto the same bodies they animated in life-time , and to restore to them , each individual soul that was precedently theirs . but to affirm , with this author , that meer cogitation , is a substance of it self in the humane intellect , is a very irrational conjecture : for how can thought have any similitude with sense , but as thereby it may be imagined to relate to some sensible object ? nor can it actuate in any other kind , if the soul be substantial ; it being impossible , that substantial cogitation , whatever phrase he gives it , can , otherwise , be impioyed than on something that must assimilate its own nature : and that must be either consistent of bodily parts , or of substance equivalent to it . nor is it possible to apprehend , how any thing called substance can be distinguished from what is quantitively corporeal ; or not have suitable attributes , in every consideration . so that his idea of a meer thinking substance , in the soul of man , can have no significant congruity with thought : it being totally irrational to suppose , that any deliberate conception of the mind should be fixed on no object . should a man contemplate on france , or holland , who had never been personally in either of those countries ; he must distinguish , as he had received information , or read of them , the nature and situation of those regions , together with such necessary considerations as were requisite for him to understand ; or he could not have any intelligible apprehension of any of those places : so that the position of this author , that there is in the soul such an abstracted manner of cogitation , or thread-bare way of thought , which by his notion , is defined a thinking substance ; were no other than to allow the soul a substantial nature , but a very impertinent or idle being in the body : or which is much the same , to be capacitated to think , tho' without cogitation of any thing besides it self : yet on this separate way of thought , depends the whole structure of his idea , whereby he would prompt the intellect to distinguish betwixt thoughts confused , or such as intrigue with the senses , from those that have a sole and pure residence in the mind . as frivolous , if duely examined , are the modalities of meer cogitation delivered by him , where he intimates , that whatsoever can be corporeally applyed , must be understood to have extension and bodily parts ; and must therefore relate , in one kind or other , to the thing moved or extended . and is it possible to imagine , that the soul should be endued with speculative thinking , yet unperceptible of any proper object to entertain its sensible contemplation ? all which is requir'd by des-cartes , who positively affirms , that extension may be understood by the mind , without figure , or motion : by which he would imply , that clear cogitation may be apprehended without application to any imagin'd thing or conception by the sense , that it is really such : which words of his , if rightly consider'd , imply a very singular contradiction ; it not being in the power of thought exactly to judge of any thing but as it appears in extension , figure , or , if mov'd , in motion : how else can any of these particulars be mathematically computed ; which could not but be known to so great a geometrician as was this author ? in his 14 particular , he confidently enough offers to explain his most sublimated notion of thinking , in these words , — it is very facile , ( saies he ) to distinguish betwixt two clear and distinct ideas ; the one relating to a cogitative created substance , the other to a corporeal substance ; if distinction be made of all attributes of cogitation , from those of extension : and thus he supposes , that a man may have a perspicuous and distinct idea of an uncreated and independent thinking substance , by which he means god. but should i interpret , according to him , the deity to be a thinking substance ; i must also imagine the deity of such a substance as may be comprehended by sensible cogitation : and next , notwithstanding all the refin'd caution given by des-cartes ; i can have no other than a corporeal notion of god , or in resemblance to bodily substance ; because , in any other consideration , it were incompatible with the humane soul , as it acts its cognition by the aid of the senses . i may therefore well admire , why he defines the deity an uncreated substance , and not explicate to his reader what kind of substance he intends by the definition : which can be no otherwise interpreted than that he took care to avoid the critical objection , or absurdity , in the opinion of not a few eruditely accomplish'd ; by not supposing , that there may be such an existence that can be truly denominated both incorporeal and substantial : by reason that matter and form , extension , and parts , are the proprieties of substance , as it can be conceiv'd by thought ; and whatsoever is said to be incorporeal can have none of those attributes ; because nothing but body is capable of them . wherefore 't is no less naturally improper to assert the being of an incorporeal substance , than to affirm , that there may be such a thing as body , without body ; which how far repugnant to the common dictates of reason and sense , is obvious to every man's understanding . and which could not but be foreseen by des-cartes , who , to avoid that grand reflection , covers his idea of god with the general notion of an uncreated substance ; notwithstanding that it is equally impossible to imagine a substantial existence , however it came to pass ; without the qualifications of body , before mentioned . because the term given by him , of substance uncreated , takes nothing from any corporeal propriety that might appertain to it . insomuch , that whether substance be deem'd created , or uncreated , it may be denominated corporeal , for ought that , by this author , is prov'd to the contrary : who , by his undertaking to call the soul of man a separate thinking substance , tho' confin'd to the body , and perfectly impower'd to distinguish , after his method , truth from falsehood ; does in effect appropriate to god , whom he supposes to have committed that animated substance into the body of man ; no other difference of epithet than by denominating the deity an uncreated substance : the grossness of which tenent , if uncensur'd , were enough to infect the brain of man ; by insinuating , that neither the almighty , or any humane individual , with whatsoever may be nam'd animal , or vegetal , is other than corporeally existing : the reasons already given being of sufficient validity to convict mankind , that there can be no evident distinction made , betwixt the word substance and body . how much more judiciously safe , had it then been , for the learned des-cartes , had he asserted the infinite consistence of the omnipotent , rather by the epithet of incomprehensible admiration ; than to have deliver'd , it s more than wonderful being , by the philosophical notion of something substantially existing ? because the word substance takes from the immense nature of the almighty ; as it may relate to body and commensurable parts , whereby he has expos'd it , to no small contest ; for reasons already inserted : it being a far surer aphorism to define what the deity is not , than by any term of science to express what it is , or any clear idea of its miraculous being . in his next head , which is the 55 of his discussions , he farther dilates on his thesis of meer cogitation ; as he would separate it from all corporeal or sensible concomitancy : and this he attempts to explain , by affirming , that duration , order , and number , may be distinguish'd without annexing of them to any conceiv'd substance . which if duely consider'd , are but so many insignificant varations of his former positions : for how can any corporeal thing be said , perfectly to endure , or to have orderly , or numerical being ; unless the substance , or body , to which they appertain , be also understood in every of these considerations ? can it be properly justified , that any quantitive thing is to be apprehended as to the time of its continuing such ; but as there may be perceptibly deduc'd from it , a real intelligence why it so long in that manner remain'd , or was alter'd , or chang'd into another ? is 't possible to perceive the flame of a candle extinguish'd , and not at the same time discern , that the matter that fed the flame is alterable with it ? yes certainly , did it burn by hours or minutes accounted from a watch or dial. and is it not plainly manifest , by the precedent example , that duration , order , and number , essentially appertain to the entire consistency , or alterative nature and qualification of the matter unto which they belong ? a tree may be older than i can compute , tho' not to the man who , in past time , did plant it : but if its decay , or withering , in any of its parts , be visible to me : i may be able to account the day or season in which i perceiv'd it did alter . wherefore to conclude , as does this author , that duration , order , and number , are but the modalities of substance , is a very fantastical conceit ; since they must have an inseparable tendency , more or less , by their co-herent attributes , to the perfection , or imperfection of whatsoever does exist . if a six-pence be broken into two parts , there will remain in either of those pieces , a different proportion in number , orderly figure , and duration , than when it was whole . and tho' this is but an artificial instance , as it may have reference to any thing broken or sever'd ; 't is not impossible that , by time , might naturally be produc'd the same effect ; because whatsoever does corporeally subsist , must be subject to alteration in all its capacities . so that what he simply calls the modalities of being , is indeed essential to substance and its bodily parts ; or no other than necessitated change , sooner or later , of all individual things that are extant to humane observation . the stars that illustrate , as the most refin'd jewels of illumination , the firmament above , and least apprehended , by thought , to vary in any of their proprieties ; cannot be certainly exempted from present or future alteration ; either as they have , or may vary in their order , influence , motion , or what besides may be incident to their essence and nature . how insignificantly then is argu'd by this author , that neither order , number , or continuation , in any thing that exists , is otherwise to be understood , than as so many modalities of substance ? tho' to every man's reason there can be no variation or change in any of these , but there must be also a substantial alteration in whatsoever may be call'd body , or substance . in his 56 particular he undertakes to make out what he farther means by the modalities he gives to things ; which he grants , in some respects , may be interpreted attributes , or qualities ; and as substance may be said to be affected or vary'd by them not improperly call'd modalities : but most generally , he allows them , when consider'd as inherent in substance , the terms of attributes . and what would he infer from this puzzle of words , and perplexing of terms , otherwise than he has precedently mention'd ? for if modalities , qualities , and attributes , may be apply'd to substance in all its capacities , proprieties , and possible variations ; how is he able to make good his former assertion , where he denominates them the meer modalities of cogitation ? so that whatsoever alteration is either naturally , or essentially incident to substance , is no farther real , in the judgment of des-cartes , than what may have the empty notion of modality ; tho' both in substance and manner of being , the thing does not continue the same as it was before : which is a perfect contradiction to sensible evidence , if duely apprehended the precedent instances ; which , as i conceive , are amply satisfactory . there yet remains a part of this head that may well be interpreted somewhat crazy . notwithstanding that he undertakes to explicate the soundness of its importance as he intends : to which purpose his expression stands briefly thus , — in god , ( saies he ) cannot be any modalities or qualities , but only attributes ; because in him , there can be no variation : and no less excellency of subsistence , does he appropriate to things created ; if no different modalities , or diversity of existence and duration is to be found in them ; and consequently exempts from thom all qualifications and modalities , and instead of those , he dignifies their being by the name of attributes annex'd to their natures . if this doctrine could be verified , there might be no distinction betwixt the substance of god , as defin'd by this author , and any other thing of whose existence and duration we have no variable prospect : of which the universe , for ought can be prov'd to the contrary , affords many . and who can doubt , but it may be so affirm'd , not only of stars , that have unchangeable magnitudes above us ; but also of the most durable rocks of adamant , which by their permanency and lasting continuance , admit of no certain computation , whereby may be imply'd their temporary alteration , or change ? and 't is no wonder , if with the modern philosophical mine , pretendedly discover'd by this author , there be discern'd some rubbish amongst the diamonds which he endeavours to polish by his brain . for what is more gross , than to render , as he does , the attributes of an uncreated substance , or of god , the same with created ; and next to grant , that there is no other distinction betwixt substance and substance but as they differ in attributes ; which if true , there could be no exact distinguishing of uncreated , and created existence : by reason that a corporeal being might , according to his affirmation , have the same attributes . nor is there any discussion more philosophically difficult , than to explicate , how substance and body may be differently apprehended by any intelligible distinction of science : but whosoever will rely upon the opinion of des-cartes , must wipe out of the essence of his intellect all actual perception of objects represented by the senses ; and next be so far reconcil'd to his idea , as to denominate the humane soul a peculiar substance committed to the body by god , but nothing ally'd to corporeal nature ; tho' naturally actuating the body of man : as if it were no contradiction to determine , that substance , not to be understood body , can operate on body . to evade which obvious objection , he frequently labours , as may be observ'd by the remarks precedently made on his treatise , to sublimate his conceiv'd idea , by supposing , that the faculty of separate thought was so dispos'd by god as a perfect thinking substance inherent in the mind : to which , as a gift of perfection , he imputes unerrable conception ; asking no other conditions , whereby to remove the misapprehensions and frailties of thought , than very considerative and discreet thinking : which is the utmost performance that can be rationally attain'd by any contemplative act ; but not with that compleat assurance requir'd by him , whereby thought may arrive to such a veritable certainty , that it may not at all be complicated with the senses ; or beholding to them for any object of their conveyance to the judgment-seat of the understanding : which is no less inconsistent with humane capacity , than to believe with des-cartes , that it is possible so to discipline the mind , as to be one of his thinking proselytes : tho' not able to demonstrate , that there is any sensible certainty in that speculative mode of thought , which by a main artifice of his brain he endeavours to promote . nor less discrepant from the soundest opinion grounded on divine and philosophical science , is the denomination he gives to the deity , which he defines , an uncreated thinking substance ; or as he would intend , the almighty an eternal thinker : which is very like a contradiction in terms : it being impossible to allow to thought , by common acceptation , other than a temporary attribute ; or not to be otherwise defin'd than exerted in past , or present time : which , if apply'd to god , were all one as to impute to the deity a temporary thought ; and must imyly solicitude and care suitable to the nature of contemplating on something to be improv'd or perfected by thinking , that was not before exactly consider'd : which how far destructive to the attribute of omnipotent perfection , i suppose was not duely weigh'd , by this author , when he penn'd this paragraph . i find a conceit in plato much more passable , than what is written by des-cartes , who being ask'd , what god did ? his answer was , that the deity exercis'd geometry . on which , the learned gassendus , has this comment , that geometry as it relates either to contemplation , or action , may not be incongruously understood of god ; as he may be said to contemplate , and chiefly consider himself in that act , emphatically express'd , in the being given by the omnipotent to the universe ; together with the proportional conservation it has from supreme power and conduct . which is a better exposition than that of a thoughtful deity , deliver'd by this french philosopher ; who makes no such sublime distinction betwixt an uncreated and created thinking substance , as does in any kind attribute to god , what he means by uncreated thinking , or how , or in what manner to be apprehended ; as it may be apply'd to the deity : so that according to the latitude of this author's idea of thinking ; perfect thought may be inherently attributed to the humane mind , no less than to the almighty ; with this only difference , that man is not an original but a created thinker : and 't is as possible , if granted , as this writer determines , that perfect thought , bestow'd on the soul by god , may be fill'd with perfection , as it solely resides in the intellect , no less created than if it had been eternally such . to conclude , it is far more congruous to the propriety of the diety , if said , that he has for ever determin'd , than by any notion affirm'd a thinker : it being not to be deny'd , that thought can have other construction but as imply'd , by its past , present , or future contemplation on something in being : which cannot be an object of omnipotent thinking ; because nothing could really exist that was not , by him , so foreseen and establish'd . whereas humane reasoning must necessarily proceed from principles deduc'd from apposite conclusions gradually made and depending on antecedents and consequents of proof in every consideration : which can have no resemblance to the science of god ; whose perfect knowledge is perpetually the same : and therefore admits of no successive degrees , or qualifications , tending to the method of argumentative confirmation . in his 60 particular he attempts to surprise his reader , but how improperly may be gather'd from the expression he delivers in these words , — whosoever ( saies he ) does acknowledge , that god could make us certainly intelligent of whatsoever we may distinctly apprehend ; must , for example , grant , that we may have an idea of substance extended , or corporeal ; although we do not , as yet , assuredly know that any such thing does really exist ; tho' certain of the possibility of its existence . and i may well reply , that 't is as far from my expectation to find in des-cartes , so weak an argument , in order to the grandeur of the matter , he would prove ; by his affirming , that we can have no absolute assurance , unless the intellect be immediately impower'd by god , that bodily substance and extension have other than a possibility of being such : which has so very opposite a disparity to natural and sensible conviction , that it appears no less irrational , than if he had undertaken to argue mankind into the belief , that it is possible to have senses and yet be destitute of their use. can a man live and not be sensible , that substance , in its bodily signification , has a proper being ? or can he feel , and eat the food that nourishes his corporeal composition , and not be knowing , otherwise than by meer cogitation , that he subsists by it , or that there is any such thing , but in possibility existing ? yet so determin'd , by the dictates of this author , however contradictory to common sense ; or as unsound , in his way of reasoning , as if he had declar'd , that a man might have corporeal life , but be dead as to all bodily consideration ; whilst by sole ccogitation in the mind , he may have only a living notion of the possibility of the being of substance and body ; as they may be distinguish'd by their natural capacities . which opinion of his he would confirm , as he presumes , with no greater difficulty , than as any man may judge that he is a real thinker , and by that thought exclude from himself all other substance , either thinking or extended . on which supposition or consistency of thought , as he intends it , he certainly concludes , that every man may distinguish himself , not only from every thinking substance , but also from all others of corporeal denomination . had a poet been author of this conceit , he had not farther surpass'd the excesses of fiction , than this french writer has done by the liberty he allows to his invention , deviated from principles of reason and philosophy : for what is more preposterous to both , than to conclude as he does , that it is possible for a thinking man to separate himself , by meer thought , from the substantial similitude he has to all others of humane nature ; as also from whatsoever can be said corporeally to exist . and may not the same person by as good consequence determine , that he is a thinker in body , without being sensible , that any bodily life , composition , or parts , appertain to him ? which requires no plainer confutation than what has been already observ'd on passages of this author , precedently tending to the same purpose ; as may be discern'd by whomsoever shall heedfully inspect these papers . all which , in effect , is conceded by himself , before he comes to a period of the head i treat of ; where he thus expresses . — that although we suppose , that god has so strictly joyn'd to the cogitative substance other corporeal substance , that they cannot be more firmly connected ; and from their conjunction constituted their union : notwithstanding they may remain absolutely distinct , because god may reserve a power to separate their beings , tho' corporeally inclos'd : or to confer conservation on both as united , or separated ; however they participate , by existence , with the extent of the body . these words , in summ , can have no other signification than what may be conster'd a distinction without an apparent difference , and therefore logically unintelligible ; there being no notion more perplex'd than his manner of uniting substance to substance , in a corporeal figure , and yet expect , that they ought to be requisitely distinguish'd . the reason he gives in summ , is , that it may be so ordain'd by god , that whatsoever are conjoyn'd by him takes not from his power to disunite their conjunction , by capacitating their separation ; or as the soul may singly act without any assistance or concurrence of the senses appropriated to the body . if this be the best argument that he can alledge , by which he would heighten the notion , so much celebrated by him , of the minds operating by a distinct and clear idea from all corporeal concomitancy ; it is more than intricately , in this place , urg'd by him ; who grants the firm union , constitated by god , of soul and body ; yet will needs imagine ; that their separation is also determin'd by god : and thus , by des-cartes , the act of god is render'd contradictory to it selt . b●… now does he undertake to explain his proposition ? why verily , by no better assurance than that it is possible for the almighty so to dispose the humane mind , that it may operate divided from the body and sensible parts ; tho' naturally united to all of them : which , in effect , does annex contradiction to the act of god ; it being palpably evident , that the understanding faculty does actuate its intelligence with the concurrence of the senses : but no such manifest assurance , that by any separate power of the mind the same can be effected . let a man imagine , by his utmost force of meer thought , that by the speculative act of the mind , is represented the shape , proportion , likeness , and colour , of any object , whether it be moving , standing , or lying ; 't is not in his power so perfectly to discern all their several proprieties , as if they were visibly perceiv'd by him , and consider'd as proper objects to entertain all other requisite parts of his senses : but very impossible to contemplate , of any of these , by any separate act of the understanding distinct from sensation : because there could be no idea or notion of such things that had never been convey'd to the intellect by the consent of the senses ; as by seeing , feeling , smelling , tasting and hearing , are occasionally compleated the useful appurtenances to the humane intellect : wherefore it might be well admir'd , why the useage of eyes , hands , and ears , with other of the senses , should be naturally incident to the bodily parts and composition of man ; if the mind could solely be perfectly apprehensive without them ? and doubtless these excellent gifts had been insignificantly conferr'd on mankind ; if thought , abstracted from sensation , might be alone exactly apprehensive . nor can sufficient reason be given , why the mind should not have been solely bestow'd , however ordain'd to exist ; if by its single intelligence it could have perform'd the divers operations , and actual capacities that are joyntly exerted by the soul and senses ? 't is not to be deny'd that the existence of the mind , unconfin'd to body , had been as easily accomplish'd by providence , had it been so determin'd , as it is now resident with the society of the senses : and questionless , if so establish'd , had , exalted humane felicity to a paramount degree : nothing tending more to the detriment of mankind , than the complicated and prone inveiglement of the soul by the allurement of the senses : so that could the mind have been exempted from corporeal conjunction , it had certainly , by a glorious act of providence , been discharg'd from its bodily confinement ; together with the exorbitant , and wicked temptations , it receives from the appetites and senses . but this being repugnant to it s decreed , and natural station in the body of man ; no room is to be found there for the idea of des-cartes , by which he does incompatibly infer , that the humane soul is of a distinct substance , tho' co-herent to the body of man , and actually concomitant with corporeal operations . in his 64 particular , he farther attempts to explain what he would mean by his definition of a distinct thinking substance ; his allegation is , that cogitation and extension may be understood as one and the same mind may have diversity of thoughts ; or as one and the same body , retaining its own quantity , may be diversely extended ; at one time in longitude , at another in latitude , or contrarily less in latitude than in depth , and the like , by which they may be distinguish'd ; as also consider'd as modalities of the substance to which they belong . can this be judg'd a proper method , in order to the improving of humane understanding , according to the undertaking of this author ; as he defines the varied proprieties of substance , whether in length , breadth , or depth , no other than different modalities applicable to the same substance ? whereas the contrary is mathematically certain ; because the extent and proportions , in one and the same body , must necessarily have a commensurable alteration . if the basis of a solid substance be suppos'd to be lengthened one foot more than it was before ; the latitude and depth of the same body cannot but have as to its proportion , an essential variation : which evidently proves , that what he terms meer modality , or accidental change of local parts in the same substance , is neither arithmetically , or geometrically true : it being no less absurd to affirm , that the half of a number is all one with the whole ; or that the different situation , measure , and being of substance , were neither a quantitative or formal alteration in reference to the reality of place , figure , or motion ; as they ought to be apprehended in all their capacities . on which consideration , the idea of this french writer , is fo far from tending to a significant modality , as he would apply it ; that it rather vanishes as a fictitious comment , or shadow of his brain . to be plain , should a man collect a numerous summ of refin'd notions , with the most artful curiosity that could imploy his imagination , whereby he would dignifie the humane intellect ; he might find the undertaking no less difficult , to the finest thread of his reasoning ; than to invent a more wonderful passage into an obscure labryinth than could be ever attain'd by rational conduct : there being no passabler or clearer prospect by which the soul of man may discern the manner of its actual being and exercising of the intellectual faculty ; than as it is operatively conjoyn'd , with the temper of the body and senses : to whose united concurrence may be attributed , more or less , the qualified abilities of the understanding in every consideration . do we not experimentally know , that judgment , wit , passions , affections , vertuous or vicious inclinations , with all the moralities of life , are influenc'd by the mind ; as it does participate with the elementary composition inherent in the body and senses : insomuch , that their several inclinations may be term'd the effects of heat , cold , moisture , or drought , as they adhere to our natures . is not a wise man distinguish'd by the judicious temper of his thoughs ; the vain by their levity and insipid conversation ? no less discernable than one man's strength of mind , or , corporeal vigour , has a natural variation from another : to which may be emphatically added , the experimental observation as it respects the intellectual faculties ; of which some are impower'd with a more considerable vivacity of apprehension , judgment and wit , in age ; than was manifest in youth : but in others , contrarily , a decay , or withering of their understandings no less apparent than the wrinkles of their brows and cheeks : which could proceed from no other cause but as the vigour of the mind does naturally impair , in divers examples of age ; with the strength and temper of the arteries , nerves . members and senses , that appertain to the body : yet not universally so , because , not seldom observ'd , that some persons , who have liv'd to antiquity of years , have rather been compleated , in all kinds , by their intellectual abilities ; for which there can be given no better reason , than , that notwithstanding they have some corporeal deficiencies incident to age ; yet none in the principal assistants of the brain , and its contiguity with the senses . all which is far more evidently demonstrable than a suppos'd thinking substance , separately acting in the body of man , according to the tenent of des-cartes ; together with his imaginary modalities , by which he would insinuate a distinct thinking faculty to the humane soul , without any specifical assistance receiv'd from the senses : a notion no less absurd , than 't is impossible to think , and not be exactly sensible of the thing , or object thought on : either as it had been at the same time convey'd to the understanding by some one , or more of the senses ; or their impression , by the memory before retain'd . which fully confirms the philosophical maxim ; that nothing is in the intellect , but what was before in the senses : yet not so to be apply'd , or instanc'd here , as might , in any respect , derogate from the excellency of the humane soul , or its immortal estate , when life departs from the body ; it being in the power of the almighty to eternalize its being ; howsoever it was compos'd , or the manner of its existence when resident in the body of man. i find no other discussions in this treatise of des-cartes , that require a more pertinent or accurate observation , than may be imply'd from what is already written : wherefore to avoid unnecessary repetition , i descend to his conclusion ; where he briefly summs the most considerable principles on which he had founded his precedent arguments ; committing them , as very advisable , to the perusal of his reader . the first of his counsels is , that we should be very cautious , how we adhere to former opinions that have not been strictly catechiz'd and found true by a subsequent examination : which i confess is plausibly advis'd . but how does he make good these admonishments ? why , by heedfully regarding , as he prompts us , such notions we have in our selves , by which , he would suppose , we are enough enabled to arrive to clear and distinct knowledge . here he epitomizes the main force and application of his former ideas , in order to erect perfect understanding in the humane intellect ; and by which he undertakes so to cleanse it , that the senses may have nothing to do with its orderly perception : as if the determination made by the intellect , with the assistance of the senses ; were no less detrimental to the principality of the mind , than the loose advice of a city-mobb would be to their monarch : whereas , by a surer inference , the bare idea of the mind , introduc'd by des-cartes ; if duely consider'd , does imply such a license of thought , as is no way consistent with the orderly rule of man's understanding : it being possible , that the body-politick of reason , or perspicuity of thought , in its orderly method , should be perform'd without the concurrence of the senses ; no more than a man can be assur'd , he lives , and not sensibly demonstrate , both in soul and sense , that he does so . but so fully , i conceive , has been , by what is written before , refell'd the conceit , of this author , relating to his so often inserted , or rather devis'd tenent , or manner of certain thinking , under the notion of an idea ; that it appears too like a fable invented by himself . towards the close of his treatise which he takes to be , on divers accounts , a very irrefragrable advancement to humane understanding . he much celebrates this instance , viz. that amongst all the notions , by which man is enabled to discern propositions of eternal verity ; there is none more signally applicable than the certain affirmation , that out of nothing , comes nothing : which allegation , of his , if maturely consider'd , will be found improper , nay , absurd : as what can be more opposite to reason and sense , than to suppose , that a notion , or thought of the mind , can have nothing for its object ? because whatsoever is conceiv'd , by intellectual thinking , must be really existent ; it being all one as to imagine , that non-entity , or vacuity , has a natural and certain being , notwithstanding that the universal world is replenish'd with bodies of divers kinds , and no room left either in the universe , or brain of man for the conception of nothing . so that to derive a notion from what can be interpreted by no word , etymology , or substantial thought ; is no other than as if monsieur des-cartes had imagin'd himself nothing , in body and mind , when in order to manifest a certain truth , he penn'd his contemplation of nothing . and 't is much to be admir'd , that this author , who endeavours to embellish his opinion by a new way of reasoning , should comply with the obsolete , and no less impertinent position of some former philosophers ; by which they would infer , that the term or accent of speech , that verbally did relate to nothing , was contradictory to whatsoever had essential being : whereas there can be no contrariety or opposition , betwixt nothing and any thing that may be said , either as a cause , or effect , to have real existence . on which ground it may aptly be requir'd , that the pretended philosophical tenent , that would assert , that out of nothing , comes nothing ; should be as clearly expung'd out of all discussions of that nature , as if a man should undertake to argue , that one impossibility could produce another : or celebrate a non-entity , under the notion of eternal truth , and crown it on the pate of nonsense . besides all which absurdities , 't is very apparent , that this supposed principle is absolutely inconsistent with the most general belief of mankind , that allows perfect creation , from nothing , of the total world : which how incompatible with the tenent , here mention'd of des-cartes , i leave to the judicious peruser of this treatise . and thus i conclude my remarks on the first part of his philosophy , call'd , the principles of humane knowledge . remarks on the second part of the new philosophy of des-cartes . concerning the principles of material things . part . ii. the magnitude of the title appertaining to the second part of the philosophy of des-cartes , creates in his reader , an egregious expectation of a superlative method , and undoubted assurance ; whereby the humane mind might satisfactorily apprehend the admirable consistence of the material world , providentially dispos'd for the vast habitation and benefit of man and creatures . which is so important a knowledge , that the misdemeanour of the intellectual faculty cannot be excus'd from being impeach'd by the assembly of the senses ; if negligently regardless , or not industriously apprehensive , as far as can be extended its solid contemplation ; how mankind is sensibly sustain'd by the peaceable order and conduct of nature : and next to that philosophical speculation , the soul of man ought to bewail its infelicity , in bodily life ; when perniciously allur'd by covetous , or ambitious desires , to possess more of the earth he treads on , than ought to be his , to the detriment or ruin of others : instead of deducing from the regular constitution of the world , in which he subsists , how unnaturally he lives , by infringing the rights of humane society : which ought to have an impression on the soul , in a philosophical , and moral conception . this is as a proaemium fitly annex'd to the ensuing treatise , i thought not improper to insert ; before i come to the first particular of des-cartes , which as a platform or main fund to his subsequent notions , he compiles ; by undertaking to explain the reasons by which the existence of material things may be certainly understood . his first words are these , — although there is no man that does not fully convince himself , that material things do really exist , notwithstanding that it has been dubiously render'd by me , in the precedent discussions , or accounted amongst the prejudices incident to the childhood , or greenness of our years ; it is now incumbent , on me , to search for the reasons that may produce its perfect intelligence : to which purpose he infers , that whatsoever we apprehend , must necessarily proceed from something , that is not the same with the humane mind ; nor is it in our power , as he affirms , to think of one thing more than another ; but as from some other thing we are affected , or receive impression on the senses : and makes this quere , whether that thing be not god , or differently to be conceiv'd ? this part of this head , may be pertinently answer'd , by demanding , on what ground des-cartes undertakes to conclude , that the soul is so dispos'd , as it operates on the senses by the idea it has from god ? which perfectly contradicts the notion deliver'd by him in the 7th particular of his first part , and remark'd by me , accordingly ; where he declares , that it is in our power to reject whatsoever we doubt of , or feign that it is false ; and thus we may suppose , that there is no god , no heaven , no bodies , and that we have no hands , no feet , or bodies constituted . but in his second part , which i now deal with , he restores the senses , that he had abdicated before , to the uses of the mind . by which it appears , that he was conscious of his former mistake ; and that 't is not possible to discourse , as he does , in this part , of material principles , without allowing the association of the mind to its sensible discernment . the reason that he mentions is , that because we sensibly , and distinctly perceive , from the impulse of the senses , any certain matter extended into length , breadth and depth , whose parts are diversly figur'd , and variously mov'd ; as also how they affect us with different conceptions that we have of their colours , smells , griefs , and the like : if god should imbue the mind with an idea of such extended matter , and afterward should cause any other thing so to dispose the humane intellect , that it might fix its imagination on what had neither extension , figure , or motion ; no reason can be given , why god might not be thought a deceiver . this passage can have no excusable defence , if judiciously examin'd : the question he offers being so ill stated , or inconsistent with the accurate part of reasoning , that it cannot amount to refin'd sophistry . for however he might conceive . that the soul , together with its mental idea , might be placed in the body by god ; it could not be without assurance , that the world is replenish'd with corporeal beings that cannot be denominated such , but as length , breadth and depth , colour , taste and smell , are their natural proprieties : so that where the intellect and senses are joyntly illuminated , in whatsoever method , by the act of god ; they must be far more certain than to admit any room for misconception , or the if , or quere , inserted by des-cartes ; by which he would infer , that could a man , ensoul'd by god , imagine by any other means , that there is no such thing as longitude , latitude , depth and the like , appertaining to corporeal substance ; he might call god a deceiver : which were all one as to suppose , that a man duely apprehensive , of any object , should by the will of god , voluntarily determine , that he is not ; which is no less irrational , than impossible to all of competent understanding : but no disallowable tenent if apply'd to other particulars of mankind , whose intellects are not of sufficient ability , if not naturally stupid , or accidentally unsound , or phrenetically distemper'd ; as is the condition of such as are distracted , and , in a manner , totally destitute of the use of their rational faculty : and who can doubt , that not a few of these , want capacity to define length , breadth and depth , as inseparable to bodily existence ? which could not have been , if mankind were universally endu'd by an impartial course of nature , ordain'd by god , and so committed to the humane body : where it must have had a more excellent residence than could be impedited , or debas'd by corporeal attributes ; and must have likewise been compleated with as perfect an idea , in every respect , as this author endeavours to prove : but not being perform'd , his manner of argument turns the point of a dilemma against his assertion , by which he would annex a more general and perfect idea to the soul of man , than is experimentally certain ; and whereby , in effect , he terms god a deceiver ; because , according to his doctrine , every soul , within a humane body has not a patallel idea of exact knowledge . a blessing much to be wish'd , or rather implor'd by prayer , were it not repugnant to the methods of providence omnipotently determin'd ; by which the intellectual faculty is differently impowr'd , as its corporeal dominion is more or less absolute ; either as it commands , or is weaken'd in rule , by the conspiracy of the senses : which cannot be otherwise , the mind being surrounded and continually endanger'd by the frail composition and temperatures of the bodily parts , in which it operatively resides . on the contrary , were there such a clear idea , from above , infus'd into the soul of man , as is instanc'd by des-cartes ; by which every requisite notion , or truth , might be perfectly apprehended : it were not consistent with the justice of the almighty , if every individual of mankind were not equally intelligible ; on which account , one man , might be as wise , in every consideration , as any other : and if so , there would be less necessity for superior magistracy , or rule ; could every man be alike discreet in governing of himself . in the mean time , des-cartes has introduc'd a new character , on the stage of philosophy , more compleat in thought than is univocally consistent with the figure of humane composition ; by which is personated the dress and mode of the mind , as it is cloth'd by the senses : from whence 't is apparently manifest . that the powers of the rational soul are frequently exerted suitable to the diversity of tempers that sensibly exist , improve , or decay , in the body of man. and this as naturally certain as animal creatures of the same kind , vigorously grow , or impair ; or are more subtil , active and strong , proportionable to the elementary mixtures by which they subsist . and therefore as highly presumptuous , as to argue against the methods of providence , if discuss'd , why men and creatures are so constituted in their several capacities of being , and life ? which is above the search of man's reasoning , and only known to the omnipotent disposer of whatsoever the universe contains . all which , if duely consider'd , sufficiently explodes the novel scene of this part of the philosophy of this author , together with the actual character he gives to mankind , in his modalities of intellectual apprehension , as 't is personated by his pen. his second particular begins with a truth , but ends with a falsehood : where he grants , that the mind , or soul of man , is more strictly united to its peculiar body , than to all other bodies : the reason he offers is , because we have an apprehension of griefs , and other sensible advertencies that happen unthought on by us ; of which the mind , he conceives , could not be intelligent , as it is meerly cogitative , but as it is conjoyn'd to a certain extended and moveable substance call'd the humane body . the antecedent part of this head is undoubtedly true ; which signifies no more , than that our souls have more to do with our own bodies , than with any other : and who could have expected , that des-cartes could have presented his reader with so vulgar a speculation ? which has no other tendency , than that every man is as far apprehensive as the compliment of his soul and senses will extend ; and thus are griefs , passions , affections , sensibly distinguish'd by us , when appertaining to others : because the rational faculty sympathetically complies with the senses in conveying their intelligence to things , of that kind , without us ; as he that has felt a wound or pain in any of his corporeal parts , will judge of the same in others . but how to think of any thing that appertains to our selves , and not to perform it by help of the mind , as a sensible thinker ; is a riddle not to be unfolded by the writings of des-cartes . in his third particular he attempts to clear the point ; but , in effect weakens it , by this feeble proposition of his : the perception of the senses does not direct us to discover what is really in things , but as they are render'd profitable , or detrimental to humane composition : unless sometimes , or by accident , we are taught by the senses what those bodies are , and how they exist . and therefore ( saies he , ) we must depose the senses , and solely judge by help of the intellect according to the ideas that are incident to it , by nature . whosoever is master of a grain of reason , must be convinc'd , that a contradiction is imply'd by the manner of argument , here urg'd by this author : who grants , that by the conjunction of the soul and senses , we perfectly discern what is beneficial , or hurtful to us ; but in that act , do not certainly apprehend what those things are : which is all one as to affirm , that we may be intelligent , yet not undoubtedly assur'd of what we understand : unless the intellect be refin'd by idea , after his manner , as the most natural way of being clearly apprehensive ; and with such disparagement to the senses , that they may be , in his opinion , neglected : tho' common experience might have convinc'd him , that they are , by nature , constituted assistants and real proofs of whatsoever is openly and demonstratively understood . but it seems he omitted these considerations : and therefore in his next particular , which is his 4th , he positively directs , as he would intend the use of his idea , by which he argues , that the nature of matter , or body , does not consist in that it is hard , ponderous , or any other manner affecting the senses ; but only as it is a thing extended in length , breadth and depth : and for durition , or hardness , the sense discovers it no farther , than as the parts of a hard body resist the motion of our hands meeting with it . here he would exalt his idea to the height of dominion in the mind , and level the senses below the capacities that nature has allow'd them : nothing being more philosophically irrational than the supposition he inserts , that the nature of body is only to be understood as it has longitude , latitude and depth ; and why not also as it is weighty , hard and colour'd ? is not air as much a body as iron , and yet perfectly distinguish'd by the compact durition of the latter , as its essential propriety ? and as absolutely different in colour , could the diaphanous substance of air be as visible to the eye ; and although it be not , we may conceive the distinction , much surer , than we could by intruding on the mind a conceited idea ; because we are sensibly assur'd , that no corporeal thing can have being in nature , without its colourable property : and this as familiarly certain , as that a bay-horse cannot be denominated a horse , if his natural colour could be separated from his substance . there are many things that may be said to have colour , that are not genuinely their own : and so a painted cheek , whether in man or woman , is no dye or complexion of nature , but artificically colour'd : and we judge of pictures as they resemble the life by the colours apply'd to them by the skill of the painter . and 't is no less evident , that des-cartes has presented his reader with a very fictitious varnish of his pen ; if he meant no other distinction of colours , relating , or apply'd to material substances , than in this place he mentions : and in summ concludes , that weight , colour and such like corporeal qualities may be separated from their inherence in matter ; so that the nature of the substance , to which they belong , does not depend on any of them . and is not this a concise manner of idea , in this author , by which he would have us believe , that bodily substance may have existence , and be sensibly perceiv'd without being discern'd by its genuine shape , and figure ? if colour , hardness and weight , with other qualities appertaining to matter , are defin'd accidents in a philosophical sense ; yet allowable such as , when natural , are inseparable proprieties from bodies to which they appertain ? and 't is some wonder , that this learned monsieur should forget , on this occasion , that noted logical maxim , — quod omni sola et semper accidit subjecto . so that the idea of this author , as it is here apply'd by him , is so far from a weighty , or indeed a colourable notion , that 't is as surely confuted as a white plum may be distinguish'd by the act of nature , from a black one . the next step he takes , is to present his reader with the doubts of some persons , who determine , that bodies may be so rarified , or , condens'd , that they may have , by rarifaction more extension than when condens'd . to which number of dubitants i desire to be added : because i conceive nothing more clear than the doubt he delivers . is it not very evident , that snow when dissolv'd , by rarifaction , into water is substantially extended farther than before ; as it may be observ'd falling from a hill into a river ? and is it not as manifest , that some parts of wood , when thinn'd and rarified by fire , convert to smoak ? so that 't is impossible to deny , that corporeal alteration is not incident to rarifaction , which gives it a variable and different extension , if compar'd to the space it precedently fill'd ; and this amounts to demonstration , instead of opinion . but he that will be proselyted , by the doctrine of des-cartes , must , in this case be such a compliable sceptick as to renounce his sensible conviction , and accord with him where he contends to argue , that whosoever , will attentively think and admit nothing but what he clearly understands , will judge , that no more is effected by rarifaction and condensation than change of the corporeal figure . and this , in few words , is the summ of what is contain'd in his fifth and sixth particular , that is worth a remark . the reason he offers is , that rarified bodies , having many pores , are there replenish'd with other substances ; and by that means become condens'd . this conceit of his is as distant from proof , as fiction is from truth : and nothing more obviously answer'd ; since 't is philosophically certain , that condensation is added to bodies which are made more or less solid , as their thinner parts are proportionately expell'd by rarifaction : and thus a tenuous substance is gradually render'd more compact , and harden'd by the fire ; as is , in divers kinds , experimentally observable : which however producing alteration of figure in their corporeal extent ; 't is as they receive solidity or durition from the capacity that their tenuous parts have in order to rarifaction : so that 't is not , as this writer infers , from any intervals , or cranies in bodies , fill'd with other bodies , that causes condensation ; but so much of the tenuity of their compositions as being vanish'd by rarifaction , leaves them more compactly harden'd . suppose he had been ask'd , whether the thin substance of air , or fluid body of water , did exist with any such pores or inlets in them that might be receptacles for other bodies ? he could not probably have solv'd the question , notwithstanding 't is very apparent , that air is thicken'd by moisture that exhal'd , by the sun , is mingled with it . but water being a grosser substance , is condens'd as its thinner parts are by heat extracted from it ; and this may be discern'd in every standing pool , or puddle . all which is equivalently acknowledg'd by him in his entrance to his seventh head , where he grants , that there are no pores in air , or water , that may add to their amplitude , by giving reception to other bodies whereby they may be more replenish'd : yet would have it pass , in being suppos'd , for a rational fiction ; but i expected his proof , and therefore must be excus'd , if i reject his fable . as for corporeal extent , caus'd by rarifaction ; he seems to allow none otherwise than as he would a new body so extended : which is not universally true ; and may be so understood from the example given already , of snow dissolv'd , by rarifaction , to water ; which , when snow , was but water congeal'd : so that it cannot be properly said to have a new body but alter'd to the fluid substance which it had before . the like may be affirm'd of lead , or other materials , that when melted , and enlarg'd by extension , do not lose the denomination of the same corporeal substance ; in which sense , lead , when dissolv'd , is as truely lead , as it was in its precedent existence . examples might be added , on this subject , did the reply that i have made require farther illustration ; wherefore i proceed to his next point , which he thus states : — quantity and number differ , only in reason , from the quantitative or number'd thing ; this position he procceds to explicate by affirming , that the whole nature of corporeal substance , may be consider'd , as contian'd in the space of ten feet , altho' we attend not the measure of any such number of feet : and by converse , ( saies he , ) the number ten may be understood , as well as a quantity of so many feet , although we are regardless of its determinate substance . here the gentile monsieur renews his address , to his mistress of thought , under the notion of idea : which he endeavours to compleat by such a refin'd mode of philosophical courtship , that like a platonick lover , he separates sense from the motives he endears . but i presume , that his amour has met with divers coy reprimands from reason , the most celebrated mistress and beauty of the understanding . and 't is no presumption , i conceive , if i attribute a rational success to my pen , which has , more than often , refell'd the cartesian idea in divers preceding discussions : wherefore i might refer my reply to what i have already written : did not the respect that i have to the abilities of this author , tho' none to his mistakes , oblige me to prolong my inspection ; together with an earnest desire of being convinc'd , might i find cause , from his proposals . but instead of meeting with any motives of his , sufficient to reconcile me to his assertions , i may justly observe an erroneous relapse to his former principles . and thus in his 8th particular , that occasions my debate ; he supposes , that the whole nature of corporeal substance contain'd in a space of ten , or any number of feet , may be understood without any computation of it , as locally commensurable ; and this to be accomplish'd by a sole idea of the mind , in his opinion . but is it possible to promote meer thought , by an insensible act , suitable to the purpose he intends it ? can a man that never understood how a plain superficies may contain body , or is produc'd according to his example , to a space of ten feet ; conceive , or delineate such a figure , without knowing that it is compleated by multiplying of 5 by 2 ? should a mathematical tutor inform his pupil , that it would be sufficient for his instruction , if by mental speculation he imagin'd that there was , in nature , such a thing as a plain superficies , tho' he did not apprehend that longitude and latitude were its numerical proprieties : could science be improv'd by such an impertinent and idle idea that can signifie nothing either to theory , or practice ? on the contrary , every man must be as competently intelligent , as was this author , of the qualifications of lines that appertain to superficial content ; and as certainly too , as the dimensions of any number of acres may be figuratively included in a square or parallelogram , or he will profit little on this question , by reading of des-cartes : who next proceeds to inform us , that notwithstanding 't is a certain truth , ( and so i think too , ) that nothing can be taken from quantity , or extension , but the substance , to which they belong , must also be leslen'd : and convertibly , not the least part of substance can be exempted ; but as much of quantity and extension will be taken from it . this opinion of his he alledges as opposite to the tenent of others , of whom he saies , there are some that consider corporeal substance as distinct from its quantity : which conception of theirs causes them confusedly to think , that the same substance may be term'd incorporeal . whether there was ever man of such a wilde imagination may well be question'd : since nothing can be more absurd than to imagine , that substance might remain , in any kind substance , without its proper quantity ; and next , notwithstanding that contradiction , or as he calls it confusion of thought , to suppose , the same substance metamorphos'd , by a mysterious way of thinking , to incorporeal ; which is no less contradictory to the natural being and definition of substance , than if a man should determine , that body could cease to be body : because substance is inseparable from quantity , as its corporeal propriety ; and therefore by no notion , or object of sense , can be deem'd incorporeal . but notwithstanding that the incomprehensible idea of incorporeal substance is reprov'd by des-cartes , as notionally confus'd ; the sense that he delivers in the 64th particular of his first part , or treatise of humane cognition , is ally'd to the same absurdity , as may be observ'd from my remarks on that head : where he supposes that cogitaion and extension may be consider'd as modalities of substance ; because , as he affirms , the humane mind may have diversity of thoughts ; by which the cogitative substance , as he defines it , may at one time imploy its idea of things , clearly distinguish'd , without the assistance of the senses ; at another , operate in conjunction with the sensible parts of the body : is not this such a manner of idea as would render the thinking substance of the mind with , or without quantity ; as pleases the thinker ? which little differs from the irrational notion of incorporeal substance ; if any thing , by excluding of quantity , might be possibly imagin'd substantial . from whence it may be inferr'd , that the criticisme offer'd by des-cartes , in this place , in order to refell the opinion of others , does considerably reflect on his own . and thus i proceed to such of his particulars as occasion my remarks ; which i shall insert no oftner than the subject requires . in his 11th head , he reminds us of the idea that we may have of body , by the example he gives of a stone , from which we may reject all that is not essential to the nature of body : as if a stone be melted , or pulveris'd , it does not therefore cease to be corporeal : we may also reject colour , because we frequently observe stones that very pellucidly shine , as if they were without colour . and so we may reject gravity , lightness , heat and cold , with all other qualities ; because they are either not consider'd in the stone , or being chang'd , the corporeal nature of the stone is not alter'd with them . here methinks he makes a great pudder to little purpose ; or no other than to prove that which no man ever deny'd : if there can be any thing more experimentally manifest than that substance , by what means soever varied or chang'd , will still retain quantity , as its corporeal propriety , not to be separated from it by force or fire : so that the essential nature of body cannot be destroy'd , tho' it be lessen'd or divided into innumerable particles of the same substance : but not so continue in the qualities of colour , weight , heat , cold , moisture , or the like , that were its former appurtenances : because alteration must necessarily change its accidental qualifications , consonant to the philosophical maxim , a non esse tale ad esse tale : which signifies , that it is otherwise , than it was in figure or dimension , together with such like external qualifications as it precedently had , and are naturally diversified according to corporeal alterations . but amongst the examples which he presents to his reader , as so many select jewels of thought , i cannot but observe the blemish that i find in the diamond of his idea ; where he supposes , that the substance of such a stone may be so transparent that its colour might not be visible : but how any thing can be so refinedly splendid as not at all perceptible by its colour ; is not less absurd , than to affirm , that something is seen without being discern'd : it being optically , and physically , impossible to be sensible of any object of sight , unless its colour be sufficiently visible with its substance . true it is , that a diamond may be sever'd into parcels of its substance , and that its splendours will proportionably lessen with its corporeal parts : but not suitable to the alterations made as to figure , colour , or extent , in bodies of weaker complexion and substance : for example , straw , or stubble , will sooner yield , in all their capacities , to the alteration enforc'd by fire , or to any natural method of change ; than wood or coal . so that 't is not provable , as affirm'd by des-cartes , that with every corporeal mutation may equally be rejected the above-mention'd external attributes , that did appertain to their substance ; and nothing continue with them but length , breadth and depth , the common proprieties of body . to which he adds this incompatible proposition ; that by idea of space , not corporeally replenish'd , may be comprehended an idea of what is call'd vacuity . was ever fiction so perfectly supposititious as to fancy , that space had a being , and not the local continent of substance ? or that the universe , the vast womb of nature , might , by its miscarrying admit of vacuity ? which , properly conster'd , amounts to the production of nothing . wherefore the appellation , or word vacuity , can signifie no more than a cursory accent of speech : or such an empty idea , as i may modestly say , is not seldom obtruded into the writings of this author . some of his subsequent particulars , where he differenceth space from place , are indeed more nice , if not frivolous , than could be thought to drop from the pen of the learned des-cartes , who takes it for granted , that if any corporeal thing be remov'd from the local being , in which it was ; we are not therefore to conceive , that its extension does depart with it . which position of his may be pertinently wav'd , by affirming the contrary to be true : as what is more essentially annex'd to the comprehension of body ; than its due and proportionable extension as it relates to the place by which it is contain'd ? wherefore if a stone be mov'd from the local situation it precedently had ; it s extension or proper space , as its natural capacity , does inseparably remove with it ; and not remain , as this author would imply , as the same extension , or place , might be possess'd with other bodies : or under the confus'd notion of space not fill'd , with any thing readily imagin'd , we may be so vain to suppose , as he gives license to the conception , that indeterminate space , if so apprehended , may be thought vacuity : which he infers , by reflecting on the misapprehension we may have , that the same local extension does not remain , tho' the body , to which it appertain'd , be remov'd . a manner of inference philosophically unfound ; because , no corporeal substance can be taken from its due place , unless its proper extension , and space , to which it belongs , be movable with it : not that it may not leave behind , or after its removal , the like local capacity ; as it may at large , be said to have been contiguous to that substance : or instead of its continuance there , the space , that it before possess'd , is immediately replenish'd by the accession of some one , or more bodies : and this perpetually executed by the act of nature , touch'd by the scepter of eternal providence : which otherwise , must cease to be , or vanish with the world , her universal habitation , by annihilating her existence . and therefore exorbitantly impossible to allow any epithet to vacuity , that by all the representatives of nature is determin'd to have no propriety within her spacious dominion . as improper is the example he gives , in the same paragraph , of a person suppos'd to be seated in a ship , and moves not although the ship removes whilst he sits still . but were his sole corporeal extensions , in length , breadth and depth , in motion , as he late in the ship ; his local space would remove with him , without depending on the sailing of the ship. before he makes a close on this head , he gives a more than ordinary instance of a ship under sail , and the earth in motion , at the same time , which , according to the copernican system he would insinuate ; but in general affirms , that if a ship sailes as far from east to west as the earth revolves from west to east , according to its motion in the ecliptick , as the copernicans imagine , a man sitting in the ship does not change his place , because the local determination both of the motion of the ship and earth is to be consider'd as relating to some immovable points of heaven . this ship according to his supposition of the earth's motion , must be committed to the desperate conduct of a copernican pilot : for if the ocean , together with all the rivers and streams that the world affords , be affirm'd to compleat in conjunction with the earth , one globulous circumference and figure ; as is the opinion of many learned philosophers : the rapid and mounting motion that the sea must have , in being contiguous to the earth's revolution , considering that it is naturally lighter , and therefore higher than the earth , would soon overwhelm the ship , with vast mountains of boisterous waves , in spite of the best marriners skill and compass ; and doubtless , in that irresistible storm the man he supposes seated in the ship would be totally toss'd from his station . so that , if granted the copernican hypothesis as it implys the conjoyn'd and revolving motion of the superficies of the earth and ocean , 't is impossible to conceive how a naval voyage could be at any time perform'd ; or the intercourse and trade of nations by sea at this day , or heretofore practicable ; an objection that gives no inconsiderable confutation to the copernican system : which whether or no perceiv'd by this author , he seems , at least , in this place to be indifferent , as to that opinion , by granting , where he concludes this particular , that it may be thought if we please , that in the compass of the universe there are no such imaginary points , and consequently no permanent place as to the being of any thing ; otherwise than by thought we so determine . to which it may be answer'd , that as to any fix'd points , in any caelestial orb , there is no cause to imagine them , but as they relate to the commensurable motion of some other thing , or by conceiving imaginary points in the orbits of the sun and planets : yet not at all true , if otherwise applied ; because it is philosophically certain , that motion , generally consider'd , must be made from point to point gradually mov'd with whatsoever is moving ; otherwise there could be no mathematical computation , or time , estimated as proprieties of motion : in which sense it may be likewise asserted , that the sun and stars no less than every other thing , may be judg'd to remove with such movable spaces as naturally appertain to the measure of their extensions , however their diurnal , or annual revolutions , may be terminated by such points as may be deem'd fix'd in orbits above . in summ whatsoever is mov'd , must have an actual beginning and determinate period , or in a philosophical sense , a quo , et ad quem : which is no other than the movable progression , from space , to space , of any individual thing with all its parts : yet so as it may be said , tho' in motion , still to continue the place incident to its proper extent : and therefore incongruously conceded by des cartes , that by license of thought we may think , that there is no such thing as permanent place appertaining to any thing ; which in some sense is as unnaturally absurd , as it one should undertake to contemplate , that there is no corporeal being : since body cannot be understood , either moving , or not moving , but as contain'd by place , nor place without local and bodily existence . the difference that he makes in his 14th particular , betwixt place , and space , is , that in his sense locality more expresly signifies situation , than magnitude or figure ; and contrarily , these are more noted by us , when we speak of space : and thus we frequently mention one thing as succeeding to the place of another , although it be not of the same magnitude or figure . all which , amounts to no more than a quibble of so many words , that ought to have one and the same ordinary application : and therefore very incongruously asserted by this author , that by place is more appositely understood situation , than magnitude or figure but how can any thing be said to be duely situated , unless its natural proprieties be locally understood ? nor less dissentaneous is it to common experience , should his notion be allow'd , or manner of thought ; by which might be suppos'd , that one substance could genuinely supply the room of another , tho' not of the same magnitude , or figure : which is a contradictory supposition ; because naturally repugnant , or rather impossible , that any one thing should be said to possess the local being of another , and not have its proper attributes . in his 12th head , he had allow'd , that if any corporeal thing were remov'd from the space , or place , in which it was ; that we may believe the local being that it had before , possess'd by some other body , or bodies , or term'd vacuity : which as a notion fit to be enroll'd amongst modern absurdities was remark'd accordingly . but in his 17th particular , having precedently granted , that in a philosophical conception there could be no such thing as vacuity , or where no substance does exist : he seems in few words , to recant what he inscrib'd in his 12th head ; acknowledging that by customary manner of speaking , is not to be understood by the term , or word vacuity , that place , or space can be apprehended by it , in which there is nothing ; but in which there are none of those things that we conclude ought to be there : and thus a vessel is said to be empty , that appointed to contain some other thing , is fill'd only with air ; or a fish-pool empty , though full of water , because no fish in it . so that in effect , he grants , that the cursory wording of emptiness , or vacuity , under the phrase of nothing , ought to be referr'd to the predicament of non-sense . but vulgar usage of words is , and will be more practicably retain'd , by the generality of mankind , than any concise , or philosophical language of the schools : wherefore this author might have spar'd much of the instructions of his pen on this subject ; because surer known to men of science than any reception it may probably meet with in the dialect of common persons . it was ever an undoubted maxim , that vacuity is inconsistent with the essential being of nature ; because substance must be attributed to whatsoever exists by her prerogative ; and this as an old truth , is sufficiently acknowledg'd by des-cartes : notwithstanding that throughout his new model of philosophy , there are few tenents of the erudite ancients , however celebrated by time , that he does not undertake to confute . but where he refells the obsolete opinion , or rather conceit of epicurus , and some of his predecessors , concerning the world's original from the accidental concourse of indivisible atoms , his pen conspires with the vogue of learned antiquity ; which unanimously determin'd , that there could be no natural existence but in quantitative and corporeal beings . so that the opinion of innumerable atoms , or thing next to nothing , as they were deem'd inconsistent , or exempted from having divisible parts ; in future time became the subject of invention , or such poetical allusions , as by the fantastical poem of lucretius are committed to perusal . there we may read how , by admirable conceit , things , call'd atoms , destitute of corporeal proprieties , had motion and flight as their wings were imp'd by the artifice of fiction : and next , to fill the world with their suppos'd procreative faculty , how they met and embrac'd like male and female . i confess , that a fabulous process of the original of the universe may be more excusable ; because the most exquisite , and penetrating ingenuities of mankind have been to wonder , pos'd in the account they have given of the world's beginning ; insomuch that the utmost inquisition they could make has led them to such an extasie , or stand of thought , that they have only been able to admire the constituted perfection of the world , they inhabit , instead of discerning in what manner it was produc'd . whether the imagination or principles of des-cartes , as they have reference to this stupendous subject , will expand a prospect to the eye of the intellect more requisitely open than hath , as yet , been explicated by the profoundest industry of humane science ; will be seen , in such of his following particulars , where he treats of the vast consistency and appurtenances of the visible world. and thus i come to his 21st particular , by which he would have us understand , that the world we inhabit is boundless in extension : because , as he states his argument , wheresoever we suppose its limits , we must necessarily grant , that beyond those imaginary limitations are real spaces , and such as contain corporeal substances indefinitely extended . against which , i offer a brief and obvious exception , by sensibly proving , that as we cannot imagine any indefinite extension or space in the world in which we have being , so were another world equally vast and contiguous to this , it were impossible to apprehend a boundless corporeal space within its total continent : by reason that uncircumscrib'd space cannot be the receptacle of material substance ; because whatever includes body must have commensurable attributes , or such as , in a geometrical sense , may be defin'd a superficies terminated by length and breadth : which demonstrably profligates his pretended idea of indefinite space or extension . so little is , in this case , the doctrine of nature beholding to the philosophy of des-cartes . his next conception , produc'd by his fruitful idea , is , that heaven and earth are of one and the same matter , and that there is no possible being of more than one world. the first of this head he no otherwise proves , than as he takes it for granted , that if there were infinite , or innumerable worlds , they would be all of the same matter ; wherefore he concludes there can be but one. the objection that may be made against his affirmation , that the matter of heaven and earth is the same ; is , because heaven can be no otherwise understood than as it has a select and primary distinction from all bodies of elementary composition : which is apparently manifest in its figure , motion and height , absolutely different , and far more excellent than can be compar'd with other substance : wherefore zanchius , writing of the works of god , gives to its most sublime and refin'd perfection , a spiritual epithet ; to which purpose the learned pena , in his preface to euclid , defines it an animated spirit universally diffus'd : to these may be added the authority of jamblichus , a very considerable author , who in admiration of its substance , allows to its perfections , the nearest attributes to incorporeal existence . and who can doubt that the judgment , of any one of these erudite persons , in being more speculatively refin'd , and naturally suitable to the wonderful objects , immensly distant from the earth we tread on , should not have a deference from our understandings highly superior to the gross definition given them by des-cartes ? who determines , that the substance of heaven and earth alike proceeds from the heap of nature's common materials . and whereas he asserts , in the latter part of this head , that it is not possible to imagine more worlds than one. i think the contrary may be as certainly affirm'd , as that the world we reside in , has a natural confinement : a truth no less facile to thought , than 't is easie to delineate a circle that in any point shall touch another , and yet leave , betwixt them , no intervening space that is not substantially repleted . but this speculation , however readily exerted , cannot be the proper entertainment of the mind ; unless i imagine a similitude of things and beings , correspondent to the world in which i am : as by the diligence of thought i might observe , in a devis'd world , the same persons , creatures , trees , and fields , with such other objects , that had been visible to me in this . wherefore i take liberty to think , contrary to the opinion of this author , that the intellect strengthned by the senses , is sufficiently enabled to transport its prospect to the plurality of worlds . to avoid which imaginative power of the mind , he annexes to his idea of matter undeterminate extent . a notion absolutely inconsistent with the nature of substance in all its capacities ; which cannot have an indefinite being : and therefore no less absurd than if suppos'd , that matter , or substance , could be actually infinite . in some of his following particulars , he bestows many words on the motion of whatever may be deem'd matter , or substance ; but finding nothing of consequence to observe in most of them , or that occasion any considerable remark in being dissentaneous to what he delivers : i pass to his 25th particular , in which he comprehends the main fund of what he intends by corporeal movement ; the instance which he gives , is , that any one body , or substance , in his sense , may be said to move out of the vicinity of other bodies , that were contiguous to it before , and as at rest , into the vicinity of others . by this definition , he proclaims an endless war in the campains of nature ; where the opposite commotions and powers of individual bodies , endeavour to possess the natural beings of their quiet neighbours . from which problem , could it be prov'd , might be deduc'd a better disciplin'd argument , in behalf of exorbitant potentates , when molesting , or intruding into the peaceable vicinities , and provinces of others , than has , as yet , been urg'd on their part : because it might be dextrously grounded on the toleration and conduct dispens'd , by imperial nature , amongst her subordinate dominions . this war of nature , denounc'd by so eminent a philosophical herald as des-cartes , could not but incense many combats in the schools of science : but how far prosperous there , or disallow'd , is not requisite , in this place , to discuss . i shall therefore imploy the force of my understanding , without being oblig'd to the assistance of any tribe or scholastical association , to attack his arguments , where they deserve the most emphatical opposition . my first assault , on this head , shall be against the main fort of his new-modell'd fortification ; where , to defend his principles , he exerts the artillery of his idea , which , according to the level of his notions , must batter to pieces the entire confederacies of nature ; and so separate their societies and rooms in the universe : that unless a more pathetical expedient can be found than what he offers ; towns and countries , with whatever they contain , may as soon be remov'd out of this world , and situated in another , as one corporeal substance can usurp the province , or being of another : because no quantitative matter but must , if mov'd into the place of any other , possess the space that naturally appertain'd to its existence . and whether , could he suppose , that a bodily thing could remove , that is , by any means , expell'd , by the motion of another substance from its proper appartment ? since neither his brain , or any other man's , can by an empty idea so diminish the world as that any particle of it might be conceiv'd to vanish to vacuity . nor less intolerably opposite to the proprieties of nature , is the maxim he inserts of the translation of material things , into the proper residence or place of others . not that 't is deniable , that bodies are alterably mov'd , or chang'd by effects of rarifaction or condensation , and other ordinary methods of nature , as to their manner of extension and figure ; but not as to the space that circumscrib'd their substances ; because it is impossible for them , for reasons before mention'd , to be naturally provided for , by any other room , for their existence : and thus if any receptacle , or vessel , be suppos'd fill'd with earth , or water , and those materials afterwards remov'd ; the air will as compleatly replenish the same compass or space , as if it had been fill'd by the others before . the last example , given by me , ought to be understood of a preternatural , or violent motion , enforc'd by the hand of man , or other accident ; by which a substance that might be precedently in its proper sphere , or place of rest , is forcibly dispossess'd of its room by some other ; when nature to prevent vacuity , her main abhorrence , supplys the place of the body , irresistibly remov'd , with another substance : which in her natural method is never effected by her ordinary alterations caus'd by generation , corruption , rarifaction , condensation , and the like ; or by which the more weighty body is expell'd by the lighter : no more possible then that the earth , or any part of it , should mount from its center unto the ambient air above it . wherefore the general maxim of des-cartes , by which he would infer the transition of bodies into the vicinities and-spaces of others ; is no less absurd than contradictory to the establish'd course and laws of nature in order to her preservation of things either as they move or rest : which should 〈◊〉 otherwise admit , or according to this author , there must be a confus'd interruption , if not a penetration of bodies , philosophically impossible , not only of those that surround the earth we inhabit , but also of the celestial luminaries that immensely move above our heads ; if they revolv'd into higher or lower vicinities and orbs than are naturally their own . so perplexedly inconsistent is the opinion of this writer , with the beings of whatsoever the world contains . as incompatible , to common understanding is the notion that he delivers in his 26th particular , where he undertakes to prove , that there is not more action requir'd to motion than to rest : which seems , at first sight , a paradox of a novel edition . but had he seriously consider'd , after the inscribing of this sentiment ; and next had been ask'd , whether his pen had not been more commodiously inclos'd in his desk , and his hand in his pocket , than acttually imploy'd when he writ this uneasie sense ? he would have clearly distinguish'd betwixt motion and rest ; as words that imply their difference both in name and nature . and 't is some wonder , that des-cartes , who largely abounds with fanciful niceties , should have so narrow a perception as not to discern the broad contrariety that interprets motion and rest sensibly opposite . to which purpose , aristotle defines rest as the privation of motion in whatsoever is naturally apt to move . wherefore the proper tendency that things , in motion , have to acquiesce in their genuine place , is render'd by some philosophers , as their final perfection : because nothing can be said to move , but it does also to its utmost power , expedite its innate propensity to be sedate in its due station . if a stone falls from any considerable height , experience assures , that it swiftest moves when nearest to the earth , the center of its being : but of its self incapable of active movement when it comes to its resting place ; all which is heterogeneous to the doctrine of this author , who allows to the acquiesence of any thing no less motion than it had when it mov'd . the instance he gives is , because we perswade our selves , that our bodies , at our will , move and rest , for no other reason than that they adhere to the ground in being heavy : and continues to say , that our corporeal weight , and other causes , not animadverted by us , resisting the motion that we would incite in our members , effect our fatigues or weariness , whilst we impute more action , or greater force to instigate our motion , than to cause it to cease . here he creates an idea , not unlike to the poetical fable of ixion's , embracing of a cloud instead of juno ; for what can be more obscure to sensible conception , than to infer , as he does , that the body by suspending of its motion , does as indefatigably move as when tir'd by action ? which is much the same as if he had undertook to prove , that 't is possible for a man to feel as uneasie a movement sitting still as when he was weary of walking . nor is the weight of the animated body , as to it self , or as it may be diseas'd by motion , the only cause of the appetite it has to be reliev'd or eas'd by rest ; but as nature compells it , in being ponderous , to promote its lowest acquiescence in its immoveable place essentially center'd in the bosome of the earth , as the body has room or capacity to descend : nor would its motion , till thither arriv'd , be impedited or fatigu'd by the labour of its corporeal parts , any more than a stone , as it falls downward , can be weary of the motion of its substance . so totally irresistible is the power of nature , that no longer appropriates either rest , or life , to any individual thing , than is necessarily consistent with its place and being . if by her indulgence she has impower'd mankind and other animated creatures with corporeal faculties and parts , whereby they may diversly execute their local movements , as her gracious distinction and necessary endearments peculiarly conferr'd for the convenient support and continual subsistence of living individuals ; 't is contrary to the gross allay of their bodily compositions . thus the body of man or animal , may move on the surface of the earth , or by the extraordinary energency of life be exalted towards a mountain's top , when their corporeal substances , could they depart from the conduct of life , would with far more acceleration tumble downwards . let a man , of the most expert and vigorous agility , take a leap upwards , his person shall come to the ground by swifter and easier degrees than his activity , by its utmost force , could ascend . wherefore 't is no painful action , as this author insinuates , by which a living substance acquires its rest ; but rather a natural and irresistible motion that inclines it to attain its proper residence : which proceeds from no other cause than the quantitative magnitude and weight that imposes the descent of every corporeal thing , as near as it can be promoted , to the inferior place of its repose . if a feather falls from any height , allowing for the hinderance that its levity may receive from the commotion of the air ; it will descend no less proportionably to its weight than a lump of lead must do if dropt from the same altitude . and this is mathematically certain , because no substance , whatever , can be said to move but as it has commensurable parts . these examples are sufficient to totter his arguments on the fund he erects for them : of which there remaineth one that he concludes this head with , and in his sense , very apposite to his purpose . i wish that i had so found it , because i love not to dispute where it can reasonably be avoided . his words are these , — there is as much action requir'd to the removing of a ship , that stands still on water any length forward , as it is to move it as far backward . from whence he would conclude , that a corporeal substance , in being mov'd from and to the place where it rested before , is equally active . who could have expected that a notion so counter to direct sense should be inscrib'd by des-cartes : since 't is not the motion of the ship , as he puts the case , but the force of hands that compells its movement from and to the place where it remain'd before . and therefore a pretty kind of supposition ; or if term'd a ridicule , the application might well be excus'd , by which he would intrigue his reader to be conceited with him , that any corporeal thing might philosophically move , tho' naturally it did not move at all . which perfect contradiction , to approv'd reason and principles of science , is very apparent in the example he gives of the ship enforc'd to remove ; which , of it self , might have stood still ; or contrarily , had it not been supported by water , would have sunk , in being ponderous , as far downwards as it could descend . which gives us a sound assurance that the proprieties of motion and rest , of old determin'd , will not be discompos'd by the novel institutions of this author ; whereby he would change the very grammatical construction in the words of motion and rest , by converting their significations into meer modalities , or diversified actions of the thing moving , or as it ceases to move . but had it been demanded of him , whether , if suppos'd he were fast-a-sleep when he dream't of this tenent , his body had no less action than as if he had imagin'd it to be really walking or running ? i believe he would have otherwise distinguish'd motion and rest than fancy'd , by him , in this treatise . nor is the similitude incompatible with the explanation he offers at the end of the page i write of ; where he tells us , that by motion is to be understood corporeal transition , or as he calls it translation , out of the vicinity of contiguous bodies into the next approximation of others ; but not out of one place into another : which is allowable if apply'd to the fix'd capacities of nature , as potentially she may be imagin'd to circumscribe every individual substance ; tho' not , in common understanding , actually true : because no corporeal thing can properly move , unless its commensurable place does remove with it . in which sense , no substance can be conceiv'd to move into the vicinity , as he terms it , of another , but it must necessarily carry its bodily space and comprehension with it : no otherwise than a man can be said to step into his neighbour's ground out of his own , and not transfer with him the inseparable space that before circumscrib'd his body ; tho' the ground , that contain'd his person , could not remove with him into his neighbour's . yet nothing can be deduc'd , from any of these instances , that implies , that rest and motion are equally active , and not contrarieties ; or only different modalities , according to him , of whatsoever does move or cease its motion . but if his idea of corporeal movement be follow'd to the vicinity unto which he guides it ; 't is possible it might have acquiescence there ; since he undertakes not to prove , that it actually mov'd after it came thither . other particulars i find of his , relating to his preceeding notions of the motion of bodies ; and to which he has annex'd the delineating of a few schemes , or diagrams . but finding in them no demonstrative proof , or other concernment than what i have before discuss'd , or answer'd : i therefore avoid the perplexing my reader with such obscure diversities , which in my judgment , he delivers on this subject , or as extravagantly distant from either philosophical , or mathematical certainty , as fiction is from truth : and thus i come to his 31st head , which i had also omitted , had i not observ'd , that he there attempts to unvail more speciously his mysterious idea , than he had formerly done : the proposition he endeavours to prove , is , that in one and the same body there may be innumerable diversities of motion . notwithstanding , he grants , that no individual body can be understood , to have more than one proper motion ; because , as he affirms , it must be understood , when moving , to recede from several bodies resting contiguous to it : however it may participate of innumerable motions if it be part of other bodies that have diversities of motion . the example he gives , is , of a man walking in a ship , having a watch in his pocket ; the wheels of the watch move but by one proper motion , but participate of another , whilsi being conjoyn'd to the person that walks they compose one part of matter , and another as they are adjoyn'd to the ship , as also to the ship fluctuating on the water , and likewise as it is joyn'd to the sea , and lastly as it is so to the earth , if the whole earth be mov'd . to which , if reply'd , that in the entrance he makes into this particular , he starts an argument against himself ; the consequence will make it good . for although it be true , that all corporeals , whether animate , or inanimate , of ponderous compositions , have a natural and direct inclination to move downwards ; but not their sole motional property : a man by the power and faculty that enables him locally to move , can step upwards as well as downwards ; and by innumerable actions and motions of his parts can abundantly vary his postures , together with his feet , limbs , and fingers : impowr'd with useful diversities that admirably proceed from the provendential support , that is , to wonder , bestow'd on humane life ; which could not without those accomplishments , conveniently subsist : to which purpose , enough has been inserted in my precedent remarks . but as to the other part of this head , where he insists , instead of other proof , on the example he gives of the instrumental movement of the wheels of a watch in the pocket of a man , as participating of the motion of the person , and also of the ship : is sufficient without troubling my reader with other of his instances of like signification , to terminate my reply : which briefly is thus , — the argument he offers , is neither rationally , or philosophically applicable to what he asserts ; if consider'd , that the motion of the parts and wheels of the watch are totally artificial , and therefore cannot be naturally contiguous to the motion of the man or ship : no more than invention attain'd by art can be certainly deem'd the method of nature , that allows no participation to the motion of things , but as they are genuinely dispos'd and influenc'd by her proper conduct : which cannot be equivalently counterfeited by humane artifice , no more than 't is possible for the brain of man to create a fabrick suitable to the structure of the world , together with the innumerable materials and their distinct capacities and operations , contain'd by it . a speculation of such undeniable excellency , that had it been thought on by des-cartes , his reason and abilities in science had otherwise dispos'd the credit of his pen , than to have inserted the incongruous comparison by which he would parallel , in his sense of motion , the performance of art , with the action produc'd by nature . which is very different from the epithet he gives to motion and rest in his 38th paragraph , where he determines , that , by the ordainment of god , matter together with motion and rest were , as to their ordinary course , originally constituted . from whence he concludes , that all parts of material things , were primarily so dispos'd by the will of the almighty , as by their divers conservations , the world 's total matter might be continually preserv'd by the same determin'd method , that every of its particulars receiv'd when first created . from which immutable decree of the omnipotent he derives several laws or rules of nature . the first of which he considers as her constant industry and prerogative , whereby she would , as far as her regalia's extend , unalterably continue every particular thing in its manner of being : and thus , whatsoever mov'd , should , by her intention , be always mov'd . so that if any part of matter represented its motion in a square , or other suitable figure , it would so perpetually continue , did not some other thing interrupt its movement . all which might be conceded , were not nature oblig'd to dispense with , for universal convenience , such alterations , in her methods of rule , that she accommodates to the frail disposition of her elementary subjects ; whose distempers , unless so prevented , would be more disorderly , or confus'd . for which reason , she necessarily waves her original intention as to the permanent continuance of her subordinate individuals ; by exercising , in a manner , against her will , a tyrannick power , by which she kills some beings , to give life and repose to others : which could not otherwise have room to exist , were the compass of the world far greater than its conceiv'd dimension . and thus we ought to apprehend the various effects of motion , as also such alterations as relate to generation and corruption , by which things cease to be , and others have being . tho' neither motion , or any of its concomitants , or tendencies , here mention'd , can be reasonably suppos'd , according to the opinion of this author , to endeavour incessant movement , did not some other intervening thing put an end to their motion by obstructing its farther progress : which were to affirm , that motion were void of design , if any thing mov'd regardless of its proper residence . if granted , that the motion of one thing may cause the motion of another to cease ; 't is not to be understood as any hindrance that its natural capacity can receive , or the intendment it has to arrive where it ought to remain . it being absurd to suppose , that motion , as it is appropriated to material composition , of which only we can be sensible , should be actually , or potentially imbu'd with a perpetual motional faculty ; which were to allow it indeterminate , and therefore infinite ; contrary to the undoubted philosophiaal maxim , non datur infinitum actu in rerum natura : and as experimentally certain , as that a man cannot always run , or walk . the second law , which he attributes to nature , he thus delivers , every motion , of it self , is in a streight line , and therefore whatsoever circularly moves , always endeavours to depart from the center of the circle it describes . before i enter my replication to this head , which , in some respects , is very questionable ; i think fit to inform the reader , how he does here dissent from what he deliver'd in his 32d particular , where he grants , that motion may be , not seldom , exceedingly contorted , twisted , or wrested ; which he must intend by such a lineal movement as might be neither direct , or circular . and therefore it must have such a kind of oblique curvitude as cannot be comprehended by the definition of regular curv's , or such as may be term'd geometrically commensurable ; which by learned mathematicians is solely attributed to the circle , parabola , hyperbola , and ellipsis : the reason they give is by demonstrating , that no other curvitudes can , in every of their points , have a due relation to streight lines ; as it may be equally prov'd . on which mathematical certainty is grounded their rejecting of all other curv's , as mechanical ; because , in particular , they cannot be geometrical by right lines applied to such figures ; and therefore not to motional things and parts , by indistinct commensurations ; and such as may express their common equality . whosoever desires to be assur'd by geometrical delineament and proof , to this purpose , he may inspect the commentary of van-schooten , a dutch mathematician , on the geometry of this author . in the mean time this observation is sufficient to explain the egregious mistake of this writer , as to the place before-mention'd : where contrary to the actual performance and method of nature , that allows to every thing mov'd commensurable space and parts ; he allys the possibility of motion to such a perverse and irregular figure , as would render it absolutely confus'd , instead of being orderly consistent with the certainty of measure . but now in the above-mention'd second law of nature , as he defines it , he thinks 't is very manifest , that motion , by its simplicity of operation , should be conits simplicity of operation , should be continu'd in a streight line , but never in a crooked . which is true , if meant of such things , that by their inherent proprieties of length or weight , ascend , or descend ; which are always continu'd in a streight line : but are not so in every thing that moves , as may be evidently perceiv'd in that admirable providence by whose conduct the celestial motions of the sun and planets have a constant circular revolution . which sublime manner , and excellency of motion , is no otherwise naturally theirs ; than suitable gravity , or lightness , is the cause that things so compos'd move upwards , or downwards . these examples are sufficient to refell his general hypothesis , by which he would limit the genuine action , of whatsoever does move , to a direct line ; without excepting the orbs above , that he well understood did move otherwise . to which purpose , he delineates a diagram the same in effect , with this that follows . let a stone be suppos'd to move by any force , according to his example , in a sling , as e a circularly mov'd in the same instant in which it is in the point a determin'd to move , any whether , in a right line towards c ; so as the right line may be the tangent of the circle . it cannot be imagin'd to terminate motionally contorted , tho' it first comes from l to a , by a crooked line ; because nothing of that curvitude can be understood to remain in it whilst it is in the point a. but should it then be out of the sling , it would not move forward towards b , but towards c. — from whence he concludes , that whatsoever does circularly move , would always endeavour to depart from its center . here he undertakes to give nature a law against her natural legalities ; if not such a fictious swing as would whisk her ordinary operations , out of their usual course , into the region of fables . it being very demonstrable that both parts of the proposition , to which this diagram relates , are erroneously applied . as to the first by which he would prove , that all motion does of it self proceed in a right line ; 't is broadly untrue , if consider'd , that 't is no less naturally than mathematically certain , that whatsoever moves , must be progressive with the proper superficies and space , in every kinde , that appertains to its substance : when a man walks does he not suitably move to the height , breadth , and depth , which , at that instant , expos'd the proportions of his figure ? the same may be affirm'd of the motion of animate , or unanimated bodies . on which ground , geometricians determine , that a line , of it self , has no commensurable proportion compar'd to a superficies ; and therefore to no substantial velocity , or motion , in any consideration ; otherwise than as , betwixt two different superficies , lines may be allow'd a relative proportion ; as in squares , parallelograms , and other figures , that assimilate in height , and breadth . wherefore to assert as he does , that by intendment of nature , all corporeal motion is comprehended in a streight line ; were all one as to affirm , that a mathematical line , which , by euclid is defin'd to consist meerly of points , that have no parts , otherwise then suppos'd , should singly measure a superficies the continent of body . not but in a genuine philosophical sense , a material composition may have a direct motion , allowing its requisite extension , place , and superficies transferr'd with it , either upwards or downwards , according to the nature of its substance , but no other lineal rectitude , as is already demonstrated : where i instanc'd the natural tendencies that things light , or ponderous , have to their proper stations ; and therefore inconsistent with the example he gives in the diagram of a stone enforc'd , by other material thing , or in a manner sling'd from its direct movement into the obliquity of a winding figure ; which must so detain it as never to depart , or 't is not to be doubted , that the weight of the stone would cause it to move downward towards its resting place : on which account , the stone may be suppos'd to be taken from the sling and flung at the head of his argument . as intolerably extravagant is his other principle , or rather conceit that he annexes to the law of nature ; whereby he would take it for granted , that whatsoever does circularly move , has , in its self , an inherent proneness to recede from its center : which is totally opposite to the supreme perfection of circular motion , if compar'd with whatsoever is directly lineal : because it is the measure of lineal movement without separating its terminations as the other does . which is obviously evident in the motion of a wheel , where the terms of its motion are not so distinct that any one can be thought separated from the other . but when a weighty thing directly move's from a superior place to an inferior , it may truly be affirm'd , that the terms , of any such direct motion , are by their interval and distance considerably separated ; which separation imports composition of terms ; but none to be found in circular movement , as is manifest by the precedent example . wherefore aristotle acutely defines the excellency of circular motion , by considering , that it is more absolute , or simply compleat , than can be attributed to any other figure ; by reason it is more equal , and therefore less obnoxions to irregularity , and consequently more durable : from whence he concludes . that it was the most perfect and first of motious : as likewise a possibility of being eternal ; because no part of a circle can be said to be its beginning or period ; and where neither the first and last , of any thing , is discernible ; it may be allow'd , in a manner , eternal . to which purpose , the poet virgil compendiously expresses the admirable revolution of the hours , days , and seasons of the year , by no more words than , in se ciroumvolvitur annus . which shews , that circular motion is not effected by any forcible cause or inclination that any thing mov'd can , by that means , be endu'd with , whereby to depart from its center , according to the devis'd maxim of this author : but rather a continu'd providential and natural method in order to the computation of time , together with the innumerable benefits that from thence accrew to mankind , with whatsoever the world comprehends . and if otherwise reputed , 't were as easie to believe that providence might receive a forcible period ; or that the sun and planets have as natural a propensity to drop from the orbs in which they revolve , as the stone might have to fall out of the sling , in the precedent diagram . so that the principle which he would entitle to the law of nature , does more concenter with the tenent of a philosophical renegado , out-law'd by her regulr ordainments , than could be expected from the pen of des-cartes . i endeavour'd to be as piquant , as i might be , in my remark on this subject , because he owns it for a main foundation on which he erects not a few of his ensuing discussions . the third law that he gives to nature , is , that any one substance , meeting with a stronger , loseth nothing of its motion by its occurrence to one of greater strength , but lessens its motion by as much as it transfers to the other . here he continues a perpetual war amongst the subjects of nature ; and with that exorbitant violence , that he allows victory to the stronger on all considerations : whereby he interprets the ordinary course of things , tending to the universal preservation and conduct of nature , no other than so many hostilities executed by the strong against the weak . if bodies are alter'd by the movable effects of rarifaction and condensation , they are not so mov'd , or produc'd by a preternatural and varied violence ; but rather usefully convey'd and dispos'd to such receptacles of nature where their beings were wanted , and could not be supply'd without the convenient alterations of material things . the like may be said of generation and corruption incident to all elementary compositions . and tho' nature , in some sense , may have the artribute of perpetuity ; there can not be the same permanency allow'd to particulars within her dominion , whereby they might be equally everlasting with her self ; which would level her incessant prerogative , in common with her subjects , or imply the dissolution of her superlative dominion : too profound to be fathom'd by the most skilful brain of man , or be disorder'd by any speculation inconsistent with her perfections : which had this author requisitely consider'd , he would not have enterpriz'd the imbroyling of her rule with so many turbulent diversities , or anarchical violence , that may be imputed to his principles as they derogate from her operative contrivements , and motion of things in reference to their due continuations and apt disposure , agreeable to the capacities of their existence . but notwithstanding he has frequently catechis'd nature according to the model of his invented principles , and especially , in this place , where he attempts to enact laws as if confirm'd by the touch of her scepter : as also to present his reader with several subsequent rules , by which he would be understood to have prevented what might be alledg'd against them . all which i inpected with the clearest eye of my understanding , being no less desirous that my pen should have been convinc'd by his , than he endeavours the estimation of his own . but finding , by the strictest inquisition i could apply to his offer'd probations , that i was led into a wilderness of notions , out of which no thought of mine could give me passage : i concluded , that it would be no small ease to my reader , and my self , if i omitted such of his intricate discussions , and delineated schemes , as might have perplex'd the utmost diligence of the considerate peruser . for which i have , in some part , his own consent ; as may be seen in his 53d particular , where he acknowledges that his precedent rules , as to the nature and motion of corporeal substances , are not easily understood . and where there is not a facility of perception , relating to the intended purpose ; it can have no other construction than impertinent , or trivial , or at least , not worth a labour'd explanation . and thus i pass to his conclusion , where i observe , in general , that he is more confident of his premisses than was to be expected from so ingenious a writer . in the assertion he closes with , he delivers this affirmation , that no other principles are admitted by him than are both physical and mathematical certainties ; because by them not only all the phaenomena's of nature are explain'd , but also certain demonstrations given from them . if this peremptory assurance be true ; the author of these remarks has taken no small pains to little purpose ; but if not so , the commendation he has bestow'd upon his undertaking will be as little to his advantage , as the indulgent applause , usually is , that men attribute to their peculiar wit or science : to which i might reply , without disrespecting this author , or the modesty that becomes my pen , that i am not more in the right than he is in the wrong , wheresoever i have differ'd from him , either on the philosophical or mathematical account : as in reference to both , i may , without ostentation , aver , that his idea's , propositions and allegations , as they are tax'd by me ; are rather improbabilities , if not fictitiously introduc'd by him than naturally ally'd to proof or the being of things . for tho' mathematical operations cannot be refin'dly contemplated , but as they have an immaterial , or spiritual eminency relating to the proportionable dimensions which they unerrably give to whatsoever may be regularly defin'd of substantial existence : yet by a distinct excellence , partake not at all of matter howsoever commensurated by them . and thus may a proposition in euclid be prov'd , if only , in thought , delineated : but when apply'd to any material being , the substance unto which it relates , must as really , and in the same manner exist , as is suitable to the certainty of its demonstration . but not to be so understood by the doctrine of des-cartes , who sets nature at work as he fancy 's her operations . insomuch that a substance cannot directly move towards its proper place of being , but he conceives it more or less obstructed by some other body , or whirl'd in a line , of a different denomination , to another point of the compass , or not to be imagin'd whether : much of the same similitude with the figure of the stone in the sling , as it is inserted in the preceding diagram . all which exorbitant modalities and motions of things , as he supposes them to act as they are either hard , flexible , condens'd , or fluid ; are rather singular fictions , or forcible contrarieties , complicated by his brain , than concentring with the prone facility of natural operations : absolutely inconsistent , by a philosophical maxim , with the prodigious and continual violence impos'd on causes and effects ; as by this author is devis'd the conduct of nature . yet after all , he is no less confident than to affirm , that his philosophical hypothesis is mathematically certain in every consideration : which , without other rebuke to the phrase of his boasting , is as far from being prov'd by rules of science , as fiction may be from undoubted truth : or as if he had undertook to have delineated , out of euclid , a coat for the moon , that should have demonstrably fitted her figure in every change of her appearance . if i have dealt freely with des-cartes where his notions and proofs were questionable ; 't is agreeable to his example , who spares no author where he thought him taxable . tho' i have been favourable in not extending my exceptions so far as i might have taken occasion : which i hope the reader will excuse , or think himself oblig'd ; because i entertain'd him with no more words than i thought sufficient to give a period to my remarks on the second part of the philosophy of des-cartes . remarks on the third part of the new philosophy of des-cartes . as they relate to the visible world . part . iii. if admirable , even to extasie of thought , by what manner of natural operation , or superlative act of providence , the humane composition , in soul and body , was originally produc'd to that transcendent degree , that his intellectual faculty , by lineal descent and right , continues him an absolute monarch of understanding , in reference to the government of himself and other creatures : 't is highly incumbent on man , to be not only gratefully considerate of his being such ; but also to acknowledge his utmost celebration of the supreme cause of his wonderful existence . which mighty consideration ought to transport the prospect of thought far beyond the excellency conferr'd on mankind in soul and person : which can be but narrowly compar'd with the vast complex of the universal world and the innumerable wonders surrounded by it . wherefore , if the best inspection made by the humane intellect , in contemplating the manner of its rational being , be pos'd , by its own riddle , above its power to unfold : how stupendiously must then be involv'd the most elaborate attempt of man's understanding ; when to the peculiar wonder that is exerted from his own existence , he adds the innumerable miracles conspicuously visible in the structure of the universe ? and what is yet more transcendent , the admirable author of what we are , and all we behold , seems envelop'd , from the eye , by his wonderful fabrick and works . if the learned des-cartes , in the beginning of this treatise , seems not a little fond of his own applause , by signifying to his reader , that he has invented certain principles , by which , he conceives , that nature is unveil'd in her , as yet , unknown recesses : he is far more modest , in his subsequent expressions , where he bows the knee of his philosophy to the infinite power , amplitude , and beauty , of the works of the almighty : concluding withall , that it is highly requisite to avoid all such confident imaginations , whereby we might undertake , by uncertain suppositions , to limit omnipotent power , or abstract in any kind , from its incomprehensible performance . this conclusion i submit to , but cannot approve the confidence of his introduction contain'd in the entrance he makes into this paragraph ; as the reader may perceive by the remarks i have made on his first and second treatise ; where , i presume , i have effectually demonstrated , that his principles could not have an entire birth-right from the womb of nature : which , in substance , he does acknowledge by the advice he gives , before he ends this page , that we ought not to believe , that , by divine determination , the world was created meerly for our sakes ; or that it is possible , by any thought of ours , to apprehend the end for which it was ordain'd : adding this reason , that many things are now in being , and heretofore , that were never seen or understood by man , or any use they could yield to him . in his 4th particular of this third part of his philosophy , he confidently assures us , that his principles are so vast , and fruitful , that they not only imply many more than are to be perceiv'd in the world we behold ; but also far more numerous than we can imagine : to which purpose , he begins , in his method , with the phaenomena , or the main natural appearances ; the causes of which he commits to his subsequent investigations , or as , he intends them , proofs of such effects as he , in this place mentions . and next ; he pertinently rebukes the too common ignorance of such that by their ocular simplicity erroneously judge , that the sun and moon , as they seem to appear , are therefore much bigger than other stars . which vulgar mistake is easily prevented by duely apprehending the distance of the sun and moon from the earth , and comparing of their diameters as they are now observ'd ; to all which i fully agree . wherefore to recount how far remote the more than wonderful celestial luminaries are from our earthly habitation ; i will not dispute the computation , he delivers , by opposing against his account , the elder observations of learned astronomers : but rather so to compare ancient and modern calculations , as thence may be apprehended the indefatigable endeavour and industry of men to render a sublime account of the wonderful height , figure , beings , and motions , that , to the amazement of our eyes , continue their shining bounties innumerably influenc'd for the support of humane life , with whatsoever subsists within the compass of the world : which universal and admir'd munificence , being highly consider'd by persons famously erudite , both in past and latter times , exalted the ambition and gratitude of their science to be as far , as was possible for them , requisitely intelligent of the conspicuous embellishments of the skies ; that they might be , from thence , the more supremely sensible of the blessings they receiv'd from above . but whilst in this transcendent inquisition of thought , they imploy'd the best of their skill and diligence , 't was soon found too distinctly excellent to be exactly computed , howsoever they vary'd the schemes of their hypothesis : as not being able by art , conception of the mind , or any instrumental assistance , tho' proper for commensuration of things familiarly near to our eyes and senses , to reach , suitable to common certainty , the most approximate top of the spheres of heaven . the distance of the fix'd stars are allow'd by exquisite astronomers , as also by this author , to be too immensely remote for any accountable measure that can be given of them . and therefore i shall only take notice of the sun and planets , together with their magnitudes , and distance from the earth ; but as to their distance from us , because it is usually by astronomers accounted by diameters , or semidiameters , of the earth , yet seldom declar'd by them , the sum of their measures as they may be applyed to leagues , miles , or the like : i think fit for the advantage of the reader , to impart how much in english miles , as the most useful computation , a diameter of the earth does amount to . which i prov'd by this method ; it having been experimented by judicious observators , that one degree of a great circle above , correspondent to the superficies of the earth , answers to a direct journey of 73 miles , which multiplied by 360 degrees , allow'd to the orbicular form , or circle of the earth , the summ will be 26280 miles for the total compass of the earth : and because the proportion of the diameter of a circle to its circumference is , by approv'd mathematicians , accounted as 7 is , very near to 22 : according to which method i computed a diameter of the earth to contain about 8327 miles ; and her semidiameter somewhat more than 4163 miles . to apply which to ancient astronomical observations , or such of the accurate arabians , mention'd by learned gassendus , as observ'd suitable to the ptolemaick principles , they are thus inserted according to the mediocrity of each planet's distance from us . distant from the earth . in semidiemeters of the earth . distance in english miles . the moon . 49 203987 mercury . 115 478745 venus . 618 2572734 sun. 1165 4849895 mars . 4584 19083192 jupiter . 10423 43380949 saturn . 15800 65775400 after these , the most signal astronomer was nicholas copernicus , a canon of torunense , who liv'd about 190 years past : some of whose observations , as i read , were made at frueburg in prussia in the year 1525 , where the elevation of the north pole is 54 deg. 19 m : he was a man of vast ingenuity , however questionable his hypothesis of the motion of the earth ; but if apply'd to the sun instead of the earth , there is no better astronomical system , and so approv'd , by the learned at this day . nothing remakable is found in him as to the magnitude and distance of the fix'd stars , more than that the earth was as a point if compar'd with the great orb above ; judiciously conceiving them too remote for his applying to them any certain rule or demonstration whereby to compute their mighty distance : of the planets , he chiefly regarded the sun and moon ; defining the sun to be 3240 times bigger than the earth ; and the moon no less than 860 greater , in which computations he doubtless err'd , as may be seen by the following examples ; but most egregiously mistaken in the account he gives of the moon ; she being certainly discern'd much less than the earth ever since the approv'd invention and use of the telescope : his next famous astronomical successor was tycho-brahe , a noble man of denmark ; who is said to have been learnedly accomplish'd , as also furnish'd by his large expence , with abundance of instruments excellently proper for his great undertaking : wherefore the computations he mentions are highly esteem'd at this day . the observations he made of the distance , and magnitude of the planets , are these according to their mean , or mediocrity of distance . distant from the earth . in semidiameters of the earth . moon . 56½ mercury . 1150 venus . 1150 sun. 1150 mars . 1745 jupiter . 3990 saturn . 10550 whosoever is desirous to convert the planetary semidiameters into english miles , may readily perform it by the preceding example . the magnitude of the planets compar'd to the bigness of the earth , are these that follow , moon . lesser . 42 twenty times . mercury . 19 venus . 6 sun. greater . 139 mars . lesser . 13 jupiter . greater . 14 saturn . 22 by these disagreeable computations , of so many eminent persons , may well be discern'd how far beyond , the reach of science , are the shining wonders above our heads : not more impossible to be exactly computed , than if a man should undertake to touch the center of a star with the end of his finger ; or to extend a line , by any prospect of art , to the nearest verge of boundless omnipotence . nor is it in the power of geometry in many cases , tho' more clearly demonstrative than other sciences , to express its due signification and extent by numerical computations , as is evident by abundant theorems : of which , these may be thus signally inserted . the like might be affirm'd of a line divided according to the 11th of the 2d book of euclid , by extreme and mean proportion , so that the square of the greater segment may be equal to the product of the whole line and lesser segment : which may be lineally demonstrated , tho' incapable of being equall'd by any numerical summ , or the literal powers of algebraical equations : which admirable dignity of lines , caus'd incomparable oughtred to entitle the latter proposition , almost divine ; and as much is here prov'd in commendation of the precedent . these instances i think sufficient to express the excellency of geometry ; and withal of such occasional importance , in reference to my remarks on some passages of this author , that it incites me to apply , according to the nearest epithet and derivative of the verbal name of geometry ; it s most undoubted , and perfect use , to the dimension of a plain superficies : which , in the sense of the great and wise philosopher socrates , in whose celebrated school the admir'd euclid was said to instruct , is surest imploy'd on such supputations that have convenient extents and periods on the ground we tread , and possess ; and therefore more sensibly computed , by the familiar measure that may be taken from our steps and paces , when any portions of land are , by that method , to be dispos'd or accounted . but no such lineal certainty , was ever invented , that could so elevate the side of a triangle , that it might undoubtedly ascend to a celestial superficies , or angles to be taken from above , by any instrumental perfection , whereby the geometrical proportions , of its other sides might be duely resolv'd . all which may be undeniably concluded by whomsoever shall inspect the planetary magnitudes , and distance from us ; as i have before inscrib'd them out of the different records of famous astronomers : from whence it may be evidently asserted , that no geometry , or science of theirs , could demonstrate their systems , or astronomical calculations . notwithstanding , 't is ordain'd by the almighty in power and conduct , that the sun , in giving comfortable light to our eyes and splendor to our days , should be more certain in motion , and usefully computable , by never progressing from his ecliptick line , than any other of the celestial luminaries . and thus by the prince of stars , the sun , are the accounts of time and seasonable blessings of the year continually dispens'd . which is emphatically express'd by ovid , in the second book of his metamorphosis , in these verses . — purpurea velatus veste sedebat in solio phoebus , claris lucente smaragdis : a dextra laevaque dies , et mensis , et annus , saeculaque , et positae spatiis aequalibus horae : verque novum stabat cinctum florente corona : stabat nuda aestas , et spicea serta gerebat : stabat et autumnus calcatis sordidus uvis : et glacialis hyems canos hirsuta capillos . but 't is to be noted , that although the sun , by the munificence of heaven , is the refulgent means whereby the solemnities of time are distinguish'd , and celebrated by us : yet no such absolute exactness , tending to the measures of his sublime motion , can be computed by us , as may render his just place , or movement equal to his revolution in his mighty orb , term'd by astronomers the difference betwixt his mean and apparent motion : which proceeds from his slower progress in one semicircle of his annual course than in the other ; or because his proper journey in the six northern signs of the eccliptick is somewhat longer , before dispatch'd , than in the southern ; which is a certain proof , that the center of his excentricity is different from the center of the world. but no such incongruity has ever been observ'd betwixt the due motion of the sun , and that which appears to us , as renders it insufficient for the convenient use of the dial , hour-glass , or clock : which ought to be signally consider'd , as a peculiar benefit of uncomputable providence , that permits us not to err , where we can give no exact account , in the necessary computation , even by ordinary means , of our hours , by day and night . he were much to blame that instead of being pertinently satisfied with the extent of science in things of nearest concernment , or because the sun , so far as is requisite for him to understand , illuminates his time ; would therefore judge , to the grievance of his brain , that he could as approximately compute the arithmetical distance of the orb of light , from any part of the superficies of the earth , as by a quadrant he could find the sun 's horizontal exaltation or hour of the day : tho' experience assures , that the most transcendent skill has been variously frustrated in the attempt ; as may be perceiv'd by examples in this treatise , by me inserted . wherefore the sublimest admiration of the far distant wonders above us , is more certainly our duty than any task that can be given to science , by which men would reckon the remote distance of the neighbourhood of heaven . but notwithstanding these discouragements , it may be allow'd commendable in such , that by the eruditeness of their skill would ascend to the most compleat and nearest admiration of things , no less obvious than perspicuously visible , as a welcome discovery to all mankind . these considerable particulars i thought fit to mention , as a proper parenthesis , before my return to des-cartes ; whom i find , as if somewhat deterr'd by the mistakes of others , to offer his uncertain computation ; and which he only applies to the distance of the moon and sun , from the earth . which converted into miles by the rule before given : the moon 's distance from the earth is 249810 miles . and the sun's distance , by taking a mean proportional number betwixt 600 and 700 diameters , because he inserts no certain number ; i conceive to be nearest the truth of what he intends : which mean proportional is very near 648 , which multiplying 8327 , the earth's diameter in miles , as before found , the distance of the sun from the earth is 5315896 english miles . which distances , according to this author , relate to the copernican system of the earth's motion : the truth of which hypothesis will be effectually question'd by what succeeds . but these distances , if true , and compar'd with the appearing diameters of the sun and moon , as they may be perceiv'd by the telescope , will prove the sun much greater than the earth , and the moon much lesser : and so they were found by the observations of tycho , precedently inscrib'd . the distance of the five other planets , from the sun , as they relate to the before-mention'd system , he thus accounts : mercury above 200 diameters of the earth , venus above 400 ; mars 900 , or 1000 ; jupiter above 3000 ; saturn 5 , or 6000 diameters of the earth , distant from her . the copernican hypothesis is so much the same with his ; and so frequently inscrib'd in almanacks , that i shall desire my reader rather to inspect any one of them there , than to trouble my self with delineating of a diagram , to so thread bare a purpose here . the difference that he allows the stars , not only as some of them are greater than others , but as the planets receive their illuminations communicated to them by the light of the sun ; concenters with the general opinion of all astronomers . nor will i directly oppose the imagination he annexes , by which he attributes to every of the fix'd stars , a particular fountain of light ; and as distant from the sun , as the sun is from us : concluding , that were we situated as near the six'd stars as we are to the sun , we might observe any one of their magnitudes as much illuminated as the sun appears to our sight . on which ground , 't is possible he may be , tho' but in conceit , as much in the right , as any certain argument , or proof that can be urg'd to the contrary ; by reason of the wonderful appearance , and immense remoteness of the fix'd stars from us . notwithstanding that the famous tycho , as far as his accurase observation could elevate his computation , determines in general , that the fix'd stars are not nearer the earth than 13000 of her semidiameters . but in the 11th and 12th particulars of this treatise , this author delivers a more unparallel'd paradox than ever was imputed to a learned pen : the first is , that the earth , tho' a very opacous body , is as perfectly enlightned by the beams of the sun , as the moon ; wherefore he conceives the earth to be also a planet : and why might he not have affirm'd the same of glass , iron , or any other solid substance ? since we are assur'd by common experience , that every one of these are not only capable of being illuminated by the sun , but will also have their shadows : so that according to his opinion , any gross opacous matter may be estimated on a shining day , no less a madam , in composition and feature , than the moon or planet venus . it seems he forgot that these stars continue their light , whilst the earth has not sun-light longer than the sun shines on her . but why he so cheaply compares the dominion of the bright queen of night , with the dull earthly lamp , on which we inhabit , i connot guess ; unless by some one of those , which he calls distinct , and unerrable ideas , he imagin'd , that his person was elevated to a market in the moon , and there observ'd some utensils , in a ihon of all trades-shop , marvellously reflecting the illuminations and beams of the sun : and surely he might as well allow the possibility of these examples , with whatsoever besides has being on earth , as perfectly existing in the moon : since by his tenent ; a very capacious world may be thought encompass'd by her. his other egregious mistake depends on the former , which is , that he fancies , that the earth performs the part of the sun , by illuminating the face of the moon , beheld by us , when she is in her new estate , or conjunction with him . which notion is very false , both in a philosophical and astronomical consideration : nothing being more unnatural , than to attribute planetary light , either communicable , or inherent , to the unrefin'd body of the earth ; which can be no otherwise understood , by reason that there is no such thing as a pure element of earth ; but rather its substance grosly commixt and corrupted , by the intercourse of the other elements : and thus air , earth , fire , and water ; as use and observation assure us , are impurely mixt . and should the earth , as she does , and must necessarily so subsist , receive light or flame from the sun , in common with the planets : her corrupt frame and combustible materials would have been long ago totally burning ; to the utter dissolution of the figure and composition that she now possesses : however antecedent to the opinion , of some learned divines , that defers her conflagration to the day of judgment . and this might have been effected with as much facility , as a burning-glass kindles a pipe of tobacco : especially if granted , the earth a planet , according to this author , and always moving ; because motion where it is sufficiently continu'd , inflames every thing that is materially capable to be set on fire ; as is visible in the axletree of a waggon caus'd by the movement of the wheel that round it turns . the like might be determin'd in reference to the moon , and other motional stars ; if their compositions were elementarily mingled : but their substance is more sublime , and excellent ; if not superlative to any definition that can be given of their nature and manner of existence : as i doubt not is emphatically prov'd by my remarks on the 21th particular of the second part of this author 's philosophical treatise : to which i refer the reader . and whereas he would confirm his assertion , by pretending , that the earth illuminates , some part of the moon , when she is in conjunction with the sun : 't is no less diametrically opposite to what we behold , in that state of the moon , than it is to astronomical certainty ; and why might not the moon as well receive light from the earth , according to his doctrine , when at her full she is sometimes so eclipsically opposite to the sun , as twice a-year he passes by the nodes , or is near unto them , call'd the dragon's head and tail , that she appears totally darken'd ? which can be no otherwise caus'd , than as the earth is betwixt her and the sun : but could she then receive any glimpse , or sign of light from the earth , it would be as discernible as at any other time : which enough confirms , that the earth is no luminary planet , and therefore none at all ; as will be prov'd by what is to come . in the mean time , 't is not improper , on this occasion , to explain the phases , or figure of the moon , especially when in conjunction with the sun ; which , without the trouble of a diagram , may be thus readily express'd . 't is not to be doubted , that the moon , as she moves round the earth , has always one half of her illuminated by the sun ; but not so as that half is always visible to us : tho' sometimes more , or less , or nothing of her enlightned half appearing towards us ; by reason , that as so many semicircles , or as it were semiglobes of the moon 's compass , are turn'd to the eye , or earth ; they cannot , considering their curvitures , be discern'd , in plain , by the eye . and this differently happens , as the light of the sun to sight , may be obstructed by the convex , or mountainous part of the earth ; or by the intervening of aerial , vapours which cause the face of the moon , that is turn'd towards us , to be represented more dark and spotted , than otherwise , she would appear . which several phases , or figures , observable in every state , or age of the moon , almost never the same ; proceed from no other cause , than the diversity and swiftness of her motion , far exceeding all other stars ; as is well known to astronomers . whence it is , that after her monthly change and renovation of her figure , she sooner or later describes , as it were , a glimpse of light in a small arch of her circumference : and suitably encreas'd and varied , according as the diversities of her motions , and other accidental occurrences , permit her to be beheld by us . which manner of appearance , in the bloome of her light , does sufficiently demonstrate , that her figure and motion are orbicular , and not elliptical ; as some of the copernicans , or cartesians , too confidently determine . the next application of my pen shall be in fitting my observations to such particulars , as suitable to the main intention of my discussions , ought to be most considerably inspected , either as orderly examin'd , or as i find them dispers'd in his treatise ; omitting such things as are either inconsiderable in themselves , or not to be repeated , because formerly answer'd by me . of which the first requires a supreme mention , as it egregiously directs the prospect of the humane intellect to the contemplating of the resplendent fountain of light , diffus'd by the sun ; by whose munificent beams our days are bless'd ; and the moon and stars , the wonderful torches of night , kindled for the direction of our eyes . how difficult is it therefore to conceive the remote nature or being of so transcendent a miracle notwithstanding that we receive its commodious benefits , as they grow with our hours ? which shews how far , beyond the reach of our understandings we are made happy from above . on which account i cannot but admire the cursory definition that is deliver'd by des-cartes , by which he would attribute to the sun an epithet not more refin'd , than what may be signified by his general notion of a flaming substance : but grants , as he cannot do otherwise , that the sun does not inflame in resemblance to fire we use : if it did ; our earthly habitations and subsistence would be consum'd to ashes . but , notwithstanding , the word flame , as he inserts it , is not allowable , because we cannot be sensible of any thing that flames , but we must also apprehend , that it has a burning capacity : and so we understand the flame that proceeds from lightning that bursts thorough clouds with thunder . but no such kind of violent heat or burning can have emanation with the innumerable raies or beams of the sun. there are divers things that may be said to have heat , and yet no flame : as the warmth that a man feels , or resides in the temper of his body : and thus heat may be properly term'd a corporeal quality ; as also , that it may be communicated from one material being to another : but in the sun there can be neither flame , or heat , diffus'd from his substance ; which is very evident in mountanous situations , that , however high they extend , and therefore nearer to the sun , are far colder than inferior regions : which could not , be if the substance of the sun were naturally hot , or a flame , in any kind , as defin'd by this author . against whom the general opinion of most approv'd philosophers is fully oppos'd by denying , that the elementary qualities of heat , cold , moisture and dryness , are either inherent or directly proceeding from the pureness of light transmitted from the sun and stars : as also that experience assures us , that sometimes , when the night is abundantly enlighten'd by the moon and stars , their nocturnal motions account colder hours than if the night had been dark and clouded . and comparatively the same may be not seldom observ'd in a shining day , when the aerial cold is not at all profligated by the splendors of the sun ; but rather continues more frigid than if his diary of hours had , for that time , revolv'd in a mist. how then does it come to pass , that the sun and stars , which only dispense their illuminations to the day and night , and refinedly existing above whatsoever purity that can be suppos'd most excellent in elementary compositions ; should notwithstanding be conceiv'd to influence such qualities , or other substances , which they have not in their own ? the best account given by the erudite in philosophical science is , that the shining radiations of the sun and stars by their motion , together with such parts of the air and other bodies most contiguous to their revolutions , and the commixture of celestial beams convey'd , do operate in a wonderful method , on inferior substances , which is the soundest reason , that they can render , or cause of the variations of heat , cold , moisture and dryness , that as so many accidental effects , and admirable operations , are beneficially dispos'd from above . on which stupendious consideration , the safest determination should be rather sublimely to admire , than to define the miraculous shining of the stars and sun ; or term their illuminated substance , according to the tenent of des-cartes , no other than may be liken'd to a flame produc'd by fire : nothing being more unadvisably rash , than to be inquisitive of such existencies , causes and effects , that , by the conduct of heaven , are conceal'd from us . his other mistake , and i presume so to name it , is , that he affirms the sun as absolutely fix'd to a point , in his orb , as the stars are in the firmament above him : by which determination he takes from the sun the glory of his ecliptick , or annual progression . and as to his substance , and manner of being , he defines it no other than very fluidly compos'd and moveable ; as also perpetually discipated and extinguish'd by some circumjacent matter : but so as when any part is dispers'd or extinguish'd , the sun is immediately replenish'd with other : and i conceive he would be thought to imagine the same manner of existence relating to the number of stars and planets . but as to the term of fluid , which he apply's to the substance of the sun ; it can neither in a grammatical , or philosophical sense , be otherwise conster'd than as the word is appropriated to some moist , or wet matter that moves with a feeble current : and thus as he states the case , something is always sliding into the sun , whilst as much slips from his substance . but could he judge , or any man for him , that the alteration he mentions in the sun , might not too nearly resemble , or be properly interpreted an elementary change , in as mean a source as concurs with corporeal alterations familiaar with us : it being impossible so to distinguish the supplement , or diminution of any material thing , that it may not have a natural tendency to generation , or corruption ; which must be imply'd , as the proprieties of substance , wheresoever it is alterably varied in proportion or figure . the fix'd stars he grants , more immensely distant from us than can be probably computed ; and i believe he is in the right . but i think he may be as much in the wrong by his inventing of so many separate orbits , motions , and distances , upwards and downwards , from one another ; as by imagination he has remov'd some thousands of stars from the constellations to which all former astronomers determin'd them fix'd : as also , by defining of them no other , to whomsoever will accept his hypothesis , than in grandeur and refulgency equal to the sun , were they as near our eyes ; but wherever they are , he continues them fasten●d to their single circumferences in the same manner as he allows the sun : so that , according to his opinion , had we longer opticks , we might behold every one of them , in a separate sphere , as fully conspicuous as the days bright phoebus . but after all , he offers not so much as a plain triangle to prove his conceit . some schemes he has rais'd in which he so confusedly represents , and as it were embroiders the above-mention'd spheres of stars ; and by so many obliquities and figurative windings , together with their curvitures on all sides , upwards , and downwards , that there cannot be discern'd , amongst them , one section of a cone , or conical figure , that can be geometrically describ'd . the substance of the heavens , as also their vicinities , he calls fluid ; into which he infuses abundance of liquid matter , that may be compar'd to a whirl-pool , and these he denominates vortices : and next , le ts go , amongst them , as he finds occasion , such deminutive substances , which he terms moving globuli ; or rather swimming spawns of matter , much of fictitional resemblance to the devis'd atoms of epicurus . by these things , fancifully imploy'd , he undertakes to revolve all the motional stars , together with the earth , which he takes for a copernican planet , instead of the sun , that he exempts from motion whether diurnal or annual . his diagrams , to this extravagant purpose , i leave to the inspection of the reader , as they are to be found in his book ; being not desirous to cumber mine , or punish my brain and fingers , by copying of such of his draughts that i conceive are improperly applyed . the main concern that i shall chiefly insist on , shall be the plea that he makes for the motion of the earth instead of the sun ; which i shall question , before a very supreme tribunal , as he ought to be philosophically and mathematically accountable . that the earth is globulous , or naturally round by the coition and knitting of its parts to its center ; is also astronomically prov'd , because to such as directly travel towards the north or south points of the meridian , the pole appears either more or less elevated or depress'd : moreover that going farther eastward , or westward , the eye may behold some stars rise sooner , or set later than others . to which may be added , that the moon , the more easterly eclips'd , is , by her proper motion , as it were backward from west to east , more hours from the meridiam , or midnight , than westerly eclips'd . by the globe of the earth is comprehensively meant , as cosmographers determine , its being surrounded , or being continu'd with the orbicular superficies of water , as its parts appertain to one and the same center with the earth : to which may be added the common experience of navigators , who sailing from a port discern the convex superficies of the water above the land. that the earth is plac'd in the center of the world is philosophically prov'd ; because whatsoever is ponderous , within the compass of the universe , naturally tends downwards , or which is all one , to the center of the earth ; from whence should she ascend 't were no less than to recede from her center , on which she is pois'd by her own weight , in moving upwards ; all which were absurdly impossible . by undoubted astronomical observations 't is certainly prov'd , that the earth is the center of the universe : otherwise the world could not be divided into two hemispheres ; because neither more nor less than six signs of the zodiack , above the earth , are at any time visible : as also , that the moon could not be eclips'd in diametrical opposition to the sun , if the earth did not intervene . and tho' the globe of the earth does circumferentially contain near 26280 english miles ; it is but , as it were , a point if compar'd to the firmament , or orb of the sun , above : to which may be added the obvious observation demonstrated by the hour-lines of every dial ; from whence it is very perceivable , that the shadow moves no less regularly , about such centers , than it surrounds the center of the earth . nor could any artist , for the use of his profession , raise a direct perpendicular apply'd to any height , or level ; if his hand , line and plummet , were rapidly revolv'd by the motion of the earth : which must , by its swift acceleration , were there truth in the copernican hypothesis , move , according to learned computation , at least 1111 of our miles in one minute of an hour : a revolution far more allowable to the sun , as his substance is defin'd , in a manner spiritual , by erudite authority , than to the heaviest of bodies , the earth . some undertake to alledge , that the motive was , because that by his system he avoided some epicycles and circles that had been with greater difficulty us'd by ptolemy : which may be allow'd on that consideration , or as , mutatis mutandis , astronomers at this day apply his theory to the sun instead of the earth . and if affirm'd , as the copernicans usually argue , that extraordinary motion ought rather to be conceded to the earth than the sun , by reason that the earth is so very small , if compar'd to the vast dimension of the other : the answer is , that a swift horse will sooner dispatch a long journey , before an ant can go a yard . whosoever would adhere , notwithstanding the convincing allegations here mention'd , to the copernican , or cartesian system ; might find his opinion ridicul'd by very young experience : insomuch that the boy , who found the roost or nest of a bird this minute , might seek it , if he could , above a thousand miles at the next . nor could the bird find , by the swiftness of its wing , when the earth rapidly mov'd eastward , better then the boy , its roost , or nest ; as it design'd to fly towards either westward . and doubtless the brain of the boy , and bird , might be giddily discompos'd by the hasty progression of the earth , which could not but totter every thing that belong'd to her surface : and much more easily imagin'd , that men had their heels struck up as she revolv'd , than that one of mankind could , in that wonderful circumstance , stand , or walk , on her superficies . but what might become of houses and edifices , if revolving with the durnal motion of the earth ? why surely the best that could be hop'd from the hypothesis , by the world's inhabitants , would be , that their chimneys might smoak when arriv'd with them , to their antipodes : since , as sure as check , the copernican system would whirle um thither . but 't is a doubt , they would be confusedly shatter'd and toss'd from their foundations , before swing'd to that point of the earth's diameter . if men will not be laugh'd out of the conceit of the earth's motion ; they may , if they please , consider the soundness of the reasons here offer'd , in a philosophical and astronomical sense : and 't is probable they may , that way , confute their precedent tenent . and tho' by this calculation , the earth is imagin'd to be in the equator ; 't is not to be doubted , if the earth were thought to describe , by her ecliptical declination , any parallel to the equator , that there could be wanted suitable proportions ; if applyed by whomsoever understands the doctrine of the sphere . at present 't is enough prov'd , by me , how much , in any time given , the earth , by moving , must transfer and alter the zenith and elevation of the pole , as may be perceiv'd by the diagram here delineated : and perfectly demonstrates the copernican absurdity , or rather the impossibility of motion in the earth ; however comply'd with by the opinion of des-cartes : so that the earth may be confin'd to her immoveable station , to the expunging of the planetary room given her , in any scheme , by this author , betwixt mars and venus ; from whence , by his hypothesis , he removes the sun , and places him below the planets as their common center . but the proofs that i have inserted , are , i presume , in all kinds , so perspicuous , that i need not catechise any delineation or diagram of his in order to a clearer confutation : so that if the earth does not move , and surely no proof of his has been weighty enough to remove her , she must be no vagrant from her place , whatsoever becomes of his hypothesis . for which reason , i hold it impertinent farther to imploy my ruling-pen , compass , or spherical calculation in opposition to his planetary theory : had he not added to his novel system the superfetation of comets , which he denominates planets , with no less assurance than if by a convention of stars it had been signify'd to him , that they ought to be naturaliz'd into their number ; tho' formerly reputed spurious intruding foreigners , and confin'd by the learned ministery of science , to exercise their motions and posutres far below the nearest palace of heaven ; till advanc'd by des-cartes to superior orbs : who assures us , that 't is expedient to allow , to their irregularity and rambling above , as vast a sphere as can be suppos'd betwixt saturn , the sublimest of planets , and the six'd stars . but by what means he exalts their substance to that height , shall be consider'd , when i treat of the materials with which he undertakes to furnish , and , in a manner , compose the visible world. which he tells us , in his 54th particular is by such an unerrable idea committed to his understanding , that it were all one as to question an inspiration dispens'd by the almighty , as to doubt of the principles and causes that he delivers : tho' he could not but know , that he was their first communicator . but had he been ask'd , why god should so limit his providence as not precedently to illuminate other men , with as much scientifical certainty as he imputes to the novel discoveries made by his pen ? he might have been somewhat out of countenance , or pos'd to reply : which in effect he confesses afterwards , where he acknowledges , that it is not safe to be confidently conceited , or too far pr esume on private opinion ; but rather as a philosopher , or by way of hypothesis to propose such notions , which if suppos'd untrue , they may be equivalent to truth , if deduceable from them such things as may be experimentally useful . here he seems to depose fiction from the throne of reason , by depending on such certainties that are above whatsoever fund , can be erected by humane imagination ; and this he briefly signifies , by attributing creation to the world with such absolute perfection , that originally compleated the sun , moon and stars : as also , that the earth was primarily embellish'd with vegetables of all kinds , maturely perfect : and that the first of mankind which he believes , was adam and eve , were created in the exactest bloom of man and woman : of all which he grants himself religiously , and rationally assur'd . but notwithstanding he advises us , as our more ready expedient , rather to consider by what means things might be produc'd , than in what method they were originally created by god. in my opinion , he had better have acquiesc'd on the miracle of the creation , than to have prepar'd the expectation of his reader , as he does in this paragraph , by inviting him to attend on the seminary of his brain , from whence he under takes to expose the principles , beginnings , ingredients , vegetations , &c. of whatsoever the universe contains ; as likewise out of what materials the humane composition was first effected : avowing , that his principles are very concedable . and so i grant , could any one miracle be understood by undertaking to prove it by admitting of another : it being as impossible to explicate , by any material process , the original production of an atom , as any star of the first magnitude . and such i doubt may be found , not a few , of his incomprehensible suppositions ; as unaccountable , perhaps , to man's understanding , as if he had undertaken to enumerate the points that are contain'd in the unknown circle of the universal world. the main phoenomena's of his stupendious philosophy , relate to the primitive existence of matter ; which matter , he abundantly divides into diversities of parts , and them again as variously divisible : to these he appropriates different motions ; but supposes , that every substance of which the visible world is compos'd , might , by divine appointment , be very near equal : of which he imagines , that the heavens and stars were produc'd ; and of the most fluid materials ; applying the more gross or thick to inferior things . all which , in his opinion might be no less orderly determin'd ; than if they had originally slipt out of chaos with all their several capacities and motional dexterities . thus far i have extracted the quintescence of his hypothesis ; or indeed but a reviv'd model , as it may be well understood , of the doctrine of epicurus ; there being little difference betwixt his theory of atoms and setting them on work , as he opens the door of chaos , than as diminutive particles of nature , they are busily modell'd by des-cartes . and i think , that the poetical fancy of ovid may be admitted to share , in principles , with both , where he expresses the first start of the world's individuals out of the confus'd seeds of deform'd chaos in these verses : unus erat toto naturae vultus in orbe quem dixere chaos ; rudis indigestaque moles , — congestaque eodem non bene junctarum discordia semina rerum . but should the fanciful monsieur des-cartes be question'd for the chaos of his principles out of which he deduces the constituted world ; the infancy of nature would be as oddly understood from his positions , as in the fantastical doctrine of epicurus , or in the lines of poetical ovid. wherefore , as i conceive his maxims to be too innumerably perplex'd and entangled for my brain , or a better to explicate ; i shall wave them accordingly by confining my observations to a cursory consideration of some particulars that i judge most useful , and therefore fit to be separated from the rest . the primitive ingredients annex'd by this author to the original consistence and forming of the visible world , together with every individual substance , within its vast circumference , are comprehended in three elements no otherwise different than as they are more or less fluid . the first of which he conceives so forcibly acting , that in meeting with other bodies it is divided into very diminutive and numberless particulars : accommodating its various figures to the replenishing of all angles that were caus'd by them . the second element he supposes divided into very small spherical particles ; but of certain , and determinate quantity ; and divisible into many less . the third he defines more gross , or thick ; consisting of figures not very inclinable to motion : of the first of these he conceives the sun and fix'd stars compos'd ; the heavens , or firmaments above of the second ; the earth , together with the planets and comets , made up of the third . which catalogue of elements he thinks very significant ; because , as he conceives , that only the sun and fix'd stars properly emit light ; the heavens transmit it ; and by the earth , planets , and comets , remitted , which difference he judges may be discern'd ; and therefore believes it well referr'd to three elements . if nature has accommodated us with four elements , of which we are as certainly intelligent as that heat , cold , moisture , and dryness , are incident to her genune production of things : this author has exempted one out of her catalogue ; and what is more , has complicated a trinity of elements into one substance , which he no otherwise distinguishes , than as in some operations and capacities , it is more fluid than in other ; as he applies it to the primary production of the visible world , and whatsoever had being in it . so that the first star that twinkled in the universe , was , in his judgment , but such a refin'd part of fluid matter , which if sufficiently thicken'd might have grosly produc'd an elephantick constellation in the firmament . but of such particulars more hereafter , or when i inscribe my intended remarks on the fourth part of his philosophy , where he treats of the earth and its appurtenances . in the mean time , i shall briefly elevate my observations to the height of his suppositions as they tend to the method deliver'd by des-cartes , whereby he would conceive in what manner the fix'd stars and sun might be originally form'd and compleated . in the beginning , he means of the world , the matter of the first element increas'd , by reason that the particles of the second element , by their assiduous motion did impair one another : from whence it ensu'd , that the quantity of the second element was greater in the universe than was necessary to fill up such exiguous spaces that were between the spherical particulars of the second element , as they were mutually incumbent : so that whatsoever did remain , after those spaces were so replenish'd , had a recourse to certain centers : and there compos'd the most fluid spherical bodies , the sun on one center , and six'd stars on others : but afterwards when the particulars of the second element were more attrited , or worn , and receding equally from their centers , they left such spherical spaces as were , from all circumjacent places , by the flowing thither of the first element , exactly fill'd . his words i have deliver'd in as clean english as i could fit , or contract them to his purpose ; but that being done , i must confess that i cannot conster their meaning : it being very unconceivable , how he could furnish his brain with a speculative idea of such particles of nature separately and fluidly moving ; since whatsoever is fluid must necessarily imply a continu'd material emanation of the same substance ; as in purest water it is impossible to imagine any separate fluidity in any of its particles ; no more than the most diminutive bubbles , when discern'd on a flowing spring , or river , can be said to be separately fluid . and next to affirm , as he does , that such materials could movingly atteriate or rub one another less ; there being no such capacity in any fluid substance : wherefore if he had us'd the epithet of washing , or dashing , of greater into smaller particulars , tho' somewhat improper ; the expression had been more pardonable than his calling them rubbers of one another into any fluid diminution . and what is more , he undertakes by their reciprocal motions to fill up every corner amongst them : but how to find an angle in any continual fluid matter , cannot be understood by geometrical delineation ; wherefore i wonder to find in so knowing a mathematician , as was this author , so undemonstrable a system . but howsoever interpreted , he undertakes abundantly to replenish , with such petit material quantities , no less than three of the superior and vastest heavens : and next by his invented vortices , which in a grammatical sense , may be denominated whirl-pools , he circumvolves clusters of them , until he has dispos'd them capacious enough to be metamorphos'd , by motion , into the figures of the stars and sun. against the main of his opinion that the heavens are fluidly compos'd , on which the rest of his phaenomena's depend , there is farther to be objected , that it is unnatural , and clearly inconsistent with undeniable philosophical principles ; and as contradictory to ocular evidence : by which we are assur'd , as perfectly , as by sight we can discern , that the sun and stars must be of the same celestial substance with the total heavens ; and which is not denyed by des-cartes otherwise than as he supposes some parts of it , which he calls the first or most fluid element ; and therefore ought not to be so defin'd by him : because whasoever is fluid is also dissipable , and consequently may be more extended , dilated , or contracted ; but neither of these are to be observ'd in the figure or appearance of the sun , that always continues exactly spherical ; tho' at some times , the clearness of his figure is not equally perceivable by reason of exhalations and vapors that interpose , betwixt his splendors and the eye of the beholder . moreover if any part of the celestial substance were fluidly dissipable ; nature would be necessitated , to prevent vacuity , the detested opposite to her existence ; that some inferior matter , or body , should ascend to supply that place in the heavens where the parts were separately remov'd : which were repugnant to providence , that has ordain'd , that no other than the substance of heaven , by any natural motion , shall possess the supreme part of the universal world : if it could , the elementary and corporeal mixture of bodies below , might be corruptly intermingled with the refin'd nature of the heavens , which are apparently unalterable , undiminish'd , and as totally uncorrupted : in which sense it may be concluded , that the heavens are immutable , and therefore impatible ; as being of supremest excellency , or not at all partaking with the distemper'd compositions , or ingredients that constitute other bodies . if the heavens are determin'd to be of the most tenuous subtilty and perfection , as necessarily they must be , because far supremer than all other beings of the visible world , and therefore a propriety inseparably conferr'd on the superiority of their existence ; insomuch as they never can descend ; which is absolutely contrary to all other quantitative magnitudes that move downwards , or , like the heavy composure of the earth , naturally tend or reside in the lowest place : yet in a wonderful manner the substance of the heavens may be deem'd no less tenuous than excellently solid , by reason that the entireness of their simplicity admits not other substance to be coherent or moving with them : for which reasons , had this author defin'd , in the same manner , the substance of the heavens , it had been far more concedable , than to have determin'd them , in any kind , fluid ; as being an epithet not at all concentring with the notion we ought to have of the sublimity of their motions , and refin'dness of their appearance . to summ , in a word , my objection , nothing can be term'd fluid , but must have a moist propriety , and moisture , in whatsoever substance , is nearly ally'd to water , and therefore of some weight : whereas it is possible to allow admirable , or incomprehensible tenuity , not at all ponderous ; which claims a dignity perferrable to any opinion that can be alledg'd to the contrary . the other mistake of this author is , that he is positive in affirming that the motions of the particles , or globuli , as he names them , of the celestial substance , have a natural propensity , to depart from their centers : notwithstanding , he grants them , however diminitive , to be spherically figur'd ; by which inclination or endeavours of theirs to be excentrically remov'd ; he affirms , that the light of the stars and sun is both attain'd and consistent with them . which maxim of his , in effect , were all one , as if he had determin'd circular motion to be preposterously and forcibly conferr'd ; as he would suppose the prone inclination of things to relinquish central and circular movement : a tenent highly unnatural , and contrary to the method of providence , that doubtless does , in a manner , celebrate the most sublime and excellent substance of the heavens with the most perfect motions . how stars then should attain their wonderful light , or exactness of their figure , by an irregular motion ; were to debase the omnipotent cause of their illuminated existence : as i have remark'd , on his notions of the laws of motion , in the former second part of this treatise . as also , by what i prov'd a little before , in this part , by undoubted principles of philosophy in opposition to his idea , or supposition , of the exorbitant motion of such fluid globulous particles of matter , that by their flux and reflux , he would imagine the light of the sun continually preserv'd and replenish'd : is the reason , as i precedently instanc'd , why i think them impertinent , and consequently avoid the giving of my self the trouble of delineating divers of his perplex'd diagrams ; as being sufficiently , i believe , confuted , together with his methods of motion , and the funds on which he erects them : all which , to the best eye of my understanding , seem no less obscure , or uncomputable , than if a man should undertake to demonstrate the several movements , obliquities , situations and figures of innumerable multitudes of the most diminutive sands , when scatter'd , by winds , throughout the largest african desart . on which account , i may well omit such theories , systems and schemes of his , that i take to be insufficient , or such as , in his own words , he declares rather probable than certain : wherefore the passing from whole pages of them , to what may be more intelligible , or sensibly communicated ; cannot be unacceptable to my reader , if i that way exempt the labour and toil of his eyes , from inspecting of such things , as might , in no kind , satisfie his expectation , or deserve the pains of the inscriber . and thus i pass to his 115th particular , where he undertakes to tell us , how a fix'd star may be converted into a comet . the cause he renders , of such a blazing prodigy , being no other , than that it is a globulous , opacous , and hard substance congeriously compos'd of abundance of spots rapidly mov'd by some whirling vicinity , or vortex , of his denomination ; which mov'd irregular , and if so descending , passes to inferior vortices , where making a stop he determines it a comet . but if it afterwards descends to a certain distance from any star , to which the center of that vortex does belong , it then remains there , and revolving about it , is an absolute planet : this , in brief , is the substance of this head , as he delivers it . what considerate man is there , that by reading of those words , would not interpret them of a complicated , dark , or heavy sense ; if compar'd to the admirable celerity , of their import , by creating of a comet , or on his conditions , a planet ? unless by favouring the pen of the learned des-cartes , some gentle reader might deem it the most sublime stuff that ever was written by any author . and such , i doubt , are the ingredients by which he composes , in any of his considerations , the substance of a comet . but if there are in the heavens no such materials , of which he undertakes to metamorphose fix'd stars into comets , or into planets , and constitute vortices and globuli , together with the motions he annexes to them ; all that he has written on that subject , may signifie no more than vapours of his brain ; and comets no other than spuriously produc'd by sublunary exhalations sublimely elevated , as not a few of the learned have written ; and perhaps , as surely so compos'd , as that the body of des-cartes consisted of elementary parts ; into what vapourous , or crude imaginations must then vanish his hypothesis of comets ! that there is no such substance in the heavens , as he distinguishes them by his trine of elements , before mention'd , is very manifest , both as he defines them fluid , and from the motion he annexes to them : which if granted to move as supplemental or diminishing of any material thing , they must partake of elementary nature and mixture : because whatsoever is dilated , or contracted , must likewise vary extension ; and nothing but what is elementary can be so understood , or be properly the object of sense : on which ground , the most judicious philosophers have defin'd the heavens , with all their orbicular vicinities , of a distinct essence from the rest of the world , which cannot be affirm'd of the vortices or globuli devis'd by this author , of which he declares some more fluidly , thin , opacous , gross , or thicker than others : and where lives the man , that pretends to the least philosophical sense , that would admit any of these definitions or qualifications , otherwise than as elementary proprieties incident to the alteration and corruptible tempers of things in that manner constituted ? but so much has already been written to this purpose , of the nature of the sun and stars , to which i can add nothing here , unless i reiterate my former discussions ; tho' i am as little a friend to repetitions , as i am to tedious pen-men : a reflection that might be pinn'd on some treatises of this author , without being pronely satyrical : who seems to vary his fluid phaenomena's , vortices and globuli , in several diagrams ; but if duely consider'd , are to no better purpose , than where the fund of any one of them proves unfound , the others are disprov'd : and i have dealt with some of his tractates accordingly , by waving divers of his particulars , where i thought they might be , in a small compass , significantly answer'd . the substance of what he delivers of the various appearances and prodigious motions of comets is briefly thus ; granting that by the most accurate observation that can be made of them , no exact rule is to be given of their transmigrations from one part of heaven to another , as in a few months or days they frequently vanish from our sight ; and sometimes not much more , or at other times , move less than amounts to a middle part of heaven ; as also , that when they are first seen they usually seem of greatest extension : but towards their period , gradually diminish , and as in the beginning of their appearance , their motion is swiftest ; about the end , they are observ'd to move slowest . all which admirable diversities and phaenomena's , he considers as caus'd by such vortices and globuli , as i have already mention'd , and for the reasons given by me , shall totally be declin'd , together with the imaginary proofs that he would deduce from them . but in their stead , as far more explicitely satisfactory , i shall present my reader with the most considerable opinions of learned philosophers , in reference to the cause , effects , being and motion of comets . that they are prodigies of an extraordinary nature , is unanimously determin'd by the famous in science . seneca , of all the latin writers most spiritually ingenious , writes to this purpose , in the 7th book of his natural questions . — as of many things , saies he , that we grant in being , we are ignorant , and in particular of the mind , or soul within us , by which our persons and actions are guided : as also , of what , or how produc'd that mind or soul : how then can we undertake certainly to know other mysterious existencies , so far remov'd from us , when the mind within us , as to its own being , is a mystery to it self ? and therefore not to be admir'd , if comets , the most rare and surprizing objects , are so visible to us , that by no certain rules , their intervals , beginnings and periods , are understood by us . and well may the humane mind , as seneca infers , if deficient by not apprehending the manner of its existence , as imperfectly consider things above us ; and especially such as are highly distant from our eyes , and use of our senses . wherefore aristotle , in his treatise , de coelo , acutely determines , that celestial objects , as they are , of all others , most remote from sensible perception , so no less distant from any evident demonstration , or science , that can be affirm'd from their observation . that comets are produc'd from elementary exhalations , as their principal cause , is the general opinion of many of the learned ancients and not a few of like repute amongst modern authors : because in figure they diversly vary as their substance inereases , or diminishes , according to the time of their appearance , untill their matter , as it were consum'd , they totally vanish : which they frequently do , when in their highest elevations ; and therefore never observ'd to rise or set as does a star or planet , and consequently not of their substance , no more than a star can be defin'd mixt or elementarily existing . whereas , to the contrary , 't is ocularly evident , that the matter of comets is gradually extinguish'd ; which proceeds from no other cause than that comets are natuturally alterable , and decay as to their extent , bigness , fading of their colour , and shining appearance ; in such a manner as can be attributed to no other cause than the variety of their elementary compositions ; which nothing can have but what may tend to a corruptible period : more properly ascrib'd to the extraordinary phoenomena's of meteors , then converted , from the substance of stars , into comets , or chang'd from thence to an absolute planet ; suitable to the wonderful supposition of des-cartes . the exalting of comets to celestial rooms and etherial movements , may be imputed to the mistaken supputations of their heights and distance from us ; either as they have not been or cannot be exactly observ'd : in respect that the progressions of comets are so instantly and perplexedly various ; as precipitately , in some moments of time , they are motionally downwards ; and , in other , as immediately ascendant : from which uncomputable difficulties the endeavour'd calculations of famous astronomers , as to the exactness they intended , have been doubtless frustrated . which may well be admitted , if judiciously weigh'd , how hard 't is to give a true account of things far above us : insomuch that it is almost as facile to compute their remoteness by the eye , as to render it arithmetically or instrumentally certain . should a jacob's staff be made ten times longer than salisbury steeple , it might prove too short by any proportions , it could give , were it apply'd to the surveying of the distance of a comet from the ground we tread on ; tho' no other than a meteor in the supremest region of the air : because we do not certainly know , how far the lowest , middle , or sublimest part of the areial region is distant from us . suppose a high cloud did diametrically intervene betwixt the sun and us , and let a man be imagin'd , as near as possible , by the most approv'd instrument to take its central altitude above the horizon : and the very next moment that the cloud removes , let him also , in the same manner observe the horizontal height of the sun ; 't is not to be doubted , that he might find , by comparing , little difference betwixt their altitudes . and if this be probable , we may be assur'd of the uncertainty of astronomical observations that would higher ascend . the uncertainty of the place of comets , and their distance from us is also more or less by reason of the different inequalities of the superficies of the earth , which is a main cause of the erroneous computation both of their quantity and distance ; by reason that the eye ought to be in the center when observation of comets is any ways perform'd : as also , that the eye is hinder'd , or obstructed by reason of such gross and fuliginous matter as is naturally incident with comets : since all vision by optick principles , must necessarily be dispos'd and form'd according to the disposition of the medium by which it is receiv'd and convey'd to sight : and thus the irregular and various disporportions that appear in the figure , quantity and distance of comets , are diversly beheld , or in a manner by refraction , not unlike the viewing of a piece of money in water , it seems to be greater than it is , and at the top , when it is really at the bottom : according to which similitude the parallactical angle , or the difference betwixt the true and apparent place of a star , tho' the best geometrical method in order to its calculation , is very uncertainly found by accurate astronomers , when apply'd to comets ; and notoriously evident if compar'd their observations ; which are so exceedingly discrepant , that even to infinite degrees and miles their computations differ as they relate to the magnitude and distance of comets from the earth . all which may be egregiously apprehended if conferr'd the observations of famous tycho with other learned astronomers that were before , and after him , of eminent reputation . to which may be added the ocular experience of ages past , whereby 't is assur'd , that comets together with their blazings , are dissipated and extinguish'd , when they nearly approach to the ecliptick or equator : which is contrary to the motion of the planetary luminaries that regularly move in respect of those circles , about the sun ; from whose beams they receive the brightness of their splendors : so that comets either in place , nature , or motion , can be no other than elevated meteors and therefore of no similitude with , or derivation from celestial substance ; or at all compos'd by such unexplicable methods as are instanc'd by the scheme , diagrams and notions of des-cartes . lastly , the matter of comets may be indisputably affirm'd , elementarily mixt , and obnoxiously distemper'd and compos'd , from the malevolent effects that , too frequently are consequent to their appearance : as plagues , famine , destruction of cattle by killing diseases , scarcity of grain , and the like : and sometimes superlatively omnious as they presage the death of some prince : whose period as ptolemy is quoted by albertus magnus , is most especially signified , when a morning comet is in the sign that did ascend at his nativity . in summ , that comets are terribly prodigious , and extraordinary prognosticks dispens'd from above ; or as severe emblems of the displeasures and punishments of heaven inflicted on the iniquities of kings and subjects ; are no less true than signally recorded by credible historians . of which wonderful examples , together with their portentous attributes , i find nothing said , in this treatise , by this author ; tho' otherwise , perhaps , too far inquisitive of the production and nature of things , however remote from common understanding . and here i would close my remarks on the third part of his philosophy ; were not i oblig'd to note , or indeed reprehend his conclusion ; in which he infers , in confirmation of his former doctrine , that the planets , although inclin'd to circular motion , never perfect any such movements , either in longitude , or latitude . to which i reply , by a necessitated reiteration , being not desirous , that his conclusion should have the better of my pen , by which i have judg'd , or rather prov'd , his premises taxable : wherefore i thus briefly repeat my former assertion , which was , that the attributing in his method , of imperfect motions to the planets , by contriving their movements in figures not exactly circular , was an erroneous lessening of the perfection of providence ; which could not but ordain , to the most refin'd existencies of stars and planets , such movements as might be comprehended by the most absolute of figures , which must be the circle : because there cannot be otherwise so useful a computation of their motion , as , is demonstrated by many celebrated astronomical observators ; by whom the new mode of confining the planetary motions to an oval , or ellipsis , was never thought o● or wanted by them . nor can i apprehend , how the account of our days and 〈◊〉 could be so commodiously render'd , as by circular motion they are computed . which might be some reason , why judicious euclid did not mention , in any part of his elements , the ellipsis , or any sort of curv's , frequently found in the schemes and diagrams of des-cartes ; as either certainly to be enumerated , or geometrically explicable : whereas in his third and fourth book he demonstrates circular commensurations , and also such lines as usefully relate , or may be apply'd to them . 't is said of plato , who being ask'd , what god did ? answer'd , that he exercis'd geometry ; as by man might be consider'd the proportions of his conduct , and motion of his works : but had des-cartes been so interrogated ; he must have reply'd , according to his hypothesis , that the irregular figures , schemes and delineaments , that abundantly replenish his diagrams , ought to be receiv'd as the geometry of heaven : however inconsistent with the soundest notions , that men can have , of the conduct , order and motions above us . other objections might have been inserted , as due reflections on the idea's , principles , devis'd theories , and problems of this author ; which , to deal freely with my reader , have more reference to the boundless sphere of fiction , than to any common place of science , or methodical probation . wherefore i have been thirftily cautious , and i presume not indiscreet , by separating such things from other of his imaginations , on which i could more commodiously ground my remarks , and thereby facilitate their use to publick understanding : an instance not improperly annex'd to the close i give to the third part of the philosophy of des-cartes . remarks on the fourth part of the new philosophy of des-cartes . of the principles of the earth . part . iv. with no small labour and diligence , according to the best of my understanding , i have thoroughly inspected , and carefully contracted my remarks , to such particulars as i judg'd of most familiar consideration , to whomsoever should peruse what i have written . and as in my precedent tractaets i omitted such maxims , arguments , premisses , conclusions , schemes and diagrams , of this authos , which i conceiv'd rather obscure repetitions , or posingly compos'd , than obviously perspicuous to the apprehension of the reader ; an oversight that ought to be highly avoided by a judicious writer . the same rational method , or separating of divers complicated tenents , assertions , and pretended proofs of this , otherwise , learned frenchman , from what i have more compendiously , and i presume , usefully inserted ; i shall continue in this fourth part of my observations on his philosophical principles . the works of his composing , that i have to do with , being so frequently intermix'd with divers modalities by him propos'd and invented , that neither concenter with old , or new probabilities ; that should the ablest pen-man undertake to paraphrase , or comment on them , 't were much the same as the attempting to explicate one solecism by alledging another . 't is said of lucretius , that he was the first of philosophical poets ; and it may be as pertinently affirm'd , of this author , that he is the first of fictitious philosophers : the main bulk of whose treatises , for the most part , are rather thicken'd by his affected imaginations , than rational conjectures deducible from rules of science ; which in divers places of his writings , however indulgent to his devisings , he is so ingenuous as to acknowledge ; but with this confident manner of excuse , that he supposes his inventions ought to be more allowable than whatsoever can be urg'd against them ; which i have , as i believe , and shall endeavour farther to disprove . and thus i proceed to consider his hypothesis of the being and production of the earth . in the first page and entrance , he makes into his fourth part of his philosophical treatise , he transfers the principles which he had apply'd to the constituting of superior beings , in his third part , to the original forming and existence of the earth we inhabit : which , in his first paragraph , according to his design'd imagination , in substance is thus : let us feign ( saies he ) that the earth was primarily constituted solely of the matter of the first element , ( which has been mention'd by me , in the third part of his philosophy ) as was the sun , tho' much less ; as likewise to have a vast vortex , or whirling substance , about her ; the center of which vortex was the center of the earth : but as some particulars , or globuli , as he calls them , were channell'd , or hollow'd , and some , but not all , very diminutive , of that first element , they adher'd , and so were converted into the matter of the third element ; ( which i likewise noted in the foreg-oing tractate , ) and from thence , first of all , were the opacous spots engender'd on the superficies of the earth , resembling those we behold continually to generate and dissolve about the sun. and next tells , how such particulars were thinn'd , or condens'd , ascending , and descending , some to etherial parts ; some to the higher , others to the lower region of the air : as also , how the thicker of their opacous spots cover'd , and darken'd the whole surface of the earth . thus i have briefly summ'd his sense ; the doing of which , has caus'd such a wonderful confusion in the utmost extent of my intellect , that i cannot there find room for the whirling of his vortices and globuli : or were the brain of man as big as the earth , it might prove too small for the comprehensive understanding of his hypothesis : by which he displays his scene of chaos , together with the diffusion from its womb of such particles , or seeds of nature , that by their motions and continu'd involutions , and revolutions , thin , or thicken , without the operative concurrence of heat , cold , or any other elementary quality ; untill a sufficient quantity of them meet in a lump , that might produce the figure and magnitude of the earth . but from what shadow of reason , or philosophical authority could des-cartes fancy , that either the universe , or earth , part of the whole , might be constituted , or any ways generated by motion unless of bodies compos'd of such elements that are common to our apprehensions ? because nothing if not so temper'd , is capable of motion , or computable by time , the natural propriety of motion ; and therefore not of such chimerical maaterials , or unqualified particles of nature , as he numbers in the actings of his devis'd triplicity of elements : which if granted , 't were , in effect , to assert , that motion , time , and the elements we usually understand , and by which we subsist , were operative and original causes of the world's existence : so that the earth , together with mankind , and whatsoever it contains , might have had , in the opinion of this author , a capacity of subsisting , or wonderfully forming it self , without a miraculous creation . nor can his supposition be excus'd , by alledging , that the almighty might ordain the fabrick and structure of the earth , by any motion of substances that were not elementary : because impossible to conceive any other temperature of things , that could be motionally capacitated to produce other beings . but of what composition , or how establish'd , the heavens above ; are thoughts too remote and spiritual , as i have prov'd , by learned authority , in the precedent treatise , to be definitively reach'd by the humane intellect : notwithstanding which sublime consideration , the earth is plac'd by des-cartes above ; and instead of the sun , as a planet , according to the copernican system , in as lofty a room as is the orbite betwixt mars and venus . in answer to which , enough i believe has been objected in the former third part : but now , having suppos'd the matter of the earth before intermingled with that of the heavens ; he tells us , how the materials of the earth delaps'd , or slipt from above , towards the inferior place , according to his phaenomena , of the sun ; and next distinguishes the earth into three regions . the first of these which he calls the most inward , he supposes to contain so much of the matter of the first elements , not otherwise there moving , or of other nature , than as it was in the sun ; except that its substance was less pure : but thinks that the earth in passing from the sun ; and surely , in his sense upwards , because by his hypothesis he has preferr'd the ministerial situation of the terrene composition , much superior to phoebus the king of illuminating beings , as also that it continually became spotted , and could not be purg'd or clear'd of them : from whence saies he , i am easily persuaded , that the earth was then full of the third element , did not it follow , that she could not , if at that time so solid , be so near the sun , ( he means downwards ) as now she is . to which purpose , he has devis'd a right-worshipful scheme ; but left by me , to the inspection of such as have no other imployment for their eyes . the second element of the earth , he determines opacous and thickly substantiated , as consisting of divers minute particles that appertain'd to the first element : and this , in his judgment , experience assures by the spots in the face of the sun , which excepting their refin'dness and subtility , are the same with those of the earth : yet notwithstanding hinder the light that would else more appear in the sun. but concludes , after some offer'd reasons , which i do not mention , because i think 'em irrational , that these two elements have little to do with us ; because no living man ever ascended to their stations . but by what authority does he present us with a theory of things that he confesses no body could ever be assur'd of : and for that reason , i might pass from them with no less neglect than the man , who reading an inscription at athens that was dedicated to the unknown god , thought it had little to do with his contemplation : and no more my concern what this author delivers here ; these elements having been sufficiently , i doubt not , remark'd by me , in the third fore-going part of his philosophy . notwithstanding i will briefly add something , avoiding , if possible , reiteration of words , on the same subject already written : or only by way of interrogation , were des-cartes present , desire to be inform'd in what mint of nature , he coin'd these elements , and as her bank-stock pay's them off , in parcels , to his reader ? in doing of which , he introduces , and a while continues , the original empire of nature , in power and credit , numerously attended by very inconsiderable subjects , which he calls petty globuli , surrounding her throne , and immediately committed to the government , and disposal of revolving vortices that whirl'd them , without any orderly method , or proportion , either east , west , south , or north ; or sometimes only upward , to the height of heaven , and as soon precipitately downward ; by which medly of motion he conceives abundance of their fluid substances exceedingly thinn'd ; whilst others were as nimbly thicken'd . as if the hands of nature had been busily imploy'd in kneading of their clusters till thoroughly condens'd . yet grants them so insipidly temper'd , that by no proper term , naturally , or philosophically intelligible , he determines them either light or heavy ; as he distinguishes their elements from whatsoever is elementarily compos'd : and thus , according to his method , he imagines , that nature made her first entrance out of the closet of chaos ; and having not thoroughly wash'd her face , he supposes some of her spots might afterwards visibly remain in the figure and substance of both sun , moon and earth . if next he had been ask'd , on what account he attributes spots to the luminary of day , or night , together with the terrene sphere of our being ; that are within no compass of reasonable apprehension , he must have return'd a motly answer . since undeniable , that whatsoever is capable of spots , as its propriety , must be naturally colour'd , and therefore of a mixt , elementary composition ; by reason that nothing can be observably spotted , but is also colour'd by mixt ingredients , and consequently the object of sight . but the sun and moon , were never held , by found opinion , elementarily constituted ; wherefore not of any of his suppos'd elements , no more than 't is possible to conceive , how air could be alterative , or operate on air , or water on water ; without partaking of elementary mixtures : a truth confirm'd by experience in every thing that is thinn'd , thicken'd , ascends , or descends ; as sure as earth is more ponderous than any of the other three elements ordain'd by providence to exert all such operations of nature , as are with clearest evidence understood by us . from whence may be concluded , that the seeming spots in the sun , or moon , are no other than meteorous exhalations or vapours that interpose betwixt the luminaries and the eye of the beholder ; as surely as we frequently discern more or less clear , in appearance , the sun and moon , and therefore no spots inherent in their substance . as for the spots that he annexes to the outward complexion of the earth , what man ever heard of any of their colours , except of such things as have being and growth on her surface ; as trees , plants , men , women , beasts , grain , and such other things , as might from causes , be produc'd ? how to reply , had he been thus interrogated , i dare answer for him , he could not have told . and thus i come to the farther examination of his third element , by which he undertakes to exspand the original of all things within the compass of the earth . to which purpose , i will briefly summ the order and materials , by which he forms his phaenomena's of the earth's production . all which he supposes , were produc'd of the fragments of a certain thinn and fluid composition , which he entitles , the primary element of nature : these imaginary or globuli fragments , proceeding , ( as he derives them ) from spots in the first element , and descensively operating on the next , term'd by him a second element , they confus'dly , and exceedingly disorder'd in motion and figure , tended downward , from their first sublime height , till at last they became more congeriously thick , suitable to the grossness of the earth's composure , and settlement ; where it now remains . so very intricately obscure , or vainly perplex'd , does this conceited monsieur debase the original wisdome and conduct of nature , both as to her own establishment , and the production of her works ; which could never be so disproportionably and irregularly effected by the prudent diligence and intendment of her operations : which , as this author commits them to her peculiar conduct , i do not see why they should not have been , by her management , as highly refin'd and continu'd , as he delivers the materials of her first purest celestial element : and consequently of them , so sublimately ordain'd , have produc'd the substance of man and woman , that being exalted to a superior room in the etherial heaven , the eyes of beauty might have there shin'd instead of stars , now beheld , of the first magnitude : and next to these , why should she not have gradually illuminated the substance of animals , with all other materials and plants , that being naturally cleans'd from such terrestrial ingredients , alterations and mixtures , that are now in them , they might have remain'd splendent parts above , instead of being revolv'd and whirl'd in globuli's , or dispers'd fragments of nature , downwards , untill they clos'd in a lump that compleated the earth , in figure , disposition of parts , and situation , suitable to the opinion of this author ? such queries may not be unfitly urg'd against his total hypothesis , with all its appurtenances ; to which i add these palpable objections . first , that it is egregiously preposterous , if not an impeachment or lessening of the dignity of nature , supposing that by her voluntary actings she debas'd the superiority of her existence , by crumbling of her materials into innumerable bits , or particles , in all kinds , of impurer substance , and next dispose them , by a rambling , or giddy progression , so grossly to meet as they might constitutively finish and sustain the small inferior bulk of the universe call'd earth ; or rather denominated the spurious daughter of nature , if so engender'd by her actual consent . whereas contrarily , 't is the inseparable attribute of nature , intentionally to conserve , whatsoever depends on her regalia's , in its proper and utmost perfection . and although , that by such elementary compositions and mixtures , as are understood by us , she is necessitated to vary her conduct , as things are , in course , generated , or corrupted , in order to produce such existencies that could not be continu'd in themselves ; and therefore providentially convertible into other beings : yet she constantly preserves her most genuine progression , which is , that nothing shall so alter as not to have matter and form incident to their corporeal proprieties : not unlike a sovereign ruler , within whose dominions there is no period of his numerous subjects by death , because enough are begotten that succeed them . but no such procreation could be consistent , or produc'd , as an elementary triplicity is devis'd by des-cartes ; and not at allaccomplish'd or season'd with such natural ingredients as are the elementary adjunct to bodily existences : but rather of such a simplicity and incommunicable qualification , that 't is as reasonable to imagine , that earth should proceed from meer air , or water from fier , as that his imperfect , and uncompounded elements , should , by their vortices , and globuli , arrive to any corporeal production : because the principles of all things could be no other than contarrieties , and therefore elementary : insomuch , that had not providence otherwise dispos'd natural operations than are contriv'd by this author ; neither the heavens above , however excellent and refin'd their essence , or the earth we possess , with all its appurtenances , could have been effected . the next objection , is briefly thus , — suppose , it were conceded . that his hypothesis , relating to the constituting of the earth's existence , were allowable ; could it be conceiv'd , that the diversities of being and motion which he annexes to his particles of nature , should be either operative or motional before the sun , stars , world , or any elementary composition , a main cause of motion , version and alteration of bodies , as naturally they ought to be understood , did really exist ? because nothing can move upwards or downwards , but what is corporeally mixt ; and therefore consisting of commensurable parts , whose movements must be gradually computed by time , nature's unerrable accountant : but by the incomprehensible phaenomena's of this author , the world was fill'd with temporary motions , before it or time was , or could be summ'd by computable progression of any thing , that could be its porportionable measure ; according to his suppositions : which impossibility is so disregarded by this writer , that time , were his notions true , might have continu'd , some thousands of ages , before it could be understood to have being , or his small globuli , circumvolv'd by their vortices , could have constituted and fill'd the local situation of one mile of earth , with all its materials , from top to bottom , with their diminutive particulars . which absurdities , if well consider'd , might have deterr'd , as learned a person as des-cartes , from posing his intellect , with so many unexplicable imaginations , whereby he would assimulate , however far above thought , the stupendious consistence of the world to miraculous systems invented by his brain . as for the elements that he undertakes to deliver as the first principles whereby the earth was constituted , which , as i have already prov'd , are neither philosophical , or natural ; he tells us in his 13th particular , that the more solid , or thicker of them , are not always inferior , in place or motion , to those that are thinner ; the reason he gives is , that notwihstanding they are uniformly revolv'd , they so adhere to one another , by the irregularities of their figures , that the globuli of one element cannot extricate themselves from the compulsions upwards , or downwards , of another . this gentleman , who had no otherwise differenc'd his principal materials , by which he would constitute the structure of the earth , than as the parcels of his small globuli , were more or less extended , begins now , in effect , to grant them elementarily mix'd , as every thing must be that is thinner or thicker than another , or different in weight and measure : but so as by his turbulent vortices , the lighter were mingled with the heavier , in such a complicated manner , that they could neither ascend or descend , as they ought to have done by their qualifications . but gives no certain reason , why they might not always have continu'd so intermingled , and confus'd ; and therefore never have separated from one another ? since he determines no cessation of the impetuous movement of them caus'd by his whirling vortices : how then could the earth be compos'd , or constituted , by such irregular particles of nature , that neither by their motion , or different temperatures , could be disincumber'd from one another , and consequently so exactly embodied as might compleat the total substance of the earth ? in his 14th and 15th particulars , he undertakes to describe what he means by diversities of bodies , which he supposes form'd in that , which he denominates his third region of the earth ; and these , he believes might be produc'd as the globe of the earth , distinguish'd into three regions , having been devolv'd towards the sun , and the vortex , in which it was before , taken from it , variety of bodies were distinguish'd in it : whose productions he designs to explain afterwards ; but first , he delivers three or four axioms , on which they depend . the first is the general motion of his celestial globuli . the second is their gravity . the third light. the fourth colour . his first position i am oblig'd to reflect on , and more severely , could it be avoided , than i am willing to do ; out of the respect that i have to this learned author . but having geometrically prov'd , by what i have written on the third part of his philosophy , that there can be no motion , either diurnal , or annual , to be attributed to the earth , the copernican way , instead of the sun : i cannot but add , that it is far more egregiously supposititious , that the imperfect agitation of his globuli , which he inserts , in the page i write of , should perform their annual or diurnal motion about the sun , correspondent to his imaginary system : it being highly improbable , that such different particles , which he defines globuli , both in substance , bigness , quantity and measure ; as also , irregularly moving , by his concession , should compleatly finish the diurnal or yearly motion of the sun ; because not to be thought , that they could revolve suitable to any figure geometrically computable : and therefore impossible , even to absurdity , the fictitious circumvolution that he appropriates to his region of globuli , than if without them , he directly had asserted the motion of the earth : because the earth , allow'd by the learned , to be circularly form'd , is more capable of revolution , than that such diminutive substances , as are disagreeably compos'd , both in quantity and figure ; should so perfectly unite their movements as exactly to represent , or conspire with the earth's motion , in the room of the sun , either hourly , dayly , or yearly , appertaining to ecliptical circulation . in order to which performance of his devis'd globuli , he makes yet more gross their incomprehensible phaenomena's ; by affirming , that they incline to move in a streight line , tho' he grants them not figuratively such ; as if things could be propense to move directly , if naturally oblique in proportion and figure : notwithstanding that 't is impossible , that whatsoever moves , should describe any other superficies , or figure , than is suitable to its corporeal parts . nor can any thing be said in a proper sense , to incline to move in a streight line , but as it must be either upwards , or downwards ; according to the nature of its gravity , or levity . to be plain , the most favourable salvo that can be apply'd to this broken head of his hypothesis , is , that he judges it safer , for his manner of copernicanism , to substitute his whirl'd globuli as assistants , by their movements , to the motion he allows the earth : because , as i conceive , he might apprehend , that objections to be made against the earth's revolution ; as also , that by such an hypothesis , the situation of countries and the elevation of the pole must infallibly alter , as has been already demonstrated , might be rebated , or not so unanswerably alledg'd . tho' to men of competent apprehension , the absurdities are the same , whether the earth alone , or his globuli and the earth , in any kind , intrigue , or conjoyn their circulations . can a man that has season'd his intellect with the least relish of mathematical principles , conceive it possible for the confus'd phaenomena's of vortices and globuli , mention'd by des-cartes , to absolve the mean or equal motion , which , astronomy assures , is annually consummated in the ecliptick ? or , that the ponderous structure of the earth , should be so regularly elevated from her center , as that any point of its superficies , or its vortices , and globuli , in the sense of this author , might at one time have an apogaeon height , or utmost distance from the center of her orb , and at another a perigaeon-nearness unto it : which were much the same , as to think it feasible for clusters of flies , no bigger than gnats , when they numerously seem to circulate in sun-shine , to remove the weighty firmness of the terrene world ; or perform , instead of the sun , the ecliptical revolution of the day , or year . yet on this preposterous and feeble conduct , is erected the main hypothesis of this french writer , both as to the composition , being and motion of the earth , with all her circumjacent particulars : which shews , that he takes to himself an unpresidented dictatorship in science , whereby he would celebrate the fictions of his brain , without any requisite or probable assurance , that they ought to be conceded . to which purpose , he inserts the various actings of his several elements , tho' by no body , but himself , so nam'd ; and by these , so invented by him , together with vortices and globuli form'd from them , he judges , that the earth , with whatsoever it comprehends , might be totally constituted ; as he their prime artificer has contriv'dly set them at work . the first action tending to the compleating of the most refin'd substance , or parts of the earth , he considers , as produc'd by the motion of the most tenuous matter of what he terms a third element ; which he supposes so very pure , that , even to transparency , it may cause bodies , tho' appertaining to earthly composition , very clearly to shine . and thus we have the earth , according to the doctrine of des-cartes , both a motional and illuminating planet . but should i account the numerous diversities of the fictitious motions , and shifted inventions by which this author confers a shining capacity on some particulars of the earth's substance , i might more than fire , if not abuse , the patience of an indefatigable reader . neither could i do other than impertinently load my pen with repeated objections , and manifest confutations of his theories of motion , as they have been diversly apply'd by him on this , or other subjects : the movements of things , in his method , as he annexes their qualities and motions , being neither exactly agreeable , to streight lines , or their proper tendencies , or to such curv's , as might be of mathematical construction ; and therefore inconsistent with the geometry of nature : which , as to her works , must proceed from a regular process ; to which purpose , enough has been already written by me . i will therefore , in this place , briefly inspect the fond of the shining attributes that he confers on some particulars of the earth , as they are stated by him . the principal reason that he offers , is , that 't is experimentally found , that pure liquor in the earth , of tenuous consistence , is also pellucidous , or shining . which cannot be true , if by clearness he means an illuminating quality : no more than the purest water that can be imagin'd , may be said to shine , because it is clear . and who ever beheld any shining part of the earth otherwise than by diffus'd beams of the sun ' moon , or stars , it might be enlightned ; tho' without any illumination as to its own capacity ? where are the eyes that in a gloomy day or night , ever observ'd the shining of a mole-hill on the surface of the earth : or such little morsels of the ground as worms deject ; which might be compos'd of such materials , as he describes his diminutive globuli to consist of , for any reason given , by him , to the contrary ? to confirm these objections , this one , that includes many , may pertinently be added . if , as he imagines , the diaphanous parts of any of his celestial elements , as they are defin'd by him , should by any intelligible movement so operate , as they might be so qualitatively constituted , as to embue any particular substance , or places of the earth with a shining capacity ; since he has undertook to metamorphose our terrene habitation into a planetary composition : how can it be probably apprehended , that his fluid globuli , by their feeble commotions , should be conjoyn'd to the surface of the earth , notwithstanding that the condense , or crusty parts of her surface are thickly harden'd and nourish'd by the roots of grass , trees , minerals , stones of all kinds , diversly temper'd , and not possibly penetrable by any compulsive motion of his diminutive , and impotent globuli ; unless so much of the gaping superficies of the earth could be suppos'd to receive their fluid descents , to no other purpose , than she does rain when distill'd by the dissolution of clouds ? which being done , there could but a dewy gloss appear on the ground , that might not more imbrighten any part of the earth's figure , than when , in some moist seasons , the glow-worm , with her light , is engender'd . so that whosoever would persuade himself , that the terrene world , or any part of it , was ever primarily compleated or motionally dispos'd by the globuli and vortices comprehended in the diagrams and theories of des-cartes , may as readily believe , that the globe of the moon was originally produc'd by the efficacious seeds of a carret-bed . nor does he deny , in some respects , the incongruity of his principles , as in his 18th particulars , he confesses , the materials , by which he moulds the frame of the earth's composure , and first existence , to be confusedly operative ; by granting , that the liquid parts , which he attributes to the prime formation of the earth , were disorderly complicated with his celestial globuli . yet might by their operations , in his judgment , upwards , downwards , or transversly , be separately distinguish'd by the similitude he porduces of a glass of wine in the must , having dregs not only on the top , and bottom , correspondent to gravity and levity , but also on the sides of the glass : when afterwards the wine being clear , notwithstanding that it before consisted of various particulars , it becomes pellucidous , or shining : and not more gross or thicker in any one part than in another . here he presents his reader with a philosophical weather glass ; by which he would determine the temper of the season , when the earth was forming by his diversified globuli , and whirling assistance of his vortices : which petty operators , as he states the metaphor of their condition and conduct , might be as drunk ( as flies may be suppos'd ) when some of them are , as it were , giddy on the top of a glass of strong liquor , or lean to its sides , for supportance , whilst others more ebrietously replenish'd , heavily sink to the bottom : all which may be assimulated , without any wrong to the brain of this author , unto the giddiness of his phaenomena's : it being impossible to conceive , from what rational course of nature he could produce the substances , together with the movements of his debauch'd globuli , by which he constitutes the being of the earth : considering , that he deduces their original descent from what he terms his first pure element . in his 19th head , he positively assures us , that the third , and main effect of his celestial globuli are so perfectly operative , that they convert liquorous drops residing in air into rotund figures , the reason as he states it is , because those celestial globuli find more passages into a watry drop than into the circumjacent air : and by that means , as near as may be , move in right lines , or in such as most approximate unto direct lineaments ; whence it is manifest , in his opinion , that such globuli , that are in the air , are less motionally hinder'd , as they meet with a watry drop , according to the continuance of their motions in a streight line , or nearest unto it , if that drop of liquor be exactly spherical , than if it had taken any other figure . but if any part of the superficies of that drop , be extended beyond a spherical figure , the celestial globuli by their more forcible discursions , made in the air , more strenuously assault the watry drop , than were it other substance , and immediately thrust it downwards towards the center . the reader , i presume , will excuse me , if in this place , and some others of his writings , i deliver the notions , of this author , in more uncouth accents than i would willingly commit to his perusal : it having been my care , no less than necessary diligence , to render as genuinely , as might be , his latin expressions into english. if my remarks on his precedent praticular had any sharp allusion , dress'd in a plain and familiar application ; i cannot rebate , on this occasion , the point of their tendencies : wherefore , if prov'd by me , in the foregoing head , tho' , by a comical similitude , that his hypothesis had inebriated his globuli : i may as judiciously assert , that his sense , in the particular , i now treat of , may be , by no extravagant similitude , term'd unnatural , or philosophically , and mathematically intoxicated ; unless i could affirm , in his behalf , that his globuli , which , as he supposes , might by the force of their whirling vortices , so dispose their materials to the constituting of the earth , that the very grapes that caus'd drunkenness in the head of the patriarch noah , were engender'd by some of their giddy compositions . and as sure , as the earth is now in being , nature might be deem'd out of her wits , if according to his disorderly process , she could be thought to design the production of the earthly world. or what can be more improbable , than the tale he tells , of his celestial globuli converting of liquorous drops , hanging in the air , into round figures ? and what reason does he give ; why , no better than as he supposes , that his globuli may find more passage in watery drops than in the circumjacent air ? but does not common experience confute this imagination ? let a strenuous hand fling a smooth peeble-stone into the air , and afterwards into water , will it as soon pass any part of the superficies of water as of the air ? or will it not , the water being of a more condense substance than air , have , proportionably , a longer motion and passage , by the ressistance of its thicker body , than might be given by the tenuity of the air ? a truth so practically evident , that it could not be unknown to many of the young contemporaries at school with des-cartes ; wherefore i wonder to find him of a contrary opinion here . as little concentring , in any kind , with sound principles , are the proprieties that he annexes to his globuli ; which , if , in their motion , engaging with any part of a watry drop that is extended beyond a spherical figure , they immediately , with greater force , assail it , and by compulsion enforce it towards its center . but if any part of it be nearer its center than another , his celestial globuli , contain'd in that watry drop , forthwith imploy their utmost force to expell it from its center ; and next altogether concur to make one spherical drop . here by a perverse contradiction he notoriously thwarts the surest maxims of philosophy , as they pertinently relate to the nature and motion of corporeal beings . nor is there any thing more irrational , if not philosophically absurd , than to define , as he does , globulous materials , and debar them of motion natural to their figures : it being not possible to imagine , that whatsoever is rotund should be more propense to move in a streight line , or the nearest unto it , than in a circular revolution . if a ball be let fall from the hand , will it it not rotundly move suitable to its figure ? and could this author imagine , that a demonstration so experimentally obvious would be wav'd by any principle of his geometrically inconsistent ; or that the exactness of things circularly mov'd , of all others most perfect , should incline to deviate from their centers ? or if that were granted , is it at all probable , that they could have freer migrations , according to this author , through any one of his suppos'd watry drops , than in the tenuous substance of the ambient air ? which being done , they are , in his sense , sometimes compulsively enforc'd towards their centers , if their figures be not absolutely spherical ; but if exactly round , as forcibly remov'd from their centers . and thus he implicates , if not so , crosly involves contradictions , that he determines the operations of nature , more consonant to the exerting of a step-dame's arbitrary conduct , than suitable to the comely effects , by which she regularly produces the motion and being of things . all which must be conceded as principles of nature , incident to her rule and regular intention ; as surely as some of her materials are more substantially heavy , or lighter than others ; and will therefore have a natural recourse , upwards or downwards , to their centers accordingly . wherefore it may be admir'd in what fit , or heat of fancy , the brain of this monsieur was inveigled when by so many perplex'd words , as also opposite terms and methods , he did , in a manner , angrily impose the limitations of his measures , on the stupendious productions of the works of nature : insomuch , that his maxims , if soberly consider'd , signifie , little other , than a design'd rape committed on the grandeur of her figure and beauty , together with the providential facility , by which she compleats and preserves her legitimate conduct and operations . so that his invented elements , with all his diagrams of vortices and globuli , seem fictitiously devis'd , or appertaining to the imaginary system of some other world ; since not at all probable , that they could belong to the composure of this . but enough has been in this place , and occasionally before , i believe , satisfactorily inserted , on this subject , that it were impertinently tedious if more be added . there remains one particular , that ere i conclude on this head , requisitely deserves a considerable remark ; because it includes a very curious and subtil mathematical problem : which he thus expresses ; the angle of contact by which the tangent line touches a circle , and by which only it is distant from a right line , is less than any rectilineal angle whatsoever , and in no curve line , besides the circle , is every where equal : wherefore he affirms , that a streight line cannot more equally , and less every where inflect , or bend , from its points , than when it degenerates into a circular . i have read in the history of algebra , written by dr. wallis , who mentions the controverted question , concerning the angle of contact made by a streight line where it touches the circle ; but in his opinion , thinks it nothing , if not a right angle , in being perpendicular to the peripherial point of the circle ; because not otherwise , numerically computable : he also inserts his disceptation , as i remember , by letters that pass'd betwixt him and a certain learned person , who undertook to defend , against him , the determination of the famous mathematician clavius , in whose judgment , the angle of contact was properly something , tho' not commensurable ; and therefore not otherwise definable , than as being less than any acute angle whatsoever ; which i take to be the more probable opinion : by reason that it could not be denominated angular without it appertain'd to something , tho' but of general or tacit application . and thus , in the judgment of euclid , the angle of contact has a singular attribute , where it touches the periphery of the circle , but not otherwise accountable or to be summ'd by number : the reason is , that in every circle , whether equal , or unequal , the point in the circumference touch'd by a right line will be the same in all of them ; because no other line can fall between the point of contact , in any of their peripheries : and could it be commensurable , it would be of one equality : whereas , contrarily , in every direct figure , or where two right lines touch one another , the angle they make may be geometrically lessen'd by any intervening line , or lines , that meet in the angular point : but not so to be understood of the angle of contact , which has no proportion in its self , if compar'd with any other figurative angle . to which purpose , the learned proclus signally determines , that the point in the circle , where the angle of contact meets with a streight line , is mixtly compos'd of a direct line , and the curviture of the circle ; and therefore not commensurable by any distinct line , that can be numerically computed . so that the angle of contact may be well term'd singular , by reason it has no proportional similitude , or quantitative propriety , correspondent to any other angular delincament . and the more admirable , because the wonderful extent , and power of geometry , computatively explains by the vastness of its science , all other angles , mathematically qualified , except that which is lineally annex'd to the touch of the circle . and what is yet more wonderful , the tangent line that includes , and makes the angle of contact , is perfectly commensurable , tho' not the angle where it touches the circle ; a geomemetrical secret that has not a little perplex'd , if not pos'd the pens of famous mathematicians . or this proposition may be thus demonstrated ; the angle at d , made by the prickt line d c , in the triangle a , d , c , is a right angle , as is always the angle in the semicircle ; therefore the angle ; a , c , d , is less than a right angle , tho' it may be allow'd greater than any acute angle , and the angle at c made by the tangent line , less than any acute angle that can be given : otherwise , the point where the tangent line touches the circle , could not be , in that point , singular ; as before demonstrated . so that in the triangle a , c , d , if d be a right angle , the angle at c must be less than a right angle ; because in every plain triangle , the three angles are but equal unto two right ▪ which confirms the former demonstration . and from which may be concluded , that of what demonstrative quantity , the angle of contact does actually consist , is , as yet conceal'd from geometrical inquisition : or not to be discover'd , untill a certain proportion can be found betwixt a streight and a curve line ; which perhaps may never be demonstrated : if not as impossible , as to prove , a curve commensurately distinguish'd from a curve . i confess , i am not a little beholding to this learned monsieur , for the occasion he has given me to discuss , i conceive not unsatisfactorily to the judicious , the question concerning the angle of contact so much controverted by celebrated geometricians : and which , by a certain fineness in science , is more pertinently apply'd to the purpose , he would intend it , than any mathematical proposition , theorem , or diagram of his that i have met with . but i cannot thank him for the conclusion he deduces from thence ; or because he takes it for granted , that a streight line by reason of the near approximation that it has to the circle , in the point of contact , never less inflects from every of its points , than when it degenerates into a circular figure . by which inference he does highly disparage the contexture and theory which he devises for the motions of his vortices and globuli , in order to their material compleating of the universal world : if their motions , in any kind , tending to a direct line , be allow'd to degenerate ; when from that manner of movement they convert to circular revolution . which were all one as to charge the motional exactness and conduct of nature , providentially dispos'd , with mistake , or imperfection , relating to her operation and works : because no figurative motion can be imagin'd so absolutely compleat , excellent , and of certain continuance , as is circular movement : by reason that no part of a circle can be term'd its beginning or end. whereas contrarily , no motion can be made in a streight line , but must have separate , intervall'd and terminated parts : which enough disproves the allegation of this author ; as sure as that by geometrical dignity and proof , the circle has a superlative perfection above all other figures . and were it not to be so acknowledg'd , there is little reason , why the wisdom of providence should annex the admirable computation of days and years to circular revolution . but so much has been said , by way of confutation , in my former remarks , on this subject , that i need not renew them here . nor is it requisite , that i should farther reflect on his elaborate expressions , draughts , schemes and delineations , by which he undertakes to confirm the motion of things , in order to the constructure of the universe , together with the being of the earth ; since , i doubt not , i have refell'd his total hypothesis on which his principles are grounded . wherefore i shall pass from all of them , to the entertaining of my reader with some especial thoughts , relating to the original of the world , and earth , we inhabit , as are ancient or modern , of most erudite reputation . i. concerning the magnitude of the universal world , the questions are ; whether it be infinite , or finite , materially replenish'd or not ? ii. as to its duration , or continuance ; whether it had any temporary beginning , or eternally constituted ? iii. as to number ; whether it be one , or numerously existing ? tho' as to number , there can be no controversie , if the world be granted infinite ; because there can be but one infinite . iv. another grand querie is , from what cause , or matter , was the world originally compos'd ? v. and next , from whence , or in what manner that cause and matter did proceed ? of these , disputes have been rais'd , till ceas'd by conceding of one , or more eternity of causes . all which particulars have been exquisitely treated of , by great philosophers ; if the labour of their search , could have been as satisfactorily repaid , by discerning of what they so earnestly sought : but they soon found that infinite science is inconsistent with finite understanding : it being impossible , that in the most exquisite imagination of mankind , there should be an idea , or phantasm , of any thing of infinite denomination , or being , either as to magnitude or time : because neither magnitude , or time can be infinitely computed : insomuch , that nothing , but what is infinite , can have an infinite conception . so that should a man , of the most subtil and refin'd reason , undertake to argue from one effect of an immediate cause , and next to a remoter ; and by that manner of reasoning continually ascend ; he would find , that his imagination could have no eternal progression , but would fail , as if tir'd , by its stupendious journey ; or how to proceed farther , not at all impower'd to direct it self . nor is it consequently absurd , in the judgment of learned philosophers , if the structure of the universe be thought either finite , or infinite ; by reason that both , or either of those ways , of its constituting , are alike possible to the conduct and operation of the almighty ; as the world now is , or might so have been , formerly beheld , with whatsoever it contains . if nothing can properly be said to move , but as it is mov'd by some cause of motion , which must be granted supreme and eternal : a main querie depends on that concession ; which is , whether matter , the subject of motion , must not be also allow'd eternal ; in which sense , the world might be held perpetually and motionally existing : contrary to the opinion of some ; who determine , that the omnipotent cause , or deity , was eternally immoveable , or not at all operative , untill the world's total creation was miraculously compleated : but the objection , against that opinion , will be more difficultly answer'd ; if urg'd , that whatsoever may be thought eternally immoveable , cannot be probably conceded the primary cause of motion ; which imply's a temporary , or finite beginning , as applicable to any date of the world's creation : a consequence , in the judgment of some , that confirms the perpetuity of the world 's material consistence ; as also , that , by omnipotent power it was always in motion till gradually perfected as it now exists : it being , not at all , inconsistent with divine power , if so ordain'd , that matter should be unaccountably motional , in order to the stated disposure , and exact consummation of whatsoever has being , within the vast circumference of heaven and earth : yet no such thing as infinite matter , in any consideration , rationally to be suppos'd the original , out of which proceeded the world's existence , with all its particulars : by reason that it were a geometrical contradiction , should matter be defin'd infinitely subsisting : since absolutely certain , that whatsoever may be term'd matter , substance , or body , must also be quantitively commensurable : wherefore , in this case , the world might be , before time was , materially consistent ; if duely distinguish'd betwixt infinite , and eternal duration ; which by omnipotent will and power might be effected , by determining a perpetual continuance of matter , tho' not infinitely existing . the great philosopher aristotle not a little concenter'd with the same opinion , as he thought it more probable to appropriate eternity to the material being of the world ; in opposition to the sentiments of some philosophers , who thought it was generated , according to the opinion of plato , by a certain mutation from what it had been , to what it afterwards was , or now is . but although , in the judgment of aristotle , the substantial existence of the world was deem'd everlasting ; he could not believe , that its matter was actually infinite ; because whatsoever is material must be quantitive , and therefore mathematically computable , as before instanc'd : so that if aristotle be reconcil'd to aristotle , he may be understood , to deny the being of the world from any precedent alteration , or change that could proceed from its natural composure , or any generative faculty , that could be suppos'd in it , at all produc'd : but in this belief ▪ he does not absolutely oppose its total creation . if he firmly conceiv'd , that it was never effected by any generative method ; he does not , by that tenent peremptorily dissent from the possibility of its existence , by a miraculous creation : to which purpose , in his second book of the world , he affirms , that the world , is the ordainment of god : and in his twelfth book of metaphysicks , he positively asserts , that the world , and whatsoever it contains ▪ depends on god as its original cause . which duely apprehended , is more contiguous to divine allowance , than the universal principels of catholick des-cartes ; who having fill'd the world with one pure element , and by that determination left no space or room , whereby there may be imagin'd any natural operation , by which the different qualifications and proprieties that he confers on his vortices and globuli , could be possibly deduc'd . insomuch , that it may be affirm'd , that his petty phaenomena's , together with his hypothesis of the world's production , are more irrationally fabulous , than the little imperfect notions of atoms , expos'd in the writings of epicurus ; who teaches , that the world , before it had beginning , did consist of most diminutive places , that were not replenish'd with bodies ; his reason is , that had such places been fill'd with any corporeal beings , there could not have been room for the motion of his atoms ; because one body might oppose , in the space it possess'd , the movement of another ; and so frustrate in every kind , the progression of his atoms , in order to the constituting of heaven and earth : the modalities of which particles of nature , by epicurus denominated atoms , together with their motional attributes , may methodically be read in the writings of the philosophical poet lucretius , to which i refer the reader . and next to proceed with monsieur des-cartes , i find that he has not only elaborately intrigu'd , if not unsuccessfully perplex'd his brain , as i have precedently prov'd , by forming of such materialities , and their movements , whereby he would embody the fond , situation and existence of the terrene world ; but also , as he imploys his farther speculations on the elements of air and water , as being of nearest vicinity to the earth we inhabit . the air , by his definition , is of a tenuous and fluid substance , congeriously compos'd of his third element , already mention'd ; and therefore declares it thin , and pellucidous . that the air consists of a fluid tenuity is undeniable ; but not to be allow'd glist'ring or shining of it self ; which is very evident , as we ocularly discern the capacious complex of the ambient air , more , or less , enlightned ; and consequently warmer , or colder its temperature and effects as it proportionably receives , and is qualified , by illuminations from above . and therefore not true , as inferr'd by this author , that because the air is of a liquid and tenuous consistence , that it is therefore naturally , and not accidentally lucid : if otherwise , why might not this opiniative monsieur as well attribute inherent transparency , or shining , unto water ; that is so nearly ally'd to air , in being of a fluid and thin substance ? but who ever observ'd any shining in either of these elements in a cloudy day , or night ? so that experience assures , that neither air , or water have , in themselves , any illuminating propriety ; unless he could convincs us , that a congeries of his globuli , of which he asserts the vast quantity of air and water is compos'd , were glisteringly parcell'd , like studded diamonds : but allowing , neither them , nor their vortices , and elements from whence he derives them , any such capacity , or so much as a being , in rerum natura , i cannot but totally reject them , wheresoever i find them , as formerly i have done . my next remarkable consideration shall refer to his 48th particular , where he delivers the two main specifical qualities that he annexes to the nature of water ; some of which he determines flexible , others inflexible ; and if separated one from another , some of them compose , or produce salt water , whilst others sweet , or fresh . this principle of his can never be so perfectly season'd , as that it shall not taste of a paradox , in the very sense of the word ; as it is apply'd by common understanding : for what is more distastful to obvious intelligence , than to attribute to the fluidity of water , a flexible , or inflexible qualification ? whereas water , by its appropriated inclination may be properly said to flow , but not to bend , or consider'd as absolutely inflexible : a stick , or cane may be bow'd by the hand ; but can a man so grasp a quantity of water , as he may be thought to inflect , or bend the liquid material ; or feel , in any of its fluid substance , such an inflexible part ; that he could not squeez , or if he did , immediately observe it stiffen'd into a salt composition ? could this be readily perform'd by manual operation , it would doubtless advantageously facilitate the salt-manufacture , and gratifie the inventer with a pension and thanks from the publick , for his beneficial project . but i cannot perceive any such assurance in the writings of this french gentleman ; if not rather , an imaginary perfection conferr'd by him on the actings of his globuli ; as he supposes them sometimes to thin water into air , or thicken air into water : much like the pretended experiments of empiricks , who boastingly teach , that their operations consist of such a quintessence of things , as were never understood before : whereas indeed , 't is a devis'd tale of so many non-entities , as to any use , or effect , that could be actually perform'd by any real process of such authors . the next exterior and contiguous element to air is water , as it is , by philosophers , elementarily understood ; of which , in his 49th particular he offers a very confiderable account , as he applys it to the ebbing and flowing of the sea : the external superficies of the earth being , in some sort , surrounded by the ocean , whereby the globulous form of the earth is more exactly compleated . there is no speculation , within the precincts of nature , that has more perplex'd learned authors , than the discovery they would attain , of the causes that effect the flux and reflux of the sea , every six hours of day and night ; as it is variously observ'd in different climes , and situations of the earth . but as to the ocean in general , the same compass of time , relating to its floating and refloating is usually expended : whereas in the baltick , as also , in some other seas , there are no such egressions and regressions of the waves of the sea ; which failure is by some thought to proceed from the narrowness or streightness of the shores , and the adjoyning caverns of the earth , not large enough to receive , or be fill'd with the huge billows of the rolling water : or because the coldness of those parts of the world , obstruct the rarifying of exhalations requisitely conducing to the sufficient tumefying , or swelling of the waves that flow to their shores. whether these reasons , or more that might be added , have an effectual tendency in order to the various fluxions , and refluxions of the ocean , observable in many places of the earth , i will not dispute ; being more inclinable to believe , that it is a secret more deeply absconded by nature , than can be penetrated by the most accurate inquisition of humane science . notwithstanding it may be affirm'd , that the remote cause may probably be deriv'd from the etherial vigour of divers stars ; but most especially from the moon , when gradually arising above the horizon she disperses her beams obliquely on the ocean , and by that means warmes , as also exhales from the bottom of the sea , such exhalations , that being dilated , tumefy'd , and consequently so weightily increas'd , as , in a manner , they revolve to shores. the next diversity may be apprehended from the degrees of motion made by the moon , as she departs from the meridian , towards the west part of the horizon ; by which movement , she disperses her raies and light , less obliquely , and therefore not so efficaciously transmitted to the sea , or generative of vapors ; whence follows such a remission of the tumidity of the ocean , that it seems to reside , and by so doing causes an ebb or with-drawing from the land. other varieties of the flowing and ebbing of the ocean , as they depend on the motion of the moon by day , or night , might be mention'd here : but i conceive the instances i have given are enough , and which i thought conveniently interpos'd ; because the most remarkable opinion amongst philosophers , before i came to the judgment of des-cartes , on this profound subject . to which purpose , he rely's on the phaenomena of his vortices and globuli , together with the motion of the earth and sea , contiguous unto it , and a scheme delineated to that end . on all which , i am oblig'd to insert no other remark ; than by insisting on my absolute denial of the total hypothesis of his vortices and globuli , as also of the earth's motion , either diurnal , or annual ; which by the diagram that i have given , in the third part , i doubt not , is geometrically demonstrated : so that it were a needless repetition should i reiterate the same confutation . in his 51st particular , i confess , he has a conceit , which , as to the flux and reflux of the ocean , could i correspond with the dependence it has on his other systems , appears to be mathematically acceptable ; by the instance he gives , and seeming probation , why in equinoctial times , or when the moon is either at full , or at new ; the flowing of the sea is greater than at other seasons : which he thinks he confirms , by alledging , that the moon , at such times , and condition of her light , has always a vicinity to the plane of the ecliptick , and that the earth , which he supposes motional , makes its diurnal progression , according to the plane of the equator : from whence , saies he , it comes to pass , that those two planes intersect one another , but in solstitial times are remotely distant : concluding from thence , that the greatest tides and floatings of the sea are in the spring , and autumn of the year . this theorem , howsoever it may appear to have some fineness , suitable to the copernican dialect , much endear'd by this author , does undeniably subvert that whole hypothesis : for were it granted true , that the earth , by its diurnal motion , did vicinely revolve , ( as he asserts ) at the time of the equinoctial , to the plane of the equator ; the point , or zenith over our heads , must in that instant be remov'd , or under the equinoctial , and consequently some other point , in that great circle of the sphere , be made our zenith : the like may be affirm'd , if the earth were imagin'd to be , by her annual and diurnal motion in any parallel to the equator : in all of which diversities , both the zenith , as also the elevation of the pole , must more , or less , vary or alter , in every minute and day of the year throughout the world ; contrary to astronomical proof and observation : by which , it is very manifest , that both the zenith and elevation of the pole are constantly the same , suitable to the situation of climes , to which they appertain : all which , in the former treatise , is lineally prov'd by me ; as certainly as that there is such a figure as a spherical triangle . if wav'd the improbable conjecture of the motion of the earth , by allowing the long receiv'd hypothesis of the sun 's diurnal and annual revolution in the ecliptick : 't is not to be doubted , that when the sun is in either of the equinoctial points , that the moon is more approximately and directly impower'd by the vicine illuminations that she then receives from the sun ; by reason that the ecliptick , only in those seasons , meets the equator in one and the same point : and tho' when in opposition to the sun , that is to say , at her full , or greatest plenitude of light , she has a greater horizantal distance , visible to the eye , at that instant of time , than at an other : yet receiving , in that remote aspect , a more direct illumination than she does in other positions of her orb , she operates more powerfully on the ocean ; because the sun has , at that time , no declination from the equator . the like effect may be attributed to the newness of her light , the sun being in the equator , when , in conjunction with him there , she is illuminated nearest to a direct or perpendicular line , wherefore her beams must necessarily operate more vigourously on the sea ; and thus , by the observable , propriety that she has to dilate , and encrease moisture , the waves and tides of the ocean may well be granted more impetuously high and swell'd , at equinoctial times , than at other seasons : as also , that the earth , allow'd the center of the equator , as it is contiguously surrounded by the ocean , cannot but more efficaciously receive in that estate and position of the luminaries , and especially of the moon , a transcendent flowing of the waters of the main , that are nearest to the verge of the earth's circumference . in a word , when all is said that can be thought , on this subject , there is no such cause , to be prov'd , that in all parts , in every national being and situation of the earth , can be certainly applicable to the flux and reflux of the sea , which is experimentally found so variously different , both as to time and continuance , in all parts of the habitable world. which cannot proceed from any uncertain operation descending from above ; but rather caus'd by intervening obstructions arising from the diversities of the temper of the air , and wind that alter and compell , more or less , the motions of the watery element . other reasons and discussions of authors tending to the resolution of the fathomless difficulty appertaining to the ebbing and flowing of the sea , might be here added : but finding them to be rather disputative than clearly demonstrative : i shall not burden the ingenuity of a reader , by inscribing their perplexities with my pen : having , i conceive , deliver'd what is of greatest probability on this wonderful subject . of what extent or compass the sea is i find not , in this , or other writers . but that it is larger than the earth , is evident ; because it surrounds the terrene world : and 't is not to be doubted , that whatsoever contains is greater than any thing contained by it . but as to the depth of the ocean , 't is computed , by some accurate navigators , not to be more than two and a half of english miles : which is very strange , if the depth of the sea be taken for its diameter . considering that the sea , for the reason here mention'd , is bigger than the earth ; but much less , if by its depth be accounted its diameter : as may be seen by the computation , of the diameter of the earth , that i have formerly inserted . thus far of the earth , and its exterior parts . as to the inferior , i observe divers particulars mention'd by des-cartes ; and which he supposes might be caus'd and produc'd by materials , according as he imagines their operations and effects : but these being things of small consideration , or improvement to knowledge ; as also that their nature and uses are , for the most part , as familiarly understood , as that there are plants and minerals of several tempers , and natural proprieties : i shall therefore pass from them , to things of more moment ; and next , as very commodious interials of the earth , relating to the necessary supportance of humane life , examine the philosophy of this author , where he inserts his reasons , why fountains and springs that emerge from within the earth , should taste liquidly fresh ; notwithstanding that in some depths , or wells , the water is salt. to be sure he continues the phaenomena's of his imaginary elements , vortices and globuli , in order to the producing of things , as well under as above the surface of the earth : and thus we have , from him , fountains and rivers replenish'd with water . to which purpose , he has expos'd to the eye , some impress'd diagrams , by which he undertakes to explain such liquid emanations underground , in the cranie's of the earth , in similitude to the circulation of bloud in the veins and arteries of men and animals . but this fanciful monsieur , having not been able , as i have frequently observ'd , to demonstrate either the necessary being , motion , or capacity of such materials , as he very confidently introduces : i am apt to conclude , that if the earth had not been naturally impower'd by other means , than such as are tender'd by des-cartes , whereby to sustain , and engender her liquid existencies , in all the necessary parts and compositions of her body : she had been endu'd with no more moisture , than is to be found in the sun-burnt sands of africa . real causes there are , that may be defin'd perfectly elementary , and therefore not ally'd to any impotent existencies , or such as may be term'd procreative fathers and mothers , on whose mixtures depend all terrestrial matter or substances deliver'd with a simple elementary name , by this author . and thus , in the sense of approv'd philosophy , springs and fountains , together with the sweetness of their waters , may be deriv'd from exhalations , which being condens'd in the hollow passages of the earth , are converted into water ; as may be observ'd of a kind of breathings evaporated from a pot of liquor , that by the frigidity of its cover are thicken'd into small drops of a liquid nature . from whence it ensues , that great quantities of sea-water flowing in many caverns of the earth , such tenuous parts are exhal'd from them that being moistly condens'd are turn'd into fountains . he bids us not wonder , as indeed we need not , if in the bottom of some wells , there may be found salt-water : which he thinks might there remain , because the brinish liquidity is not strain'd or clear'd from the water of the seas as it passes to such profundities . that water in some wells is salt , notwithstanding they are far distant from the sea , is not to be doubted ; but the reason he gives for their being so , is not certain : because it is very likely , that the sea-water might not pass to any remote parts within the earth , and not be alter'd or purified from their saltness , by meeting , as also mixt , with abundance of fresh water that passes and repasses within the earth . nor is it impossible , that divers hot substances , as minerals , and the like , contain'd in profound places of the earth ; might not so efficaciously rarifie such quantities of water , that the residue would remain thicken'd , and therefore more aptly inclin'd to saltness . but as the supremer and not less important cause of the saltness of water in wells , especially of some that are farthest distant from the sea , may be reasonably thought to proceed from the powerful exhalations effected by the sun and stars ; by whose influence and heat , the tenuous parts of water are extracted , tho' from deepest wells , leaving such a crassitudeness , in the residue as gives to it a salt qualification . nothing being more certain , than that whatsoever is thicken'd , and thereby render'd more dryly adust , especially where earth has any commixture with it ; saltness , as its concomitant quality , will be there found . the same reason may be given for salt , discover'd in mountains , mention'd by this author . nor is the cause at all different , if not more obviously expos'd , from whence proceeds the briny relish of the superficies of the ocean : which openly revolving under the celestial luminaries , has its tenuous parts supremely exhaled , and consequently the regions replenish'd with clouds ; which being dissolv'd into drops of rain , there is no salt acerbity to be perceiv'd in them ; which proves , that the moisture exhal'd from the sea is of a more tenuous substance than that which is left behind , and therefore of a fresher taste . to which may be added experimental assurance , that the sea is less brackish at bottom than on its superficial parts : which sufficiently confirms , that the saltness of sea-water is produc'd by the motion and heat that is influenc'd by the sun and stars . that the waters of the ocean are rather accidentally than naturally salt ; as also , that they purge themselves in their passage to shores , may be signally noted from the experiment made by julius caesar ; who when besieg'd in alexandria , caus'd pits to be digg'd in the shore of the sea , which reliev'd his army with water potably fresh ; by reason that the sea-water had its saltness , in a manner strain'd , as it pass'd thorough the sands on the shore . that the southern ocean is salter than the northern , can be effected from no other cause , than that the sea , in that part of the world is warmer than the other ; correspondent to the air and winds , that coming from the south are hotter , to sense , than those which are blown from the north. there is no question more controverted by philosophers , then the causes that limit and confine the ocean , tho' by its elementary propriety higher than the superficies of the earth , and perpetually supply'd with innumerable springs , fountains , rivers and flouds , that vastly unite their currents , as they elapse from the inward and outward parts of the earth : yet do not so replenish the sea , however by nature elevated above the terrene world , that it executes that prerogative by a general inundation : or by particular exorbitancy , gain more on any part of the earth's surface than it loses in another . the reason of which , as it is render'd by some of erudite proficiency , is , because great quantities of the water of the sea , are receiv'd by caverns within the earth ; as likewise , that the ocean is much commixt with terrene materials , which depress , in divers places of the sea , the outragious height and swelling of its waves , before they arrive to shores : as also , that the hard composition and dryness of the earth , contiguously resist the attacks made by the water . these instances , i doubt not , are sounder probabilities , tending to the decision of the grand question , ( before mention'd ) than any to be deduc'd from the reasons given by des-cartes : which are so complicated , if not intricately perplex'd , that he might have spar'd his endeavour to explain them by any draughts , or schemes ; which , if duely inspected , would rather expose their obscurity , than intelligibly clear them to the sense of the peruser . and thus i pass to what he writes of things contain'd in the internal parts of the earth , together with their causes : the most principal of which relate to earth-quakes , the eruption of flames out of mountains , such as are observ'd of aetna in sicily , and vesuvius , in campania . of these , proceeding from subterraneous effects , operations and causes ; i cannot find , if granted his principles , that a more accurate discovery is explicated by his pen , than what has been written of their wonderful productions and consequences by others . much he inscribes of stones , minerals , and in summ , without enumerating of their several denominations , of the principal things that are contain'd in the bowels of the earth . but most especially , he treats of the magnet , or load-stone , together with its admired proprieties . this precious stone , above all value for its commodious and extraordinary use ; whose transcendent excellencies untill discover'd , in some few ages past , was wanted to the conduct of most approv'd navigators : who , before understood the sympathetick virtues and wonderful attraction of the magnet , as by its affectionate touch , the points of a needle are directive on the ocean ; were too frequently , without a guide , benighted , and wanderingly toss'd on the watery world ; or necessitated to furl their sails , and fix anchors in the bottom of the main , untill discern'd the munificent appearance of some noted star , whose motion , being calculated , directed their journey on the waves of the sea. whereas now , the pilot more certainly sails by the compass that contains his magnetical needle , than , he could , before its invention , by any other computation . by what means , or happy accident , this admirable benefit , whose secret cause and efficacy is so occultly reserv'd by nature , from the eruditest search of the learned , was first discover'd ; seems rather the beneficial act of providence , than concentring with humane invention . notwithstanding all which , des-cartes is so fondly confident of his supposs'd phaenomena's , in every consideration , that he doubts not to promulge , as he would be taken for a paramount minister to the counsels of nature , such secrets , that being enclos'd in her cabinet , could only be reveal'd by him . to which purpose , he presents his reader with no less than thirty four particulars , whereby he would explain the mysterious sympathy of the load-stone and iron . on which i am oblig'd to bestow no other remark , than by taxing of their dependancies on the construction and management he gives to his fabulous elements , vortices and globuli ; by which he attempts to constitute the world , and all its individuals , together with their occultest qualifications , and manner of existence : as surely as he imagines , that in this place , he has decipher'd every syllable relating to the obscurest contexture , being , and nature of the magnet ; the most useful jewel of stones , with all its excellencies . had it not been as easie for this author , having furnish'd his brain with so many notions , theories and systems , by which he undertakes to penetrate and display the total recesses of nature , to have given a philosophical reason , why the remora , tho' one of the least of fishes , adhering to the stern or rudder of a great ship , should stop her course , when under sail , in a tempestuous sea ? or , why the eyes of a crab-fish should burst the stone engender'd in the bladder of man ? yet these experiments are related by undoubted authors ; but so as they are referr'd to ocult causes , or such as are impossible to be extricated by humane comprehension : on which account pliny , the great naturalist , acknowledges , that there are many things , wholly absconded , by the majesty of nature . from whence i conclude , that had this learned monsieur been as modest , in his opinion , he had never propo'sd any maxims of his , in order to frame the miraculous consistence of the universal world , by materials and operations of his devising : for doing of which , however the labour of his pen , and pregnancy of his fancy , might in those respects , acquire applause : yet , in a judicious construction , they cannot be allow'd any other encomium , than may be given to ovid , for the first line , or introduction , to his fictitious poem ; where he tells his reader , that in nova fert animus mutatas dicere formas corpora — to be plain : i would as soon rely on the metamorphosis of that poet , by which he fabulously produces the universe , with all its appurtenances ; as confide , on that account , on the principles engender'd by the brain of des-cartes . not but i grant , that the most accurate thinker , even where causes of things are obscurely envelop'd , will signally attain the nearest room to philosophical reputation . notwithstanding , the endeavours of men are so far unfortunately obstructed ; that where knowledge is most desir'd , and would requisitely be embrac'd , the greatest difficulties not seldom interpose : insomuch that the faith we assign to the zenith of our salvation above ; encounters , too often , the soul with dubious sentiments , that in a natural conception are more remote from our apprehension ; than the absconded cause that guides the magnetical needle to epitomize a line that would direct its points towards the vastly distant poles of the world. the main supposition of this author , and on which chiefly his before-mention'd thirty four particulars , relating to the especial inclination of the magnet , or the needle touch'd by it , to regard the nothern and southern points of heaven ; is , that he supposes two poles in the magnet that respect those parts , or poles on which he imagines the earth to move . but how the load-stone should be accomplish'd with two such poles , that sympathetically affect those points of the world , he offers no natural reason for their consistence or operation . some of the learned have thought , that by a secret sympathy influenc'd by nothern and southern stars , the magnetical needle points towards them . others have more naturally , appropriated the cause to vast quantities of iron situated , as some think , under the north , or south pole of the world : from which opinion , perhaps as probable as any other , may be inferr'd , that if one end of the needle does steadily point northward , the other will as certainly point southward ; because the needle will be then demonstratively in the same plane , with the meridian line , if not accidentally hinder'd : but notwithstanding the strong inclination , or sympathetical affection , that the magnetick needle has directly to represent the two polar points of the world : 't is frequently observ'd , that in some places of the earth , ' tho not far distant from one another , it considerably differ'd , if compar'd with what it does in other situations . and what is more admirable , if plac'd , as near as could be judg'd , on the same foot of ground , it has at one time more or less vary'd , than at another : and thus it is frequently observ'd that very near the same place , higher , or lower , or on the contrary sides of a wall or window , that the magnetical needle hath pointed on contrary sides of the meridian : which might be from different azimuths , as the compass was plac'd ; much like to the substile of a declining dyal on several plaines . whether caus'd by some aspects and motions of stars , alterations of the air , water , earth , and seasons of the year , or metals conceal'd within the surface of the earth : if not , as some have imagin'd , diverted , or variously drawn aside by quantities of iron that in towns and cities , were more , or less , when observation has been made , near their precincts : as was the opinion of learned gilbert , who is said to have spent 50000 crowns on his endeavour to find out the secret. but whatever were the cause ; i think it not improper to mention the signal observation made by practical mr. gunter , in the 279 page of his book , where he writes , that being inform'd in what place mr. bourough , in the year 1580 , had observ'd the variation of the compass at limehouse near london , compar'd with the azimuth of the sun , to be 11 dig . 15 m. that he on the 13th of june , 1622 , made observations on several parts of the ground in that place ; and could find the greatest variation of the needle to be but 6 deg . 10 m. which differs from the observation made by mr. bourough 5 deg . 5 m. and tho' betwixt these observations there was 42 years difference ; it may be demonstratively concluded from them , that if the earth be suppos'd to move , as des-cartes imagines , it could not vary its poles , nor the magnetical needle , if granted , with him , to have poles also , by the virtue it receives from the touch of the magnet ; because both these learned authors made their experiment in the same place . having consider'd these observations , and not knowing whether , or not , the variation of the compass had been observ'd at windsor , where i now reside , i made , from a high and convenient place , these following observations , by comparing the magnetical azimuth of a needle six inches long , and i believe exactly touched , with the azimuth of the sun , from the meridian eastward ; or all one , as to calculation , if number'd from the meridian westward , and found the several variations of the compass in this present year , september the 9th , 1699 , betwixt the hours of four and five in the afternoon , according to the several altitudes of the sun , as in this table inserted . if the mean proportional alt. ☉ azm. azm variat . gr . m. gr . m. gr . m gr . m. 19 11 57 66 32 9 32 17 1 57 69 40 12 40 14 48 57 72 49 15 49 12 33 57 75 54 18 54 10 17 57 80 24 23 24 number be computed betwixt the first variation and the last , as they are inscrib'd in this table , it will be found 14 deg . 51 m. which differs but 3 deg . 37 m. from mr. bourough's observation : which might be his method , as he might observe betwixt hours : or else , from a suitable altitude of the sun , made his observation ; which is more probable , the needle standing at one and the same point , as it will do for some time , at least , if it be exact ; than that his observation , at one and the same place at limehouse , should differ so many degrees , as are above noted , from the variation of the compass found there by mr. gunter : in summ , i found that mr. gunter's observation of the variation of the compass , at the first place he observ'd when the sun was at 19 deg . of altitude , for he mentions several ; differ'd but 3 deg . 20 m. from the first of mine , as his needle might point westward from the meridian , and mine eastward , which was at 19 deg . 11 m. of the sun's altitude : from whence i conclude , that had he made his observation at the same altitude and declination of the sun , as was done by me , there had been proportionably the same difference , if compar'd with my table ; supposing his magnetical azimuth to have continu'd at 82 deg . 2 m. as it was first in his ; and his observations , at his first station , at limehouse , as many as mine . in a word , having duely ponder'd the calculations made by my self and others , whereby to attain the exact determination of this great , and as yet unresolv'd secret of the variation of the compass : i consider'd , that as the magnetical needle did point , for the most part certainly , at so many degrees of variation , as it will do for a considerable space of time , if the needle be as perfect as it ought to be ; that there could be no surer method , than to find such a theorem , as should , as near as possible , demonstrate the annual variation of the compass : to which purpose , i devis'd this process : if betwixt the sun's declination of 30 m. from the equator , as also his altitude , suppose 30 m. or less , if thought necessary , be taken the mean proportional sine , betwixt his azimuth at 30 m. of declination and altitude , and the complement in degrees , of the most constant standing of the magnetical azimuth ; and next that the same be done from his greatest declination , wanting 30 m. and 30 m. of altitude , and the difference taken betwixt both the mean proportionals so found ; it is probably , the most certain way to find the variation of the compass , in any one place , throughout the year . example . by my observation at windsor , sept. 9th , 1699 : i found the most constant and fix'd point of the magnetical needle to be 33 deg . eastward from the meridian , or the same if accounted westward from the miridian , whose complement to 90 , is 57 deg . the mean proportional sine betwixt the sun's greatest azimuth at 30 m. of altitude and declination and the magnetical azimuth was 66 deg . 19 m. : and the mean proportional sine betwixt the magnetical azimuth , and his azimuth of greatest declination wanting 30 m. and altitude 30 m. was 51 deg . 21 m. : the difference betwixt which mean proportionals is 11 deg . 58 m. : which i take to be the most approximate variation of the the compass at windsor , in the place where i observ'd , that can be given throughout the year . after these observations , i continu'd the needle for several weeks in the same place , and found the difference of its pointing very inconsiderable , or not varying a degree from whence it had stood before ; as also , that it sometimes return'd to the very degree , to which it had precedently pointed : which as i discern'd was upon change of weather ; and inclin'd me to conclude , that as clocks and watches go truest in a serene season , and temperature of the air , that the magnetical needle might likewise somewhat vary : it being not less probable , that it might be so affected , considering its elementary temper , as well as other mix'd bodies . and i am very apt to impute its temporary variation , chiefly to that cause , rather than to any other : tho' i well know , that not a few pretend to other reasons ; or such as i have already instanc'd . as also how they infer , that in places remote from towns and cities , the magnetical needle does more , or less vary : which observations were they judiciously made , and methodically collected and compar'd , might doubtless be a performance that would be gratefully receiv'd ; and in some respects forward the curiosities of men to a more requisite reasoning , or useful discovery of the causes and effects , that are admirably imply'd in the proprieties of the load-stone . but if des-cartes had been ask'd the cause of these diversities , or variations in the magnetical needle , however impossible as he grounds his opinion , by reason of the observations i have inserted ; he would confidently have referr'd them to the consistence and qualifications that the magnet , in his sense , receives from some one or more of his invented elements ; by which he supposes that particular parts of the load-stone are channell'd , or craggy , more or less , suitable to such striated , or hollow particles of the earth that respect its two poles north and south . but how comes the earth to have two such poles , if by poles be understood , as in an astronomical sense they ought , points in the axis of a sphere , or planetary orb ? i may conclude , that if the earth be immovable , as i presume has been egregiously prov'd in the third part of my remarks , then the earth has no such poles , as he would provide for her . or were i a cartesian proselyte , and should grant , according to his hypothesis , that the earth is imbu'd with a diurnal and annual motion suitable to the vortex , by which , in the opinion of this author , she does revolve : must i not also affirm , that if the magnet has correspondent poles with the earth , that it also concenters , in all respects , with the same motion ? but where is the man that ever observ'd , or can reasonably infer , that any such movement is incident to the load-stone , more than to a flint , or peeble ? the most probable reason that is given for the diversified variation , at several times and places , observ'd , of the magnetical needle , as it experimentally relates , to different points of the compass , may , in summ , be referr'd to what this author cites from our country-man the learned gilbert ; who chiefly imputes the cause of the diversities to some inequalities or alterable tempers in the superficies of the earth : or because there are more load-stones in some parts of the terrene world than in other : to which may be added , agreeable to the opinion of des-cartes , that in some seasons , more iron is digg'd out of the earth , and convey'd to distant places , or regions for publick and private uses : which might contribute much to the changeable variations of the magnetical needle ; as they have been by learned observators , at several times , differently computed . upon the whole matter , tending to the great secret of the needle touch'd by the magnet , i find not , that the inferences , above mention'd , are more passable with me , than any allowance of mine , correspondent to the opinion , of this author of poles in the earth , or affinity with them in the load-stone , or virtue , on that account , conferr'd by him on the needle . wherefore i judge , that i may with founder confidence adhere to the reasons and observations , precedently offer'd by me , than on any determination of the magnetical secret , tender'd by this writer : the maxims and principles of des-cartes being so entirely deduc'd and connected by him , that if one of his particulars be answer'd , he gives no labour to his opposer to have to do with more . which i confess i take for a favour , tho' possibly against his intention . and should i have been more elaborate in my pursuit , or conviction of his tenents , as i perceive them perplex'dly deliver'd , and entangled both in the sense , method , figures and schemes , by which he does , in a manner , no less pose himself than his reader ; my replications would have been no less ungrateful to a judicious peruser , than if i had elaborately undertaken by one obscurity to manifest another : so that i may safely conclude , that the occult quality , in reference to the magnet , with all its proprieties , is not more darkly reserv'd by nature , than 't is envelop'd in the writings of des-cartes . nor need i repeat , that if i have render'd invalid his first main particular ; by proving , as i have done , neither the earth , or magnet has any such poles , or motion , incident to his hypothesis ; i may undoubtedly alledge , that his other positions are totally ineffectual . and thus i pass to his 184th particular , where he mentions some other things , as jet , rosin , wax , vitriol and the like ; to which he annexes , in resemblance of the magnet , a propriety whereby they attract other diminutive bodies : but of these not having made such perfect experiments , as might render them clearly intelligible , or grounded no less evidently , in his judgment , than he has signified by the composition , and motions of things , deducible from his supposed elements , already disprov'd by me : he does , to as little purpose , instance their names and natures . and therefore require no farther discussion : it being my essential design to limit , chiefly my remarks to such heads and places of his tractates , that i judge usefully conducing to the improvement of science , or whatsoever by the humane mind would be most desirably understood : to which purpose , i will take occasion from the hint he delivers of his intention to compleat this fourth part of his philosophy , wherein he has given , ( after his manner ) the earth a formation and being , together with divers things relating to its external , and internal comprehension ; by adding his treatments of the original production of animals , plants and mankind . the last of which i shall principally insist on ; tho' wav'd , or deferr'd by him , in his 188th particular , to some future treatises , of which he was not fully resolv'd , or , at that time , furnish'd with leisure , or thoughts proper for his design'd enterprise on those subjects : yet i find , that the substance , of what he omits here , and especially that of the original of humane production , is to be read in the 29th page of his distertatio de methodo , or the right use of reason , in order to the investigation of the truth of science : which i conceive was written before the principles of his philosophy ; or indeed an epitome , for the most part , of what is to be found in them . wherefore , i shall briefly select from thence , so much of his method , tending to the primitive existence of mankind ; as also by what cause , or operation , individual man was originally constituted in his admirable form , and , more than wonderful intellectual capacity . the summ of all which he comprehends in these words : viz. that god did form the first being of the humane body in all things correspondent to what it is now ; both in the external structure of members , as also in the internal and organical parts , produc'd out of the same matter , by which is meant by des-cartes , his first element , as before remark'd by me . the method by which he supposes that god compleated the primary formation of man , he takes to be no other than a corporeal substance , without either sensitive , or animated proprieties , or , such as are observable in plants , or beasts , but only endu'd in the heart with a kind of fire without light , which he compares to a hay-rick , distemperately warm before it is thoroughly dry ; or the calefaction that is in new wine , before separated from its dregs . but how he comes to give an existence to fire , in the original production that he confers on the humane body ; is no less contradictory to sense , than if he had affirm'd , that flame could be infus'd into any corporeal thing without its illuminating capacity . true it is , that hay ill-digested will smoak in the stack , or mow ; and if not prevented set the whole on fire : and likewise experimentally certain , that new wine will ferment , untill cleans'd by its operation ; the latter , by reason of its predominant quantity of moisture , not capable of being inflam'd , as will the former ; that by prevalent dryness , opposing of its moisture , smoaks and burns , by degrees , unless hinder'd , the hay's distemper'd substance . and is it not a mean conceited similitude offer'd by des-cartes , by which he would render the corporeal figure of original man , as distemperately consistent , tho' the immediate manufacture , as he dilivers it , of the omnipotent ? yet being so far effected , could have no other representation , than as the material composition might be imagin'd to fumigate , or smoak at the nose and mouth , in resemblance to the distemperatures of hay and wine , mention'd by him , yet not potentially operative , either by rarifaction or condensation ; tho' impossible to be suppos'd where any thing is capacitated to evaporate , thicken , or harden , that it should not be naturally endu'd with suitable qualifications : which is grosly deny'd by this author , as he conceives , that fire might be so diffus'd , by the act of god , into the substance and composition of original man , that it might be destitute of its proper effects ; either as to alteration , or diminution of the matter that contain'd it : and if so , he must be very obscurely conceited , that would imagine a blind fire uselessly constituted in the first humane body by omnipotent power . the material substance out of which he concludes the primary being of man's corporeal shape and proportion , is doubtless abstracted by him from his primary invented element , and which he denominates the sole materiality of whatsoever the world contains . but that element , according to his definition , being exceedingly fluid and tenuous , and no room left , by reason of its plenary existing for any other thing , or substance throughout the universe , as i have precedently mention'd ; 't is very incompatible with common understanding , that this simple matter , and therefore incapable to produce any other substance different from its own ; should by des-cartes be presum'd , if pardon'd the expression , to fill the hands of the almighty in order to constitute the total world withall it s admir'd particulars , in a natural method : which seems no less improbable , than if a man should undertake , by grasping of air , to make it of as solid a substance , as is the flesh and bones of man. but waving that absurdity , as also , that fire without light , was originally convey'd by god , according to his supposition , into the then , unliving heart of man , only to warm that principal part ; if fire could be thought so to reside , contrary to its elementary nature and consuming propriety , untill this author imagin'd the whole humane body first animated , by the infusing of the soul by the act of the almighty : what could be imply'd by it , more than , that fire was ineffectually dispos'd into the lifeless heart of man by divine appointment ; yet not at all operative , otherwise than by impertinently warming of the part without either vegetative , or sensitive heat , as he defines it ? which were all one as to conceive , that the omnipotent seem'd to do something , by an extraordinary method , tho' nothing farther excellent , in reference to the original figure of man's corporeal being , than if a skillful statuary had compos'd the likeness of the humane body in any material substance . wherefore the fable of prometheus tending to his forming of man out of elementary ingredients , not a little resembles the devis'd part of the almighty , as it is deliver'd by this french philosopher ; with this difference , that prometheus is said at once to compleat , by a celestial expedient , his artificial man ; whereas several operations are allow'd by des-cartes , even to the work of the omnipotent ; tending to the primary production of the humane body and soul. nor do i preceive , that this author , if allow'd the fineness of his invention , does more sublimely celebrate the introducing of the soul of man into his imaginary material machine , than is divinely attributed to the fable of prometheus , the son of iapetus , in the metamorphosis of ovid ; where 't is thus express'd , — natus homo est : sive hunc divino semine fecit ille opifex rerum , mundi melioris origo : sive recens tellus , seductaque nuper ab alto aethere , cognati retinebat semina coeli : quam satus iapeto mistam fluvialibus undis finxit in effigiem moderantum cuncta deorum . this fable may be taken as an imitation of providence , by the artifice of prometheus : who , having moulded the statue of man , could not perfect his work , untill he had stole celestial fire ; and by conveying it into the material figure , which he had compos'd , the life and soul of man was at once produc'd : which was very agreeable to the religion of the ancients , which celebrated their gods , and goddesses , in the form of men and women ; and ensoul'd them wth no greater difference , compar'd with mankind ; than as they allow'd to their deities immortal reason and life . to which ovid seems refin'dly to allude in one of his elegies , where as a sublime encomium of the excellency of the faculties and gifts , incident to the humane soul , he derives its descent from above , by affirming , that — sedibus aethereis spiritus ille venit . this expression of the poet is not more poetical , than admirable , as he intends the soul to the perfection , reason and conduct , evidently discernable in stars , the shining ornaments of heaven : but should the soul be suppos'd originally infus'd by god , as a thinking substance into the body of man , suitable to the imagination of des-cartes , and not absolutely capacitated to discharge it self from the innate depravations and prone allurements of the senses , 't were some disparagement to its accession to the body by the gift and ordainment of divine providence . yet such an uncertain and complicated soul is , by this french writer , appropriated to the body of man , where , in some actions , he makes it a meer thinking substance ; but in the sensible execution of thought , he allows it co-operative and inseparable from the senses : and this , to the utmost force of his brain , he asserts in the 187th particular of this part i treat of , where he delivers these words — the nature of the mind is such , that by it alone may be apprehended divers corporeal motions , as also sensations in many respects . the example he gives , is of words spoken , or written , which may affect us with troubles , griefs , perils , sadness , or the like ; as also , how their contrary accents in reference to content , pleasure , and satisfaction , are verbally understood by us . which signifies no more , however he strains his inferences , than , that there is an inseparable concomitancy of the contemplations of the mind , and their applications to the senses . if i open a book , and view in it a whole page of letters ; by a meer superficial inspection of what is there written , or printed , i can understand nothing ; but if i conster those words , as their tendency and meaning imply , i am soon intelligent , whether they relate to sorrow , gladness , pain , or grief ; either as to my self , or any other person : because i am perfectly apprehensive of their motives , causes and effects ; as they sensibly incite my conception of them . the reason is plain , if consider'd the reciprocal allowance and reference , that any one of our senses has to another ; it being as easie for me to determine , by seeing a bone , or lump of flesh at distance , that they are really such as if they had been touch'd , or handled by me . if i hear of an arm or leg , by any means , sever'd from the body of man ; the connexion that the senses have with the imagination , as undoubtedly assure me of the manner of the wound , grief , and part cut off , as if i had occularly beheld it . not that i can directly judge the quality , or full extent of the pain that is not distinctly felt by my self : yet as the part is an object of sense , and in which i , as well as another man , may be in the same kind , grievously afflicted ; 't is very possible , that by a natural sympathy , which is reciprocally conferr'd on the sensitive parts of the bodies of men ; i may , in effect , be as sensibly intelligent of the pain , or grief , in any member of another person ; as if with the point of a weapon , i should wound the same part of my own body . and did not the soul and senses thus apprehensively conspire ; there would not be that reluctancy , defence , and prevention , us'd by us , for the safety of our corporeal parts ; nor should we be so actually sensible that mortality is the inevitable consequence of unsupportable violence , wounds , and maladies , that surrender our bodies to death . and this clearly invalidates the allegations and instances , that he gives , on this head , together with the example he mentions of a sword that may so hurt , or dismember any part of the body , that we may in mind , be grievously apprehensive of the local motion of the force , or blow , as it wounds the part ; tho' the motion of the sword and body hurt , be very different : from whence he concludes , that the humane mind by a bare speculation of local motion , together with its forcible onset made on the body , may judge of all corporeal afflictions and sensations whatsoever . and is not this a pretty kind of quibble in des-cartes , by not considering , that it was not the motion of the blow , or the wounded part that represented to the intellect , or mind , the hurt receiv'd ; but as the pain of the member , or part , assur'd the imagination unto which it was inseparably united ? it being very possible , for a man to be sensibly apprehensive of a wound , or blow , tho' he does not conceive , or see the motion of the weapon that gave it : but as he is sensible of the pain , he could not doubt , that it was effected by forcible means , tho' no otherwise relating to the wound ; or more diversified from sensible conception , than , on this occasion , this author does render the mind , or what he calls a thinking substance , by a modality of thinking without sense . nor is it imaginable , how any thing , that is not elementarily compos'd , can operate on the humane body that is so constituted : wherefore the word substance , applied to the soul , cannot be understood incorporeal , by the determination of des-cartes , who , wheresoever he treats of substance , appropriates unto it quantitative and dimensive parts , both in a plilosophical and mathematical consideration : and particularly , in the last page of this fourth part of his philosophy , condemns the doctrine of atoms , deliver'd by democritus ; because he allows them no commensurable quantity . had it been demanded of this french philosopher , what kind of substance must be the essence of the soul , when separated by death , from the body , in whose elementary composition it did precedently exist ? he could not define it otherwise than quantitative , as every thing , call'd substance , is by his opinion allow'd to be ; and therefore the same after the period of the body's life . and consequently , no less agreeable to his doctrine , if affirm'd , that the thinking substance , call'd by him the humane soul , must have , when separated from the body , a circumscrib'd , or elementary being , suitable to the nature of substance , as it may be conceiv'd quantitatively dimensive . which objection should a cartesian endeavour to evade by affirming , that the soul separated from the body is progressive to the sphere of spirits , or things superlatively refin'd and stripp'd from matter ; and unto which some allow definitive , not circumscrib'd beings ; he must next grant , that the soul cannot have existence there , otherwise than in a material superficies proportionable to its substance , and there eternally circumscrib'd , where spirits and immaterial beings are without such limits ; which were all one as to reside temporally amongst spiritual existencies . to avoid which absurdity , he cannot be thought to mean otherwise , than that the soul , upon its immediate departure from the body , is metamorphos'd into a spirit : and next , that it has a spiritual passage through all elementary bodies that intervene betwixt it and its immaterial residence appointed by god. but here may arise a querie , whether motion can be attributed to any thing without body ? or in what manner it can move , where bodies are , or be in motion , without removing of them ? which , in that circumstance , would render a soul , however deem'd spiritual , commensurably moving ; as by parts of time it might have an intermixt progression , with other substances , as its temporary measure . certain it is , that stars , the luminaries of heaven , if duely consider'd their wonderful motion , unalterable essence , and continuation , may be allow'd our most visible and perpetual miraculous objects ; or somewhat more than , in nature , can be properly worded . but should those etherial beings be suppos'd , in any place , where elementary substances might exist ; it were impossible they could move uncommixt with things of different nature from theirs : wherefore it must be granted , that the orbs above , together with the stars and planets , are of one simple essence , or manner of existence ; and therefore cannot mingle , or move with other matter distinct from their own : tho' by divine appointment , as parts of the same miraculous substance , they are only illuminated . but should the soul of man be assimilated , by any refin'd contemplation to the nature to the etherial luminaries , for want of a more obvious , or excellent comparison ; 't is not easie to conceive , how in its passage from the body , when life departs , it should remove to its appointed residence , separated from intervening substances , which in their temperatures and parts are of the same elementary composition with the humane body that had been actuated by it . which objection was doubtless consider'd as causing some hesitation in the thoughts of des-cartes ; who , notwithstanding the pretended curiosity of his imagination , in reference to the soul dispos'd , according to his method , into the original formation , by god , as he delivers the operation of the humane body : he does not at all express the manner of its departure , from its corporeal station , at the period of life : or by what means transferr'd , or remov'd to its immortal residence ; which was to be expected from the process he delivers : who having determin'd , that the humane soul is a thinking substance , and notionally active in the conduct of the living body , he might as well have inserted the method of its progression after death , from its bodily habitation ; and how , being a substance it arriv'd to its immortal abode , without being complicated , mov'd , or moving , in its passage , with any material thing by any resemblance to what it perform'd , when acting in the inclosure of the body of man. all which , according to the liberty he gives to his invention , might have been as successfully deliver'd by him , as the dispatch he gives to his globuli and vortices by variety of schemes , and diagrams , that have no better proof than the suppositions of des-cartes : but it seems , he thought it safer for his pen to inscribe his imagination of the soul , primarily convey'd , by the act of the almighty into the humane body , than by what subsequent means , or pasport from above , its substance arriv'd , after the death of the body , to its determin'd existence . of which i find no mention in any of his works ; other , than that he leaves the manner of the soul 's passing from the lifeless body , together with its journey to its immortal residence , to the miraculous conduct of the almighty . and i think it devoutly judicious , if , according to his example , i silence my querie , on this incomprehensible subject : since by the will of the omnipotent disposer and conservator of the universal world , together with the being of mankind in soul and body , our rational abilities more aptly tend to admire , than determine the manner by which we are ensoul'd to live , or after death to remain immortal . a contemplation sublimely incumbent on the humane mind , that is enough capacitated to understand its intellectual dignity ; however its essence and operations , within us , are superlative to our apprehensions , or exact definitions to be given of them . wherefore i doubt not that my discussions , on this great particular , are no less valid , where i differ from him , than what i have remark'd on not a few of his main principles , maxims , notions , hypotheses , and schemes ; or demonstratively wav'd , or rejected the insufficiency of others , on whatsoever account : so that i dare affirm , that i have not omitted any significant or useful animadversion . and had i more particularly insisted on any speculations , or matter seemingly varied and instanc'd by him ; i had , in effect , but encreas'd words to one and the same tendency : and therefore , where , in substance , my observations , on some things include other , i desire that my reader would ingenuously consider them , as they ought to be understood . and tho' this author is very inclinable to celebrate his own esteem by frequently affirming , that his assertions and tenents , are philosophically and mathematically certain : i will boast of no success of mine , to the contrary , farther than is equivalent with the proofs i have made , and to which i refer the judicious peruser . and thus i conclude the fourth and last part of my remarks on the plilosophy of des-cartes . finis . the creed of mr. hobbes examined in a feigned conference between him and a student in divinity. tenison, thomas, 1636-1715. 1670 approx. 474 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 137 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64353) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62288) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 298:30) the creed of mr. hobbes examined in a feigned conference between him and a student in divinity. tenison, thomas, 1636-1715. [25], 248, [1] p. printed for francis tyton ..., london : 1670. dedication signed: tho. tenison. first ed. cf. nuc pre-1956. errata on p. [1]. reproduction of original in yale university library. "the edition of such books of mr. hobbes as are cited in this dialogue": p. 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never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. philosophy, english -17th century. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-07 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the creed of mr. hobbes examined ; in a feigned conference between him , and a student in divinity . london : printed for francis tyton , at the three daggers in fleet-street . 1670. to the right honourable edward earl of manchester , lord chamberlain of his majestie 's houshold , &c. my lord , seeing i ow● to your liberality both the leisure and subsistence which i enjoy at holywell , i am under the greatest obligation of presenting , to your honour , the first-fruits of my studies , since my retirement to that place . these studies promoted by the encouragement of your lordship , were often suggested to me , by the unwelcome conversation of two sorts of people , of which some appear'd deficient in faith , and others , in charity . it is not long , since , by accident , i convers'd with many who were forward enough in venting licentious principles , in the way , but without the accomplishments , of mr. hobbes : neither have i escaped the trouble of meeting with some , who , having heard of the error , and recantation , of an unhappy young man , committed , sometime , to my care ; began to reproach my self as a favourer of such opinions . as for this rash attempt against my own good name ( the prejudice , which , from thence , might be sustained in my calling , being set apart ) ; i could have been content to have sate down in silence under it ; being ready to despise , rather then , deeply , to resent the loudest noise of such impertinent accusers . for i had learn'd of old , and by this instance was reminded of it , how unequal judges the vulgar are wont to be ; and how very few either can , or do , examine the reason of things . it sufficeth me , that i continue in the good opinion of your lordship , and of some other very excellent persons , whose judgements seem not to be corrupted by ignorance , credulity , or , unjust suspition : and doubtless , that honour is to be preferr'd which is rather tall then broad . in the mean time , it grieved me to see the tru●h lye bleeding at the feet of those who had not spurned at it out of strength of reason , but out of meer wantonness of humour ; and i esteem'd it a piece of religion to bear such a part as i was able in the vindication of her . in this cause some have already engaged , whose learning is greater then that i should either equal it , or give it such praise as it hath merited : and , certainly , the pens of many others ought also to be sharpned and employed , against our author ; that so religion may the more , triumph over atheism , and glory both in the streng●h and in the number of her advocates ; and that there may be le●t , as little soundness in the reputations , as there is in the discourses , of such unreasonable men . how sound those are , of which mr. hobbes hath been the great patron , i leave to the judgement of all persons , who have not , by any sensual course of life , receiv'd distastful impressions against religion . he hath affirmed of god that he is a bodily substance , though most refined ; and that he forceth evil upon the very wills of men . he hath fram'd a model of government , pernicious , in its consequence , to all nations ; and injurious to the right of his present majesty : for he taught the people , soon after the martyrdom of his royal father , that his title was extinguish'd when his adherents were subdu'd ; and that the parliament had the right for that very reason , because it had possession . he hath subjected the canon of scripture to the civil powers , and taught them the way of turning the alcoran into gospel . he hath said it is lawful , not onely to dissemble , but , plainly to renounce our faith in christ , in order to the avoidance of persecution . his imagination hath been infected with so strange an itch after uncertain novelties in doctrine , that he hath affronted geometry it self , which , so well , deserveth the name of science . you see , my lord , that the same person , who endeavoureth to shake the foundations of religion , doth manage a quarrel against the very elements of euclid . he hath , long ago , publish'd his errours in theologie , in the english tongue , insinuating himself , by the handsomeness of his style , into the mindes of such whose fancie leadeth their judgements : and , to say truth of an enemy , he may , with some reason , pretend to mastery , in that language . yet for this very handsomeness in dressing his opinions , as the matter stands , he is to be reproved ; because , by that means , the poyson which he hath intermixed with them is , with more readiness and danger , swallowed . of late he hath set forth his leviathan in the latine tongue ; declaring his desire ( as is the manner of infected persons ) of spreading his malady throughout the world. all this being considered , your lordship will not think it strange , that i use , towards him , in some places , a little warmth in my refutation : which just zeal , if he interpreteth , passion and rayling , he falleth into a like mistake with the poor norvegian in balzac , who fled away from a rose , conceiving it to be fire . wherefore for any bitterness of style , i will not be so injurious to my own innocence as to confess it : but for the elocution it self , i cannot but acknowledge , before so great a master of speaking as your lordship is known to be , that , in many places it is beneath mediocrity : yet even that imperfection serveth the character of such a person as speaketh in an extempora●● 〈◊〉 dialogue ; he being , now and then , at a loss for aptness or fulness of expression . concerning the introduction to this dialogue , if it seemeth a little from the purpose of the ensuing arguments , it is the more natural beginning of an occasional conference , in which men , otherwise then in the schools , come not immediately to the matter . and i well remember that minutius felix , in that dialogue , wherein he defendeth the christian faith against the cavils of the pagans , beginneth with a story of his walking towards the sea ; of his bathing , with good event , in the salt waters ; and of the little sports which children used in making the stones dance upon the surface of the waves . that which , possibly , may offend more , is the frugality of notion , wherewith i may seem to have managed some of these great arguments ; though in relation to the chief business concerning matter as incapable of thinking , i have not been sparing in my words or conceptions . but your lordship ( i assure my self ) knoweth well , that a man can scarce keep at distance enough from the crime of albutius the rhetorician , who desired to speak , in every cause , not all that was fitting , but all that he could say : that a defender of religion is not always bound to produce the arguments which prove the truth , of which the church is always supposed in possession ; but it sufficeth that he keep off aggressors : and this ( for instance ) was the manner of l●ctantius . lastly , that the book being composed in form of a dialogue ; by the largeness of my replyes , i should have seemed guilty of the incivility of common disputants , who endeavour to ingross the talk , and are unwilling to allow , to others , their turns of speaking . for the rest , i might alledge , with truth enough by way of excuse , the performance of this labour in the short space of the last winter-quarter : but the apology it self , the great haste in those twelve arti●les , might perhaps seem a crime and a matter of greater guilt then the errour of ovid , who made the sun to post through all the twelve signes of the zodiack in a single day . the whole , such as it is , is most humbly submitted to the candor and charity of your lordship , of which , that it is great , i have good assurance , seeing your honour hath pleased to receive into the number of your dependants , my lord , your lordships most obliged , though unworthy servant , tho. tenison . camb. iune 4. 1670 . a table of the contents . the introduction , page mr. hobbes and the student meet at buxton-well . 2. an instance , of the train of imagination occasioned there . 4 , 5. mr. hobbes his fear , & suspitious nature , expressed in the instance of s. roscius , and parallel'd with the character of epicurus in cicero . 5. the entrance into the dialogue . the students caution about moroseness , profaneness , &c. mr. hobbes accus'd by des cartes , in one of his epistles , as a man with whom no correspondence is to be held . des cartes himself noted for prophaning the holy text. 5 , 6. mr. hobbes defence against the charge of moroseness , &c. 7. why des cartes an enemie to mr. hobbes , and how they differ in the explaining of sense . ibid. mr. hobbes creed , in 12 articles , repeated . 8 , 9. mr. hobbes boasts of the good effect of his leviathan upon many of our gentry . 9. article 1. concerning the existence and immaterial nature of god. 9. &c. what mr. hobbes meaneth atheistically , in his pretended argument for the existence of a god. 10. mr. hobbes opinion concerning the corporeitie of god noted by des cartes , and further shewed out of his leviathan . 10 , 11. the absurd consequences of that opinion ( which in effect denyeth the being of a god : ) one of them noted by athenagoras . 12 , 13. mr. hobbes self-contradiction , whilest he saith all is body , yet denyeth parts in god. 14. mr. hobbes denieth incorporeal substances , because the terms are not in scripture . 15. his self-contradiction and improprietie of speech . 16. against mr. hobbes , that the scripture favours the doctrine of incorporeal substances , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cited by ignatius out of the n. t. 17. against mr. hobbes , that both plato and aristotle wrote of incorporeal substances 17 , 18. mr. hobbes argueth against incorporeal substances from tertullian and the doctors of the greek church . 19. against mr. hobbes , that the incorporeitie of god is asserted by athenagoras ; theophilus aut. tatianus , eusebius , athanasius , &c. 19 , 20. des cartes accuseth mr. hobbes of making false illations whatsoever the premisses be . 20. an answer out of other places in tertullian , to the words cited by mr. hobbes . 22. mr. hobbes writes the same over and over , especially about incorporeal substances . 23. that mr. hobbes fixeth a wrong sense upon the words substance and matter . 24 , 25. a saying of marcellus concerning the making words free . 24. mr. hobbes doctrine concerning the incomprehensible nature of god. 26. how god is incomprehensible . 27 , 28. against mr. hobbes , that we may have an idea of god : what an idea is . 31 , 32. that mr. hobbes is not advanc'd above the power of imagination . 32 , 33. that mr. hobbes condemneth himself by granting a conception of vacuum . 35. of the antients calling god the place of all things . 36. the first article concluded with the apostrophe of arnobius . 36 , 37. article 2. concerning the trinity . 37 , 38. mr. hobbes monstrous explication of that mystery . 38. mr. hobbes submitteth to the annotations of the assembly . 40. pope alexanders absurd proof of the trinity noted by enjedinus . ibid. according to mr. hobbes , there may be more then 100 persons in the deity . 41. concerning adam , abraham , moses , saul , christ , &c. as representing gods person . ibid. against mr. hobbes , that father in the old testament , is used somtimes in reference to christ. 42. a text cited by just. martyr disagreeing with the vulgar copy . ibid. the trinity according to the explication of mr. hobbes , no mystery at all . 43. article 3. of the origin of the vniverse . 43 , 44. &c. mr. hobbes , conception of a great bulk of matter arising out of a point . 44. against mr. hobbes , that men are not wearied in ascending by effects and causes to the first . 45. mr. hobbes , supposing an eternal cause in motion , supposeth an eternal cause to be no eternal . 46. the school of epicurus noted by cicero as deficient touching the source of motion . 47. against mr. hobbes , that the creation is to be proved by reason , not authority . 48 , 49. mr. hobbes is followed in his digression about the word magistrate , and refuted : and places out of varro , cicero , tertullian , grotius , our articles , are , to that purpose cited , and castalio's niceness taxed . 49 , 50 , 51. against mr. hobbes , that if god is , it follows he is creator of the order of the world : of the scituation of the heart . 52 , 53. mr. hobbes ( in de homine ) confesseth that the order of the parts of the body doth inferre the existence of an intelligent framer of them . 54. article 4. concerning the incorporeal and permanent nature of angels : mr. hobbes supposeth them as phantasms in dreams , or pictures in a looking-glass 55. &c. wh●t spirit and angel signifie , according to mr. hobbes at large . 56 , 57. against mr. hobbes , that the being of angels and spirits may be proved from natural reasoning , and the old testament . 58. against mr. hobbes , that religion ariseth not from tales publickly allowed 50. of cardan and his genius . ibid. concerning witches , sybills , oracles , that they ceased not ( as mr. hobbes saith ) at christs coming . concerning michael nostredamus . 61 , 62. against mr. hobbes , that the angels sent to abraham and lot were not meer apparitions . 65. that christ was not tempted ( as mr. hobbes saith ) in a vision . ibid. scultetus's mistake of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mr. hobbes his of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. that the n. t. asserteth the existence of angels . ●piscopius mistake concerning christ appearing a● a meer spectre to the disciples . 66 ▪ 67. mr. hobbes late confession of angels , as permanent ●nd substantial , from the places in the n. t. against mr. hobbes , that the scripture speaks of the cre●tion of angels . 68 , 69. of the ●ord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in col. 1. the reading of irenaeus noted . 70. mr. hobbes mistake about the word ghost . 71. of his verses of the peak . ibid. conclusion of the first dialogue . 73. beginning of the second dialogue . article 5. concerning the soul , and perception in matter . 75. according to mr. hobbes , the soul is the organized body in due mo●ion ; and the scripture meaneth by soul , bodily life . 75 , 76. this refuted . why blood ( called the life ) not to be eaten . 76. mr. hobbes hypothesis concerning sensation : be putteth the apparatus for sense it self . 79 , 80 , 81. difficulties concerning sensation explain'd , in the way , either of epicurus , or des cartes ; a vindication of him concerning the motion of the globul● . 81. it is prov'd , that sensation is not made by motion or reaction in meer matter . 82 , 83. that imagination is not meerly mechanical . 86 , 87. that memory is not meerly mechanical , 88 to 95 that reason is not mechanical . 96. that the operation of simple apprehension is not mechanical . 97. that universals are neither real things nor meer names . 98. that the operation of the mind in framing propositions is not mechanical . 99. or in deriving conclusions . 100. against mr. hobbes , that reason is not meerly an apt joyning of names . 102 , 103. article 6. concerning libertie and necessitie . 104 , &c. regius inconsistent with himself , mr. hobbes consistent , and after the manner of the stoicks , in this doctrine . 105. man according to mr. hobbes chuseth , and refuseth , as necessarily as fire burneth . ibid. this doctrine refuted by the reasons in the last article , concerning the soul. ibid. of bishop bramhal against mr. hobbes . bishop taylors judgement concerning that work . 107. this doctor chargeth god with all impieties , and barbarities committed by men ; and mr. hobbes is not ashamed of the consquence . 108 , 109. against mr. hobbes , that gods permitting of sin , is not the same with willing it . 110 , 111 , 112. mr. hobbes doctrine upbraideth all laws . 114. the instance of whipping , and drowning , nicons statue . 114 , 115. against mr. hobbes , that the will , if physically necessary , cannot make the action just , or unjust . 115. against mr. hobbes , that men not meerly punished for noxiousness to societie . 116. of the kil●ing of beasts . 117. of the necessity whereby god doth good ; it differs from mr. hobbes . 118. against mr. hobbes , that mans libertie contradicts not gods , or his omnipotence , 119. nor his prescience . 120. of a suff●cient cause . mr. hobbes clearly refuted . he trifleth of moral and natural efficacy , distinct , against mr. hobbes . 125 , 126. article 7. conc●rning th● law of nature : jus & lex , not first distinguished by mr. hobbes . of the fundamental rule of temperance , self-interest . 127 , 128. a description of mr. hobbes his state of nature 129 , 130. this hypothesis refuted . 131. to such models a saying of the lord baco●s applyed . ibid. of the origin of man according to epicurus . 132. epicurus ( according to gassendus ) teacheth the sa●e original of just and unjust with mr. hobbes . 133. an instance out of justin of the civilitie of the scythians without law. ibid. all born under government . 134 , 135 , 136. there may be sin against god , and a mans self in the state of nature . 137. some sort of murther , and theft , in a state of nature . 138. of promiscuous mixtures , usual among the gentiles . 139. scarce any consent of nations : the chief , about the existence of god. 140. what is right reason , and when it is the law of nature , and eternal . 142. concerning the irresi●tible power of god as the measure of his actions . 144. article 8. of the power and right of the civil soveraign . 147. laws made in vain , if self-interest be the prime laws . the consent of mr. hobbes , and l.s. in natures dowry . 148 , 149. mr. hobbes doctrine against the kings interest 149. of the earl of essex . of oliver . ibid. the doctrine of mr. hobbes , and mr. white catholick , against the kings return . 150 , a place out of dr. baily , where oliver is courted . 151. mr. hobbes saith falsly , that no bishops followed the king out of the land. 152. that bishop bramhal did so : his advice to the remonstrants against socinianism . ibid. & 153. mr. hobbes prov'd to speak falsly , when he saith he never wrote against episcopacy . 155. mr. hobbes cu●●s zeal , ●or the late king , malicious . 156. he placeth right in present might , against the king , considering the time . 157. his doctrine destructive to government . 161. the scurrility of his friends pref . to liberty and necessity noted . ibid. why the papists contrary to the interest of the kings government , and why mr. hobb's doctrine is not to be tolerated under any government . ibid. that mr. hobbes doctrine de cive is old , though bad , taught by euphemus in an o●ation in thucydides , and by others . 162. of tyranny . 163. of the prerogative of princes , not rightly stated by mr. hobbes . 165. article 9. of the canon of scripture , and its obligation before constantine . 167. a strange saying of dr. westons . ibid. of sacred books not written by those whose names they bear . 168. of the history of job in verse . ibid. that the writing the canon anew by esdras is a fable of the synagoga magna . bellarmines opinion of esdras fourth book of the lxx. 169 , 170. why the apocryphall books were excluded the canon . what books st. hierom saw , under the title of the first of macc. in hebrew . 171 , 172. of the n.t. declar'd canon before constan● ▪ or the council of laod. 173. what pope gelasius call'd apocryph●l , and wh●t books he condemned . ibid. of the apostles can●ns . 174. a place in tertullian , con●●r● in t●e books of the n. t. ibid. the copies of the n.t. not few , nor all in the hands of ecclesiasticks , prov'd against mr. hobbes . of the traditores in diocletian's days . 175. the n.t. canon without the civil sanction . 176. that christ subjected not iews to the laws of moses . 178 , 179. nor the heathens to the laws of their country . idolatry there a law , prov'd from the 12 tables . augus●us , caius , cicero , socrates , protagoras , anacharsis . the design of tiberius , for the deifying of christ , obstructed by the senate : and that christ came to destroy present idolatry . 179 , 180. of the new laws of christ. 181. that the commands of christ and decrees of his apostles , were laws , not bare counsels , against mr. hobbes . 184. of the power of the church ▪ and ●hat mr. hobb●s throughout his books , supposeth there is no power without force . 184 , 185. of the societie of the church . 185. it is prov'd that the function sacerdotal is not to be exercised , by the civil soveraign without ordination : though mr. hobbes grants to him or any man commissioned by him , a right of ordination , abs●lution , bap●izing , administring the other sacraments , &c. 186. iews and gentiles condemn'd for unbelief , and not meerly for their old sins , against mr. hobbes , who in that matter , fals●fyes st. john. 190. against mr. hobbes , that christ had a kingdom , and could make laws . 191. article 10. conc●rning profession of christianity under p●rsecution . 192 , &c. against mr. hobbes , that in any country we are not oblig'd to active obedience . 194. of mr. hobb●s , his becoming ( as mr. sorbiere pray'd ) a good catholick . ibid. that we ought to suffer , rather then obey against christ ▪ a saying of tat●anus to that effect ▪ of the grae●i●ns refusing prostration before the king of p●rsia . of the christians bowing no longer before the statues of the emperours , when julian added those of false gods. 195 , 196 , 197. of naaman's bowing in the temple of rimmon . 199. of faith invisible , against mr. hobbes ▪ that we ought to profess the faith . ibid. that christ is not to be ren●unced with the mo●th ▪ that the magistrates command excuseth not the apostate . of mat. 10.23 . &c. 200 , 201. of martyrs , their aera . a double sort in mr. hobbes . 203. of the words acts. 4.19 . mr. hobbes acc●seth them in eff●ct , of impertinencie . 207. mr. hobbes remitting martyrs to heaven , fallet● into the scoff of julian . ibid. article 11. concerning the future estate and place of torment . 209 , &c. mr. hobbes aff●rmeth , falsly , that the torments are eternal , but not to single persons . 211. he useth the irresi●tible power , or mercy of god , as they serve his turns ; this prov'd out of ●is de cive . 213. against mr. hobbes ; that hell will not be on earth ▪ of the vast numbers of people before the floud , and in a few years after . 215. mr. ●obbes supposeth devils , earthly enemies of gods church . 217. of the second death . ibid. whether the wicked shall be annihilated . it is prov'd against mr. hobbes , from sophocles and grotius , that a miserable life is usually expressed by death . 218. article 12. concerning the future estate and place of happiness . 219 , &c. mr. hobbes denying the immortality of the soul , granteth a future estate after the resurrection , by grace . ibid. it is prov'd that the soul surviveth the body , and receiveth immediate recompence . 220 , 221. a full answer , to the place of solomon wrested by mr. hobbes to prove that , in death , nothing remaineth of a man but a carcass . 222 , 223 , 224. and to those out of job . 227. that , although god could raise the body to life , yet without the supposition of a substantial soul , the doctrine of religion would be prejudiced : against mr. hobbes . 228. of the kingdom of god. of the place of heaven , on earth it is prov'd , that christs kingdom began long ago . 230 , 231. against mr. hobbes , that st. marc. 9.1 . refers to the destruction of jerusalem , and not to the transfiguration of christ. 232 , 233. of the siege of jerusalem by gallus and titus . ibid. coelestial bodies , in opposition to this gross flesh and bloud , confess'd , by athenagoras and st. hierom ▪ they seem unagreeable to an heaven on earth 234. if a man hath no substantial soul , he cannot be the same , in the alter'd contexture of a coelestial body . ibid. it is prov'd from scripture , against mr. hobbes , that the heaven shall not be on earth . 235. concerning the argument of christ , for the resurrection ; against the sadduces . 237. the double meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. an answer to 1 cor. 15.22 . alleged by mr. hobbes to prove heaven on earth , and the blessed to be in the estate of innocent adam . the interpretation of crellius and vorstius . 238 , 239. of adams immortality on earth 240. jerusalem not to be the metropolis of heaven , 241. answer to psal. 133.3 . produced unskilfully by mr. hobbes . 242. of the new jerusalem . of jerusalem above . of the new jerusalem descending . with what it synchronizeth . 243. answers to the places produced , out of isaiah ; joel ; obadiah ; st. john ; st. paul ; to prove that the heaven shall be at jerusalem on earth , at the second coming of christ. 244 , 245 , 246 , 247. the conclusion . 284. the editions of such books of mr. hobbes , as are cited in this dialogue . elementa philosophica de cive . a●●stero● . 1647. humane nature , london . 1650. leviathan . london . 1651. objectiones in renati des cartes meditationes de prima philosophia . amstel . 1654. of liberty and necessity . lond. 1654. de corpore , in english , lond. 1656. six lessons to the oxford-professors of the mathematicks . lond. 1656. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or marks of the absurd geometry , rural language , &c. of dr. wallis . lond. 1657. elementorum philosophiae sectio secunda de homine . lond. 1658. mr. hobbes considered , or his letter to dr. wallis , concerning the loyalty , religion , reputation , and manners of the author . lond. 1662. mirabilia pecci . lond. reprinted , 1666. the creed of mr. hobbes , &c. the first part. mr . hobbes of malmsbury , having pretended to furnish the world with demonstration , in stead of talkative and contentious learning ; and having particularly attempted to resolve the appearance● of nature , by principles almost wholly new , without any offensive novelty ; to discover the faculties , acts , and passions of the soul of man , from their original causes ▪ to ●uild upon these two foundations , the truth of cases in the law of nature , and all the undoubted elements of government and society ; to discourse of god , and of the most momentous articles of religion , in a way peculiar to himself ; and having done all this with such a confidence , as becometh only a prophet or an apostle : there is certainly no man who hath any share of the curiosity of this present age , or hath had his conversation amongst modern books , who yet remaineth unacquainted with his name and doctrine . of these , the latter hath spread its malignity amongst us too too far , and it hath infected some who can , and more who cannot read a difficult author . wherefore it is the business of this little book , to expose this insolent and pernicious writer ; to shew unto my countreymen that weakness of head , and venome of mouth , which is in the philosopher , who hath rather seduc'd and poyson'd their imaginations , than conquer'd their reason . and in doing this , i shall assume the usual and allowed liberty of feigning a discourse betwixt mr. hobbes , and a student in divinity ; as also such circumstances as gave occasion to the dialogue , after the ensuing manner . a certain divine having allotted one moneth in a year for his diversion , as also for his better information in the topography of england , he chose , a while since , to become an eye-witness of those wonders of the peak , of which he had sometimes read with some content , in the elegant prose of mr. cambden , and heroick numbers of mr. hobbes . in this progress , he was led at length , by his curiosity , to buxton-well , in such a juncture of time as he esteemed happy : for at the same hour with him , mr. hobbes alighted there , together with three or four other persons , of no inferiour quality ; for the old man being a well-willer to long life , and knowing that those waters were comfortable to the nerves , (a) and very usefull towards the prolongation of health , was not unwilling to be a visiter of them . the fellow-●ravellers of mr. hobbes had no sooner taken their foot out of the stirrop , than they were surprized by the contents of a letter , which a messenger , dispatched after them , deliver'd into their hands . the business was a matter of great importance , and such as admitted of no delay , and was very improper for the attendance of mr. hobbes , who was therefore left by them with much excuse , and many expressions of civility , to the sole conversation of the divine . in their address , mr. hobbes made his , with a stiff posture , and a forbidding countenance , having no ground of hoping for good usage from men of that order , upon which he had cast so much of his foulest ink , besides their christian charity in forgiving injuries . but it was not long before he learnt virtue from necessity , and chose , rather than to want , or seem to shun , an equal companion , to put himself into a more sociable humour . after they had said those things which are of course amongst men in their salutations , and made known to one another their names and qualities , and purposes in this journey , they prepar'd themselves to enter into the bath ; whilest they were in it , in those intervalls wherein they abstain'd from swiming , and plunging themselves , they discours'd of many things relating to the baths of the antients , and the origin of springs : amongst other sayings and enquiries of mr. hobbes , he at last brake forth , as it might seem , abruptly , into this question , what proportion is observed in the tuscan order ? the divine being well aware of those sudden leaps which the mind often taketh , from one thing to another , return'd first this answer , that the tuscan o●der with base and capital must be seven times its thickness ; and then replied also , that he could follow the train of mr. hobbes 's imaginations , as far as that question , having guessed within himself at the first hint of them ; which proof of his sagacity being desired , he applied himself in this sort , to the performance of his undertaking : you first ( said he ) beheld the bath in which we are , you thence proceeded in your thoughts to the baths of rome pagan ; amongst them you solicited the fountain of mars ; and thence your imagination passed to the rudeness of nero , who ( as tacitus (a) saith , defiled those sacred waters , and violated the ceremony of the place , by entring with his polluted body , immediately after one of his riots : having thought of nero , his barbarous act of setting rome on fire ▪ came next into your mind ; and thence y●u were led unto the motive which did in part induce him to burn the city , that is to say , because it seem'd unto him a rude heap of inartificial structures , and might arise to a greater glory out of its ashes : the thought of building occasioned that of the fire orders ; and so at length your fancy was guided to the tuscan . mr. hobbes acknowleged that he had conjectur'd aright , and begged pardon for that slight question , protesting , that whilest he ●●sed , it came from him unawares , and being pleased with the quick ranging of his companions mind , which he conceived to have been assisted by the study of his own doctrine , concerning a chain of phantasmes , he encreased in complacence . when they had in this manner b passed away an hour , they stepped out of the bath , and having dried and cloathed themselves , they sate down , in expectation of such a supper as the place afforded , designing to make a meal like the deipnosophistae , and rather to reason , than to drink profoundly . but in this innocent intention they were interrupted by the disturbance arising from a little quarrell , in which some of the ruder people in the house were for a short time engaged . at this mr. hobbs seem'd much concern'd , though he was at some distance from the persons . for a while he was not composed , but related it once or twice as to himself , with a low and carefull tone , how sextu● rostius was murthered after supper , by the balneae palatinae . of such generall extent is that remark of cicero , in relation to epicurus the atheist , of whom he observed , that he of all men , dreaded most those things which he contemned , death and the gods. but mr. hobbes having in a short space recovered himself , he was willing to enter with the ecclesiastick , into a serious discourse , and to examine and account for such doctrines in his books , as were usually accused not only of error , but likewise of downright irreligion . and for the more convenient managing of this dialogue , the divine addressed himself to mr. hobbes , to this purpose . student . before we engage in any dispute , i am desirous to deal plainly with you , in reference to some things which may obstruct our design ; and i hope you will not interpret for contempt , my ordinary liberty of conversation . you have been represented to the world , as a person very inconversible , and as an imperious dictator of the principles of vice , and impatient of all dispute and contradiction . it hath been said that you will be very angry with all men that will not prese●tly submit to your dictates ; and that for advancing the reputation of your own skill , you care not what unworthy reflexions you cast on others . monsieur descartes c hath written it to the confident mersennus , and it is now publish'd to all the world , that he esteem'd it the better for himself that he had not any commerce with you ; as also , that if you were of such an humour , as he imagined , and had such designs , as he believed you had , it would be impossible for him and you to have any communication , without becoming enemies . you are thought , in di●pute , to use the scrip●ure with irreverence ; and you have in a scoff men●ion'd the focus of the parabola of dives and la●●rus . i am ashamed of that humour in descartes , who hearing that monsieur petit had a little relish'd his meditations , said , he w●s well pleased ; adding also , that there was joy in heaven for one sinner that converted . if you appear morose , wedded to your ▪ opinion , and profane ; if you endeavour to enervate any ar●icle of moment in our faith , you must expect , either to be left alone , or to undergo the effects of a just indignation . i applaud in others , and i labour after a mastery of passion in my self ; but when the honour of religion is concern'd , it is my judgement not to suppress my warrantable zeal ; and i cannot value such a moderate man , as in a worthy cause , is neither hot , nor cold . mr. hobbes . for the morosity f and peevishness which i am charged with , all that know me familiarly , know 't is a false accusation . but it is meant , it may be , only towards those that argue against my opinion ; but neither is that true . when vain and ignorant persons , unknown to me before , come to me on purpose to argue with me , and to extort applause for their foolish opinions , and missing of their end , fall into undiscreet and uncivill expressions , and then appear not very well contented , 't is not my morosity , but their vanity that should be blamed . for descartes , he was moved without cause , being jealous g that i should supplant him in his principles of philosophy . that fear was groundless ; for i differed much from him , especially in the explication of sense by motion . let any man read descartes , h he shall find that he attributeth no motion at all to the object of sense , but an inclination to action , which inclination no man can imagine what it meaneth . touching the holy scriptures , i am so far from irreverence towards them , that i have great regard i to the articles and decrees of our church , suspending my sentence , where the church hath not determined . st●d . it would be much satisfaction to find all this in the sequel of our discourse , confirmed to me by experience . but whatsoever your behaviour is like to be , i cannot but fear ( having been conversant in your leviathan ) that your opinions will deserve reproof . i have sometimes heard the substance of them comprized in twelve articles , which sound harshly to men profe●●ing christianity ; and they were delivered under the title of the hobbist's creed , in such phrase and order as followeth . i believe that god is almighty matter ; that in him there are three persons , he having been thrice represented on earth ; that it is to be decided by the civil power , whether he created all things else ; that angels are not incorporeal substances , ( those words implying a contradiction ) but preternatural impre●●●ons on the brain of man ; that the soul of man is the temperament of his body ; that the liberty of will , in that soul , is physically necessary ; that the prime ●aw of nature in the soul of man is that of self-love , that the law of the civil sovereign is the obliging rule of good and evil , just and unjust ; that the books of the old and new testament are made canon and law by the civil powers ; that whatsoever is written in these books , may lawfully be denied even upon oath , ( after the laudable doctrine and practice of the gnosticks ) in times of persecution , when men shall be urged by the menaces of authority ; that hell is a tolerable condition of life , for a few years upon earth , to begin at the general resurrection ; and that heaven is a blessed estate of good men , like that of adam be●ore his fall beginning at the general resurrection , to be from thenceforth eternal upon earth in the holy-land . these articles , as they are double in their number ; so do they a thousand times exceed in mischievous error , those six so properly called bloody ones , in the dayes of king henry the eighth — nay sir , i beseech you set not so uneasily ; neither prepare to vent your passion ; for if it shall appear in the pursuit of this disputation , that this charge which is now drawn up , is false ; i will not persist in it , but be zealous in moving all your slanderers to lay themselves at those feet of yours ; at which ( as you your self have written ) a so very many of our english gentry have , with excellent effect , sate for instruction . at present i desire to take no other advantage from that presumed creed , than may be derived from the method in which the articles of it are propounded , as also from the particular subjects contained in them , without any forestalling assent or dissent of mind . for from thence we may fitly borrow both the heads and the order , of such a discourse , as will lead us without confusion , throughout all those opinions , with which you are said , to have debauched religion . let us then take our beginning from the first article , that fundamental principle , which being removed all real religion falls to the ground ; that is to say ; the existence of a god. are you then convinced , that god is ? mr. hobbs . i am . for b the effects we acknowledge naturally , do include a power of their producing , before they were produced ; and that power presupposeth something existent that hath such power : and the thing so existing with power to produce , if it were not eternal , must needs have been produced by somewhat before it , and that again by somewhat else before that , till we come to an eternal ( that is to say , the first , ) power of all powers , and ●●rst cause of all causes : and this is it which all men conceive by the name of god. stud. by this argument , unwary men may be , perhaps , deceived into a good opinion of your philosophy ; as if by the aids of it , you were no weak defender of natural religion ; but such as with due attention , search your books , they cannot miss a key , wherewith they may decypher those mysterious words , and shew that in their true and proper meaning , they undermine religion in stead of laying the ground-work of it . des-cartes in an epistle to father mersennus a makes mention , though with much neglect of your opinion concerning a corporeal god , this it seems you had broached in a studied letter , which passed through divers hands , about that time when all things sacred began to be most rudely invaded ; to wit , the commencement of our civil wars . and in diver ▪ books since that time published , you have often insinuated , and sometimes directly asserted , that whatsoever existeth is material . seing then , it is absurd to say , that matter can create matter ; it followeth that the effects you speak of in your argument , are not to be understood of the very essences of bodies ( which in your book de corpore b you conceive to be neither generated nor destroyed ) but of those various changes , which by motion are caused in nature : your sense then amounteth to this impious assertion ; that in the chain of natural causes , subordinate to each other , that portion of matter which in one rank of causes and effects ( for you admit c of an eternal cause or of causes ) being it self eternally moved , d gave the first impulse to another body , which also moved the neighboring body , & so forward in many links of succession , 'till the motion arrived at any effect which we take notice of , is to be called god. in the like sense the atheist vaninus called nature , e the queen and goddesse of mortals ; being ( as saith a learned writer ) f a sottish priest of the said goddess , and also a most infamous sacrifice . mr. hobbes . this principle , that god is not incorporeal , is g the doctrin which i have sometimes written , and when occasion serves , maintain ; i say , therefore , that h the world ( i mean not the earth only , that denominates the lovers of it worldly men , but the universe , that is , the whole mass of all things that are ) is corporeal , that is to say , body ; and hath the dimensions of magnitude , namely , length , breadth and depth , also every part of body is likewise body , and hath the like dimensions ; & consequently every part of the universe is body , & that which is not body , is no part of the ●niverse : and because the universe i● all , that which is no part of it is nothing ; and consequently no where nor do's it follow from hence , that spirits are nothing ; for they have dimensions , and are therefore really bodies ; though that name in common speech be given to such bodies only , as are visible or palpable ; that is , that have some degree of opacity . but for spirits they call them incorporeal ; which is a name of more honor , and may therefore with more piety be attributed to god himself ; in whom we consider not what attribute expresseth best his nature , which is incomprehensible , but what best expresseth our desire to honor him . stud. if every part of body be body , not only ●s to us , but in it self ; there seemeth to be such an inexhaustibleness in the least atome , as will render it , as infinite as the whole mass of the remaining matter , neither do i apprehend how there can ever be made a true beginning of the theory of nature ; if after the utmost resolution of matter , it be impossible to descend to the very root of bodies : which root i would name , a physical monad , if you would not use your standing weapons of reproach , a jargon ; nonsense ; absurd and insignificant speech . but i will pursue this perplexing argument no further , because we must not loose sight of our main subject , touching the corporeity of god ; which is affirmed by you in this place , without the least offer of a reason ; which in good earnest were a very vain attempt , for if all be matter ; seeing god is infinite and every where b and body cannot be at the same time in the same space with body , c ( both which by you are also granted ) then by the name of god we must understand the universe . then d whatsoever we see , or whatsoever we move towards , the same is jupiter , and such an opinion if it once break in upon our belief , it will make a way there , by which a million of absurdities may follow after it , and that i may not seem to deceive by a general assertion , i will here repeat a few of them . it will follow thence , that all the actions of god proceed by unavoidable compulsion , from the mechanic laws of moving and moved matter . that some parts of the deity perceive , what others do not , there being in divers bodies , divers re-actions , in which you place the nature of conception a in organized matter ; and must also allow the same in that which hath neither brain nor heart , if you will admit of perception every where , in your deity . that if any parts of matter be perfectly at rest , then such parts of the deity , ( suppose of gold , lead , or marble ) are without understanding , and thus in opposition to the sovereign god , whose being and knowledge are no where excluded , you have set up a baal of your own , of which one part is asleep , in the depth of rest ; and the other is in a journey hurried by motion . it will also follow from this principle of yours , that idolatry which you somwhere b condemn as sinful , is no crime ; it being no other than an amicable officiousness in one part of the deity towards the other , if the universe be god ; and here a saying of athenagoras c comes in fit time into my mind ; and it is to this effect . if god and matter be the same thing under differing appellations ; we are impious if we deny to stones and trees , to gold and silver divine honor . lastly , if the universe be god , then cain , and cham , and pharaoh , and herod , and pila●e , and iuda , and ( that i may say it with sufficient emphasis ) the teacher also of this doctrin is part of the deity . mr. hobbes . this d is all error and railing , that is , stinking wine , such as a jade le ts fly , when he is too hard girt upon a full belly . stud. this nasty metaphor is widely misplaced , whilst instead of saying that i am hard girt , you should have confess'd your self ( for that 's the truth ) to have been galled to the quick . for my self , ● was not intemperate in my passion , but zelous in the truth : but your language is both foul and unjust ▪ and ( to allude further to the beast you speak of ) you therefore boggle and foam , because of a sudden there is too much light let in upon you , but laying aside this reviling humor , which is common ▪ not with ingenious phylosophers , but with people of poor and evil education ; let me with calmness be informed of those reasons , upon which you so confidently support your self in maintaining the materiality of god. mr. hobbes . before i repeat my reasons , i wil● let you understand that i have expresly taught i● my leviathan , a that those phylosophers , who said the world , or the soul of the world wa● god , speak unworthily of him ; and denied his existence : for by god is understood the cause of the world ; and to say that the world is god , is to to say , there is no cause of it , that is , no god. stud. in this you are at agreement with me , but seem to contradict your self , for here you deny that the world is god , and elsewhere you defend it most pertinaciously , that all is body , which 〈◊〉 it be , then as hath been said ) the whole is god , if he existeth ; seeing nothing that is , can give bounds unto his in●inite nature , and body can be a neighbour to body , but not an inhabitant . in some places you write down , and in others you dash out your fancy of a corporeal god : you have said , that whatsoever is , is body ; you have also written , b that to attribute to god , parts or totality , is not honour , because they are attributes only of things finite : and now methinks you should not be so impatient of contradiction from others , seeing you swallow it without straining in your own books . but from this diversion , please to return unto those promised reasons , wherewith you are wont to manage this argument of the materiality of our creator . mr. hobbes . in this i will comply with you ; and my care c it is , and labour , to satisfie the judgement and reason of mankind . and first , d what kind of attribute , i pray you , is immaterial or incorporeal substance ▪ where do you find it in the scripture ? whence came it hither , but from plato and aristotle , heathens , who mistook those thin inhabitants of the brain they see in sleep , for so many incorporeal men ; and yet allow them motion , which is proper only to things corporeal ? do you think it an honour to god to be one of these ? and would you learn christianity from plato and aristotle ? but seeing there is no such word in the scripture , how will you warrant it from natural reason ? neither plato nor aristotle did ever write of , or mention an incorporeal spirit ; for they could not conceive how a spirit , which in their language was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( in ours , a wind ) could be incorporeal . stud. in this first endeavour ( for a reason i cannot style it ) there are many things which appear to me absurd . you tell us that the attribute of incorporeal was borrowed from the heathens , plato and aristotle ; and yet almost in the same breath , you say , that neither of them did ever write of , or mention an incorporeal spirit . you reproach us , as learning christianity ( in stead of which you ought to have used the more proper term of natural theology ) from such heathens ; and thereby you seem to herd with that ignorant multitude , who of late decry'd all humane learning , upon pretence that it was heathenish and prophane , as if the pearl of wisdome and reason were so besmear'd by the usage of the heathens , as to be rendred unfit for the touch and service of a christian philosopher . you again are too too much in their humour , whilest you require expres● mention of a term in holy scripture , and upon the supposed silence of it , reject the notion which may be delivered in another form of words . and moreover , when you say that plato and aristotle could not conceive a spirit , by reason that with them it signified a wind , to be incorporeal ; therein also you ought not to have used such confidence in your assertion : for if wind be motion , and motion be so unglued and loose , as to pass from body to body , i know not whether the n●me of wind may not more promote , than obstru●t the apprehension of an incorporeal being . we are informed by sextus empiricus , a that some of the antients contended expresly for the incorporeity of motion . i mean by motion , that force so little yet understood , which is the cause of the translation of bodies , and not , as you somewhere b speak , the relinquishing of one place , and acquiring another . but leaving this subtiler consideration , i will proceed to shew , that neither the scripture , nor the school of plato , or aristotle , is wholly unacquainted with the doctrine of an incorporeal spirit . concerning the holy scripture , it saith , that god created all things , and filleth all things , and therefore it teacheth that he is immaterial . and for the very term , we may perhaps meet with it in the words of our blessed lord c who appearing to the doubting and amazed disciples , encouraged and confirmed their faith , by saying to them , lay hold of me , handle me , and see that i am not an incorporeal daemon : you will now tell me , that i follow not the true copy of the new testament , in the translation of this produced text. i defend my self , by answering , that i follow holy ignatius , who in his undoubted epistle to those of smyrna d cited both by eusebius and st. hierome , bringeth in our lord using these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this excellent person who saw our lord after his resurrection , did either cite the words exactly e or else , which also strengtheneth my cause , he e●press'd the sence of them , according as it was received in the incorruptest age of the christian church . concerning the philosophy of plato , in relation to the question which lay before us , there is nothing more received , than that he affirmed the most celestial parts of matter , neither to be god , or angel , or spirit of man , but to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as is the phrase of hierocles ) the spiritual chariots of prae-existing angels , or of departed minds . in the beginning of the dialogue with the jew trypho , iustin martyr a at large , relating his small proficiency under the tutorage of a stoick , a peripatetick , and a pythagorean , adds also , that he adjoyn'd himself at last to a platonist of great fame ; that he improved daily by his instruction ; that he was extreamly pleas'd , amongst other parts of science , by him taught , with the notion of incorporeal beings : and if i well remember , the great admirer of plato , psellus , has call'd the soul an immaterial and incorporeal fire . b and touching plato himself , i am sure that i have read this maxime in his politicus , c that incorporeal beings , which are of all others the most glorious and great , are only conspicuous to the faculty of reason , which though it be there said by hospes , yet it is approved of by plato himself , under the name of socrates , who reply'd , that he had excellently spoken . neither will i pass by the testimony of aristotle , who by his separate intelligences , meaneth ( saith ben maimon ) d the same with those , who maintain the existence of incorporeal angels . and concerning the rational soul , he teacheth , e that it is separable from the body , because it is not the entelech of any body , having a while before enquired whether it be endued with any peculiar function , not arising from this compounded estate . he also f denieth , that motion can arise from a body . mr. hobbes . it is manifest by your thick quotations , that you are much in love with authority ; to that therefore in the second place i will refer you . know then g that whatsoever can be inferr'd from the denying of incorporeal substances , makes tertullian , one of the antientest of the fathers , and most of the doctors of the greek church , as much atheists , as my self . stud. you have not , by this means , advanc'd your hopes of victory ; for i shall make it evident , that the forces in whose numbers you trust , are falsly muster'd . the fathers of the greek church believe in the same sence with the doctors of our own , that god is a spirit : for ignatius , and iustin martyr , you have heard already on what side they stand . athenagoras , in his embassie , in behalf of the christians , to m. aurelius antoninus , and l. aurelius commodus , discourseth to this purpose . a the athenians did most justly condemn diagoras for sacrilegious impiety , who rather than his coleworts should remain unboyl●d , would cut in pieces the statue of hercules , who also did expresly affirm that there was no god at all . but as for us , who separate god from matter , and teach that god is one thing , and matter another , the reproach of atheism is most unreasonably and injuriously charg'd upon our creed . the same athenagoras , in a few pages after this discourse b again professeth , not as his private opinion , but as the faith of the christians of that age , that god admitteth not of any division , neither consisteth of any parts . then for theophilu● , the patriarch of antioch , who likewise writeth , not as a private man , but as a common apologist for the christians ; he tells antolycus the heathen c that god is every where , and that every thing is in god. had he believed god to have been a body , he would not have placed all other beings in his boundless essence , unless we shall take the boldness to accuse the holy patriarch of that fault , which des-cartes imagined he had espied in your self , of failing d whatsoever the premisses be , in the illations deduced from them . if we consult tatianus , in his oration contra graecos , we shall likewise obtain his suffrage e for the immateriality of the first cause . there are , said tatianus , who do maintain that god is a body ; i am not of the same belief with them , for my perswasion is , that he is incorporeal . e●sebius may be produc'd in the same place f both against your self , touching the materiality , and against idolater● , touching the worship of angels ; for thus he speaks , we have learn't to honour the incorporeal powers , according to the degree of their dignity , ascribing divine honour to god alone . st. athanasius tells the followers of sabellius , that it is a very childish and foolish conceit , by the eye , or by the circumscription of place , to comprehend that which is incorporeal g understanding this speech of the infinite majesty of almighty god. st. chrysostome in the same place affirmeth , god and the soul of man , to be incorporeal . h i might here subjoyn in favour of the common opinion , st. iren●eus , i st. basil , st. gregory nazianzen , st. gregory nyssen ▪ st. epiphanius , and a long order of others , if it were not a needless labour , and would not look more like o●tentation , than necessary defence of truth . some indeed of the antients believed angels not to be wholly incorporeal ; and st. hierome placeth it amongst the errors of origen , that he ascribed to angels , bodies of air : they taught not , that body was their sole essence , but their cloathing . so that to speak after your own manner a i observe a great part of those forces , by the strength of which you contend against incorporeal substances , to look and march another way . mr. hobbes . tertullian however is on my side ; for he b in his treatise de carne christi , sayes plainly , omne quod est , corpus est sui generis ; ni hil est incorporale , ●isi quod non est . that is to say , whatsoever is any thing , is a body of its kind ; nothing is incorporeal , but that which has no being . there are many other places in him to the same purpose ; for that doctrine served his turn to confute the heresie of them that held , that christ had no body , but was a ghost : also of the soul he speaks as of an invisible body . you see what fellows in atheism you joyn with me . stud. some perhaps might here reply , that tertullian was a single witness , and that his testimony might appear invalid , because he was condemned of old , as an heretick for this very doctrine ; because he was a man of a various creed ; because he was better skilled in the laws of the roman empire , than in those of nature ; at least that he attended not to the phylosophick consequence of his opinion ; lastly , because to avoid his adversaries , he ran too nigh the other extreme , and would have used different weapons in another controversie . but it will be more agreeable to the reverence which we owe to that very antient and learned writer , to explain one place in him by another , than rudely to accuse him . it is therefore to be noted , that tertullian sometimes called the passive matter by the name of body , and sometimes by body understood the meer substance , being , or essence of things . in the first sence , are those words to be expounded , which we find in his book de animâ . c in quantum omne corporale , passibile est , in tantum quod passibile est , corporale est . now it is not to be imagined , that in this meaning of the word corpus , a body should be attributed to the impassible nature of god , by a man who devoutly adored his perfections . for the second sence , i will alledge the explication which he himself hath made , in his book against hermogenes d the phylosopher and painter , who being perhaps debauched by his very profession , which chiefly imploy'd his fancie , affirmed that matter was co-eternal with god. nisi fallor enim , omnis res aut corporalis aut incorporalis sit necesse est : ut concedam interim aliquid incorporale de substantiis dun●axat , cum ipsa substantia corpus sit rei cujusque and in the very words which us●er in those , now cited by you , and craftily conceal'd , it is apparent that by body , tertullian meant only essence , and not impenetrable matter . the words are these , quum autem sit , habeat necesse est aliquid , per quod est : si habet aliquid per quod est , hoc erit corpus ejus . omne quod est corpus , est sui generis . mr. hobbes . of authority enough , let us consult natural reason , by attending to which i maintain , a that incorporeal body , is not a name but an absurdity of speech ▪ spirits b supernatural commonly signifysie some substance without dimension ; which two words do flatly contradict one another . i say , again , c an incorporeal body or ( which is all one ) an incorporeal sub●tance , is a name made up of two names , which have significations contradictory and inconsistent , for d a substance is matter , subject to accidents and alterations . if a man e should talk to me of a round quadrangle ; or accidents of bread in cheese , or immaterial substances ; — i should not say he were in an error , but that his words were without meaning ; that is to say , absurd . though men may f put together words of contradictory signification , as spirit and incorporeal , yet they can never have the imagination of any thing answering to them . substance incorporeal g are words , which when they are joyned together destroy one another . i say again , h that to men that understand the signification of these words , substance and incorporeal , as incorporeal is taken , not for subtil body , but for not body , they imply a contradiction . stud. this unbacked confidence in an argument of such moment , provokes me to tell you , that you are as notorious in repeating , as those priests whom men of your perswasion are wont to flout at , whilst they should rather have regard to the dulness of their common audience : as also , that if all things twice said , or elsewhere written by you were picked out ; your great leviathan would shrink to a little scallop . but to reason with you in your own way , i deny it , once and again , that the speech , incorporeal substance , either is or implies a contradiction , there 's a bare nay , of as good strength , as your naked affirmation , you have somewhere promised a to endeavor as much as you could , to avoid too happy concluding : but here you are so hasty , as to leap over all proper premises into such a conclusion , as is made only by a stiff and presumptuous will. but i will be content to answer also , that we forsake the usage of speech , when we confound the names of body and substance . the logicians , who are at variance in other matters , consent in this , that a substance is either material , or immaterial . if you resolve to fix a sence to the word , substance , which hitherto all custome ( which is th● interpreter of speech ) ha's determin'd ag●inst ; you usurp too great authority . m. pomponius marcellus fear'd not to tell tiberius the emperor , who had us●d a word not truly latin , in one of his edicts ; that b it was in his power to make men , but not to make words free of the city . mr. hobbes . do you understand the connexion of substance and incorporeal ? if you do , explain it in english ; for the words are latine . it is something , you 'l say , that being without body stands under — stands under what ? will you say under accidents ? almost all the fathers of the church will be against you ; and then you are an atheist . stud. by avoiding the word , substance , by which ( in despight of general use ) you will mean body , your cavil vanisheth : for if we should use the terms of , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being , or essence ; affirming that god is a being which neither is , nor ha's a body , you will be of a very quick and sagacious nose to smell out a contradiction in words so put together . for to be , and to be without body , are not terms which destroy each other . it might then be inferred , that all moral virtues and all physical notions were names and nothing else . but i will admit of the word , substance , and ( which may seem a concession with advantage ) of the word , matter , too , without any real prejudice to this cause , for by substance is frequently under●●ood ( as des-cartes himself , d who favour●d not the abuse of words ha's phras●d it ) metaphysic-matter . that matter is the subject about which our mind is conversant , whither it be a feigned notion , a name , a privation , or negation ; for as plato ha●s observed , the art of reasoning , handles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , matters , which are not real , after the manner of reals ; and aristotle ( whom you are wont to cite when he may serve your occasion ) divideth a matter into intelligible and sensible ; not meaning , as is manifest from his context , such matter as is composed of imperceptible parts , but such as i now describ'd . cicero b likewise calleth indoles by the name of matter . but substance ( you say ) being construed aright , doth signifie something that standeth under , under what , when ascrib'd to god ? that 's your smart question , it soundeth hastily to answer under accidents , which are for the most part appurtenances to body . but if i say , under attributes ( seeing the anti-remonstrants have of late allowed it for good doctrin , that the decrees of god are not the very essence of god ; ) c i am not for such an answer , so nigh the borders of atheism ( you should have said of heresie ) as you by your false prospective are ready to espie me . but to take away all occasion of further cavil about this name , incorporeal substance ; i will at last referr you to the law , towards which you pretend the profoundest reverence , submitting your very words at the foot-stool of such authority . if then a substance signifieth body ; and every thing that is , be body ; then is the first article of the nine and thirty ( which ha's as much validitie in law , as the kings broad-seal can give it , which i know you judge sufficient ) an heap of absurd and inconsistent words , for , in that article we are taught that there is but one living and true god , everlasting , without body , parts or passions . mr. hobbes . to those doctrins of the church , which are made law by the kings authority , i owe reverence ; and have alwaies a will to pay it , in pursuance of which will , i have taught in my leviathan , d and you your self a while since took notice of it , that to attribute totality or parts to god , is not to honor him ; you may likewise understand , that my opinion concerning god , sayes nothing of him , but that he is . forasmuch e as god almighty is incomprehensible , it followeth , that we can have no conception or image of the deity , and consequently all his attributes signifie our inability and defect of power to conceive any thing concerning his nature , and not any conception o● the same , excepting only this , that there is a god. the nature , i say , of god f is incomprehensible ; that is to say , we understand nothing of what he is , but only that he is ; and therefore the attributes we give him , are not to tell one another what he is , nor to signifie our opinion of his nature , but our desire to honor him with such names , as we conceive most honorable amongst our selves . stud. to this last effort of yours , there are divers things to be replyed ; and in the first place , whereas you have said that to attribute parts to god , is not to honor him ; it follows then , that you , who would seem to mention his nature with the highest degree of veneration , have notwithstanding a most unworthy conceit of him ; seeing to call him body , is to cast the reproach of having parts upon him . so that the character which cicero gave of the herd of epicurus , will not be disagreeable to the followers of a phylosopher whom you know very well ; in words they affirm , but in truth they deny the existence of god b . again , whilst in your opinion the deity is so incomprehensible , that you understand not any thing of his nature ; but profess to honor him at adventures , by such tokens of esteem as are in use with men : or by such as imply our inability to conceive of him ; the burthen of our holy lord against the blind zealots of samaria , may be most justy taken up against you , who worship , you know not what ? and to say that god is , and also that you apprehend not any attribute that properly appertaineth to his nature , is only to pronounce of god , as of an indefinite name : for such is naked being , strip●d and devested o● all such attributes as are required to particularness or distinction of things . tell me not ●ow , c that though it be not possible for a man that is born blind , to have any imagination what kind of thing fire is , yet he cannot but know somewhat there is , that men call fire , because it warmeth him : for it is not to be concluded from that similitude , that all that will consider , may know that god is , though not what ; he is for a blind man warmed by the fire understandeth well , because he feeleth the true nature of it , which consisteth not in the colour or shining of i● , but in that sensation which ariseth in him from his nerves touched by such of the more earthy parts of matter , as are put into vehemen agitation . that god is incomprehensible in some sense , is acknowledged by all , who will not arrogantly suppose their minds , as infinite as god , but to say ●hat we know not any thing of god , because we have not an adequate conception of him , is as absurd , as if a navigator should affirm , that he knows nothing of the sea , but that it is , because he cannot fathom the utmost depths of it . maimonides , in the same place d acknowledgeth god to be incomprehensible , yet sheweth that he is incorporeal ; and that something is to be known of him , besides his bare existence , because some men have better apprehensions concerning god than others , who are equal with them in knowing that he is , we pretend not by searching , to find out god ; to find out the almighty to perfection , but after some imperfect degree of knowledge to apprehend his nature , if this be denyed to the mind of man , after the most sagacious ranging of it ; and if the attributes , not only of incorporeal and omnipotent , but also of good , and just , and holy , and true , be not some real strokes of the divine image , but only marks of honor in the societies of men , then is it an impossible undertaking ( so far will it be from the rule of religion ) to labor to imitate him we worship , then are those places to be blotted out of the holy canon wherein 't is written , that god is love : that we must be holy , because god is holy : that it behoveth us to be merciful ( for the quality of our virtue ) as our father , who is in heaven is merciful , than by affirming that god is good , or just , or holy , we cannot assure our selves , that we shall not by such speeches talk wickedly for god. mr. hobbes . that e which men make amongst themselves here by pacts and covenants , and call by the name of justice , and according whereunto men are accounted and termed rightly just or unjust , is not that by which god almighties actions are to be measured or called just , no more than his counsels are to be measured by humane wisdome , that which he do's is made just by his doing of it , just i say , in him , though not alwayes just in us . stud. of eternal reasons of good and evil , we may discourse more pertinently , in our intended disquisition touching the law of nature , and the obligation of humane laws . yet i cannot abstain from interposing here this short reply , that although the most incomprehensible god has not submitted all the acts of his boundless wisdome to our narrow judgements , yet for his acts of justice and equity , he hath appealed to the reason of mankind ; which therefore is an universal and eternal standard , and not made a just and equal measure , by the meer seal and allowance of humane authority . o inhabitants of ierusalem , and men of iudah , judge i pray you ( saith god almighty ) betwixt me and my vineyard ! f he also by the prophet ezekiel g maketh appeal to the faculties of mortal men , touching the equity of his dispensations . ye say the way of the lord is not equal ; hear now , o house of israel ! is not my way equal ? are not your wayes unequal ? mr. hobbes . i am willing to dismiss this argument for a time , and to re-assume it , as you propounded , in its more proper place . in the mean time , i will go on with my opinion , concerning the incomprehensible nature of god. it is h by all christians confest , that god is incomprehensible ; that is to say , that there is nothing can arise in our fancy from the naming of him , to resemble him , either in shape , colour , stature , or nature ; there is no idea of him . at i the venerable name of god , we have no image or idea of god ; and therefore we are forbidden to worship god by an image , lest we seem to our selve● to conceive him , who is unconceivable . christian religion k obligeth us to believe that god is unconceivable , that is , as i understand it , such a one of whom we have no idea . and reason teacheth , that because l whatsoever we conceive , has been perceived first by sense , either all at once , or by parts , a man can have no thought representing any thing , not subject to sense . stud. if ●od be a body , seeing man may have an image of extention , and of all the possible figures , which may be made by the varieties of extention in matter , what hindreth that we may not have , in your gross way , an image of god ? but because he is an immaterial substance , we cannot indeed have any bodily resemblance of him ; but there is in every man a power to have an idea of him . for although it hath been said that there have been found whole nations ( as in the western world in brasil ) who have liv'd without the least suspicion of an infinite being , yet there is no nation so very barbarous , wherein the inhabitants have no faculty at all of exciting in them , this idea of god. and here i cannot but reprehend it , as a very shamefull error , in a man who placeth truth in the right ordering of names , and pretendeth a to begin the sciences , by setling at first the significations of their words , to confound the names of image and idea , as if they were terms of equal importance . it is also an argument of thickness of mind , of a soul not yet advanced above the power of fancy , to say that no man hath , or can have any kind of conception without an image , as if nothing were authentically written upon the table of our minds , without a seal and sensible impression affixed to it . i conceive ( said a very learned person ) b that case in this to be alike , as if whilest two men are looking at iupiter , one with his naked eyes , the other , with a telescope ; the former should avow that iupiter had no attendants , and that it were impossible he should have any . the reason why mr. hobbes denies immaterial beings , whilest other men apprehend them , is , for that he looks at them with his fancy : they , with their mind . by idea , is understood , not meerly a corporeal similitude , but any notion without imagery , and whatsoever occurreth in any perception : the very form of cogitation , whereby i become conscious to my self that i have perceived , is an idea . and plato , to whose school we owe chiefly this name of idea , has expresly contended for a knowledge , soaring above the ken of fancy , and taught us , that the greatest and most glorious objects have no im●ge c attending on their perception . and clemens alexandrinus d in his admonition to the gentiles , told them , with reference to their idolatry , that the christians had not any sensible image of sensible matter in their divine worship , but that they had an intelligible idea of the only sovereign god. there is a great difference betwixt an object seen through a polished chryst●l , and a piece of painted glass ; and there is a far greater difference betwixt the idea of god in a perspicuous mind , and the notion of a god taken through the pictures of imagination . when we consider that all perfections that are , or can be thought of , by man a second cause , are more eminently to be ascribed to the first ; and when we further conceive , that it is much better to have wisdom , power , truth , justice , goodness , than to want them , and that th●refore they are , in any being , so many perfections , and when we thence indefinitely extend those perfections by the utmost stretch of our minds , we form aright ▪ though not by way of adequate comprehension , such a true and pure idea of god , as is not discoloured by corporeal phantasms . but because you move in the lower sphear of fancy , you must be satisfi'd in your own way , and be instructed through a corporeal image , or otherwise you will not admit of any idea . the iews of old were of that unreasonable temper , who although they had miracles wrought amongst them , exceeding great , great as their own unbelief ▪ yet would not they be contented without a sign from heaven , such as was that of the descent of manna , to which that nation had sometimes been more accustom'd . but if this should naturally be in others , as it seemeth accidentally to be in you , the effect of poring upon points , and lines , and figures ; to conceive nothing without a bodily image , archimedes and euclid should as soon by me be condemned to the flames , as aretine , and any of the histoires g●lantes . but because you stick in this lower form of imagination , i will therefore attempt to take you out such a lesson , as is most agreeable to you in that capacity . call to mind then , that you begin your na●●ral phylosophy a from a feigned annihilation of the world , though you dwell not upon the notion of empty space remaining , but straightway fill it with the phantasms of all such bodies , as before their supposed annihilation , you had perceived by your eyes , or any other instruments of sense . and i must note it by the way , that you except man only from this universal annihilation of things , and leave not god out of it , although his idea implying necessary existence , the not retaining of him , be a contradiction . after this , you lay aside those phantasms , and b grant a conception of boundless space . you likewise maintain that body and space are not the same ; and you conceive , though you do not assert , a vacuum . mr. hobbes . no man c calls this phantasm , space , for being already filled , but because it may be filled ; nor does any man think bodies carry their places away with them , but that the same space contains sometimes one , sometimes another body , which could not be , if space should alwayes accompany the body which is once in it . — place d is immoveable ; for seeing that which is moved is understood to be carried from place to place , if place were moved , it would also be carried from place to place , so that one place must have another place , and that place another place ▪ and so on infinitely , which is ridiculous . and for the conceit of vacuum , i say e that though between two bodies there be put no other body , yet if there intercede any imagined space , which may receive another body , then those bodies are not contiguous . i suppose also f that a finite body , at rest , when all space besides is empty , will rest for ever . stud. be it so . from hence it may be collected , that you conceive of space , as of something without your mind , into which you suppose no notion can come but from some outward object . you conceive it as something , which doth exist betwixt two bodies , and hindreth the contiguity of them : for bodies are not therefore separated , because i so magine ; but because t●ey are not contiguous , i have an imagination of their distance , and of something interceding . seeing also you must acknowledge , that this vacuity may be conceived , greater or less , you cannot imagine ●hat as a meer nothing , which is capable of such affections . you then by consequence ( though in direct terms you will not grant it ) conceive this space as a phantasm of something ; yet not of body , seeing you have said , one body may relinquish and another possess the same immoveable space ; whereby it follows , that you apprehend it as a phantasm o● such a being , as has largeness and penetration appertaining to it . extend then your conception of this space indefinitely ; and remember that you conceive the world without any involution of body in body , placed in it ; and that it may remain in your imagination after you have by fiction destroy'd the visible world ; and that the imagined space is such , as you cannot disimagine ; and observe at last , whether you have not attained in your own way , to some competency of fancying an infinite immaterial being . for my self i have been apt to think of space , as a phantasm of body , really existing ; and because i conceive this boundless extention , by you suppos'd an iniquity , as dull and unactive , and understand not how to deduce from it , or apply to it , the moral perfections which appertain to the idea of god ; i therefore suspend my sentence . but the argument presseth yourself , who distinguish the conceptions of space and body , beyond the probability of a rejoynder . if you were much concerned for authority , i would here suggest to you , that st. paul affirms of god , that in him we live and move ; and that it is said by theophilus a●tiochenus , a as also by tertullian ( the author whom you your self celebrate , that god b is the place of all beings but touching the particular explication of such sayings , let every man abound in his own sence . and now having spun out this first s●bject of our discourse , ( concerning the immateriality of god ) into such an undesigned length , i remember no conclusion less improper for the winding of it up ( if it may stand with your good liking ) than the apostrophe of arnobius , which may thus be rendred : c o thou greatest and chiefest creator of invisible things ! o thou invisible divinity , never to be comprehended by the scanty compass of created minds ! thou art worthy , thou art truly worthy ( if our unhallow'd mouths may presume to mention that transcendent worthiness ) to receive from every understanding nature , never-ceasing praise ; to be petitioned throughout our lives , ( too short alas for such devotion ) with the humblest prostrations ; for thou art the first cause , the place and space of things , the foundation of the universe , infinite , unbegotten , immortal , eternal , whom no corporeal image can describe , no circumscription can determine . we have dwelt long on this first head ; and it was necessary on my part to pursue it with such a copiousness : for if this foundation of the corporeity of all things had not been shaken , your superstructures would have become almost inexpugnable by phylosophy . but this being rendred sandy and unsound , there will be the less work and strength required to the demolishing of those ; and so in our proceeding , we may imitate ( perhaps ) the descent of heavy bodies , making the more hast , the further we go . i 'm sure in our next subject , the holy trinity ; we cannot speak much , and well , it being a deep and revered mystery . mr. hobbes . that doctrine is entangled in words , whereby there is little said of it intelligibly . hypostatical a is a name that signifies nothing , but is taken up , and learned by rote from the canting schoolmen . the b doctrine of the trinity , as far as can be gathered directly from the scripture , is in substance , this , that the god who is alwayes one and the same , was the person represented by moses ; the person represented by his son incarnate ; and the person represented by the apostles . the true god c may be personated ; as he was , first , by moses , who governed the israelites , ( that were not his , but gods people ) not in his own name , with hoc dicit moses , but in god● name , with hoc dicit dominus . secondly , by the son of man , his own son , our blessed saviour jesus christ , that came to reduce the ie●s , and induce all nations into the kingdom of his father ; no● as of himself , but as sent from his father . and thirdly , by the holy ghost , or comforter , speaking and working in the apostles ; which holy ghost was a comforter , that came not of himself , but was sent , and proceeded from them both . d moses and the priests , e the man ch●ist , and the apostles , and the successors to apostolical power , these three at several times did represent the person of god : moses , and his successors the high priests , and kings of iudah , in the old testament ; christ himself , in the time he lived on earth ; and the apostles and their successo●s from the day of pentecost , to this day . god f is one person as represented by moses , and a●●o her person , as represented by his son the christ : for person being a relative to representer , it is consequent to plurality of representers , that there be a plurality of persons , though of one and the same substance . stud. you surprize me here with such an explication of the trinity , as has not been invented by any heretick of the unluckiest wit , for these sixteen hundred years . and now i am guided after the manner of the multitude , whose curiosity leads them to see the deformed births and mishapen effects of miscarrying nature , rather than to contemplate the master-pieces of the creation : it is not so much the goodness , as the prodigiousness of this novel doctrine , which enticeth me to consider it . and in truth , this conception of a trinity seems to me more a monster , than the head of cerberus , ( that is , death ) it self ; which head would have been call'd four-fold , if the fourth part of the world ( america ) had been then discover'd : but this conception , as will by and by appear , may multiply it self an hundred fold , and be rather a century , than a trinity . there is also in it this inconvenience , that before the dayes of moses , you must affirm one only natural person to have been in the divine nature . mr. hobbes . there was but one from whence we may a gather the reason , why those names , father , son , and holy spirit , in the signification of the godhead , are never used in the old testament : for they are persons , that is , they have their names from representing , which could not be , till divers men had represented gods person , in ruling , or in directing under him . our saviour b both in teaching and reigning , representeth ( as moses did ) the person of god , which god , from that time forward , but not before , is called the father . stud. where is now your will to pay a reverence to the law , by whose authority you are taught , in the first article of the church of england , that there be three persons , of one substance , power , and eternity . but you will say , that your leviathan was published in those dayes c when the king by your doctrine , was no king ; when the parliament having the supreme strength , had for that very reason , ( the reason which you give , and i may consider in its assigned place ) the sovereign right , by which they preferred their own ordinances , and the constitutions of the assembly , to the canons and articles of the convocation . and indeed you have told us in that book , d that you submitted in all questions ▪ whereof the determination dependeth on the scriptures , to the interpretation of the bible , authorized by the commonwealth , whose subject you were : that is to say , to the annotations of the assembly of divines ; wherein , no doubt , you might have read the doctrine of an eternal trinity asserted , seeing in their shortest catechism , 't is not omitted . but law and scripture ( like the servants of an hard and selfish master ) are used by you , whilest they have strength to serve your purpose ; but when you cannot work your design by them , they are cast off with utter neglect . but to proceed ; you your self , together with the law , have affirmed jesus to be god-man ; e and arrius granted to him a duration before the world ; and eusebius , who had some favour for the arrian doctrine , supposeth him often to have appeared before , and under the times of the law. and a very late writer , who has not fear'd , in his rhapsodie of ecclesiastick stories , f to deny the eternal god-head of christ , hath yet maintained it to he very dangerous , to deny his pre-existence . there were then ( and it follows from the sense of your own confession ) at least two natural persons , of the father and of christ , before this world was founded . further , if every one , representing the person of god , in ruling or directing under him , addeth a person to the god-head then may it be thence concluded , ( as enjedinus speaks g in relation to pope alexander , who would infer three persons from the three attributes of fecit , dixit , benedixit , at the beginning of genesis ) that there are not only three , but six hundred . for all civil powers are representatives of the king of the universe ; and you your self affirm , that any civil sovereign is lieu-tenant of god , a and representeth his person . to speak with propriety , moses was rather a mediator betwixt god and the people , who were under a theocracy , and not a sovereign on earth . and saul , who was appointed them in the place of god , whom , in their unreasonable wishes , ( out of an apish imitation of the heathen models ) they had deposed , seems the first person representing god among the iews . it is also to be noted , that the apostles were representers , not strictly of gods person ▪ but of christ god-man , from whom they received commission , in his name , to teach and baptize , after all power was given to him . wherefore the bishop of rome has presumed to call himself , rather falsly than improperly , the servant of the servants of god , and vicar of christ. but if you are not willing to multiply persons in the godhead , by the number of vicegerents , but chuse to understand this three-fold representation of a three-fold state of people , under moses , christ , and the apostles , ( which yet is an evasion , not at all suggested by you ) even by this artifice , you will not find a back door open , out of which you may escape . for besides that the apostolical times are but the continuation of the state begun by christ , and that the reign of christ at his second coming , will be a state perfectly new , we must remember , that there were two states before the dayes of moses ; the one to be computed from adam , who in most eminent manner represented god , being appointed by him , universal monarch of the earth : the other , from the revelation made to abraham who may be said the first person , with whom god made a formal covenant , sealed by the rite of circumcision , and by promises guarded from violation . again , whereas you have affirmed that the names of father and son , in the signification of the god-head , are never used in the old-testament , therein you consulted not your concordance . for seeing christ is called the son , in the second psalm , the cor-relative father is as directly pointed out , as if the very name had in capital letters been written down . neither do i here create by my fancy ( as is the manner of such , who deal in allegories of scripture ) a mystical sense ; because the author of the epistle to the hebrews b ha's expounded the words of our blessed lord , and not of david . saint matthew likewise ha's made the same interpretation : if iustin martyr was not deceived , either by his memory , or by oral tradition , or a spurious copy ; for in stead of those words from heaven , c at the baptism of jesus , this is my beloved son , in whom i am well pleased ; he ha's in two places , d affirmed the voice to have been this , thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee . mr hobbes . let us not labor any longer in e a particular sifting of such mysteries as are not comprehensible , nor fall under any rule of natural science for it is with the mysteries of our religion , as with wholesome pills for the sick , which swallowed whole , have the virtue to cure ; but chewed , are for the most part cast up again without effect . stud. the danger , in my opinion , ariseth not from the mastication of the physic , but from the indisposed stomach and palate of the patient , to whose health religion conduceth more , when it is relished by an uninfected judgment , in the particular accounts of it ; than when it is taken in the lump by an implicit faith which is a way agreeable , not to grown men , but to children in understanding , whom we cannot satisfie , and must not distast . but because you seem not willing to intrude further into this mystery of the god-head , considered in its self and persons , ( which yet , as you would make it , is no more a mystery , than if his majesty should be called one sovereign with three persons , being represented by three successive lord lieutenants of ireland ; ) let us descend to the consideration of the godhead in its outward works ; in which perhaps we may have surer footing ; seeing phylosophers , unassisted by revelation have discoursed much upon our third head , the creation of the world. mr. hobbes . the questions about the magnitude of the world e ( whether it be finite or infinite ) or concerning its duration , ( whether it had a beginning , or be eternal , ) are not to be determined by phylosophers . whatsoever we know , that are men , we learn it from our phantasms ; and of infinite ( whether magnitude or time ) there is no phantasm at all ; so that it is impossible either for a man or any other creature , to have any conception of infinite . stud. you prove not here , that a man can have no conception , but only that he can have no image of an infinite cause : whereas it ha's been already shewn , & may hereafter be ev●●ced from the immateriality of mans soul , that all conception● and ideas , are not phantasms , or arise not from them . but whilst you plead the difficulty of conceiving an eternal being in reference to the creation , you elsewhere f admit of an idea , difficult enough ▪ for you can feign in your mind that a point may swell to a great figure , such as that of man ( and this you say g is the only ide● which we have at the naming of creator ) and that such a figure may again contract it self into the narrowness of a point , hereby you admit of a natural phantasm of creation out of nothing , as also of re-annihilation ; for all the supposed points besides that first , which is just commensurate to so much space , can neither arise out of that one , nor shrink into it , and wherea● you add that you cannot comprehend in your mind , how this may po●●ibly be done in nature , h of which before you pranted a phantasm which ariseth from real impulse , if all be body , it is as much , as if you had said , you can , and you cannot comprehend it . and i cannot but here admire it in a man who pretends to a consistency with himself , that you should allow the above said phantasm ▪ and yet reprehend it as principle void of sense , i and which a man at the first hearing , whether geometrician or not geometriciam must abhorr ; ( the which notwithstanding the learned lord bacon did embrace ) that the same body without adding to it , or taking from it , is sometimes greater and sometimes lesse . but to return to the conception of an eternal cause , though it be not possible to have an image of god , yet it is easie by the help of reason , from the images of things we see , to climb by degrees above the visible world , to the eternal creator of it . curiosity or love of the knowledge of causes , doe's draw a man ( as you will grant ) k from consideration of the effect to seek the cause ; and again the cause of that cause , till of necessity he must come to this thought at last , that there is some cause , whereof there is no former cause , but is eternal , and is called god. mr. hobbes . though l a man may from some effect proceed to the immediate cause thereof , and from that to a more remote cause , and so ascend continually by right ratiocination from cause to cause ; yet he will not be able to proceed eternally ; but wearied will at last give over , without knowing , whether it were possible for him to proceed to an end , or not . stud. we are not , as you imagine , wearied in this assent of our reason , upon the several roundles of second causes to that which is eternal . for we passe not through every single cause and effect ; but like those who search their pedigree no further , than their great great grand-father , yet say , they at first sprung from adam ; we view some more immediate causes and effects , and consider that there is the like reason of dependency , in the rest and thence as it were , leap forward unto the top of this iacob's ladder , and arrive a● the acknowledgment of an eternal , immovable mover . mr. hobbes . though from this , that nothing can move it self , m it may rightly be inferred that there was some first eternal movent ; yet 〈◊〉 can never be inferred ( though some use to make such inference ) that that movent was eternally immoveable , but rather eternally moved : for as it is true that nothing is moved by it self , so is a● true also , that nothing is moved , but by that which is already moved . stud. here you proceed not with such consistence and scrupulous ratiocination as becometh a phylosopher : for if nothing be moved by it self , then to say an eternal mover is moved , is to say , that that eternal is not eternal : for there is something presupposed to give it motion , and another thing foregoing and causing that motion , and so on , in infinitum . yet you acknowledge in your book n a first power of all powers : but at the present , your reasoning is connected with your beloved notion o● a corporeal universe . for matter can never move , but by that which is moved , and so forward , not to an eternal cause , but in an endless circle , which yet in some part must have had a beginning , for here the question will return ; how came the sluggish matter , which cannot help it self , to have motion at first imparted to it ? if there were not an eternal incorporeal self-moving mind ; wherefore you are , again , involved in the condemnation of the epicureans , of whom cicero , in his first de finibus o ha's left this pertinent observation . there being two things to be inquired after in the nature of things , the one , what the matter is out of which every thing is made ; the other , what is the force or motion which doth every thing : the epicureans have reasoned concerning matter , but the efficient power is a part of phylosophy which they have left untilled . so little of reason in this article of the creation , is on the side of some men , who would monopolize that honorable name . mr. hobbes . natural reason is not so much concerned in this question , because p so much cannot be known , as may be sought , the question about the beginning of the world is to be determined by those that are lawfully authorized to order the worship of god , for as almighty god when he had brought his people into iudaea , allowed the priests the first-fruits reserved to himself ; so when he had delivered up the world to the disputations of men , it was his pleasure that all opinions concerning the nature of infinite and eternal , known only to himself , should ( as the first-fruits of wisdom ) be judged by those , whose ministry they meant to use in the ordering of religion . i cannot therefore commend those that boast they have demonstrated by reasons drawn from natural things , that the world had a beginning . stud. where find you the supreme civil magistrate ( for him you mean ) to be constituted a judge of true and false ? then would the truth be as inconstant , as the opinions of those powers ; who being thronged with employments , have of all men , the least room left for speculation . the great turk , who ha's made the alcaron to be law , ha's there affirmed , that two verses in surata vaccae , q were made by god almighty , two thousand years before the world was framed and written by his finger ; and all christian princes , who determine the bible to be the word of god , have thereby determin'd , that such stories are absurd fables . if you had so stated the power of princes , as to have ascribed a right to them , not ( as you now have done ) of determining questions ( that is , of resolving them into true negations or affirmations ) but of restraining the tongues or pens of men , from venting what they esteem inconvenient for society ; i know few men of my order , who would with any vehemence have become your opposers , provided alwaies that this power be meant of such opinions , as subvert not natural or christian religion : for it is as necessary at all times to professe such articles , as it is to make profession that we are not atheists ; the necessity of which may hereafter be proved . mr. hobbes . i have so done , as you require , i should ; for in my letter to dr. wallis , r since his majesties return , i have upon second thoughts restrained the decision of authority to the publication and not the inward belief of doctrin● . i say , there that these opinions about the creation , are to be judged by those to whom god ha's committed the ordering of religion ; that is , to the supreme governors of the church ; that is , in england to the king. by his authority , i say , it ought to be decided , ( not what men shall think , but ) what they shall say in those questions . stud. in this question of the creation , you seem too bountiful to authority ; seeing by your own concession , the affirmative is a point so very fundamental , that all natural religion , if that be taken away , will fall to the ground ; for in the epistle before mentioned , s you doubt not to affirm , that , as for arguments from natural reason , no man ha's hitherto brought any one , except the creation , to prove a deity , that had not made it more doubtful to many men , than it was before . wherefore it follows that whilst you attribute unto the civil magistrate a right of binding men , if he shall so please , to profess this falshood , that the world had no beginning ; you also ascribe unto the same magistrate , a right of banishing the profession of a deity out of his dominions . mr. hobbes . why do you t stile the king by the name of magistrate ? do you find magigistrate to signifie any where the person that hath the sovereign power , and not every where the sovereigns officers ? stud. although you are here guilty of an excursion , yet i am content to follow you , not being ignorant how soon you are out of breath in pursuing any game started in philology ; and first , i will grant it to you , that if we have regard to the nicest application of the word , at some times amongst the romans , it will not so elegantly agree to the supreme power . for in the fourth book of cicero ( or rather cornificius ) ad herennium , u the magistrate is said to be imployed in the execution of such decrees , as were made law by the senate : and i have read in varro , x that the officers inferior to the magister populi or dictator , and magister equitum , were by way of diminution call'd magistratus ; as from albus , albatus : and yet i am assured that cicero sometimes us'd the word magistrate in such a sense as derogates not at all from the super-eminence of things ; for in his third book de legibus y we have this sentence ; the magistrate is a speaking law , and the law is a mute magistrate , and a while after , citing the words of the old roman law , he stileth the consuls , magistrates , and the office , magistracy : and yet he sheweth , that the consuls at first had regal and supreme power . but seeing custome since the dayes of cicero , ha's otherwise applyed divers words ; and seeing that from a diverse administration of affairs , and from new inventions , and other causes , there have arisen new words also ; those persons who will precisely speak , with cicero and the old romans ( every of whose words and phrases , cannot be thought extant in the fragments now in our hands ; ) they rather betray their own affectation , than declare themselves masters of propriety of language ; whilst castalio useth iova , tinctio , genius , sancte colatur ; in stead of iehovah , baptismus , angelus , sanctificetur ( which word by the favor of so great a critic , is not avoided by z cicero himself ) he seems to study rather niceness , than true cleanness of latine . the word magistrate is not forced , when it is used in expressing the supreme power ; for magisterare in festus a is glossed by regerè . your own champion ter●ullian ( who well knew how to speak , with the laws ) interprets b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by magistratus : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denoteth sometimes so great a power , that it is spoken of the very prince c of the powers of the air , that learned person had in the above said place an eye to the government of the athenians , which after the succession of kings failed at the death of codrus , was administred by thirteen magistrates called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of which the first was medon . cavil not now at the number of these rulers ; for how many soever the persons are in such a senate , the supreme authority d is but one . if you require modern authority , the testimony of hugo grotius is beyond just exception , for he acknowledgeth , that summus magistratus e is used commonly in denoting the sovereign power ; although he approves not of it for exact roman , and nice latinity . lastly , magistrate is a word , in the sense in which i use it , used also in the law of king and church , with which we englishmen are to speak , rather than with the twelve tables , or the prince of orators . recall then to your mind the thirty seventh article of the faith pro●essed in england ; that article , though it consisteth in declaring the power of the king , in affairs both civil and ecclesiastical , yet bears the tide , of the civil magistrate . but i have busied my self too long in a nicety ●f words , which improve the memory , but give not much advantage to the nobler faculty of reason . it is time then , that we look back upon our main subject , the creation of the world. if you have any further matter to deliver , in relation to that subject , i am ready to attend to you and it . mr. hobbes . something i have to say , but there is little coherence of it , with our former discourse . i add however , ( seeing you seem to have required something more ) that upon supposition of the being of a god , it follows not that he created the world. f although it were g demonstrated , that a being infinite , independent , omnipotent , did exist ; yet could it not rightly be thence inferred , that a creator do's exist also . unless a ma● should think , that because there is a being , which we believe to have created all things , therefore the world was created by him. stud. seeing dependent nature is so far removed from a power of making , that it cannot so much as move it self , but will , if once moved , be without impediment in perpetual motion ; and arre● alwayes , if once at rest , without fresh impulse fro● some neighboring body ; we must of necessity have recourse to a creator : and because we suppose already in the idea of god , such infinit●●ower , as excludes the like power from all things else ; it cannot but follow , that there being a world he was the maker of it . seeing by the hypothesis , the impotent world exists , and an infinite power also ; who else can be imagined this omnipotent architect ? this absurd assertion puts me in mind of heraclitus , who having denied that any of the gods were creators , subjoyned also , that neither had any man created the world ; fearing ( sayes plutarch , in a dry jest ) lest after he had overthrown the power of the deities , we might suspect some mortal man had been the author of such a master-piece . the like consequence is natural from the attribute of divine wisdome , which being infinite , can appertain but to one essence . if then the world be m●de in number , and weight , and measure , it is demonstrable from thence , both that there is h an eternal geometer , as also that if such a one existeth , the world , which could not so frame it self , was his artifice and doubtless , the disposition of the parts of the greater world , and even the oeconomy of the parts of the lesser , that of man , implying most wise designs , do necessarily inferr ( gassendus himself i confessing it ) the being of a creator . we need not search further , than to some one particular note in the situation of the heart , which is a kind of box containing many wonders one within another . it is to be observed , k that in man , and in almost all such animals as live of flesh , that the situation of the heart is not in the center , but in the superior part of the body , that it may the more readily convey to the head a due portion of bloud . for seeing that the trajection and distribution of the bloud , dependeth wholly upon the systole of the heart , and that the liquor cast forth , does not so easily ascend , as it flows into vessels paralel or inferior ; if the seat of the heart were more removed from the head , the head would be rendred impotent for want of bloud , unless the heart were framed with a far greater strength , whereby it might , with more potent violence , force up its liquor . but in such animals , whose neck is extended by nature , as it were , on purpose to meet their provisions , the heart is placed without any prejudice , in the center ; because the head being frequently pendulous , the bloud runs to it in a wide and daily supplyed channel . go now ( that i may bespeak you in the way of gassendus ) l and applaud your wit , in saying that that was done by chance , which could not have been more wisely contrived . mr. hobbes . in this argument , i my self , in my book de homine , have not denied the frame of nature to argue design ; and i have there spoken to this purpose . stud. please to spare the translation of the place , for there is ( as i remember ) a conceit in the words , which will be lost in english. mr. hobbes . mock on ; i am not ashamed of the words ; and they are these : a ad sensus procedo : satis habens , si hujusmodi res attigero tantùm , planiùs autem tract andas aliis reliquero ; qui si machinas omnes tum generationis tum nutritionis satis perspexerint , nec tamen eas à mente aliqui conditas ordinatasque ad sua quasque officia viderine , ipsi profecto sine mente esse censendi sunt . stud. seeing thus much is acknowledged from you , in reference to the body ; how great may that conviction be ( of the existence of a creator ) which ariseth from the consideration of souls and angels ; whilest thought is much more admirable than motion , and incorporeal spirit , than matter . mr. hobbes . incorporeal substance is b a note which you shake too too often ; and here , with much absurdity : for , to say , c an angel or spirit is an incorporeal substance , is to say , in effect , there is no angel or spirit at all . the universe d being the aggregate of all bodies , there is no real part thereof that is not also body . the substance of invisible agents e is by some conceived , to be the same with that which appeareth in a dream , or in a looking-glass , to them that are awake . but the opinion , that such spirits were incorporeal , could never enter into the mind of any man by nature : however , that name will serve our purpose , for the introduction of the fourth head of our discourse , the nature of angels . stud. to requite your quibble ; that note of incorporeal angel ought not to have offended your purged ●ars , seeing the old philosophers thence derived the harmony of the celestial orbs. but to be in good earnest ; you seem , by denying intelligencies or incorporeal angels , not only to contend with those despised philosophers , but to encounter almost the whole world . mr. hobbes . it is true , f that the heathens , and all nations of the world , have acknowledged that there be spirits , which for the most part they hold to be incorporeal ; whereby it might be thought , that a man by natural reason may arrive , without the scriptures , to the knowledge of this , that spirits are ; but the erroneous collection thereof by the heathens may proceed from the ignorance of the causes of ghosts and phantasms , and such other apparitions : that is to say , g from the ignorance of what those things are , which are called spectra , images that appe●r in the dark to children , and such as have strong fears , and other strange imaginations . by h the name of angel , is signified generally a messenger ; and most often , a messenger of god ; and by a messenger of god , is signified any thing that makes known his extraordinary presence ; that is to say , the extraordinary manifestation of his power , especially by a dream , or vision . that angels are spirits , is often repeated in scripture ; but by the name of spirit , is signified both in scripture , and vulgarly , both amongst iews and gentiles , sometimes thin bodies , as the air , the wind , the spirits vital , and animal , of living creatures ; and sometimes the images that rise in the fancy in dreams and visions , which are not real substances , nor last any longer , than the dream or vision they appear in ; which apparitions , though no real substances , but accidents of the brain ; yet when god raiseth them supernaturally , to signifie his will , they are not unproperly termed gods messengers , that is to say , his angels . and as the gentiles did vulgarly conceive the imagery of the brain , for things really subsistent without them , and not dependent on the fancy , and out of them framed their opinions of daemons , good and evil ; which because they seemed to subsist really , they called substances ; and because they could not feel them with their hands , incorporeal . so also the iews upon the same ground , without any thing in the old testament that constrain'd them thereunto , had generally an opinion ( except the sect of the sadducees ) that those apparitions ( which it pleased god sometimes to produce in the fancy of men , for his own service , and therefore called them his angels ) were substances not dependent on the fancy , but permanent creatures of god ; whereof those which they thought were good to them , they esteemed the angels of god , and those they thought would hurt them , they called evil angels , or evil spirits ; such as was the spirit of python , and the spirits of mad men , of lunaticks and epilepticks : for they esteemed such as were troubled with such diseases , daemoniacks . but if we consider the places of the old testament , where angels are mentioned , we shall find , that in most of them , there can nothing else be understood by the word , angel , but some image , raised ( supernaturally ) in the fancy , to signifie the presence of god , in the execution of some supernatural work ; and therefore in the rest , where their nature is not exprest , it may be understood in the same manner . concerning spirits , a which some call incorporeal , and some corporeal , it is not possible , by natural means only , to come to knowledge of so much , as that there are such things . stud. touching the incorporeal nature of angels , i will evince the necessity of it , by proving ( when we come to examine the nature of mans soul ) that matter is not capable of cogitation . at present , i will consider your two assertion now delivered ; that the existence of angels , as permanent substances , is not to be collected from natural reason ; and that the writings of the old testament speak not in favour of such doctrine . concerning the first , it is wont to be said , that strange presages of mind , and warnings in dreams ; wonderfull effects in men snatch'd away , and mountains and buildings removed and demolished , by power invisible ; real apparitions to many men at once ; predictions of oracles ; confessions and exploits of wizards , and witches , do by natural argumentation , prove the existence of angels : as also that these are apt instruments , to beget terrour in the minds of wicked men , in order to their speedy reformation . mr. hobbes . i know , that from fear b of power invisible , feigned by the mind , or imagined from tales publickly allowed , ariseth religion ; not allowed , superstition . stud. if these be meer tales , the publick allowance of them cannot make them to become religion . for god , being infinitely powerfull and wise , refuseth to be served by the effects of solly and ignorance ; neither standeth he in need of pious frauds and stratagems , wherewith to bring to pass his holy designs ; for they are arguments of impotency in those who use them , and the truths of religion appear most genuine , when there is due trial made of them , by exposing them to the light . but if these things which i have mention'd , be tales and fables , ( all thoughts of which do often shake the higher powers , who are said to feign them ) then the faith , almost of mankind , is call'd in question ; and the most knowing persons are accused of eredulity or imposture . these stories have not been meerly believed by children , and short sighted people , but by socrates , plotinus , synesius , dion , iosephus , pomponatius , cardan , and ( his transcriber ) caesar vanine , and divers others , not ideots in philosophy , nor yet some of them zealots in religion . cardan , a man who would speak liberally of himself , not dissembling his very follies and vices , has , in his life written by his own hand , a spent an whole chapter , in discoursing about his good genius ; and therein he insisteth upon such evidences , as made it manifest to him that his imagination did not impose upon him . he also foretold b the year , and day of his death ; which , because some will not allow to have been done by skill , they have said , that by starving his body , he effected it , becoming a self-destroyer , to gain the reputation of a prophet . if there may exist such inhabitants of the air , ( and there is nothing in nature , which doth hinder such beings , more than it doth the existence of understanding creatures upon earth ; and there is reason enough to perswade us that all regions of the universe are some way peopled ) why should it then seem incredible , that they sometimes bestow a visit upon mortal men . were all body and matter , the air , as well as earth might be folded into shapes , which think , and direct their motions at pleasure . although some stories are hatch●d in chimney-corners , or in the disturbed imaginations of fearfull people , and are told by such as love to hear themselves talk , and to be believed , and are of easie confutation ; it followeth not thence , ( though it be the common reason ) that all are fables . then , as is usually said , all histories would be condemned , because there is such a vast crowd of romances , which multiply with the number of idle and sensual persons ; and your thucydides would fall into the dis-repute of amadis de gaule . i could tell of one , who wearing good cloathes , and denying the existence of real wizards and witches before vulgar judges , and by staying in his chamber from church , procured , amongst the people , the esteem due to a man of a shrewd head-piece , and one that saw behind the curtain ; though i am well confirmed , that his ignorance was the mother , and his laziness the nurse of his in-devotion . mr. hobbes . necromancy , witch-craft , charming , and conjuring , ( the liturgy a of witches ) is but b juggling , and confederate knavery . the priests c at delphi , delos , ammon , were impostors ; the leaves of the sybils , ( the fragments of which seem to be the invention of later times ) and the prophesies of nostradamus , are from the same forge . stud. for the sybils , the learned d. blondel has not ineffectually cast away his studies , in relation to my self . concerning oracles , although i underst●nd by divers authors , and particularly by your thucydides , d that they gave some answers dubious , and others false , and divers true , but such as a prudent man might have return'd , out of deep insight into civil affairs ; yet , without a suspicion of antient historians , too uncharitable , i cannot prevail upon my mind to think , that the priests had no assistance from daemons . i know not what other judgement to make of the answer , which the pythia e gave to craesus ; an instance , to which you cannot be a stranger . he enquir'd at delphos , touching the proper means for the loosning the tongue of that beloved son of his , who was apt for every thing , besides speech . the pythia returned answer , that there was no great reason for his solicitousness about the dumbness of the child , seeing when he should first speak , the hour would be unhappy to his father . the event was agreeable to the prediction , his son first crying out , when sardis being taken , craesus was ready to fall by the inglorious hand of a common persian . i could , if you requir'd it , produce strange instances , in times not so remote from our own ; a good while after the coming of our lord ; notwithstanding that you have asserted , f that in the planting of the christian religion , the oracles ceased in all parts of the roman empire . marcellinus would have un-deceiv●d you ; and even iulian the apostate , who in his works , is frequent in the mention of present oracles ; and particularly , in an epistle to maximus the cynic , g ( which being private , and to a philosopher doth argue , that he wrote as he believ'd ) he there tells maximus , ( who was brought into some danger under constantius ) that he had consulted the gods concerning his estate , being far distant from him , and solicitous for his welfare ; and that he could not do it , in person , but by others , not be able to hear immediately , as he suspected , ill tidings of his friend : as likewise , that the oracle had return'd answer , that the philosopher was in some trouble , but not pressed with such extremity , as giveth unnatural counsell . touching michel nostradamus , physician in ordinary to henry the second of france , i have read his centuries , with very little edification . yet , when i remember , that in sixty six , i beheld london in the flames , i know not how to despise that stanza of his , a which , if it has not satisfied our reason , i 'm sure it has astonished the imaginations of many . but whether he spake the words , and we contriv'd the sense , i leave under debate . but be these things as they will ; this i am enough confirmed in , that such , as publickly deny witch-craft , are sawcy affronters of the law , and therefore , for their opinion , which rather establisheth irreligion , than subverts the faith , they ought to be chastiz'd from those chairs of justice , which they have reproachfully stain'd with the bloud of many innocent and mis-perswaded people . mr. hobbes . as for witches , b i think not that their witch-craft is any real power ; but yet that they are justly punished for the belief they have , that they can do such mischief , joyned with their purpose to do it , if they can . stud. i have heard it elsewhere said , c that our witches are justly hang'd , because they think themselves so ; and suffer deservedly for believing they did mischief , because they mean it . but methinks , that law were to be accused of unreasonable severity , which should take away the life of those , knowingly and deliberately , who before they make confession of their inefficacious malice , are in no sort hurtfull to the common-wealth , which is not concerned in our thoughts ; and when they make confession , not of any evil practices , but of their delusions of distemper'd fancy , appear to be possessed with madness rather , than a daemon , and ought rather to be provided for in bedlam , than executed at tyburn . but could we grant it to be a piece of ●ustice ; yet would that evasion be too thin to shelter those from the censure of the law , who ( as i think ) do most insolently revile it , by denying all real confederacy with daemons . for the statute of king iames , d whom you somewhere honour with the attribute of most wise , e condemns to death only such authors of enchantment and witch-craft , as are convicted of real effects : and it is not felony without clergy , ( though it be imprisonment , with shame of the pillory ) to attempt to tell of stollen goods , or to destroy or hurt mans body by conjuration . the statute also mentioneth the making covenants with some evil and wicked spirit , as a practice granted and notorious . but passing from the law of our sovereign , to that of moses , let us secondly , consider , whether thereby you are not also condemned , in the article of the permanent substances of angels . it is thought by learned men , that moses and the prophets had so conspicuously taught the being of angels , a that the very sadducees denied not absolutely the existence of such spirits , but their natural being and duration , conceiving , by their appearing and disappearing on a sudden , that god had created them , upon account of some extraordinary embassie , and the service being done , reduced them to their first nothing . the old testament describes angels by such offices , of standing before the throne of god , and ministring perpetually to the favourites of god , b as shew , at once , their unfancied existence , and their permanency . it were a voluminous labour , to write each authority in the old law ; and it were also a superfluous one , seeing the bare instances of lot and abraham are so pregnant with evidence , that no reason can overthrow it , though a boisterous impudence may turn it aside . mr. hobbes . why c may not the angels that appeared to lot d — be understood of images of men , supernaturally formed in the fancy ? — that e to abraham , was also of the same nature , an apparition . stud. the angels sent to lot were not meer phantasms , for the texts seems as much an historical relation , as any pas●age in the acts and monuments of gods church ; the very history of the passion scarce excepted . and in truth you have bidden very fair towards a phantastical cross , by affirming our saviour to have been f tempted in a vision . were that true , it would be but a faint encouragement , which the author to the hebrews g thought a sufficient motive to animate our hopes in the day of the spiritual battel ; to consider with our selves that our saviour imagined himself to be tempted , and therefore will succour us that are really tempted . scultetus h was i betray'd into this error by his mistake of the greek word rendred a pinacle ; having read , it seems , in iosephus , that the pinacles of the temple were so very sharp , as not to sustain a bird without piercing its feet . whereas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signified a battlement of the temple , a support easie and sufficient ; on which saint iames the just was placed , and thence by the violence of bloody men , was thrown down headlong . and for your self , you fell into this conceit , by being ignorant , or by not considering k that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth often signifie , not the whole world , but the land of palestine , the whole glory of which might , as in a mapp be seen , in the places , at and about ierusalem . but to return ( if this be a digression from our business in hand ) to the instance of lot. it is to be noted that not only lot , but all his family , and likewise divers of the impure sodomites , at the same time , beheld the angels . there were also such effects , concomitant and remaining ( such as were amongst the rest , striving and blindness ) as do manifest that the angels were real , and substantial messengers . but if it shall be said , that this whole affair was acted , meerly in the scene of imagination ; it will thence follow , by a cons●quence bold and impure , as the very sin of sodom , that god almighty infus'd into the sodomites such bewitching images , as were proper to enkindle in them unnatural lusts , and then condemn'd them to their darkness for pursuing such fancies as were his own off-spring . the angels that appear'd to abraham , out-went the power of fancy , feasting themselves upon real food , and not being entertain'd as at an imaginary banquet of witches . now , for the new testament , to collect the sev●ral places , were with samson , to multiply heaps upon heaps . that divers mention'd under the name of daemoniacks , in the scripture , were men disturbed by melancholy , and possess'd with the ●alling-sickness , is not denied by me ; and hath been publickly asserted a ▪ long since , by a very eminent divine , but to conclude that all were such , is to do violence to the holy text , and our own reason in the interpretation of it ; and thereby to render our selves as mad as the persons we discourse of . it soundeth untowardly to say , that epilepsies and phrensies b should beg leave of christ to go into swine ; and being cast out or cured , ( that is annihilated , as such , by the change of figure and motion in the vessels , blood , and humours ) should after this , be able to enter into the herd , and to hurry them into swift destruction . yet , of possessions there may be room for scruple in many cases ; and galen mentions a disease , under the horrid name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i have learnt from peter martyr , in his discourse upon the mela●choly of saul . but touching the existence of angels , there is no place left for the sceptick , in the gospel . the disciples c seeing our blessed lord , when he walked upon the sea , supposed him to be an angel. they would not hereby mean a phantasm , because he was seen by many of them at the same time , whose differing fancies and motions of brain , cannot be reasonably supposed in this juncture , to have conspir'd . and therefore i cannot commend that interpretation of episcopius d , which he made upon a passage in st. luke e ; conceiving that christ , surprizing the disciples after his resurrection , was judg'd , at first , by them a meer spectre , and not a spiritual essence ; it being utterly improbable that the same spectre , or phantasm should arise , at the same time , in the brains of all the eleven , without some outward object dispensing its influence to them all . go now , and say , that the apostles were not men of so clear an apprehension , in this matter , as your self , being smutted with the dark doctrine of daemonologie amongst the greeks . but what evasion is sufficient , when you read the history of the deliverance of st. peter ? concerning whom the spirit of god affirmeth expresly a that it was done , not in a vision , but by the real efficacy of an angel , commissioned by god. mr. h●bbes . considering b the signification of the word ang●l , in the old testament , and the nature of dreams and visions that happen to men by the ordinary way of nature ; i was enclined to this opinion , that angels were nothing but supernatural apparitions of the fancy , raised by the special and extraordinary operation of god , thereby to make his presence and commandments known to mankind , and chiefly to his own people . but the many places of the new testament , and ou● saviours own words , and in such texts , wherein is no suspition of corruption of the scripture , have extorted from my feeble reason , an acknowledgment , and belief , that there be also angels substantial , and permanent . but to believe they be in no place , that is to say , no where ; that is to say , nothing ; as they ( though indirectly ) say , that will have them incorporeal ; cannot by scripture be evinced . i add also that concerning the creation of angels , there is nothing delivered in the scriptures . stud. the scriptures affirm of angels , that they are permanent substances ; they also make them inferior to god ; and they ascribe to god the creating of all things , besides himself ; and therefore , by apparent consequence , they affirm of angels , that they were created . if an express testimony be required , the iews will tell you , that moses ( of whose secret cabal they think themselves the chief ) understood those words of his , especially of angels , when he said of god , that in the beginning he created the heavens . but the words of st. paul have seemed to me , of more easie and particular application . christ ( said d that great doctor of the gentiles ) is the image of the invisible god , the first-born of every creature ; for by him were all things created that are in heaven , and that are in earth , visible and invisible , whether they be thrones or dominions , or principalities or powers : all things were created by him , and for him. these words must be interpreted of men and angels , from the importance of the phrase in other places of st. paul e , and from the mention of procured reconciliation or recapitulation which appertains not to the other parts of the upper or lower world f . if any man here replieth , that because our saviour took not hold of angels , became not god incarnate to reduce them , and by his blood to soften and loose their adamantine chains ; it seems , therefore , absurd to apply this text to those invisible orders : he may be satish'd by taking notice of the proper signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that verse ; and this will be best done , by observing the agreement betwixt this chapter , and the first to the ephesians ; of which epistle this to the colossians is said , by crellius a and some others , to be a compendious rehearsal . the seventh verse of the first to the ephesians , answereth to the fourteenth of the first to the colossians ; and the tenth of the first , to the sixteenth and twentieth of the other b . we are then to observe that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the epistle to the colossians , is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that to the ephesians . and ireneus c citing that , amongst other texts in the first to the colossians , useth this second , and not that first greek word , now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signified first a summ of money , and afterwards was applyed to any collection . and we speak not improperly when we say , a general recapitulates his dispersed soldiers into a troop . so that hereby is set forth that soveraignty over men and angels , which was acquired by the death , resurrection and ascension , of the captain of our salvation , to whom , as head and lord , the whole body of them is referred ; and under whom they shall not contend as of old the angels of persia and graecia are said to have done . mr. hobbes . for angels , be they permanent , created , substances , be they what they will ; this i am sure of , that i have no idea of them . when i think of an angel , d sometimes the image of flame , sometimes of a beautiful cupid with wings , comes into my fancy ; which image , i am confident , is not the similitude of an angel ; and therefore is not the idea of it . but e believing that they are certain creatures ministring to god , invisible and immaterial ; we f impose upon the thing believed or supposed the name of angels ; whilst in the mean time , the idea under which i imagin an angel , is compounded of the ideas of visible things . stud. you here again are blindly fallen into the old mistake of an idea for an image . if we suppose an angel to be an understanding essence , either not united vitally to matter , or only to the purest aether , and conceive it employed in such offices as are in scripture ascribed to it , we have a competent notion of it , and that is an idea . but of these invisible powers above us , methinks we have spoken largely enough , considering their nature , as also the season of the night ; if we pursue our subject much longer , the morning will break in and affright away the ghosts we talk of . when goddess , thou lifts up thy wakened head out of the morning 's purple bed , thy quire of birds about thee play ; and all the joyful world salutes the rising day . the ghosts , and monster-spirits , that did presume a bodie 's priviledg to assume , vanish again invisibly , and bodies gain ag●n their visibility . so said the best of english poets , in his hymn . to light a . mr. hobbes . a poet may talk of ghosts ; but i 'm sorry you think that we have been seriously discoursing about them ; for then , it seems , we have talk'd about nothing . it is not well that we render spirits , by the word ghosts b which signifieth nothing , neither in heaven , nor earth , but the imaginary inhabitants of mans brain . stud. gast , or geast , whence ghost is a good old english word , and signifieth the same with spirit ; and i could produce verstegan c to avouch it . the word is good , and the poetry excellent ; and since i am fallen upon it , i think it will not be amiss , if we unbend a little , and refresh and smooth our spirits with some poetick numbers , and dismiss our severer reasonings 'till the morrow . and now , it comes into my mind , that i have about me , your verses o● the p●ak , which are most agreeable to the place and circumstances , in which we have been ; and in r●peating which , i might be satisfi'd concerning some expressions , and particularly that of — ( ninos sibi concolor author fallat ) . mr. h●bbes . for d my verses of the peak , they are as ill in my opinion , as i believe they are in any mans ; and made long since — i will by no means hear them . stud. then let us get on the other side of our curtains , without any epilogue at all ; for i begin to be as heavy as if the mines of this shire had a powerful influence upon me . i would have been glad to have diverted the humour a little with something pleasant , that we might have concluded , as the italians advise , con la bocca dolce . but i will force none of my humour upon you . sir , i return you thanks for your conversation ; and i wish you , most heartily , a good night . mr. hobbes . sir , a praying god to prosper you , i take leave of you , and am your humble servant . the end of the first dialogue . the second dialogue . art. 5. concerning the soul of man. stud. a good morrow to you , mr. hobbes , i hope you slept well , since i parted from you , notwithstanding the heat of our disputation . mr. hobbes . very well ; as quietly as if i had been rocked by one of those good genii , which we spake of , a little before we took our leaves . stud. i thank god , i slept so soundly , that the passed time is esteemed by me ●ong , upon no other account , than that it hath kept me some hours , from debating such further matters in philosophy and religion , as we at first propounded . mr. hobbes . let us then delay no longer , but enter immediately upon our second conference . stud. i am ready to wait upon you , and setting aside the time of sleep as nothing , to connect this part of our life with that , wherein we were awake , conferring about angels ; and because we said as much as we intended upon that subject , let us descend to the fifth article , which concerns those beings next in order , the souls of men ; of them i would gladly hear your thoughts , seeing it is a matter which relates , so closely to the greatest interest of man. mr. hobbes . by the soul , i mean b the life of man ; and life it self is but motion , c so that the soul or life d is but a motion of limbs , the beginning whereof is in some principal part within . stud. by this means you will make of man an excellent piece of clock-work ; which though you have been hammering out , more than thirty years , may methinks , ( like the artificial man of albertus magnus ) be broken in sunder in a moment . i know that you may set the wheels of your machin a going ; but what is there within , that shall understand when it goes well or ill , or feel and number the repeated strokes ? you mean surely , by your description the mechanism of the body set on work , and not the soul perceiving its operations . mr. hobbes . perception or imagination a depends ( as i think ) upon the motion of corporeal organs ; and so the mind will be nothing else but a motion in certain parts of an organized body . stud. if you can clearly and distinctly both explain and prove that which you have now proposed in gross , you shall then be esteemed that great apollo , whom every one that has feigned any singular hypothesis , does in the absence of good neighbours , boast himself to be . mr. hobbes . before i undertake this , i will remove out of your way that prejudice which you may have against the notion of the soul as consisting in life , by proving most effectually to an ecclesiastick , that the scripture giveth countenance to my definition . the soul b in scripture signifieth always , either the life , or the living creature ; and the body and soul jointly , the body alive . in the first day of the creation , god said , let the waters produce reptile animae viventis ; the creeping thing that hath in it a living soul : the english translate it , that hath life : and again , god created whales , et omnem animam viventem : which in the english is , every living creature . and likewise of man , god made him of the dust of the earth , and breathed in his face the breath of life ; et factus est homo in animam viventem ; that is , and man was made a living creature . and after noah came out of the ark , god saith , he will no more smite , omnem animam viventem ; that is , every living creature . and deut. 12.23 . eat not the blood , for the blood is the soul ; that is , the life . from which places , if by soul were meant a substance incorporeal , with an existence separated from the body , it might aswell be inferred of any other living creatures , as of man. — stud. to argue from one sense of an equivocal word to the universal acceptance of it , becomes not a man of ordinary parts . nephesh , soul ( as well as ruach , spirit ) is a word of various signification in the old testament ; and in many places it denotes a will , lust , or pleasure . we read in the psalmes b this phrase — to bind his princes benaphscho , according to his soul , or , at his pleasure : and again , deliver me not benephesch , unto the soul , or will of mine enemies . when the word is improperly attributed to god in scripture , this usually is the sense of it . you would now esteem me absurd enough , if i went about to infer from hence , either that the essence of the soul consisteth in will and pleasure , or that the deity had a soul , that is life , that is motion : the soul being the spring of bodily life in man , it might by an easie metonymie , be used ( as in the recited places ) in expressing life . in that place where the blood is call'd the soul or life ; it was not the design of moses to set forth philosophically , the inward essence of a beast ; but to let the people understand , that the blood of a beast , which was sprinkled upon the altar , being an embleme of the life of man forfeited through disobedience , and an instrument in expiation , they should abstain out of reverence , to that mystery , from a rude quaffing and devouring of it . but what answer have you in readiness to those places , where the scripture speaks distinctly of body and soul ? mr. hobbes . body and soul is no more than body and life , or body alive . in those places of the new testament c , where it is said , that any man shall be cast body and soul into hell-fire ; it is no more than body and life , that is to say , they shall be cast alive into the perpetual fire of gehenna . stud. your gloss is extreamly wide of the unwrested meaning of the holy text. for our saviour d counselleth his apostles not to fear them that can kill the body , but are not able to kill the soul ; making a manifest distinction thereby betwixt the soul and the life of the body ; for if the soul were nothing but the life of the body ; it were in the power of every man to kill our souls , unto whose sword and malice our lives lay do open . and thus you see , instead of removing truth , which in me you call a prejudice , you have laid a stumbling block in the way , an occasion of falling into error . but let us leave the explication of scripture , in which you are for the greater part unhappy ▪ and attempt the explication of the exalted mechanism of living man , wherein you have laboured so many years , and concerning which you have raised the expectations of many . mr. hobbes . the cause of sense a , is the external body , or object , which presseth the organ proper to each sense ; either immediately as in the tast and touch ; or mediately as in seeing , hearing and smelling ; which pressure by the mediation of nerves , and other strings , and membranes of the body , continued inwards to the brain and heart , causeth there a resistance , or counter-pressure , or endeavour of the heart to deliver it self ; which endeavour because outward , seemeth to be some matter without ; and the seeming or fancy , is that which men call sense . stud. you do not here at all surprize me , as if some new philosophy ( for the main , not heard of , in former ages ) had , to your immortal renown , been first discover'd by you . for it has been said of old , that , all variety in bodies ariseth from motion ; and that sensation is a perception of that manner in which impressing bodies affect us . for aristotle b hath recited an ancient saying of philosophers , who holding that phanta●ms were not the things themselves , but only in our senses , express'd their opinion by asserting , that there was no blackness , without sight , nor without taste . and des-cartes in his meteors , published in french together with his method dioptriques , and geometry , as soon as i was born c , explained the nature of colours , light , and vision , otherwise than by intentional species ; and told us that by cold and heat , are to understood perceptions occasioned by the less or more vehement touch of little bodies upon the capillaments of the nerves which serve in our organs to that purpose . yet i am not tir'd in hearing such hypotheses repeated or varied ; please then to proceed , and if it liketh you , particularly in the explication of the nature of vision , wherein the doctrine of phantasms is most concern'd . mr. hobbes . in every great d agitation or concussion of the brain ( as it happeneth from a stroke , especially if the stroke be upon the eye ) whereby the optick-nerve suffereth any great violence , there appeareth before the eyes a certain light , which light is nothing without but an apparition only ; all that is real , being the concussion of motion of the parts of that nerve ; from which experience we may conclude that apparition of light is really nothing but motion within — and image and colour is but an apparition to us of that motion , agitation , or alteration which the object worketh in the brain , or spirits , or some internal substance in the head . stud. this exposition of light by the crouding of the parts , though it be not wholly to be rejected , yet may it ( i think ) be rendred suspicious for a time , by that which deserves , at least , the name of a puzzling objection . let us then suppose unto our selves , such a circumference as is surrounded with eyes : for in every point of enlightned space , and at all times there may be vision . i say then , that the part in the center being equally crouded on all sides , no motion or pressure can be thence conveighed diametrically , from eye to eye ; which is against the hypothesis mention'd . this scruple concerneth also the philosophy of des-cartes ; against whose globuli , in vision , there hath likewise of late , been this exception made . they have been supposed , in a right line , to move after the manner of jack-wheels , the one from east to west moving the next from west to east : from whence it has been concluded that the motion being thus disturbed , the knowledg of the object cannot distinctly be attained to by the endeavour of the last globulus . but , to on it what he himself , hath written a concerning the collateral globuli ; i observe , that the globuli are so exactly turned , that they touch but in a point , in the right line of them , and that therefore , according to mechanick laws , the motion from the first globulus is conv●igh'd directly through the center of the second , and so in succession , 'till it hath describ'd such a right line as is required in vision , without other variation in the pressure , than out ward impediments shall occasion . but not to digress too much , or to conjure up such objections as we cannot easily dismiss by solution ; let us attend to what is plain . and first , to speak more generally , to me it is plain , that all this while you have describ'd the apparatus for sensation , and not the inward substance which hath a faculty to perceive that it has been variously pressed by objects . aristotle b enquiring how the first principles of knowledg should be images ; doth cut in sunde● rather than untie the knot , by saying , that in truth they are no● phantasms , yet not without them . and descartes , supposing beasts without a soul , does therefore , notwithstanding the curious workmanship of their machin , not much in●erior unto man's , deny that they have perception ; but only move , as the dove of archytas , or the eagle of regiomontanus . i enquire , then , not after the instruments of sensation , but the substance perceiving : neither do i , yet , understand , after all your words about it , what is properly sense ? mr. hobbes . sense a is a phantasm , made by the re-action and endeavour outwards in the organ of sense , caused by an endeavour inwards from the object , remaining for some time more or less . stud. there is not only excited in the brain an apparence of the object , but also a perception of that image or apparence ; as all , who have their senses , find by daily experience . if impressions were , not only instruments , but acts of sense ; might we not strongly argue , that a looking-glass saw , and a lute heard ? but , to descend unto particulars ; i will endeavour to make it evident , that neither sense , nor imagination , nor memory , no● reason , nor will , can ever become the results of moving and rebounding matter ▪ without the presence of an immaterial mind . first , sensation is not made , neither can it be , by the meer re-action of matter . it would thence follow , th●t every part of the world , being capable of moving and rebounding , is also , so often as there is this counter-pr●ssure sensible . then the springs of all engins . the elastic air , resisted wind , and an echoed v●ice , are so many perceiving essences ; and it is an act , almost of as great unmercifulness though not of so great detriment to the common-wealth● to knock a nail as a man on the head ; for either nail or hammer would ex●reamly smart for 't . mr. h●bbes . i know , c there have been philosophers , and tho●e learned men , who have maintain'd that all bodies are endued with sense . nor can i see how they can be refuted , if the nature of sense be placed in re-action only . and , though by the re-action of bodies inanimate a phantasm might be made , it would nevertheless cease , as soon as ever the object were removed . for , unless those bodies had organs , ( as living creatures have● fit for the retaining of such motion as is made in ●hem , their sense would be such , as that they should never remember the same . and therefore this hath nothing to do with that sense which is the subject of my discourse . stud. if this be good doctrine ; we must , ●bove most persecuted m●n , pity the hammer or anvil of vulc●n ; they being , for the most pa●t ▪ tormented by repeated strokes . but let this ludicrous argument give place to more sober reasoning . consider then , that corporeal motion , in all things ( as in water ) aris●th not further in its effects than the spring-head of its own causal energy . mr. hobbes , it is a confessed , that motion produceth nothing but motion . stud. then the part counter-pressed , being still only moved , it doth not perceive either that , or how , it s●lf is moved , unless motion be the perceiving of it self , and the apprehending of m●tion , and of all the varieties of motion ; which is a phrase of greater insignificancy than any you have not●d amongst the aristot●lians or school-doctors in whatsoever matters we are at difference , i 'm sure we are of the same judgment in this , that a body at rest , b will always be at rest , unless there be some other body , which by getting into its place , suffers it no longer to remain at rest . so that matter , in its own nature , is thoroughly dull and stupid ; and in receiving motion it is meerly passive ; for a body , when moved , only suffers it self to be crouded from a first place to a second . mr. hobbes . in that also , we differ not ; for c motion is , by me defined , to be the continual privation of one place and acquisition of another . stud. how then does passive matter , by being crouded more slowly or swiftly , containing in its own idea only impenetrable extention , obtain an infused power , from that motion , to perceive that it is crouded , and in what degree ; and thereby also , to have an active conc●ption of the varieties in nature ? but what av●ileth rebounding to the very act of sense ? ●or to have re-action is no more than for passive matter to be thrust first forward , and then backward . and why then , may not the part which is crouded forward , perceive as well in proceeding ●rom one term in a right line , as in receding from the other term ? the difference not consisting in any physical causality , but in relation , or respect to divers terms ? the purest parts of the blood thrust forward to the spinal marrow , have the same virtue imparted to them ; as , when they are beaten backward towards the retina , in relation to the object of sight ; if we suppose their force unbroken and unaltered . the difference is resp●ctive , as in the way which leads from cambridge to london , the way is the same ; and the hackney coming to cambridge , may be almost , as well imagined to be wiser , when he is whipped and spurred back towards london , as that a part of the matter thrust from the influence of the object into the brain , may be thought more to p●rceive in its return to the optick-nerve , than in its direct course a the like arguments are to be used against fancy or imagination , as a material attribute ; it being but a perception of phantasms , ( especia●ly in vision ) when the object is removed . h●re we must say again , that , a perceiving of an image , and a perceiving that it still dwells with us ; and a perceiving that we perceive it ; that is to say , a feeling of a motion , and a knowing that we feel it , and in what manner , in the organs of sense ; is not the motion it self which we perceive we feel : and yet , motion is all that is introduced into the senseless , un●ctive , matter , and not any new principle capable of perceiving motion . for motion , as was granted , begets nothing but motion . you h●ve somewhere b said , that colour is but an apparition to vs , of that motion , agitation or alteration , which the object worketh in the brain or spirits , or some internal substance in the head : should you proceed and say , that such motion , agitation or alteration , in the part , is the sense or fancy perceiving that motion , agitation , or alteration , that is , it self , ( which yet is your opinion in varied terms ) you would surely grate the ears of the veriest ass in nature . and here the argument is of stronger conviction , than in sense . for if a part of matter mov●d , perceives not that motion , when the o●ject presseth by an immediate influence ; much le●s is it capable of so doing , when motion in the spirits , or nerve , or membrane , is subject in short time to languish , and to lose its degree of swistness , or its determination , by the encounters of fresh pressures from without , or endeavours from within , which are numerous and almost perpetual . farther ; you have admitted of the feign'd conceit of vacuum in nature ; which you apprehend not as a phantasm of subtile matter extended , but conceive a perfectly void space between two bodies . of this , you can have no sensation , because there is no object to press into the brain . you have no proper imagination of it ; for , of nothing there is no image . but you have an idea , or perception , or in your own word , a phantasm of it : this phantasm ( by an argument ad hominem ) overthrows the opinion of imagining , or fancying matter , whilst it ariseth from the negation or privation of it . but that which is of greater strength , is a reason taken from the disproportion of some images to the material sentient , and the manner how the image conveigheth it self to the perceiving matter . we have within us , an image of the sun , about two foot in diameter : were the whole head the imagining subject , it would be no more capable of so wide an image , than a common wafer is , of the broad-seal . besides , we may consider , that in the sentient-body , each part of it has either the apparence of the whole image , or of a part. if , of the whole , then seeing every part of body is body , and the smallest atom we can see is resolved further into its parts , and those into their parts without end ; it will follow thence , that we shall have an apparence not of one only sun , sun , but of more , perhaps , than we have , of fixed starrs in the widest and clearest view of the face of heaven . if of a part , then w● perceive no whole image , or entire apparen●● ; but have as many singular perceptions broken and divided , as parts in the image or percipient : if in any part of the percipient , all the impressions are united ; then are the parts of the image confounded by so doing ; and the parts o● the percipient by communicating their motion have lost all their sense : neither is there a part which has not parts ; so still the image will be infinitely multiply'd , or not entirely seen . the next faculty , is that of remembrance , which is not to be ranked amongst mechanical powers . i ●●quire then , what faculty perceiving the image in the brain , perceives also that the object is removed ; and how many hours it hath b●●n absent ; and when there aris●th a like p●●ssure from the same object , discerneth that such a pressure was formerly made ? mr. hobbes . by a what sense ( say you ) shall we take notice of sense ? i answer by s●ns● it self , namely , by the memory which for some time remains in us of things sensible , though they themselves pass away : for he that perceives that he has perceived , remembers . stud. i understand that there may remain a quivering in the retina , choroeides , and whole pia mater , or in the spirits , after the object of sight is removed , whose presence occasioned a more stiffe pressure . we see the like in extended and moved nets and ropes , and a thousand other examples in art and nature : but this trembling in them , as also in such machins where the motion may be more entirely and longer imprisoned , does soon vanish . whereas the re-action must remain extreamly long , in such men ( for instance ) , who at the seventieth year remember most perfectly , and will repeat with pleasure the passages of their school-play ; even those who retain not the things more newly passed . to tell how this can be explained by the meer mechanism of the brain , which has received many millions of changes in it self , and re-actions occasion'd from the objects of every hour , requires a more skilful oedipus than has yet pretended to unriddle the secrets of humane nature . but if we suppose the motion remaining in the brain ( which you call memory ) , there is no satisfaction given to the question : in which , proceeding further , we demand , by what power do you perceive this remaining motion as formerly , caused , and now continuing ? for to say , that the motion of the brain is perception of that motion ; and that motion remaining , is the perception of remaining motion ; and that decaying is a perception of the remaining yet decaying motion ; and that this decaying motion is a perception that it was a brisker vibration in time past ; ( whilst all these motions suppose a faculty pre-existing , or newly produc'd and apprehensive of them ; which , being the issue of motion cannot be more apprehensive than its parent ) to say all this , is to pile up absurd speeches unto the very heighth of non-sense ; and i have done them too much honour , whilst i have taken such frequent notice of them . i again inquire of you , whether sense and imagination , and memory , being motions phantasms , perish , or are transformed as an impression upon the stamp of new arms , when the rebounded motion perisheth , as to the brain ; or is altered there ? mr. hobbes . phantasms a or ideas , are not always the same ; but new ones appear to us , and old ones vanish , according as we apply our organs of sense , now to one object , now to another ; wherefore they are generated and perish . and from hence it is manifest , that they are some change or mutation in the sentient . now all mutation , or alteration is motion , or endeavour ; and endeavour also is motion , in the internal parts of the thing that is altered . stud. if then , motion ceaseth , memory also vanisheth away . mr. hobbes . it is confessed . and i have said already , that unless bodies had organs ( as living creatures have ) fit for the retaining of such motion as is made in them , their sense would be such as that they should never remember the same . stud. if then , oblivion seizeth on us , that is to say , in your sense and phrase , if the motion be removed from the sentient ; when the organ is again moved by the same object , there ariseth a new motion , and a new sensation , but no remembrance that we were formerly thus moved ; because the s●ntient has only had motion as it had at first ; the old is perished ▪ we find by common experience , that when something has escap'd our m●mory for many years ; ( suppose , the name of a person in story ) , we turn our dictionaries , we chime over all syllables we can think of ; we use all endeavours to rubb up ( as we say ) our memories , and perhaps in vain . mr. hobbes . this is re-conning . and our thoughts run a , in the same mann●r , as one would sweep a room to find a jewel ; or as a spaniel ranges the field , 'till he find a scent ; or as a man should run over the alphabet , to start a rime . stud. this business of the brain is set on work , by the will or desire , and so far from being caused by mechanick impulse , that it is occasioned by a privation , or , in your way , by the missing of parts . but , to connect my discourse to those words wherein you interrupted me ; when , after all rubbings up of memory , we despair of finding this much-sought name , a● la●t , p●rhaps by accidence we espy it on a monument , or medal , or in a book ; or hear it , o● something of like sound with it , pronounced by another ; straightway there a●iseth in us not only ● p●rception of this name , by this new motion which is the whole mechanick causality ; but also a knowledg that this was th● g●oat we swept for , the name sought after ; & a rej●ycing in the discovery . the sound was not able to produce in us any other image than we held of old , when we first read or heard the word ; by what token then could it be known to be the lost name found , if m●mory be performed without an immaterial soul ? having mentioned ob●●vion , i will go on , by shewing , that , according to your principles , almost every thing would be as deeply , and as soon forgotten , as i wish your doctrines were concerning god , and his angels , and the sou●s of men. attend then to the meaning of heraclitus , who was wont to say , that no man bathed twice in the same river ; and of a modern physitian who hath told us , that no man sits down the same to a second meal . the spirits , which with the greatest reason , are supposed to be most the soul , and to rebound ( because it is not so proper to say , that the nerves and membranes rebound from the spinal marrow ●o the plexus retiformis ) are always shifting postures and places , and many of them transpire daily , whilst new parts of the blood are exalted and conveighed into their room . in children the organs are changed by accession of parts ; and in all , in the space perhaps of less than seven years , the whole sentient , whatsoever it is , is , for the main vanished , ' though the texture be alike , as was the form of structure in the ship of theseus . how then , ( as raimundus martini , argueth a can any person 〈◊〉 him●●l● , after seventy years , to be individually the same , it he be not endued with a spiritual and incorruptible soul , which remaineth the same intirely throughout that space ; but consisteth only of a body in motion , with perpetual flux of parts ? or by what fetch or wit can it b● explaned , how the new add●d matter , by new pressure can remember what was perceived by the former , whose motion is scattered with it sel● ? if we should suppose the p●rts to remain , and yet the motion to h●v● p●rished , it is all one to them , when they are moved by a fresh impulse , as if they never had been moved but at that time . now that the motion p●risheth daily in effect , that is , that 〈◊〉 far varieth in its degrees and determinations , as not to be in capacity of repr●senting the object as it did in its unchanged condition , will i think be concluded by premises , by your self , laid down . do you not then , not only ascribe to the several senses , proper organs , and in them proper parts which have animation ; but also affirm the heart to be the common seat of sense ? mr. hobbes . the heart b is a common organ to all the senses ; whereas that which reacheth from the eye to the roots of the nerves , is proper only to sight . the proper organ o● hearing is the tympanum of the ear , and its own n●rve , from which to the heart the organ is common . in the proper organs of smell and taste are nervous membranes ; in the palate and tongue , for the taste ; and in the nostrils , for the smell ; and from the roots of those nerves to the heart , all is common . lastly , the proper organ of touch are nerves and membranes dispersed through the whole body ; which membranes are derived from the root of the nerves . and all things else belonging alike to all the senses seem to be administred by the arteries , and not by the nerves . stud. the spirits , then moved in vision by the object , return by counter-pressure to the retina , and from thence by such arteries as you make conjecture of b , unto the heart , the source of spirits . mr. hobbes . conceptions c and apparitions ( w ch are nothing really but motion in some internal substance of the head ) stop not there ; but the motion proceedeth to the heart . and as in sense d that which is really within us , is only motion but in apparence ; to the sight , light and colour ; to the ear , sound , &c. — so when the action of the object is continued from the eyes , ears , and other organs to the heart ; the real effect , there , is nothing but motion or endeavour ; which consisteth in appetite , or aversion , to or from , the object moving . but the apparence or sense of that motion , is that we either call delight , or trouble of mind . stud. it is then , impossible to remember , seeing the motion , in passing to the heart , and in being in the heart , whilst it is dilated in receiving blood from the vena cava , and contracted in forcing what is receiv'd into the habit of the body , ( for the vulgar systole is the diastole of the heart , and vice versa ) must needs be either communicated to other parts already in motion , or encreased by the receit of motion from such infinite parts of blood justling with it , or at least , varied once and again in its determinations , rebounding often from divers terms : wherefore it must be suppos'd to perish ; not properly indeed , seeing no motion is lost any other way than money is said to be lost when it passeth from one gamster to another , but to all the intents and purposes of representing the object ; which , to awaken a new sensation , must come into the brain by a new impulse . so that motion in the blood , from the impression of an outward object , is like that of water , by a stone cast in ; it is propagated from one circle to another , 'till at length it passeth undiscerned into a foreign subject . but it is time to hasten our pace in the present controversie . in which , i could not , to say truth , have been very brief , if i had but made a short rehearsal of the very heads of such arguments as overthrow the doctrine of thinking matter . let us then , pass by these lower powers of sense , and fancy , and memory ; and consider the more advanced faculty of reason ; and here we shall perceive , by the manner of mental working , that reason is a power superiour to imagination , and much more to all the causality of corporeal pressure . for ( as descartes a has , with acuteness , and truth , observed ) we otherwise think of or understand a triangle , and a figure of a thousand angles . when we think of a triangle , we not only understand a figure comprehended by three lines , but also we have a perception , or image of those three lines in our brain ; and that is imagination . but when we think of a figure of a thousand angles , we as perfectly , by our reason understand , that it consists of a thousand sides , as we perceive the other to consist of three ; but we cannot imagin those thousand sides and angles after the same manner that we did the three ; that is , behold them as distinctly pictur'd in our brain , as present in a phantasm . and although , by reason of the custom which we have gotten of imagining something as often as there is mention made of a corporeal subject , we may perhaps represent to our selves some confused figure at the hearing the foresaid figure named ; yet it is plain , that this is not the image of a figure of a thousand sides and angles , because it is in nothing differing from that image of a figure which should represent to my self , in thinking of a figure with a myriad of sides and angles , or of any other of very many sides ; neither doth it conduce at all to the understanding of those proprieties whereby a figure of a thousand angles differs from other very polygonous figures . again , to proceed in order , i will endeavour to make it evident , beyond all just exception , that the power of reasoning , in the acts of simple appreh●nsion , of connecting simple notions into a proposition , of deriving consequences from premised propositions , is not the meer result of the moved mechanism of man's body . first , in the acts of simple apprehension , our reason , exercised in notions purely logical , or metaphysical , has ideas which are estranged from all corporeal matter . for they are not conceptions of single beings , but of the manner how we conceive of them our selves , or declare our conceptions unto others . thus every youth will tell us , within few days after matriculation , that homo is species . mr. hobbes . the universality a of one name to many things , has been the cause that men think the things are themselves universal ; and so seriously contend , that besides peter and iohn , and all the rest of the men that are , have been , or shall be in the world , there is yet something else that we call man , viz. man in general ; deceiving themselves , by taking the universal or general appellation , for the thing it signifieth : for , if one should desire the painter to make him the picture of a man ; which is as much as to say , of a man in general ; he meaneth no more but that the painter should chuse what man he pleaseth to draw , which must needs be some of them that are , or have been , or may be ; none of which are universal : but when he would have him to draw the picture of the king , or any particular person ; he limiteth the painter to that one person he chuseth . stud. i affirm not , that there is such an existing being as man in general ; yet that , there is such an abstracted notion of man , or manhood , all circumstances of individuation laid aside , is manifest ; seeing it is not a true and proper predication to say , a man is socrates : and therefore the notion reacheth beyond a singular ; and therefore is not an impulse from sense , whose objects are all singular . and because a painter cannot make the picture of human nature , but only of a human person ; i● followeth that such a notion is not pictur'd in the fancy . besides , when we say , a man is a species ; we represent not to our selves ( properly in logick ) human nature , but the manner whereby our mind conceives of it , whilst it takes notice that it agrees to peter and paul , a●d thomas , and every single man that has been , or is , or shall be produced : for to be species is not said of man alone , but of every common nature . and , this also you might have known more than 6ty years ago in magdalen-hall in ox● . it is a shame therefore , for you , to upbraid the schools , of non-sense and deceit ; into which , if you had enter'd with apprehension , this back-door to atheism had never bin set open by you . further , to take you a short lesson out of ramus , a man who understood the mathematicks , and yet despis'd not , though he reformed logick : the invention of arguments , shews reason to be above the laws of matter . for , the arguments in his first part of logick ; ( that is , topicks apt to argue or declare the relation of one thing to another ; as ( virgil in the fourth aeneid , says , fear does argue degenerate minds ) such as are cause , effect , subject , adjunct , and the like ; being used here , not to find out the nature of single beings ( which appertains to natural philosophy , medics , and other sciences ) nor to interpret names ( which appertains to grammar ) but only as places declaring the mutual 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or habitudes of one thing to another , which may be related divers ways ; they cannot possibly arise from the single and absolute motions of sense . wonder not , now , that i am so busie in the first elements of logick , seeing your own misconceit about the art of reasoning , is a manifest relapse into the ignorance of a second childhood , and sheweth a necessity of your returning to oxford anew . again , if we consider reason in the framing of propositions , we find that we connect and disjoyn subjects and predicates , we compare and refer them ; we say , this appertains to the other , or it does not ; it is equal to it , or unequal ; like , or unlike ; which being acts of relation , cannot wholly arise from any thing pressing into the brain from without , which must be some single and absolute object ; but from the meer efficacy of an incorporeal mind . it is impossible that the sentient by meer motion should connect or compare one image with another . for , a divers phantasm is a divers motion ; and supposing they remain , the motion is in a divers part : seeing , the phantasms or divers motions would be confounded , if in the same part of the brain , they should conspire . if then there be one phantasm in one part , and a second in another , by what imaginable power can they confer ? for , if any part gives its motion to the other , or receives from it ; the motion , that is the phantasm of it , is , by so doing , changed . i may here subjoyn , that , without the anticipation of propositions in the mind , it is a difficult matter to understand , how we can be capable of sense or fancy , unless we first know what it is to know , and have some antecedent rules whereby to judg of receiv'd images . last of all , in deriving consequences , in longer or shorter trains of coherence , reason shews it self to be an immaterial faculty : for if two images cannot , as hath bin prov'd , be aptly connected by imagination and memory , supposed mechanical ; reason , surely , which ranketh all beings into their distinct orders and dependencies ; and connecteth myriads of such ideas as have no phantasm appertaining to them , must be divine . images and thoughts are produced in us in much disorder , by reason that the objects which we converse with are many and divers ; and because , our studies vary upon infinite occasions : so that our thoughts at first do spring up one by one , as jewels are found . it is , then , the work of reason to recall and gather together all such of them as are of the same kind , and to lay aside the rest for a convenient season ; and to judg further of their agreeableness , & how they depend upon and illustrate each other , and so as it were to string them into a long a●d nervous coherence ; a chain most fit to adorn a philosopher . i know not , how a phantasm , or moved part in the brain , can receive any other into mutual dependence , which the force of the antecedent or consequent objects adds not to it . for that which is in motion acts not at a distance , but presseth only its neighbour ; and that , by way of pulsion , not attraction . again , reason , by the drawing of divers consequences , correcteth sense ; which , though it doth not properly deceive , ( being such a perception as naturally ariseth from such a pressure , and such a disposed organ ) yet would it leave us for ever in ignorance , if our reason did not convince us , that the object is not adequately represented by the image . in sense , imagination , or memory , one of the fixed starrs seems not bigger than that in the badg of the order of the garter : the image is no greater , the motion of no further force ; and therefore reason , which by consequences in astronomy , infers that it is bigger than the earth , is something much superior to motion derived from the object . if after all this , a man shall say , that the very train of corporeal motions in the head , is the reason which judgeth of that train , disturbeth its dependance made by succession of objects , disposeth it after a new manner , and also at pleasure ordereth the train of logical ideas not generated by motion ; it may sooner be resolved concerning such a saying , than about the perpendicular and circle in the angle of contact ( touching which you think you have written a shrewd matters ) that it doth not meerly incline to , but is co incident with non-sense . mr. hobbes . here is a great deal said , and b too much to be confuted . yet almost every saying may be disproved , or ought to be reprehended . in sum ; it is all error and railing . but what will you say , c if perhaps ratiocination be nothing but the coupling and concatenation of names , by the verb est ? whence we collect by reason , nothing at all of the nature of things , but of their appellations , to wit , whether we joyn the names of things according to the agreements which we made ( at pleasure ) about their signification , or whether we do otherwise . if this be so , as so it may be , ratiocination may depend upon names , names upon imagination , and imagination , perhaps , as i think , upon the motion of corporeal organs ; and so , still , the soul will be nothing else besides agitation in certain parts of a well framed body . nay , it is plain a that there is nothing universal but names . and reason b is nothing but reckoning of the consequences of general names agreed upon , to certain purposes . stud. let des-cartes c answer this objection , to whom you once proposed it . there is ( said he ) in ratiocination ; a coupling not of names , but of things signified by certain names ; and i admire how the contrary could enter into the mind of any man : for , who doubts that a frenchman and a german do reason the same things concerning the same subjects , whilst they conceive their notions in different words or names ? and doth not this philosopher condemn himself , whilst he speaks concerning pacts which we made at pleasure , teaching the signification of words ? for if he admitteth that any thing is signified by words , why will not he have our ratiocination consist in that something which is signified , rather than in the bare words themselves . thus he , and ( as i think ) with unanswerable pertinence . it might be also said , that , by this doctrine , an ass , and a dumb-man , are equally without reason , and that a parrot is indued with it . mr. hobbes . there d is no reasoning without speech . by g the advantage of names it is that we are capable of science ; which beasts for want of them , are not , nor man , without the use of them . stud. where is your reason in these words , considering the ingeniousness of divers dumb-men , excelling that of many who are loudly talkative ? names doubtless , though connected , are not reason , but the registers of our thoughts and reasonings ; and we proceed from mental to verbal discourse ; and when we have conceived a book , we may , express to the world , the sense of it , in what language we please , if we be masters of it . the use of names causeth rather a readiness in reasoning than begetteth reason ; and , i think , you somewhere , in your leviathan a do confess it . so that i may say of names , as you have done of symbols in geometry , that themselves are not science b but serve only to make men go faster about , in reasoning ; as greater wind to a wind-mill . well , i have talk'd my self into a necessity of drinking this untempting ale. sir , a good health to you . mr. hobbes . your servant , sir , — that liquor is not very proper for philosophers . stud. this very draught has put me in mind of an objection , which makes me extreamly to dislike the doctrine of mechanick ratiocination . this muddy ale , it seems , shall in some part of it , circle with the blood , and be sublimed in the heart , and sent up in arteries to the head , and there shall perceive , imagin , remember , and help me to philosophize , and to make divine discourses ; and give me not only the warmth , but the very essence of mental or verbal prayer and thanksgiving . nay ( that we may pass , in due time to our sixt subject ) , it shall also will and nill : which i find i may do ; and think strange that i can do so by the meer power of matter . mr. hobbes . there a are certain and necessary causes which make every man to will what he willeth . stud. herein , i confess , you disagree not from your self , though you seem at the widest distance from the truth . and regius b is much more to be blamed for inconsistency , who ass●rting that the soul might be a mode of the body , did yet profess that the will was free ; and , in his own phrase , sui juris . for your self , it was fit , upon supposition of your belief of a corporeal universe , that you should maintain a necessity of willing . for if every thing be matter , each effect in the world , being the meer result of motion in matter , will be produced by fatal impulse : and , likewise , that producing impulse , will be necessitated by a former , and so on in so long an order , as cannot be pursu'd , ( without the admittance of an incorporeal god ) to any end of it , distinctly known . wherefore the stoicks , long before you , supposing god to be a kind of fire , and the soul to be a subtil body ; held also the opinion of irresistible fate . and plutarch , and stobaeus take notice of both opinions together , as i find them cited by lipsius in his manuduction c to that philosophy : upon which occasion , a worthy and learned person , hath in his discourse at the funeral of bishop hall , deservedly call'd you the new stoick . if then there be nothing more divine in man , than matter and motion ; he does as necessarily chuse or refuse , as fire ascends , or a stone is pressed towards the earth . mr. hobbes . it is no more a necessary that fire should burn , than that a man or other creature , whose limbs be moved by fancy , should have election , that is liberty , to do what he hath a fancy to do , though it be not in his will or power to choose his fancy , or to choose his election and will. good b and evil sequels of mens actions retained in memory , do frame and make us to the election of whatsoever it be that we elect ; and the memory of such things proceeds from the senses , and sense from the operation of the objects of sense , ( which are external to us , and govern'd only by god almighty ) and by consequence all actions , even of free and voluntary agents , are necessary . stud. were man such a piece of mechanism as has been forged by your untoward invention much of the cause would be granted to you : and yet , not this , that the memory of good or evil sequels of mens actions do frame us unto every election ; because there are too many whom no examples of punishment will deterr from such evil manners , as they see daily producing bitter effects . but , seeing it has been prov'd that there is in man , an immaterial soul ; it follows thence , that the motions from the object , continued to the brain and heart , can only solicite , and not force the assent of that incorporeal being which giveth them passage , or resisteth them , and determineth them at its pleasure , in divers cases . neither can outward force any more restrain this spiritual mind , than xerxes could properly fetter the hellespont . there is then , left me but little work in oppugning your opinion about liberty and necessity , seeing the foundation of your belief of fate , is the corporeity of the universe . it is also , to be considered , that a person of great fame and place , hath already contended with you ; so very much to your disadvantage , that it seems not worth the while for any man henceforth , to enter the lists . and of this i will not make my self the judg , but repeat the opinion of a learned man , who was wont to declare his mind in controversies , with unbyassed freedom . it is known every where ( said that elegant a writer ) , with what piety and acumen [ the last lord primate of all ireland ] wrote against the manichean doctrine of fatal necessity , which a late witty man had pretended to adorn with a new vizor ; but this excellent person wash'd off the cerusse , and the meritricious paintings ; rarely well asserted the oeconomy of the divine providence ; and having once more triumph'd over his adversary , plenus victoriarum & trophaearum , be took himself to the more agreeable attendance upon sacred offices . mr. hobbes . this luxuriant pen-man boasts of trophies ; and the bishop himself , of old , talk'd of b clearing the coast by distinctions , and dividing his forces into two squadrons , one of places of scripture , the other of reasons . and i say notwithstanding ( to continue in the military allusion begun by them ) that in my books a not only his squadrons of arguments , but also his reserve of distinctions are defeated . stud. i perceive you intend to make good the character now given of you , of being a witty man : although , according to the principles of your own philosophy , it redoundeth not much to your reputation . for wit b depending upon a tenuity and agility of spirits , there seemeth wanting in a very witty man , that fixation of parts which is required to prudence . touching your antagonist , there is no doubt ( and it appeareth by your fretting and sprawling ) that you have felt the smart of that opposition which he hath made against you . but , so far as i can remember , ( for i have not had for some years , any writing of his in my possession ) he hath not level'd his men in force against that place wherein you seem ( to me ) most capable of being wounded , and wherein your chief strength seemeth to lay ; that is to say , the materiality of the whole sphaere of nature . in relation to which , i am apt to be perswaded , that in this controversie about fate , you by a daring consequence , do charge the most holy god with all the iniquities committed in the world. for all effects arising from motion ; and all motion being derived from the first immoveable mover , all subordinate causes and effects will owe themselves in a chain-like dependance , to the supreme original cause . mr. hobbes . the concourse a of all causes maketh not one simple chain or concatenation , but an innumerable number of chains , joyned together , not in all parts , but in the first link , god almighty . — that which , i say , necessitateth b and determineth every action , is the sum of all things , which being now existent , conduce and concur to the production of that action hereafter , whereof if any one thing now were wanting , the effect could not be produced : this concourse of causes , whereof every one is determined to be such as it is by a like concourse of former causes , may well be called ( in respect they were all set and ordered by the eternal cause of all things , god almighty ) the decree of god. every act c of mans will , and every desire and inclination proceedeth from some cause , and that from another cause , in a continual chain ( whose first link is in the hand of god , the cause of all causes ) ; and therefore the voluntary actions of men proceed from necessity . stud. impute not that , with falshood and dishonour , to god , which is caused by man's unconstrained will ; the only mother which conceiveth and bringeth forth sin ; not withstanding that objects may incline , and examples may entice , and opportunities may invite , and evil angels may tempt , and constitution may encline , and god permitteth . let no man , therefore , say when he is tempted , he is tempted of god ; for , every man is tempted when he is drawn away by his own lust , and enticed . mr. hobbes . 't is blasphemy a to say , god can sin ; but to say , that god can so order the world as a sin may be necessarily caused thereby in a man , i do not see how it is any dishonnour to him. stud. these answers should not have proceeded from a man , who professeth himself a christian of no mean degree . b they come ( i was ready to say ) as unexpectedly , as if they had dropped out of the heavens ; but that they have relation to a lower place . if we brand mortal men with names of infamy and tokens of our abhorence , calling them unmerciful , bloody , deceitful ; who are said by you , in all their actions , to be drawn by fate ; how can we speak or think with honour of the deity , whilst we apprehend him as the original causer of all those evils , for which we ( unhurt ) abominate one another ; which he himself hath told us he doth abhor ; and for the commission of which immoralities he will execute vengeance upon the brutish part of mankind ? when a sword is sheathed in the bowels of an innocent and good man , we reproach not the bloody weapon which was moved by force ; but we give titles of extraordinary dishonour to the barbarous will of that savage man , who made it an instrument of such dreadful mischief . if men be carryed on in all their circumstances , by the mighty torrent of irresistible motion ; their iniquities , and the dishonours due unto them , are chargable upon the source and spring of motion . if men are necessitated to act or omit , as also to will or to refuse , then exhortations unto such duties as they perform not , are bitter taunts , and like commands to a criple to rise up and walk ; and punishment for such evils as they commit , is a cruel usage ; and a declaration against sin , as hated by the first cause , ( who cannot be thought in earnest to detest his own workmanship ) ; and as the default of man ( who is asked in scripture why he will die ? whilst his very will to die , is by you supposed fatal ) is imperious mockery , and unworthy deceit . st. austin himself in his 10 th . cap. de fide , contra manichaeos a , speaketh in words to the same effect ; who ( said the father ) may not cry out , that it is a ridiculous thing to bind precepts upon him , who is not at liberty to obey them ; and an unrighteous thing to condemn that man who had no power to perform what he was commanded ? and what can be said of god , which may betoken honour , if he be once accused as the author of sin ? mr. hobbes . men b may do many things which god does not command ; and therefore he is not the author of them . stud. he is more the author , who doth secretly necessitate , than he who only does command the effect ; in as much as a command may , as it is daily , be disobey'd , but power irresistible is not to be eluded . and david would have bin more entirely and notoriously the murtherer of vriah , by forcing the armed hand of an ammonite upon him , and the ammonite less guilty ; than by a bare appointing of him to be placed in the front of the battel . besides , it seems superfluous perfluous to command the doing of that , which the supposed commander ( with or without promulgation of his will ) does unavoid●bly bring to pass : for you make god the first causer of all that is performed , even against the revelation of his pleasure . mr. hobbes . i grant that , though a men may do many things which god does not command ; yet that they can have no passion , nor appetite to any thing , of which appetite god's will is not the cause . stud. why then did accused adam transfer the blame on eve , and she upon the serpent ? it had been an easie , if it might have been a true reply , for both of them to have said , thou thy self didst force us unto that , which by thee is so severely reprehended . the serpent himself at the hearing of his doom , remained silent ; the very father of lies not being impudent in so excessive a degree , as to charge the almighty with his own evils . wherefore , in ascribing sin to god as the first cause of it , you put me in mind of their fancy , upon a mistaken text , who b affirm'd leviathan to be the very father of the devil . i cannot heartily beg your pardon for that note , because it is necessary that i be zealous , when once the holiness and goodness of god is reproached by humane wit , impudence , madness . mr. hobbes . condemn not in such a furious way , good dedoctor c of morality ; for with as ill manners you affirm that god is the permitter , as i have done , in saying he is the cause of every action . i am a not ignorant that divines distinguish between will and permission ; and say , that , god almighty does indeed sometimes permit sins , and that he also foreknoweth that the sin he permitteth shall be committed , but does not will nor necessitate it . — but i find no difference between the will to have a thing done , and the permission to do it , when he that permitteth can hinder it , and knows that it will be done unless he hinder it . stud. the difference is heavenly-wide betwixt bare permission , and that will which you have fancied in almighty god ; a will b attended with such a disposal of all things , as begetteth a necessity in man's will of doing gods. for no man ever could imagin ( your self excepted ) that bare permission should have the influence of a necessary cause ; whereas such influence is ascrib'd , by you , to the will of god. it appeareth by the revelation which god hath made to man , that he does so will religion that it would be more pleasing to him for man to obey , than to remain perverse ; yet not in such a manner , that he compelleth him to become his subject by active compliance : for that were to unmake man as such , that is , as a creature endu'd with a free will. when god saith of his vineyard , which made not such returns of fruitfulness as were proportion'd to his cultivation of it , that he could do no more for it than he had done ; he declared plainly that he used such means as were consistent with a liberty in man of neglecting or misimproving them : and the exercise of this liberty in sinning he permitteth , in regard to man's free free nature , and because he can , not only chastise him for his delinquency , but likewise , by his methods and infinite wisdom , bring good out of it . there being then in god , in many cases , a conditional will , that will , without the rescinding of any law of man's unconstrain'd election , is always done , either by the obedience of man , or by the vindication of abused mercy in the correction of a stubborn sinner . and thus we have seen how injurious your doctrine of necessity , hath been to the just honour of the most holy will of god. it is , also , manifest that by the same way , i will not call of reason , but of bold asseveration , you upbraid all laws , whereby any punishment is inflicted upon malefactors , of most rigorous and unreasonable procedure ; and thereby , after dishonour done to god , you vilisie his vicegerents . for , why is the scourge or brand , the rope , or fire ; the press , axe , or bullet , prepared for those men , who do not , by their own free choice and power , lay open the fence which authority hath set down ; but are hurried through it by a foreign violence , against which it is in vain to struggle ? sword and pistol , or whatsoever is an instrument in the violation of the law , or safety of man , is as guilty as man himself , and with indignation to be broken in pieces ; if man be unavoidably and fatally managed ( as in a puppet-play ) by a foreign hand , discern'd only by you who pretend to see within the curtain . i remember to have read , that draco , the athenian , made a law , whereby the very instruments of homicide were punish'd . and the sons of him that perished by the fall of nicon's statue a which he had whipped , in order to the greater infamy of nicon , condemn'd the statue as a murtherer , and with solemnity , threw it into the sea but they were not so sottish , by these laws and practices , to pretend a real punishment of such instruments ; but they design'd , to move beholders to the greater abhorrence of spilling human blood ; and they gave some vent to the fermenting rage of their inward passion , which might have swell'd to their greater discommodity , if they had not sought some means of dischargeing it . mr. hobbes . 't is b unreasonable to punish some actions of men , which could not be justly done by man to man , unless the same were voluntary . — the c nature of sin consisteth in this , that the action done proceed from our will , and be against the law. a judg , in judging whether it be a sin or no which is done against the law , looks at no higher cause in the action than the will of the doer . now when i say , the action is necessary , i do not say it was done against the will of the doer , but with his will. — and d the will to break the law , maketh the action unjust ; because the law regardeth the will , and no other precedent causes of action . stud. the will , if we have regard to the opinion which you hold concerning it , can neither render the action unjust , or the judg righteous in his sentence of condemnation : because every volition e or act of the will and purpose of man is , by outward violence , made unavoidable ; and the beginning f and progress of deliberation dependeth , also , upon necessary causes . mr. hobbes . i acknowledg that a when first a man hath a will to something , to which immediately before he had no appetite nor will ; the cause of the will is not the will it self , but something else , not in his own disposing . so that whereas it is out of controversie , that of voluntary actions , the will is the necessary cause ; and by this which is said , the will is also caused by other things whereof it disposeth not : it followeth , that voluntary actions have all of them necessary causes , and therefore are nec●ssitated . stud. wherefore , if the law inflicteth capital punishment upon a man with regard unto his will ; the man suffers for that which was not in his power to help ; and is therefore to be reckoned amongst those whose blood is shed without any proper stain in it . mr. hobbes . men b are justly killed , not for that their actions are necessitated , but because they are noxious . — men are not c therefore put to death , or punished , for that their theft proceedeth from election , but because it was noxious , & contrary to mens preservation . stud. the law regards the free choice , ' though it hath respect also to the mischief derived on the commonwealth . wherefore there have been cities of refuge constituted for the safeguard of those who had unwittingly , kill'd a man ; whilst the wilful murtherers were to repay blood for blood . and amongst our selves the blood of the most unuseful person in the land , shall be avenged by the death of the ablest soldier , or counsellor , if the law may have its course , and it be satisf'd , that he shed it with a deliberate stroke ; whilst a pitiful ignorant criple shall escape , if by meer mischance , he shall slay such a man as is able to serve a kingdom , either by his sword or prudence . in which cases , the laws have regard , rather to the wilfulness than the noxiousness of the actors . so also in the roman law * ( reported by paulus i. c. de poenis paganorum ) he that wilfully burnt an house was to suffer death ; but he that , by accident , burnt a village , or an island , was but a debtor . but if noxiousness be the rule of judging , then are you to change your phrase and say , not that men are punished ( which presupposeth a crime ) but afflicted or killed ; after the manner of beasts , which , not being capable of law , do perish without law ; as their ruin conduceth to the behoof or security of man. and therefore the civil law a calleth not the fact of a beast injuria , but damnum ; and determineth that a beast , being devoid of reason , can do no injury . mr. h●bb . as for b beasts , we kill them justly when we do 't in ord'r to our own preservation . stud. but that justice dependeth upon the dominion which god hath vouchsafed man over those creatures to which some will not allow so much as sense , * and many no more than direct perception ; though you are so profuse , in one of your books c , as to grant them election and deliberation . and here , let it be observed , that god who hath given this dominion to man , hath revealed it also to be his purpose , not to rule and judg him by absolute soveraignty ; nor to approve of men , whilst they measure their right amongst themselves by a power not to be controll'd . but he hath shew'd that he will govern them , and have you deal with one another , according to the equal laws of their reasonable nature . mr. hobbes . you run on in exceptions against that doctrine of necessity , which i have proposed ; but you take no notice of the inconveniencies wherwith your own opinion is pressed . and first , you take no notice of the consistence of freedom and necessity ; or that god and good angels a are supposed to be freer than men , and yet do good necessarily . it was b a very great praise , in my opinion , that villeius paterculus gives cato , where he says , that he was good by nature ; et quia aliter esse non potisit . stud. the necessity wherewith almighty god doth always good , is of a kind extremely different from that physical co-action which you believe to be the cause of each effect , for , he determineth himself by the eternal reason of his own most perfect nature , and is not urged by outward impulse ; which if it could once be attributed to him , he would , straightway , cease to be god omnipotent . mr. hobbes . that word , omnipotent , reminds me of a second inconvenience , which attendeth the opposers of my doctrine . for if c gods will did not assure the necessity of man's will , and consequently of all that on man's will dependeth ; the liberty of men would be a contradiction and impediment to the omnipotence and liberty of god. stud. it is in you absurd to mention liberty even in relation to god himself ; because , by ascribing to him a material nature , you assign him no motions but such as arise from physical compulsion . — but , upon what account is it said by you , that the omnipotence of god must be obstructed by the grant of an undetermin'd liberty in man ? it is not , that i know of , affirm'd by any disputant , that there is such a lawless liberty in man , as is not under subjection to the absolute power of god , but that it is a liberty which god almighty , in an agreeableness to the free nature of man , hath been pleas'd to grant ; and for the greater part to suffer in the exercise of it . only it is said concerning sin , that god cannot force the will of man to the commission of it : for , the production of such a wretched issue , would argue , not omnipotency , but impotence and imperfection in the parent of it . god created man , and gave a law to him ; and design'd not to use his almighty power to effect the fulfilling of that law ; which power supposeth the command of a law to be in vain . he therefore that interposeth not his power whilst he may , hath not his power disanulled when his preceptive will is only withstood , and he permitteth that disobedience . mr. hobbes . but what elusion can be invented touching the foreknowledg of god ? the denying necessity a destroyeth both the decrees and prescience of god almighty ; for , whatsoever god hath purposed to bring to pass by man , as an instrument , or foreseeth shall come to pass ; a man if he have liberty , from necessitation , might frustrate and make not to come to pass ; and god should either not foreknow it , and not decree it ; or he should foreknow such things shall be , as shall never be , and decree that which shall never come to pass . stud. touching the decees of god , it cannot be proved that they extend to all things which come to pass . for his prescience i 'm sure , that it extendeth to all things possible to be known , and that it hath no necessary influence upon the event ; it doth neither hinder the power of god , nor the liberty of man. god foreseeth that the event may come to pa●s , and that he will not hinder it , yet that he might : and it cometh to pass most necessarily if god ●oreseeth it ; but the necessity ariseth from the supposition of the infallibility , and not from any causal energy , of divine foreknowledg . it is manifest by the fulfilled prophesies of divers inspired men , that there is prescience ; and a man may also be assured , that neither is his liberty intringed by it , nor prescience by his liberty . it is evident to every man , in many cases , ( as evident as that he perceiveth at all or understandeth ) that he willeth or ●efuseth without any constraint upon his freedom . but there is great difficulty in unridling the manner of the consistence of foreknowledg and liberty ; because , although there be some notion , yet there is not a knowledg , fully comprehensive of the divine wisdom , in a finite soul. thus much , notwithstanding , may , with sobriety be offer'd towards the explication of this mysterious truth ; that the boundless wisdom of god who made the world , understanding the laws and operations of his workmanship from the beginning to the end of them , understandeth also the nature of all appearances in all objects in relation to the mind of man , in every estate wherein he is placed , and at all times , together with the dispositions of each man's soul , and thereby foreseeth what he will refuse or chuse , whilst he had power ( absolutely speaking ) otherwise either to elect or reject . he that should drop a piece of money , by an undiscerned hand , in the way of a man afflicted with extream poverty ; the same person might readily foresee , that the espied money would infallibly be taken up by that poor man , though he could not but understand that the beggar had so much power over his own limbs , as not to stoop unless he pleased . but it seemeth not worth the time and pains to reconcile to your apprehension , the doctrins of foreknowledg , and undetermin'd liberty ; because this objection is by you , proposed , in order to the amusing of other men's reasons rather than in justification of the truth , for , according to your principles , all evidence or knowledg ariseth from objects already in being . neither understand you this of essence in the sense of the metaphysick-schools , but of the actual presence of caused objects . mr. hobbes . in my opinion a , foreknowledg is knowledg , and knowledg depends on the existence of things known , & not they on it . however , the objection serveth for the incommoding of those who maintain another sort of foreknowledg ; but the argument on which i establish my doctrine is of another kind . i hold a that to be a sufficient cause , to which nothing is wanting that is needful to the producing of the effect . the same also is a necessary cause : for , if it be possible that a sufficient cause shall not bring forth the effect , then there wanteth somewhat which was needful to the producing of it , and so the cause was not sufficient ; but if it be impossible that a sufficient cause should not produce the effect , then is a sufficient cause a necessary cause ; ( for that is said to produce an effect necessarily , that cannot but produce it . ) hence it is manifest , that whatsoever is produced is produced necessarily , for whatsoever is produced hath had a sufficient cause to produce it , or else it had not been ; and therefore also , voluntary actions are necessitated . stud. in the alterations made in bodies , every sufficient is an efficient cause , by reason that matter sufficiently moved cannot stay it self , but is wholly determin'd by foreign impulse ; which impulse also had an undefeated determination . but because i have proved the existence of an immaterial soul , i may affirm that all outward preparations being made , so that there remaineth nothing wanting but the act of volition ; the spiritual mind not being overcome by the sway of matter , hath a power to abstain from acting , though perhaps it is not pleased to use it . and this we may illustrate by the example of abraham , whose fire , & wood , and son to be a victim , and sacrificing-knife , were in a readiness and sufficient strength , with these , to execute the command which god almighty , by way of trial , had given to him : yet who can doubt that abraham had a power , at the same time , to render these preparations useless , and to be disobedient ? for , how could those objects and this command conveigh a force into his will , and thence into his arm , to slay his son ? though they might present him with a reason which the goodness of his disposition would not refuse : the intention of abraham to slay his son was wrought by a moral , and not a physical , or natural power . mr. hobbes . natural a efficacy of objects does determine voluntary agents , and necessitates the will , and consequently the action ; but for moral efficacy , i understand not what you mean. stud. i understand by moral efficacy , the perswa●ive power of such motives as those which arise from fear , and love , and trust , and gratitude and especially such as arise from the meer reason of the case ; as when a man doth therefore give alms , meerly because he apprehends it to be more blessed to give than to receive , and not to be rid of the pang of compassion , or to obtain praise or other reward . by such motives , the mind is often prevail'd upon , without the force of corporeal motion , being wooed , and not pressed unavoidably into consent . of these motives , that of fear , may seem to have me●hanick force ; because , that passion is often stirred up by the horror of objects , disturbing the natural course of the blood. but it will be granted by your self , that the very passion of fear doth not compell , but incline the will : for , you acknowledg b that fear and liberty are consistent ; as when a man throweth his goods into the sea for fear the ship should sink , he doth it nevertheless very willingly , and may refuse to do it if he will : it is therefore the action of one that was free . seeing then the incorporeal soul of man is induced by perswasion , and not compelled by natural motion ; you may as soon convince me , that every sufficient man ( as we are wont to call a wealthy person ) is therefore a dispenser of his goods , and a liberal man ; as that the immaterial soul is , forthwith , compell'd to act , when all things are present which are needful to the producing of the effect , and all impediments are removed . mr. hobbes . to say that an agent a in such circumstances , can nevertheless not produce the effect , implies a contradiction , and is non-sense , being as much as to say , the cause may be sufficient , that is to say , necessary ▪ and yet the effect shall not follow . that all b events have necessary causes , hath been proved already , in that they have sufficient causes . further , let us in this place also suppose any ▪ event never so casual , as the throwing ( for example ) ames-ace upon a pair of dice , and see , if it must not have been necessary before 't was thrown . for , seeing it was thrown , it had a beginning , and consequently a sufficient cause to produce it , consisting partly in the dice , partly in outward things , as the posture of the parts of the hand , the measure of force applied by the caster , the posture of the parts of the table , and the like : in sum , there was nothing wanting which was necessarily requisite to the producing of that particular cast , & consequently the cast was necessarily thrown ; for if it had not been thrown , there had wanted somewhat requisite to the throwing of it , and so the cause had not been sufficient . stud. here you make instance in an event resulting from circumstances of bodies , and from physical motion : in relation to which i have already granted , that a sufficient is an efficient cause ; and declar'd the reason of it ; and how it toucheth not the present business . but by this last answer i begin to understand that you obtrude a sophism upon me , instead of a real argument . for , whilst you say , that sufficient is the same which necessary , and that if the cast had not been thrown , there was something wanting ; you include , in your sufficient cause , when you speak of man , the very act of volition , besides all the furniture prepared for that act : and then your meaning amounts to this , that when there is each thing needful , and no impediment , and also a will to act , the effect followeth . but here you beg the question , which is this ; whether , all things requisite to action being present , the will and act of volition excepted , the soul hath not a power to forbear that act ? and whilst you suppose a removal of impediments , and the presence of all things necessary , and the act of the will also ; and then say , the cause is sufficient and efficient too , you say no more , than that a man produceth necessarily , an effect , whilst he produceth it ; which indeed is a truth , ( for he cannot act and not act at the same time ) but in the present controversie it is an egregious impertinence . for , the necessity which you speak of , is not in the will it self , or in the effect ; but in that consequence which the mind createth , by supposing that the will complieth with the means , and that , whilst it chuseth , it cannot but chuse . wherefore this fallacy is like to theirs , who say , the will is necessarily determin'd by the last act of the understanding , meaning , because it is the last : they suppose the last act , and that the will closeth with the understanding , and then they say , it followeth upon necessity : which is no more than to affirm , that there is nothing later than the last . and if i am not impos'd upon by my memory , you somewhere argue a , that the will is the last appetite in deliberating ; and that therefore , though we say in common discourse , a man had once a will to do a thing , that nevertheles he forbears to do ; yet that is not properly a will , because the action depends not of it , but of the la●t inclination or appetite . you suppose the will to be the last inclination , and that there●ore the action depends upon it , because it is the last ; and then you call it sufficient and necessary , when you have made it to be such ; not in its own nature , but by the supposition framed in your own brain . and thus you have made a great noise and kackling about sufficient and efficient , whilst there is nothing here said by you , which is not as insipid as the white of an egg. but of that necessity which is said to compell the will of man , enough ; let ●s consider that law which obligeth it , though not by force to action , yet upon default , to punishment . and that we may proceed in order , let our beginning be made at our seventh head , the law of nature , that inward law , in relation to which each man is a magistrate to himself , erecting a tribunal in his own breast . mr. hobbes . there is a right , and also , a law of nature . the right of nature , is the liberty each man hath , to use his own power as he will himself , for the preservation of his own nature , that is to say , of his own life ; and consequently of doing any thing , which in his own judgment , and reason , he shall conceive to be the aptest means thereunto . — the law of nature is a precept , or general rule , found out by reason , by which a man is forbidden to do that which is destructive of his life , or taketh away the means of preserving the same ; and to omit , that , by which he thinketh , it may be lest preserved , — the sum of the right of the right of nature , is , by all means we can to defend our selves : this is b the first foundation of natural right . stud. the distinction betwixt the right , and the law of nature , is , with good reason , to be admitted . but you ought not to challenge it * to your self , seeing it is expressly noted by divers ancient authors , and in particular , by laurentius valla c . that which you add , seemeth as false as the other is ancient . for the right dictate of natural reason obliging man ( not yet suppos'd a member of the great community ) to an orderly behaviour towards god , and his parents , as also towards his own soul and body , in cases which concern , and which concern not , life & death , is the law of nature . mr. hobbes . the dictates of reason [ concerning vice and virtue a men b use to call by the name of laws , but improperly : for they are but conclusions , or theorems , concerning what conduceth to the conservation , and defence of themselves ; whereas law properly is the word of him , who by right hath command over others . stud. these dictates being the natural operations of our minds , the being , and undepraved condition of which in right reasoning , we owe to god ; we cannot but esteem them as the voice of god within us , and consequently law : wherefore st. paul calleth the rule of natural conscience amongst the gentiles , the law written in their hearts . — but whence doth it come to pass , that self-interest is laid by you as the foundation-stone of the law of nature ? in such sort , that nothing is unlawful which conduceth to such preservation . for , it is commonly taught amongst us , that many things are condemn'd by the light of reason ; and that we ought not to do evil that good may come on 't ; but prefer the law of god in nature before private utility ; it being the truest self-interest to lose the present secular advantage , for the future recompence of such as , with peril , obey god. mr. hobbes . the reasons of my opinion are manifest . because it is natural for man to avoid pain c and pursue utility ; and because in the state of nature , there is nothing unlawful against others . for d the desires , and other passions of man , are in themselves no sin : no more are the actions that proceed from those passions , 'till they know a law that forbids them : which , till laws be made , they cannot know : nor can any law be made , 'till they have agreed upon the person that shall make it . stud. unless you explain your self concerning this state of nature which you speak of , the way of our proceeding will be darkned by words . mr. hobbes . the natural condition of mankind may be thus explained . nature hath made men so equal a in the faculties of body and mind ; as that , when all is reckoned together , the difference between man and m●n , is not so considerable , as that one man can thereupon claim to himself any benefit to which another may not pretend as well as he . from this equality of ability , ariseth equality of hope in the attaining of our ends . and therefore if any two men , desire the same thing , which nevertheless they cannot both enjoy , they become enemies ; and in the way to their end ( which is principally their own conservation , and sometimes their delectation only ) endeavour to destroy or subdue one another . whereupon some are invited to invade others , and from others may fear the like invasion . from equality of ability , competition ariseth fomented by equality of hope ; and from thence diffidence of one another : and from this diffidence attended with desire of glory in conquering , there ariseth a war of every man against every man. and therefore , whatsoever is consequent to a time of war , where every man is enemy to every man ; the same is consequent to the time wherein men live without other security , than what their own strength , and their own inven●ion shall furnish them withal . in such condition , there is no place for industry ; because the fruit thereof is uncertain ; and consequently no culture of the earth , no navigation , nor use of the commodities that may be imported by sea ; no commodious bu●ding ; no instruments of moving and removing such things as require much force ; no knowledg of the face of the earth ; no account o● time , no arts ; no letters ; no society ; and , which is worst of all , continual fear , and danger of violent death ; and the life of man , solitary , poor , nasty , brutish , and short . to this war of every man against every man , this also is consequent . that nothing can be unjust . the notions of right and wrong , justice and injustice have there no place . where there is no common power , there is no law ; wh●●● no law , no injustice . force and fraud , are in war the two cardinal virtues . justice and injustice are none of the faculties , neither of the body , nor mind . i● they were , they might be in a man that were alone in the world , as well as his senses , and passions . they are qualities , that relate to men in society , not in solitude . it is consequent also to the same condition , that there be no propriety , no dominion , no min● and thine distinct ; but only , that to be every man 's that he can get ; and for so long as he can keep it . and this is the ill condition , which man by meer nature is actually placed in ; though with a possibility to come out of it : consisting partly in the passions , partly in his reason . the passions that encline men to peace , are , fear of death ; desire of such things as are necessary to commodious living ; & a hope by their industry to obtain them . and reason suggesteth convenient articles of peace , upon which men may be drawn to agreement . these articles , are they , which otherwise are called the laws of nature . stud. it is a very absurd and unsecure course to lay the ground-work of all civil polity and formed religion , upon such a supposed state of nature , as hath no firmer support than the contrivance of your own fancy . let ptolemy endeavour a solution of those appearances which arise from the heavenly bodies , by one sort of scheme ; and tycho by another , and copernicus by a third ; and let des-cartes attempt a fourth ; for the declaring , not only in what manner , but by what efficient cause , the starrs may move ; for thus far the interests of men remain secure , not being minded by such remote models and hypotheses . but when the temporal and eternal safety of mankind is concerned ( as in the doctrines of civil and moral , and christian philosophy ) then are hypotheses , framed by imagination , and not by reason assisted with memory touching the passed state of the world , as exceedingly dangerous as they are absurd . wherefore , such persons who trouble the world with fancied schemes and models of poli●y , in oceana's and leviathan's , ought to have in their minds an usual saying of the most excellent lord bacon concerning a philosophy advanced upon the history of nature . that a such a work is the world as god made it , and not as men have made it : for that it hath nothing of imagination . the faithful records of time give us another account of the origin of nations ; and common sense , whereby one apprehends in another's birth , the manner of his own , doth sufficiently instruct us in this truth , that we are born , and grow up under government ; our parents being a before the institution of commonwealth , absolute soveraigns in their own families : and as hicrocles speaketh , b gods upon earth . wherefore cicero , discoursing of the many degrees of the society of men , calleth c wedlock the beginning of a city ; and , as it were , the seminary of a kingdom ▪ so that , to talk of such a state of nature as supposeth an independency of one person upon another , is to lay aside not only the history of moses , but also of experience , which teacheth that we are born infants , ( of parents , for that reason , to be obey'd ) , and to put some such cheat upon the world , as nurses are wont , in sport , to put upon unwary children , when they tell them , they started up out of the parsley-bed . and verily some such odd conceit is to be suspected in that man who says , that all is matter , and by consequence , that mankind arose , at first , out of the fortuitous concretions of it . epicurus therefore in sequel of that doctrine of his , that all things were produced by atoms , explained the birth of man , by supposing certain swelling bags or wombs upon the earth , which brake at last , and let forth infants d nourished by her juice , clothed by her vapours , provided of a bed in the soft grass : and he also taught that in the beginning ( though he knew not when ) men wander'd about like beasts , and every one was for himself , and that meerly to secure themselves , they combin'd into societies ; and that those societies were formed by pacts and covenants , and that from those covenants sprang good and evil , just and unjust . for , such a romance is to be read , at large , in his compurgator , gassendus , a who subjoyneth no essay of confutation . mr. hobbes . it may b peradventure be thought , there was never such a time , nor condition of war , as this now described ; and i believe it was never generally so , over all the world : but there are many places where they live so now . for , the savage people in many places of america , except the government of small families , the concord whereof dependeth on natural lust , have no government at all , and live at this day in a brutish manner . stud i am sorry that so much barbarousness being charged upon mankind , so little of the imputation can be fairly taken off yet that the condition of human nature is not so very rude as you seem to represent it , appeareth from many passages in undoubted story . iustin c , in his epitom of trogus pompeius , describeth the ancient scythians in such a manner , that their behaviour seemeth to upbraid those people , who call themselves , the civilized parts of the world. by him we are informed , that they had neither houses , nor enclosures of ground , but wander'd with their cattel in solitary and untilled desarts ; that justice had honour derived , to it , not from positive law , but from the good natures of the people . that no man was more odious , amongst them than the invader of such things as were occupied by another . in consideration of which inbred civility , the historian wisheth that the other nations of the world were followers of the scythick moderation ; after which , he thus concludeth . it may seem a matter fit to be admired , that nature should bestow that upon the scythians , which the graecians thems●lves , though long instructed by the doctrines and precepts of law-givers and philosophers , have not attain'd to : and that formed manners should be excelled by uneducated barbarity . but , let it be supposed that many brutish families in america ( in whose stead you might have rather mentioned the wild arabes a , are so many dens of robbers , and live by such prey as their power and wildness can provide for them . yet by this instance , because it is made in families , where government has place , you rather overthrow than prove your supposed state of nature . wherefore , in a note added , upon second thoughts , to your book de cive b in order to a solution of this argument [ that the son killing his parent , in the state of nature , acteth unjustly ] you subjoin an answer to this effect a man cannot be understood to be a son in the meer state of nature , seeing as soon as he is born he is under the lawful c power and government of them , to whom he oweth his conservation ; to wit , of his mother or father , or to him who affords him provisions of common life . it is further to be marked , that one family , as it stands separated from another , is as one kingdom divided from the territories of a neighbouring monarch . if therefore the state of nature remaineth in a family not depending upon another family , in places where there is no common government ; then all kingdoms which have not made leagues with one another , are , at this day , in the same state . whereas they rather are in a state of defence dictated by prudence ; and , as you say , in the posture a of gladiators , having their swords pointing , and their eyes fixed on one another , than in a state of war , prompted by pride and insati●ble ambition . and therefore no affront being offered to a foreign prince before his invasion , he is esteem'd both injurious and unjust , whilst for no other reason than his greedy will , he thrusts inoffensive people out of ancient possession . i know you esteem all distinct kingdoms in a state of war in relation to each other b , and that therefore they have a right , if they have a power of invading : but he that consults grotius , in his book de jure belli & pacis ( designed chiefly c to set forth the rights , not of domestick , but formsick vvar ) will not be much of your opinion ; neither will he , easily , be reconcil'd to the practice of the romans , in petronius arbiter , d ( a practice to which that of the spaniards is akin ) , who made foreign nations to be enemies , as princes sometimes make their subjects , traytors ; for the sake of their riches . mr. hobbes . i confess e that a great family , if it be not part of some commonwealth , is of it self , as to the rights of soveraignty , a little monarchy : whether that family consist of a man and his children ; or of a man and his servants ; or of a man and his children , and servants together , wherein the father or master is the soveraign . but yet a family is not properly a commonwealth ; unless it be of that power by its own number , or by other opportunities , as not to be subdued without the hazard of war. stud. in those places , where there is no common government ( as of late amongst the west arabes , 'till their acceptance of muley arsheid , first for their general , and then their king ) a family may be called a small kingdom , notwithstanding the meanness of its power ; because it can , as well , secure it self , against the assaults of another family , as one kingdom can withstand the opposition of another . for , we compare family to family , and not to a vast empire , against whose mighty numbers , it is in vain to make resistance : for , if want of strength doth render a family no commonwealth , than by the same reason , the republicks of athens , corinth , lacedaemon , and the rest , were properly no republicks , because they were but so many weak and little members , compar'd to the vast body of the graecian empire . but , further : were every man supposed loose , even from the yoke of paternal government , yet in such a state , there would be place , for the natural laws of good and evil . for , first , there is in mankind , an ability of soul to ascend unto the knowledg of the first invisible cause a by the effects of his power , and wisdom , and goodness , which are conspicuous in all the parts of his creation . i say , an ability to know , not an actual acknowledgment , of the being of a god. for the acrothoitae are said , by theophrasius a , to have been a nation of atheists ; as also to have been swallow'd up by the gaping earth ; undergoing a judgment worthy that god whom their imaginations banish'd out of the world. if , then , there be such ability in the mind of man , he is capable of sinning by himself , in the secretest retirement from the societies and laws of his fellow-creatures ▪ either by the supiness of his mind in being secure in atheism , for want of exerting those powers , by exercise , which god hath implanted in him ; or , by the ingratitude of his mind , by want of love and thankfulness to god , whom in speculation he confesseth to exist ; the notion of a deity including that of a benefactor . mr. h. i must acknowledg b , that it is not impossible , in the state of nature , to sin against god. stud. a man may also , in that state , fin , by being injurious to himself . mr hobb . neither is that denied , because c hec may pretend that to be for his preservation , which neither is so , nor is so judged by himself . stud. but he may , likewise , sin , with reference to himself in matters wherein no prejudice accrueth to his health , or outward safety . the instance may be made in buggery with a bea●● , which seemeth to be a sin against the order o● god in nature . this monstrous indecency , this detestable and abhominable vice ( as the statute calls it ) is , by our law d , made felony without clergy ; and this , surely , in regard it is rather a sin against nature than commonwealth ; it being less noxious to society , to humble , than to kill the owners beast , the latter of which is but a tre●pass . lastly , in relation to ot●ers , i cannot but judg , that one man espying another , and not discerni●g in him any tokens of mischief , but rather of submission ; if being thus secure & unassaulted , he rusheth upon him , & so , to display his power , and please his tyrannous mind bereave●h him of life ; he is a murd●rer , in the account of god & man. the reason seemeth unst●ained & cogent . for there is no such neer propriety to a man in any possession as in that of life ; which a man , as to this state , can no more forego , then he can part with himself : neither can the right be more confirmed to him than his own pe●●●nality . wherefore , in no condition of mankind , can it be forfeited but by his own default or consent . but in meer self defence there 's no murther , because one life being apparently in hazard , it is reason that the assaulted man should esteem his own more dearly than his enemy's . it is e●sie to understand on which side to act , when it is come to this pass that ( as the italians say of war a , we must either be spectators of other me●s deaths , or spectacles of our own . moreover , it appeare●h , unto me , not altogether improbable , that in this feigned state of nature , unjust robbery may have place . for , in this community there being sufficient portions both for the necessity & convenience , of all men ; if one shall intrude into the possessi●n of another who is contented with a modest share , being moved only by ambition & wantonness of mind ; he seemeth to be no other than an unrighteous aggresso● . for all men being , by you , supposed of equal righ● ▪ the advantage of pre-occupancy on the one sid● , do's turn the scale , if natural justice holds the ballance : for it is in law , an old maxim , in pari jure , melior est conditio possidentis . wherefore , if any person endeavours , by such unnatural practises , as i have mention'd , to encrease his outward safety , or brutish delight , he , in truth , destroyeth by his iniquity more of himself than he can preserve by his ambition and lust . and he may be resembled to a rash seaman , who out of presumed pleasure in swimming , throws himself headlong into a boisterous sea ; temporal delight and preservation by sin , being the ready way to bottomless ruin . by what hath been said , i am induced to believe , that there is not only iniquity , but injustice too , in a meer state of nature ; although neither of them be capable of such aggravations , or are extended to so many instances , as in that state , where men live under positive commands . for , to make instance , not in the lower restraints of fishing , fowling , hunting ; but in the more considerable case of promiscuous mixtures ; such practice seemeth not so much condemned by the law of nature , as by custom , & the commands of moses ▪ & christ , & christian magistrates , and heathen powers . for the most holy god would never have begun the world by one man and woman , whose posterity must needs be propagated by the mixtures of their sons & d●ughters , if what we call incest , had been inconsistent with any immutable law of reason & nature . neither would ●e have allowed the patriarchs in polygamy , if it had been in truth an absolute evil ; and not rather , in some circumstances of time and place , and persons , fit and convenient . neither is there , in these matters , any consent of nations , who have no other instructor besides nature : for , the garamantici married not ; but engendred as the monsters at the springs of africa . and s●leucus gave his own wife to his son antiochus , & then passed it into a law. and socrates the great pretender to moral prudence , esteemed it a civility to his friend to permit his wife to enter into his imbraces . wherefore st. paul affirming that the taking of the father's wife , was a for●ication not once named amongst the gentiles , is to be understood of those heathens whose manners & conversations he had observed in his travels . and aelian's reading or memory was but narrow , when a in contemplation of the victorious sicy●●ians deflouring the pollenaearian virgins , he cried out , these practices , by the gods of graecia , are very cruel , and , as far as i remember , not approved of by the veriest barbarians . and , as i think , it must be granted to you , that such consent of nations , as may seem to argue a common principle , whence it is derived ; is not easily , & in many cases , found by those who look beyond the usages of europe , & the colonies planted by the europ●ans . for pagans ( unless it be in the acknowledgment of god , in which most agree ) do infinitly differ , not only from jews & christians , but from one another , & ●rom their very selves also in process of time . and those who liv'd but an hundred years ago , before the strange improvement of navigation and merchandize , could understand but little of the manners of distant nations ; the traffick being then in a few port-towns which held littl● commerce with the inland-inhabitants at any remoteness . yet is there not hence to be taken such licentious advantage , as if there were no law of nature . for how various soever the opinions and customs of several nations are ; in this , they all agree , that good is to be done , and evil to be shunned : which were a vain determination , if it never descended from a general sense , to particularness of direction , which is the immediate rule of manners : for it is this or that good which is to be done , and good in general is an unpracticable notion . again , there may be eternal laws of good and evil , though all consent not in them ; because the understanding and manners of men , are depraved and debauch'd by ●●stom , and the several arts of our common enemy ; in●omuch that divers appear to be men rather in shape and speech , than by severe reason the law & rule of life . and here , let it be noted also , that such virtues as a man out of society cannot practise , as , some sorts of justice , gratitude , modesty , and mercy , are laws eternal in the reason of them , because it can never come to pass that , with advantage to society , they may be banish'd out of a common-wealth . and indeed all the laws of nature , which relate to certain states , though alterable in the alteration of circumstances , yet , in the reasons of them , they are everlasting : and reason that bids a man obey his father , bids him in some cases , obey not man but god : and yet the reason is unchangable on which both depend ; to wit , of allegiance to the higher authority . mr. hobbes . if , now , it were agree'd upon , amongst men , what right reason is , the controversie would be immediately ended . reason a it self is always right reason — . but no one mans reason , nor the reason of any one number of men , makes the certainty : but the reason of some arbitrator , or judg , to whose sentence men will stand : when men that think themselvs wiser than all others , clamor & demand right reason for judg ; they seek no more , but that things should be determin'd , by no other me●s reason , but their own : and this is as intolerable in the society of men , as it is in play after trump is turned , to use for trump on every occasion , that suit whereof they have most in their hand . for they do nothing else , that will have every of their passions , as it comes to bear sway in them , to be taken for right reason , and that in their own controversies : bewraying their want of right reason by the claim they lay to it b . stud. i cannot but say that prejudice & self-interest doth blind the understanding , and cause it to put evil for good ; & humor , & education , & profit , for reason ; and that an unconcerned judg decideth a difference , to the commodity not only of peace , but of truth and right . but●seeing it is supposed that an arbitrator can pronounce such a righteous sentence ; it followeth that he hath some standing rule whereby to guide his judgment . this is not always the b●ho●f of society ; but it may be known , and it may oblige a man considered by himself , and it concerneth the hermite , and the shipwra●kt person , who is unfortunately cast upon an uninhabited island . now this dictate of right reason , which , ●ogether with the superadded act of conscience , is the law of nature , consisteth in that moral congruity or proportion which is betwixt the action ( of mind , or ●ongue , or hand ) , and the object , considered relatively in their proper circumstances . that ou● minds can compare the act & object , or discern whether they are congrous or incongruous , equal or unequal , is plain enough by the daily operations of our faculties ; the truth of which none but a professed sceptick , calleth in question ; being mov'd thereto , rather by capricious humor , than strength of his argument , the reason of which is destroy'd by his very hypothesis , that , nothing is certain . and he that calleth ou● faculties into question , doth raze the foundations of the mathematicks as well as of moral doctrine , and leaves no more place for the foot of archimedes , than of socrates . for it is as manifest by the comparative operations of our minds , that hatred ( for instance ) and disrespect , towards that being on which we depend for what we are and have is an ununiform , incongruous , unequal , & disproportion'd carriage , as that a crooked line is unequal to a straight one laying between the same terms . the like may be said of killing an innocent man whom we know to have bin such , and whose continuance in integrity we suspect not ; and of the abusing a benefactor . and he that justifieth such returns , may with equal truth & reason , maintain , that the shortest garment of david is well proportion'd to the properest stat●re of saul or goliah ▪ now to this perception of moral congruity betwixt the action and the object , considered in their proper circumstances in relation to mens manners , is added an act of conscience in all those who attend to the laws of their nature , as rules imprinted in them by the governour of the world , who made them what they are ; & consequently as the rules of his will in such manner declared to them : and from thence what is reasonable passeth into a law. and as the mind of man perceiveth this proportion , or conformity , greater or less , he knoweth in some sort the measure of hi● obligation . and when he perceiveth the incongruity to be very little , he concludeth it to be a counsel , rather than a law ; yet will he be moved by that which ovid calleth , decor recti , if he be endued with a generous nature . from hence it is manifest , that some primary rules of good and evil , carry a reason with them so immutable , in the etern●l connexion of their terms , that with modesty enough , we may use , concerning them , that boast of ovid , touching his ow● works ; affirming , that neither the rage of iupiter , nor the most devouring fire , or war , nor what consumeth more than they both , even time it self , can abolish and destroy them . and this was the meaning of those in aristotle a , who believed that what was natural was immoveable , and of the same force in ●ll places , as fire burneth here & also in persia. and this they mean , who affirm , that god cannot lie , or deny , or hate himself , or approve of him that hateth him , or adoreth him contrary to his declared will ; and that he cannot torture a man , supposed innocent , with never-ceasing misery . mr. hobbes . there is no rule which god may not most justly break , because he i● almighty . this i know b god cannot sin , because his doing a thing makes it just , and consequently no sin . power c irresi●tible justifieth all actions really and properly , in whomsoever , it be found ; less power does not : ● and because such power is in god only , he must needs be just in all his actions , and we who , not comprehending his counsels , call him to the bar ▪ commit injustice in it . and i kn●w that d god may afflict by a right derived from his omnipotence , though sin were not . stud. far be it from me to say , that god can be suppos'd to sin , because there is no lord superior to him : but , that he would break the rule of eternal reason , if he should let his power loose , and do whatsoever might be done , whether with agreeableness or contradiction to his most excellent nature : thous●nds have thought it , neither can they perswade themselves into another belief . it is true that god might ▪ temporally , have afflicted or annihilated man if he had lived in a state of uprightness and integrity . for , there is strict justice observed in this case , whilst god freely taketh away what he freely gave , or sendeth a calamity to which life is prefer'd by the reasonable choice of man. but to afflict a man extreamly and eternally without the intervention of any sin , is to send a torment which doth infinitely outweigh the good of naked existence , and therefore is , by curcell●us e and divers others of that school , esteem'd inconsistent with that justice which is in●eparable ●rom the first cause : it being absurd to think that such justice is not a perfection ; and as absurd to imagin that there should be such a perfection in a created soul , and not in the self-originated mind . therefore chrysippus , and the stoicks did make god the original of right . and some f have derived ius from iupiter . and abraham , the friend of god , made this expostulation , for which he had no rebuke ▪ wilt thou destroy the righteous with the wicked ? and again , this also , shall not the iudg of all the earth do right ? an agent , armed with power irresistible , though he cannot be withstood in that action of his which might produceth , yet may he be justly condemned for unreasonable proceedings . a man who being bound hand and foot , has a fatal knife put to his throat ( in which case the power is irresistible in respect of his body , as much as if it were omnipotence ) such a one cannot help himself ; but he may judge without either falshood or partiality , that if in that manner he is butchered , without regard to any crime , the practice is both cowardly and unmerciful . but further , if the deity justifieth all by power , and can do rightly whatsoever may be done by omnipotence ( and for that reason ; ) then all the arguments of the christian apologists against the gentiles ( the barbarous and lascivious practices of whose supposed gods they judged enough to overthrow their divinity , and therefore represented at large their immoralities ) were weak and unconvincing : for there was room of replying , that such manners were not to be reprov'd , because the powers above them could so behave themselves without controul . to conclude , whilst by the absolute soveraignty of god , you affront his other attributes , you set up an omnipotent devil in a worse sense then manes the persian , who , being seduced by the fable of his country , concerning orimaza and areimanius , asserted a supreme evil ; but did not , directly , exclude the supreme good out of the world . see , then , how you reproach the author of all good , by such an imputation of arbitrary government , and of imperious will which standeth for a reason ; whereby you take away the most ingenious motive to religion , love and reverence , produced by a conception of god as one who a hath the power to do unto us both good and hurt , but not the will to do us hurt . remember , also , that the atheists , in the book of wisdom b , who taught after this manner , that the soul was a little spark in the moving of the heart , said likewise , let us oppress the poor righteous man , let us not spare the widow , nor reverence the ancient gray hairs of the aged . let our strength be the law of iustice ; for that which is feeble is found to be nothing worth . thus want of reason is betray'd by those bold writers , who slacken the laws of good and evil . mr. hobbes . notwithstanding all this clamour , you may finde in my own books , divers laws of nature c ( no fewer then nineteen d ) set down , and dignified with the epithet of eternal e . stud. you have , indeed , mention'd certain natural laws ; but you have not derived them from the reason and equity of their nature , but from self-preservation ; and call'd them eternal , not from the unalterable connexion of the terms , but because they always conduce ( in your opinion ) to the temporal peace and safety of single persons : which if it may , at any time be advanced by the violation of such laws ( as is manifest in every usurpers breach of faith and love ) they can not oblige in that instance , because the reason of them ( such a reason as you have imagined ) is then taken away . and doubless upon this account , the fundamentals of your policy are hay and stubble , and apter to set all things into a blaze , then to support government , and ( what we are in the eighth place to discuss ) the laws of society . for , if men be lawless in a state of nature , and for the meer sake of temporal security , do enter into covenants , and are obliged to justice , and modesty , and gratitude , and other suchlike sociable vertues , onely because they conduce to our peace , and to the keeping of us fro● the deplorable condition of a war of every man against every man ; then when any subject shall have fair hopes of advancing himself by treading down authority , and trampling upon the laws in a prosperous rebellion ; what is it , according to your principles , which can oblige him to refuse the opportunity ? if it be said that one covenant is this , that we must keep the rest ; it will be again inquired , what law engageth men to keep that pact , seeing there is no law of more ancient descent , unless it be that of self-preservation ? for the sake of which ( as it includeth not meer safety , but delight also , as you have stated it a and display of power ) we suppose the covenants to be broken . so that , without the obligation laid upon us by fedility ( the law of god almighty in our nature ) antecedent to all humane covenants ; such pacts will become but so many loose materials , without the main binder , in the fence of the common-wealth , which will , therefore , be trodden down , or broken through , by every herd of unruly men . men are apt to violate what they esteem most just and sacred , for the sake of reigning ; and they will be , much more , encouraged to break all oaths of duty and allegiance , when they once believe , that their ascent into the throne , and possession of the supreme power , like the coming of the reputed heir unto the crown ▪ as in the case of henry the seventh a , doth immediately clear a man of all former attaindors . mr. hobbes . this specious b reasoning is , nevertheless , false : for when a man doth a thing , which , notwithstanding any thing can be foreseen , and reckoned on , tendeth to his own destruction , howsoever some accident , which he could not expect , arriving , may turn it to his benefit ; yet such events do not make it reasonably or wisely done — as for the instance of attaining soveraignty by rebellion ; it is manifest , that though the event follow , yet because it cannot reasonably be expected , but rather the contrary ; and because by gaining it so , others are taught to gain the same in like manner , the attempt thereof is against reason . justice therefore , that is to say , keeping of covenant , is a rule of reason , by which we are forbidden to do any thing destructive to our life ; and consequently a law of nature . stud. this then is the doctrine of politics , in which you so much applaud your self ; and of the same strain with the pernicious book , entituled , natures dowry a , printed the year after the leviathan : that rebellion is not iniquity , if , upon probable grounds , it becomes prosperous : that he who usurps not like a politician , is therefore a villain , because he is a fool : that all the usurpers in the world stepping up into the throne , by means likely to further their ascent , pursue the fundamental law of nature , and are rightful and undoubted soveraigns : that the earl of essex , in the reign of q. elizabeth ( who , after some stain of fame in ireland , and in the days of a popular queen , and in a time when he had potent enemies for strength and head-piece , such as cecil and sir walter rawleigh , appear'd with a small company , upon presumption of the queens love in case he should miscarry , and upon hopes of the multitude not formed to his purpose by confederacie ) was a rebel and a traytor , because he was a weak and unfortunate politician ; but that oliver ( who was led on by success to things he never dreamt of in the days of his poverty , ) and saw the power of the king declining ; and was as sure of being protector , as a king can be ( upon your grounds ) of remaining soveraign , by the inclination of the souldiery , and possession of the militia ; and therefore usurp'd upon as sure foundations of self-interest , as the nature of civil affairs admitteth of ) was , by the direct consequence of your opinion , a lawful prince , a man of inestimable merit and renown , worthy the government of thrice three kingdoms , of dying in his bed , and of a fame too wide to be contain'd betwixt the deucalidonian and brittish ocean . no , no , there are words more agreeable to his merit , and they have nothing poetick in them besides the genuine strain of verse a . curst be the man ( what do i wish ? as though the wretch already were not so ; but curst on let him be ) who thinks it brave and great , his country to enslave ; who seeks to overpoise alone the balance of a nation , against the whole but naked state ; who in his own light scale makes up with arms the weight . mr. hobbes . i have written concerning oliver b , that his titles and actions were equally unjust . stud. this you wrote indeed , but since the return of his sacred majesty , who , if men had pursu'd your destructive principles , and judg'd his right to have ceased with his power , had for ever been destitute of any other throne , then what had been erected in the hearts of the loyal . mr. white , also , the part-boyl'd romanist , who is honour'd with the title of , most learned , in the scurrilous preface to your book of fate , declar'd in english , in an unhappy time , c that a dispossessed prince ought neither to be desired , nor to endeavour to return , if the people think themselves to be well , and their trade and employment be undisturb'd . and he addeth also ; who can answer they shall be better by the return of the dispossessed party ? surely , in common presumption , the gainer is like to defend them better then he who lost it . certainly for this sentence , at such a time published to this nation , if for no other cause , his books ought to be burnt in england , as well as some of them have been condemned at rome ; unless we suppose the crabbedness of the stile , and the obscureness and weakness of the reasoning in them , may tempt the author , when better informed , to save authority the labour of it . dr. baily likewise , revolting from the church of england , forsook his loyalty at the same time , and caressed oliver , and hop'd that , by his means , the pope might come again , and set his imperial feet upon the neck of english princes : for he concludes his legend a of the bishop of rochester , after this manner . thus we see gods justice in the destruction of the churches enemies ; ( meaning thomas cromwel , vicar-general of the church under henry the eighth , and spoiler of religious houses ) : who knows but that he may help her to such friends , though not such as may restore her own jewels , yet such as may heal her of her wounds ? and who knows but that it may be effected by the same name ? oliva vera is not so hard to be construed oliverus , as that it may not be believed , that a prophet rather then an herald , gave the common father of christendom , the now pope of rome , innocent the tenth ) such ensignes of his nobility ( viz. a dove holding an olive-branch in her mouth ) since it falls short in nothing of being both a prophecy and fulfilled , but only his highness running into her arms , whose embleme of innocence bears him alreadie in her mouth . these romanists and your self agree too well in owning of u●●rpers , and measuring right by the length of the sword : and therefore when such politi●ians say , that olivers titles and actions were equally unjust , they are to be understood in such a sense , as when we say of a very d●nce , that he is as good a logician as grammarian , that is , in truth neither . mr. hobbes . believe me sir , my leviathan was written when oliver was but general b who had not yet cheated the parliament of their usurped power : [ and i never had a kindness for him or them . i lived peaceably under his government , at my return from france , and so did the kings bishops also . ] of the bishops that then were c — there was not one that followed the king out of the land , though they loved him , but lived quietly under the protection , first of the parliament , and then of oliver ( whose titles and actions were equally unjust ) without treachery . stud. that this is false , your own conscience will inform you ; for the then lord bishop of london-derry ( a man of whom , to your cost , you have heard ) convey'd himself beyond the seas , and was not there unmindful of the kings interest ; although he hath not boasted of his travels , as you are wont to do of your living at paris . let the testimony of bishop taylor , who was as likely as any man to know and report the truth , decide the controversie : his words are these . d god having still resolved to afflict us , the good man was forc'd into the fortune of the patriarchs , to leave his country and his charges , and seek for safety and bread in a strange land. — this worthy man took up his cross , and followed his master . — at his leaving the low-countries upon the kings return , some of the remonstrant-ministers coming to take their leaves of this great man , and desiring that , by his means , the church of england would be kind to them ; he had reason to grant it , because they were learned men , and in many things , of a most excellent belief : yet he reprov'd them , and gave them caution against it , that they approached too near , and gave too much countenance to the great and dangerous errors of the socini●ns . he thus having served god and the king abroad , god was pleased to return to the king and to us all . as for divers others of them , some were imprisoned , and others were by reason of age , not so apt for forraign travel : and at home , they promoted the cause of their soveraign , which , if all zealous loyalists had with-drawn themselves , would , by degrees , have dyed away : and because they refused the oaths imposed at the peril of their lives , and of their fortunes ( which though they were but little , were their all , ) they therefore are not to be judged treacherous in undermining the usurped government , or disloyal to the king in enjoying protection under oliver , whom they neither arm'd , nor owned in power : neither do you , here , take notice of the great number of loyal priests , of which , some fled beyond the seas , and others , staying in the land , were , for their the sake of allegiance , exposed to as great dangers as the roughest sea could have threatned them with : but it is the manner of some men , to wound true loyalty and religion through the sides of ecclesiastick officers . mr. hobbes . i have not said this to upbraid the bishops , nor ever a spake i ill of any of them , as to their persons : and against their office i never writ any thing . i never wrote ( i say ) against episcopacy ; and it is my private opinion , that such an episcopacy as is now in england is the most commodious that a christian king can use for the the governing of christs flock : [ and if they submitted to oliver they did justly , being then absolved of their obedience to their soveraign ] : for the b obligation of subjects to the soveraign , is understood to last as long , and no longer , then the power lasteth , by which he is able to protect them . — the end of obedience is protection ; which , wheresoever a man seeth it , either in his own , or in anothers sword , nature applyeth his obedience to it , and his endeavors to maintain it . stud. you have here , according as the nature of falshood requireth , backed one untruth with a second : for , in your leviathan c , you called episcopacy a praeterpolitical church government , and preferred independencie above all other forms ; for , at that time , it was gotten uppermost , and seem'd the growing interest , and presbytery decayed : the truth is , the latter declin'd before the death of the king , to whose fall , that partie was loath to give the last thrust : but when your leviathan came forth , the house of lords had bin voted useless , and the members that had voted the kings concessions a ground for the house to proceed to a settlement , were secluded ; and the dregs of the house were anabaptists and independents : soon after this d you , thus libeld , that government which was , then by right , his present majesties : the analysis , of the pontifical power , is by the same way , the synthesis or construction was ; but beginneth with the knot that was last tyed ( the popes supremacy ) ; as we may see in the dissolution of the praeterpolitical church-government in england . first the power of the popes was dissolved totally by queen elizabeth ; and the bishops , who before , exercised their functions in right of the pope , did afterwards exercise the same , in the right of the queen and her successors ; though by retaining the phrase of jure divino , they were thought to demand it , by immediate right from god : and so was untyed the first knot . after this , the presbyterians lately in england obtained the putting down of episcopacy : and so was the second knot dissolved : and almost at the same time , the power was taken also from the presbyterians : and so we are reduced to the independencie of the primitive christians , to follow paul , or cephas , or apollos , every man as he liketh best : which , if it be without contention , and without measuring the doctrine of christ , by our affection to the person of his minister ( the fault which the apostle reprehended in the corinthians ) is perhaps the best . wherefore speak no more of your reverence for episcopacy , whilst you have cryed hail to it , and yet betraid it : neither is it for you to pretend to loyalty , who , when one asked what was the price of a roman penny , amidst a discourse of our civil warres , ( whilst his thoughts were guided by a train , from , our warres , to the delivering of the king , from that to the delivering of christ , from that to the thirty pence received by iudas , and from that to the value of the roman penny ) call'd this , in print , a a malicious question , in the daies of the parliament : as if it were malice , and not just zeal , which occasioned his comparing of the martyrdom of king charles to the death of the blessed jesus . it is not , for you , to pretend to loyalty , who place right in force , and teach the people to assist the usurper , with active compliance , against a dispossessed prince ; and not meerly to live , at all adventure , in his territories , without owning the protection by unlawful oaths , or by runing into arms against their dethroned soveraign . mr. hobbes . i cannot but place the right of b government there , weresoever the strength shall be ; [ whatsoever be the ignominious terms with which you revile me . ] stud. i say then again , ( and i neither revile nor slander you , unless it can be done by the repetition of the truth ) that you give encouragement to usurpers ; and also , when civil discords are on foot ( as it happens too frequently in all states ) you , hereby move such people as are yet on the side of their lawful prince , whose affairs they see declining , straitway to adjoyn themselves to the more prospe●ous partie , and to help to overturn those thrones of soveraigntie , at which a while be●ore they prostrated themselves : for , in your way of reasoning , they have a right to preserve or delight themselves , by any course of means , and can be best protected by the prevailing side , which because it hath more degrees of growing power , ha's it seemeth , therefore more of right . the people thus miss-instructed , will imitate those idolatrous heathens , who , for some years , worshipped a presumed goddess made fast unto an oake : but as soon as the tree began by age and tempest , to appear decaying , they pay'd no further devotion to their deity , neither would they come within the shaddow of the oak or image . mr. hobbes . against this abuse of what i have taught , i have made provision , by inser●ing this amongst other laws of nature , that a every man is bound by nature , as much as in him lies , to protect in war the authority , by which he is himself protected in time of peace . stud. that law was forgotten in the body of your leviathan , and cometh late into the review : the wound is first made , and then you endeavour to skin it over ; but neither can it so be closed : for this and all other laws of nature obliging no further ( as hath been already noted ) then they promote the first , the law of self-interest ; it is in the choice of every subject ( whom b you make judge of the means to preserve himself , ) to apply himself to the stronger side ; or for a company combin'd in arms and counsel , when an heir and a traytor are ingag'd in battle with equal success ( as was the practice of the lord stanley , and sir william stanley and their adherents in the engagement at bosworth-field ) to give the day to the side they presume will most favour them , by over-poising the power of the other side , by their fresh supply . fear will not keep men from such attempts ; especially fear of outward punishment , whilst every one hopes to conquer , and to mend his game ( as you well c know ) by a new shuffle ; and is ( by you ) misperswaded , that failing in the enterprize , to his temporal peril , is his only offence against the law of nature . there is no tye so strong as that of religion , which eternally bindeth a conscientious subject in allegiance to his soveraign : and wars arise from mens self-interests and lusts : and true goodness is both the creator and preserver of peace : unless a man obeyeth for conscience sake , all the cords of outward pacts ●nd covenants will not hold him , when he ●reameth that the philistins are upon him , and ●hat he can deliver himself by force from the ●ower of his enemies ; in which number the prince himself is reckon'd by ambitious subjects , ●ut of favour : neither will such covenants hold the people that pretend unto religion , if ●hey be mis-taught that god is glorified in their private good , and that their private good is to ●e valued before the life of a prince , if they can ●afely deprive him of it . for it is truely said ●y a friend of yours , a that zeal , like lead , ●s as ready to drop into bullets , as to mingle with a composition fit for medicine . mr. hobbes . covenants b being but words , and breath , have no force to oblige , contain , constrain , or protect any man , but what it has from the publick sword. the laws of nature c ( as justice , equity , modesty , mercy , and ( in sum ) doing to others as we would be done to ) of themselves , without the terror of some power , to cause them to be observed , are contrary to our natural passions , that carry us to partiality , pride , revenge , and the like . and covenants without the sword , are but words , and of no strength to secure a man at all . stud. the matter is much mended by this answer ; and you who cause or permit ( for with you they are the same ) a person , of none of the best manners , in a preface to your book of destiny to revile the embassadors of our lord , and to levie against them , not the force of argument , but of foaming malice , and to reproach them by saying that they are ignorant tinkers , and soderers of conscience ; how do you merit the same mock-name , by making wide holes and passages for every rebellious spirit , instead of stopping an objection which charged your doctrine with disloyalty ? for thus , society is like a state of nature , and all is managed still by force , notwithstanding the formalities of transferring right by pacts , and every man is to stand no longer to his bargain , when he can break it to his advantage : and thus , the prince is always in a state of danger , because he cannot be , a day secure , of remaining uppermost ; seeing the people are taught by you , to believe that the right of authority is a deceit , and that every one would have as good a title , if he had as long a sword : for the many-headed beast will throw the rider when he burthens and galls them , having no check of inward law. for the prince has but the strength of a single man , and the people can't confer irresistible power , unless when they lift up their hands on high , they can give up their nerves , and muscles , and spirits , as well as testifie their present approbation . wo to all the princes upon earth , if this doctrine be true , and becometh popular : if the multitude believe this , the prince , not armed with the scales of the leviathan , that is , with irresistible power , can never be safe from the spears and barbed irons , which their ambition and presumed interest will provide , and their malice will sharpen , and their passionate violence throw against him . if the beast , we speak of , come but to know its own strength , it will never be managed : wherefore such as own these pernicious doctrines , destructive to all societies of men , may be said to have wolves heads , as the laws of old were wont to speak concerning excommunicated persons ; and are like those ravenous beasts , so far from deserving our love and care , that they ought to be destroyed at the common charge . what you have written three times over , in your de cive , de corpore politico , and leviathan , ought rather to be esteemed seeds of sedition , then elements of government and societie : the principles of the zelots amongst the papists ( who obey a forrein power against the king ) are not consistent with the government of england ; yet , like the elements in aristotle , they are not burthensome in their proper place of italy : but of such large infection is the doctrine , that it will endanger the life of the common-wealth , wheresoever it is entertained in the consequences of it . mr. hobbes . at paris a i wrote my book de cive in latine — and i know no book more magnified then that beyond the seas . natural philosophie b is but young ; but civil philosophie yet much younger , as being no older ( i say it provoked , and that my detractors may know how little they have wrought upon me ) then my own book de cive : a short c sum of that book of mine , now publiquely in french , done by a gentleman i never saw , carrieth the title of aethics demonstrated : accuse not then such politics , as are , though new , yet of sure foundation . stud. your doctrine is old enough , and i wish it had one propertie of age , to be attended with decay . carneades and divers others bottom'd policy and self-interest , and you have only wire-drawn that which is delivered by them in a lump : and for this , as is the manner of divers who have an itch of writing , you claw your self . i could repeat to you , divers sayings of the ancient deceivers in moralitie ; such as are , armatus leges ut o●gitem ? nec natura potest justo secernere iniquum , — utilitas justi prope mater & aequi , and the like : but you would then turn all off , by deriding me for having made a motly oration . i have somtimes , by my self , made this conjecture , that you being so conversant with thu●ydides ; the oration of euphemus d delivered there , might first hint to you your sandy politicks : for that athenian embassadour to the camarin●i , amongst other things tending much that way , at last plainly told them , that to a governour nothing which was profitable was dishonest , or unreasonable : which doctrine , because it invites ambitious men to step into authority when the door is open , and mercenary soldiers to decide a dispute , not in favour of the right , but the most profitable side ; because it moveth them that are supream to become tyrants in the exercise of that power , which religion ought to limit , though the people may not , and to make their passions their chief rules , and to govern with armies rather then laws , or , if with both , to dy their flags , and to write their edicts , in the blood of whom they please : because , i say , it taketh off all sence of what we call humanity from the supream powers , and so , not unlike to a porta sabina , calls in innumerable evils upon such people as are quiet and modest ; it therefore ought , no more to be sucked in , by prince or people , then pernicious air in time of common pestilence . mr. hobbes . name not tyranny as a word of reproach , for the name of tyranny e signifieth nothing more nor less , then the name of soveraignty , be it in one , or many men , saving that they that use the former word , are understood to be angry with them they call tyrants : and i think the toleration of a professed hatred of tyranny , is a toleration of hatred to common-wealth in general — so that here , f i must say to you , peace , down , for you bark now at the supream legislative power ; therefore 't is not i but the laws which must rate you off . and now me thinks my endeavour g to advance the civil power , should not be by the civil power condemned ; nor private men , by reprehending it , declare they think that power too great [ and after what manner i endeavour the advancement of it , i think it worth the time to declare to you . ] i shew a that the scripture requireth absolute obedience : i teach b that the people have made artificial chains , called civil laws , which they themselves , by mutual covenants , have fastned at one end , to the lips of that man , or assembly , to whom they have given the soveraign power ; and at the other end , to their own ears : that , c nothing the soveraign can do to the subject , can properly be called injustice or injury , because every subject is author of every act the soveraign doth . that d the proprietie of a subject excludeth not the dominion of the soveraign , but only of another subject . stud. remember sir , the case of ahab and naboth ; unless you suppose it in times of publick necessitie . mr. hobbes . interrupt me not : i teach also , that e the king is the absolute representative , and that it is dangerous to give such a title to those men , who are sent up by the people to carry their petitions , and give him ( if he permit it ) their advice . that f the soveraign is sole legislator , and not subject to civil laws . that g to him there cannot be any knot in the law , insoluble ; either by finding out the ends to undo it by ; or else by making what ends he will , ( as alexander did with his sword in the gordian-knot , ) by the legislative power ; which no other interpreter can doe . that there is h no common rule of good and evil , to be taken from the nature of the objects themselves ; but from the person of the man ( where there is no common-wealth ) or , ( in a common-wealth ) from the person that representeth it , or from an arbitrator or judge , whom men disagreeing shall by consent set up , and make his sentence the rule thereof . that i where there is no law , there no killing or any thing else can be unjust . that k the civil soveraign is judge of what doctrines are fit to be taught . i also maintain l that soveraigns , being in their own dominions the sole legislators ; those books only are can●nical , that is , law in every nation , which are established for such by the soveraign authority . stud. in some things you are just to the praerogative of kings ; but in others , you ought to have remembred the words of our lord , who adviseth us to give to caesar the things that are caesars , and unto god the things that are gods. for your cavil at the name tyrant , it is in the sense i us'd it ( for exercise of unlimited power ) unbecoming a prince : but i know how very frequently it is misapply'd by those , who will call the very bridling of their licentiousness , hateful tyranny ; and find fault with the law , for no other reason but because it is a r●straint upon their supposed freedome : whereas the hedges which the law sets down , are to keep them only in the truest and safest way . the absolute princes of syracuse were called tyrants , though some of them deserved the title of benefactors : and amongst our selves , the best of kings was branded with that ignominious character . for that which you have justly said in favour of a monarch , had it bin printed before forty eight , it might have bin of good effect , at least it might have shewed a disposition to promote loyalty . but being published , after the kings martyrdom , and his sons exile , it served the purposes of those people who had then the militia in their hands . for you say a that the rights of a common-wealth by acquisition , are the same with those , by institution or succession : that the power of the representative ( whether in one or many ) cannot without consent be transferr'd , forfeited , accus'd , punish'd : and that such a person is supreme judge . the parliament therefore ought to have return'd you thanks , for ascribing to them the strength of the leviathan , and for keeping their nostrils free from the books of the right heir and his adherents . they ought , especially , to have given you the thanks of the house for saying , b i maintain nothing in any paradox of religion ; but attend the end of that dispute of the sword , concerning the authority , ( not yet amongst my country-men decided ) by which all sorts of doctrine are to be approved , or rejected ; and whose commands , both in speech and writing ; ( whatsoever be the opinions of private men ) must by all men , that mean to be protected by their laws , be obeyed . but notwithstanding all this , what you seem to build up on the side of the soveraign , you pull down on the side of the people . for whilst you found all upon single self-interest , ( to the advancement of which all safe means are , by you , esteemed c lawful ) these specious rights are no longer his , then by main force he can keep possession of them . that will not be long , if great delinquents call'd in question , and miserable people ( who , like such as stake their cloak in an over-hot day , are willing to hazard the life they would be rid of ; and are easily misled , not looking upon the stumbling-blocks in the way , but d on the light that others carry before them ) , if these , can promote their private good , by sword , or poyson , or mutiny . the people , if they believ'd that a company of delinquents e , joyning together to defend themselves by arms , do not at all unjustly ; but may , lawfully , repel lawful force , by force ; they would soon be stirred up , and suffer none , for whom they have respect , to be brought to justice . for your last particular concerning the power of the civil soveraign , in relation to that for which we have assign'd the ninth place , that is to say , the canon of holy scripture ; it see●eth a great indignity offered to the soveraignty of christ. upon this occasion , i remember a saying of dr. weston , which would better have become a man in buff , then a prolocutor of the convocation . after six days spent in hot dispute about religion , in the reign of queen mary , he dismissed those of the reformed way in these words a : it is not the queens pleasure that we should spend any longer time in these debates ; and ye are well enough already : for you have the word , and we have the sword. so little of the obligation of holy writ is perceived by those whose eyes are dazled with secular grandeur . but , before we come to dispute of the power which maketh the scripture canon , which is , as 't were the main battle ; may we not a little breathe and prepare our selves , in some lesser skirmishes , touching the writings of the old and new testament ? mr. hobbes . if you like that course , i am ready to joyn with you . first , then , i take notice b that divers historical books of the old testament , were not written by those whose names they bear ; to wit , much of the pentateuch , the books of ioshuah , and iudges , and ruth , and samuel , and kings , and chronicles . stud. this hath bin , long since said , and proved , by the places which you cite in your leviathan , by the frenchman who founded a systeme of divinity upon the conceit of men before adam ! who also , by recantation , unravel'd his own cobweb , spun out of his own fancie , rather then the true records of time . but this doth not invalidate the truth of those histories , whose sufficient antiquity is , by you , granted . mr. hobbes . i observe , again , concerning the book of iob a , that though it appear sufficiently that he was no feigned person , yet the book it self seemeth not to be an history , but a treatise concerning a question in ancient time disputed , why wicked men have often prospered in this world , and good men have been afflicted : and it is the more probable , because the whole dispute is in verse — but verse is no usual stile of such as either are themselves in great pain , as iob ; or of such as come to comfort them , as his friends ; but in philosophy , especially moral philosophy , in ancient time frequent . stud. it is not thought that iob or his friends , but moses , or some other , pen'd the history in the form in which we have it . but however you here alledge a reason , which proveth the contrary to the purpose you would have it serve for : for poetry exciting the imagination and affections , is fittest for painting out the scene of tragedy . you have surely forgotten ovid de tristibus . mr. hobbes . please your self in replies : i will proceed to observe further , that b as for the books of the old testament , they are derived to us , from no other time then that of esdras , who , by the direction of gods spirit , ●etrived them , when they were lost . stud. that place in the fourth book of esdras , wherein it is said in his person , thy law is burnt c , therefore no man knoweth the things that thou hast done , is a very fable . for though the autographa of moses , and the prophets have been thought to have perished at the burning of hierusalem , yet it is not true that all the copies were destroyed : for the prophets , in the captivity d read the law. and concerning that whole fourth book , it is said by bellarmine himself , e that the author is a romancer . of the like nature may they seem who talk of the men of the synagoga magna , making ezra to be a chief man amongst them , and ascribing to them the several divisions and sections of the old testament ; even that , wherein the book of daniel is ( most absurdly ) reckon'd amongst the hagiographa . of that synagoga magna , there is not one word spoken by iosephus , or st. hierom , though both had very fair occasions , in some parts of their writings , to have intreated of it . and the deficiencie of the jewish story , about that time , may move us to believe that this was the fiction of modern rabbies ; and morinus thinks he has demonstrated that so it was . mr. hobbes . i note again , that the f septuagint , who were seventy learned men of the jews , sent for by ptolomy king of egypt , to translate the jewish law , out of the hebrew into greek , have left us no other books for holy scripture in the greek tongue , but the same that are received in the church of england . stud. it is not resolved whether they translated any more then the five books of moses , and whether they turn'd them out of hebrew , chaldee , or the samaritan tongue , to which latter pentateuch the translation of the seventy is shew'd , by hottinger , to agree most exactly , in a very great number of places , by him produced in order g : but there is as great question whether that we have , be the true copy of the seventy : for seeing therein the names of places ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for caphto●im ) are there rendred not according to the hebrew , but after the manner in which they were call'd in the latter times under the second temple h ; the antiquity of the copy of rome may be suspected . mr. hobbes . be it also observed , that those books which are called apocrypha were left out of the canon , not for inconformity of doctrine with the rest , but onely because they are not found in the hebrew . stud. here , again , you erre : for by the same reason , some part which is contained in the canon , should have been , of old , excluded . for instance , the book of daniel is partly written in hebrew , and partly written in caldee ; for daniel had learnt that tongue in babylon by the command of the king. neither are all apocryphal books to be thought not written in hebrew ; for that excellent book of the son of syrach , as is manifest by his preface to it , was a translation out of the hebrew copy of his grand-father iesus . the reason why such books were not received by the jews into the canon , was not what you suggest , but because they seem'd not written by that kinde of prophesie which they called ruach hakkodesh a . mr. hobbes . i confess b st. hierom had seen the first of the maccabees in hebrew . stud. neither is that rightly noted : for the book which st. hierom saw , as is thought by drusius , a man profoundly learned in these matters , was the first book of the history of the hasmon●ei , whos 's epoch was of later date , though the names are us'd promisouously amongst the jews . mr. hobbes . i proceed to note , that c the writers of the new testament lived all in less then an age after christs ascension , and had all of them seen our saviour , or been his disciples , except st. paul , and st. luke ; and consequently whatsoever was written by them is as ancient as the time of the apostles . but the time wherein the books of the new testament were received , and acknowledged by the church to be of their writing , is not altogether so ancient — these books , of which the copies were not many , nor could easily be all in any one private mans hand , cannot be derived from a higher time , then that wherein the governours of the church collected , approved , and recommended them to us , as the writings of those apostles and disciples , under whose names they go . the first enumeration of all the books , both of the old and new testament , is in the canons of the apostles , supposed to be collected by clement the first ( after st. peter ) bishop of rome . but because that is but supposed , and by many questioned , the council of laodicea is the first we know , that recommended the bible to the then christian churches , for the writings of the prophets and apostles : and this council was held in the 364 year after christ. at which time , though ambition had so far prevailed on the great doctors of the church , as no more to esteem emperours though christian , for the shepherds of the people , but for sheep ; and emperours not christian , for wolves ; and endeavour'd to pass their doctrine , not for counsel and informatition , as preachers ; but for laws , as absolute governours ; and thought such frauds as tended to make the people more obedient to chr●stian doctrine , to be pious ; yet i am perswaded they did not therefore falsifie the scriptures , though the copies of the books of the new testament , were in the hands onely of the ecclesiasticks ; because if they had had an intention so to do , they would surely have made them more favourable to their power over christian princes , and civil soveraignty , then they are . stud. it is plain to those who are versed in the monuments of the church , that the books of the new testament were declared canon very early , though the precise time and place be not so easily known . upon the enumeration made in the apostolick canons , we rely not ; not because that book is to be esteemed wholly spurious ; but because this enumeration is made in the eighty fourth canon . for the first fifty are those for whose antiquity we contend . it is true that the whole is call'd apocryphal , by the council a at rome under pope gelasius : and it hath been answer'd , b that they were so called , not as if they were not ancient pieces , but because they were not made nomocanon or canon-law . but doubtless that council rejected them as spurious writings , numbring them amongst the late and feigned pieces of the gospel of st. andrew , the revelation of st. paul , the books of og the gyant , of the testament of iob , of the daughters of adam , and the like . but it hath also condemn'd the works of tertullian , st. cyprian , arnobius , lactantius , and the history of ensebius ; and therefore it is not material what writing standeth or falleth , before such erroneous judges . certain it is by other passages , in ancient writers , that the new testament was acknowledg'd to be canon , long enough before the council of laodicea . the earliest christian writers whose books are derived to our hands , abound in ●itations of the new testament , as the undoubted register of what was done , and taught , and as the publick rule . tertullian ( for example ) citeth very many places out of every book which now is contained in the canon of the new testament , if i except the second of st. peter . and in his fourth book against marcion c he speaketh effectually to our present purpose . if that ( said he ) be tru●st which was ●irst , and that be first which ●as from the beginning , and that be from the beginning which is derived from the apostles , it is also manifest , that that was from the apostles which is sacred in the churches of the apostles . let us see then what milk st. paul fed the corinthians with : by what rule the galatians were reformed ; what the philippians , thessalonians , ephesians read ; as also what the romans preach , to whom st. peter and st. paul did leave the gospel sealed with their bloud . we have also churches instructed by st. john. for although marcion hath rejected his apocalypse , yet the succession of bishops traced to the begin●ing , will establish him as the certain author of that book . and he had taught a while before d , that the gospel had apostles and apostolike men for their undoubted authors . the books then of the new testament were received anciently enough , as the writings of such whose names they bare , and as the records of truth . and for the copies of them , they were so widely dispersed , that it was as hard to corrupt them all , as to poyson the sea. they were before the council of laodicea , not onely in the hands of ecclesiasticks , but of christians of any profession ; and of heathens also . so it appeareth by the reflexions , invidiously made on them , by celsies , and hierocles ; not to name porphyry , who was once of the jewish , then of the christian religion ; and against both at last , by foul apostacy . in the persecution of d●ocletian , in the beginning of the fourth century , there was an edict for the delivering up the copies of the gospel : which for fear , was done by divers christians , known by the name of traditores in church-history ; and yet notwithstanding very many copies were preserved by such good men , who valued the other ●tate before this , and feared to be blotted out of the book of life , if they should so contribute to the extermination of the books of scripture . historians tell us a that the number of the traditores was very great ; but that the number of such who ( as the roman office saith ) chose rather to give up themselves to the executioners , then to deliver up holy things to dogs , was almost infinite : and amongst these were very many virgins , particularly crispina , marciana , candida . so apparently false it is , that the copies were but few , and those few onely in the hands of ecclesiasticks . but in whatsoever hands these books were , and at whatsoever time they were first publickly acknowledged , in this ( i think ) we agree , ( and iulian himself b confess'd it , when apostate ) that they are genuine . mr. hobbes . i see not c any reason to doubt , but that the old and new testament , as we have them now , are the true registers of those things , which were done and said by the prophets and apostles . stud. what hindereth then , that we may not at all times , do or speak the things contained in them , after such manner as we are there directed ? and that the scripture should not be a perpetual canon to every christian ; seeing the laws of christ are contained in it , and the successors of the apostles ( who could bind them upon the church with sufficient right , though not with outward force ) propounded them as necessary rules of life ? but , methinks , 't is enough to constitute a canon to any particular man , if he may , by any means attain unto a certain belief , of any rule , as delivered by christ ; without a superadded decree ecclesiastical or civil . mr. hobbes . that c the new testament should in this sense be canonical , that is to say , a law in any place , where the law of the commonwealth had not made it so , is contrary to the nature of a law. for a law is the commandment of that man , or assembly , to whom we have given soveraign authority , to make such rules for the direction of our actions , as he shall think fit ; and to punish us when we do any thing contrary to the same . when therefore any other man shall offer unto us any other rules , which the soveraign ruler hath not prescribed , they are but counsel , and advice ; which , whether good or bad , he that is counselled , may without injustice refuse to observe ; and when contrary to the laws already established , without injustice cannot observe , how good soever he conceiveth it to be . i say , he cannot in this case observe the same in his actions ; nor in his discourse with other men ; though he may without blame believe his private teachers , and wish he had the liberty to practise their advice ; and that it were publickly received for law. stud. then , it seems , before the days of constantine , a private man was obliged to be , a jew , or a gentile , according to the civil authority under which he was ; and that christianity did not oblige●●e conversation of any man. mr. hobbes . christ d hath not subjected us to other laws then those of the common-wealth ; that is , the jews to the law of moses , ( which he saith ( mat. 5. ) he came not to destroy , but to fulfil ) and other nations to the laws of their several soveraigns . stud. that christ subjected the jews to the laws of moses , considered as such , is a saying which relisheth both of ignorance and irreligion . it is evident that the very law of the ten commandments , obligeth not any christian man , ( though he be supposed to live under a jewish ▪ soveraign ) as delivered by moses , but as the designe of them agreeth with the law of nature , and of christ , who advanced both laws , and filled them up , adding as 't were his last hand to an imperfect draught . and for the cer●monial law , our saviour came to put an end to it , because it was but an estate of expectation , and consisted in shadows of good things to come : and if he had established that as an enduring law , he had , in effect , denied himself to be the true messiah . for the sprinkling of the altar with the bloud of bulls and goats , after the ancient manner of the jews , importeth manifestly that the effectual oblation is not yet offered : wherefore s. paul a bespeaketh his galatians after this manner : stand fast in the liberty wherewith christ hath made you free , and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage . behold , i paul say unto you , that if you be circumcised , christ shall profit you nothing . moses himself foretold that our saviour should arise after him , and become a prophet to be obeyed in whatsoever he taught the people b : wherefore caesar vanin , who suffered as an atheist , said , in his dialogues , that moses was not so politic as the messiah , in delivering his laws ; because he foretold the abrogation of them , whilst christ propounded his as everlasting . then for christs subjecting the gentiles to the law of their civil soveraign , of what perswasion soever , it is contrary to the great designe of our saviours coming : for amongst the heathen the worship of false gods was the law of their country . it was one of the laws of the twelve tables c , that no man could have a personal religion , but worship ●●ch gods , and in such manner , as the law of his country did prescribe . and cicero shews ●ow , in his days , it was not lawful to worship any sort of gods ; lest a confusion should be brought into religion . hence augustus , tra●elling in aegypt , would not step out of his way , to visit apis ; and caius his nephew , passing through iudea , would not worship at ierusalem . hence socrates and protagoras , main●aining opinions disagreeing with the religion of their country , were condemned ; and ana●●arsis , also , suffered in scythia for celebrating the feast of bacchus , by the forraign ceremonies of greece . hence christ was not registred in the calendar of the gods , though tiberius understanding his divinity from pontius pilate , gave his suffrage for it ; because it pleased not the senate ; and because ( saith tertullian ) it was an old decree of rome , that no man should be consecrated for a deity by the emperour , without their approbation . if then all persons were to be outwardly obedient to the civil powers , they were to worship false deities ; idolatry being then established by a law : but on the contrary , it is evident , that one main end of our saviours coming was to destroy the works of the devil , and to bring the gentiles from the worship of daemons , to the service of the true god. idolaters , therefore , are reckon'd amongst those who shall not inherit the kingdom of christ : and s. paul wrote so much particularly to d the corinthians , and ephesians , of those days , when the powers were heathen ; and not merely to such as should read his epistles in and after the reign of constantine and preaching at athens against the altar , to the unknown god ( set up , no doubt , by public● authority ) and declaiming against the honour paid to false gods ; he lets them understand that the times of the ignorance of the gentiles e god winked at , but now he commandet all men everywhere to repent ; because he hath appointed a day in which he will judge the world in righteousness , by that man whom h● hath ordained ; whereof he hath given assurance unto all men , in that he hath raised him from the dead . mr. hobbes . such discourses are counsels and not laws . our saviour a and his apostles left no new laws to oblige us in this world , but new doctrine to prepare us for the next ; the books of the new testament which contain that doctrine , until obedience to them was commanded , by them that god had given power to on earth to be legislators , were not obligatory canons , that is , laws , but onely good , and safe advice , for the direction of sinners in the way to salvation , which every man might take , and refuse at his peril , without injustice . stud. the doctrines of christ avail not , at all , towards an entrance into his kingdom , without obedience b to his laws : and besides , those of mere nature , he hath left new laws unto the world : such are those of forgiving enemies , and against private revenge : those , concerning baptism , and his holy supper : concerning divorce and polygamy : concerning a professing of faith in him as the messiah : concerning an inward religion , which the governours of the world cannot take cognizance of ; and which trypho the jew , with many others , hath denied to have been given by moses , whose laws they suppose to have extended not to the thought , but the conversation . that which concerns polygamy hath ( i know ) bin doubted ; yet ( as it seemeth to me ) without reason : for when our saviour said c that he who putteth away his wife and marrieth another , committeth adultery ; he plainly forbad plurality of wives at the same time ; which if it had bin allowed , the man might have taken more then another to him , without sin . here then the law of perfection hath bound us , where nature seemeth to have left us at liberty . now seeing these institutions are the will of christ , and that christ hath made sufficient promulgation of them to millions of men , and that he is king of kings , and lord of lords , and that he hath annexed to them the greatest rewards and punishments to secure them from violation ; it is evident that these are sufficient laws , both without and against the civil sanction . for to say that the princes of the earth are superior to christ , is a blasphemy of such altitude , that the ninetieth degree being cut , we can scarce take the heighth of it . what maketh a superiour law , but a superiour power , declaring his will in some particular instances , to be obey'd ? the prohibition of the tree of life was the firmest law to adam , though no humane law was then enacted ; nay , although adam was king of the earth . but , if the christian faith was not a law for more then three hundred years , to what end is it d that the apostles , and other pastors of the church , after their time should meet together , to decree upon what doctrine should be taught , both for faith and manners , if no man were obliged to observe their decrees ? mr. hobbes . to this e may be answered , that the apostles and elders of that council , were obliged even by their entrance into it , to teach the doctrine therein concluded , and decreed to be taught , so far forth , as no precedent law , to which they were obliged to yeild obedience , was to the contrary ; but not that all other c●●istians should be obliged to observe what they taught : for though they might deliberate what each of them should teach ; yet they could not deliberate what others should do , unless their assembly had had a legislative power ; which none could have but civil soveraigns . stud. that is , the gospel preached by them was no law then , because it did not cut its way by the temporal sword , and had no outward power to give it countenance , and urge its entertainment . is that your meaning ? mr. hobbes . you conjecture aright : for a in christs commission to his apostles and disciples — there is nothing of power but perswasion . — they had not in commission to make laws ; but to obey , and teach obedience to laws made ; and consequently they could not make their writings obligatory canons , without the help of the soveraign civil power . stud. that b which may seem to give the new testament , in respect of those that have embraced christian doctrine , the force of laws in the times and places of persecution , is the decrees they made amongst themselves in their synods . for we read ( acts 15.28 . ) the style of the council of the apostles , the elders , and the whole church , in this manner : it seemed good to the holy ghost and unto us , to lay upon you no greater burthen then these necessary things , &c. which is a style that signifieth a power to lay a burthen on them that had received their doctrine . now to lay a burthen on another , seemeth the same that to oblige ; and therefore the acts of that council were laws to the then christians . mr. hobbes . they were no more laws then are those other precepts , repent ; be baptized ; keep the commandments ; believe the gospel ; come unto me ; sell all that thou hast ; give it to the poor ; and , follow me : which are not commands , but invitations , and callings of men to christianity , like that of esay 55.1 . ho , every man that thirsteth , come ye to the waters . stud. i● seemeth strange that such counsels should not therefore be laws , ( though some of them are given imperatively enough ) because men are gently wooed and invited , and not by outward force compelled to an outside obedience . our subordination to christ obligeth us to the performance of his revealed will , which is , for that reason , law. and because he chooseth to rule us , rather with a scepter of righteousness , then an iron rod , we are , by that , the more obliged , and not at liberty from obedience . you ought , therefore , to have said , not that the doctrines of our saviour were not laws , but that the civil soveraign may lay a further obligation upon his christian subjects , ( as those that make a vow of chastity , do , upon themselves ) by making them become his laws . thus many articles of the christian faith are inserted into the first law of the codex theodosianus ; not having thereby , first obtained , but doubled their obligation . but this string of errour runneth through the whole body of your leviathan , that , without apparent force , there is no law. and this is the chief ground of your irreverent and false doctrine , against the power of the christian church . because it is a visible society professing the doctrine of the cross , and hath not of it self external co-active power , but , by virtue of the commission of christ as king , layeth spiritual obligation upon men , ( and thereby is consistent with the civil empire , in which it is , ) therefore you deny unto the church the right either of making or declaring laws c as if there were not onely a quibble but a truth , in the meaning of the frontispiece of your leviathan , which compares the canons of the convocation , to those of the temporal militia ; and that they could not properly have that name , unless they had powder , and bullet , and fire , ( external force ) attending on them . it is plain enough ( and you your self do own it ) that after the ascension d of our lord , the power ecclesiastical , was in the apostles ; and after them , in such as were by them ordained to preach the gospel , and to convert men to christianity , and to direct them that were converted in the way of salvation ; and after these , the power was delivered again to others by these ordained . but how this spiritual power , in the administration of spiritual affairs in christ's kingdom ; in ordaining successors ; in celebrating the eucharist ; in loosing and binding ; in admitting members into this spiritual but visible society by baptisme ( which is a proof both of the society and its power ) how all this ( i say ) was derived on the person of constantine , who was neither ordained , nor ( as some tell us ) baptized till his death ; requireth greater skill to explain , then i dare yet pretend to : he therefore rather gave outward aids and succours , then true authority and right to the doctrines and commandments of his soveraign jesus . which things being well consider'd , you ought not to have ascrib'd ( as somewhere you have done ) the very rights of the priestly function to the civil powers . grotius , who has not had thanks from all for his liberality to the civil magistrate in relation to the affairs of the church , hath yet made it his whole designe ( in the second chapter of his book de imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra ) to make it manifest , that authority about holy things , and the sacred function , are distinct . in the same person they may be ( as in anius the king and priest of phoebus ) but not without ordination . for the power depending upon our lords commission , is not convey'd but by succession , through the hands of the commissioned . our thirty seventh article , doth attribute to the king a power of outward rule in ecclesiastical matters , yet granteth not to him either the ministring of gods word , or of the sacraments . and under the law , it was said unto vzziah the king a it pertaineth not unto thee vzziah to burn incense unto the lord , but to the priests , the sons of aaron , that are consecrated to burn incense . and because he would use his force in usurping the rights of the priest , god almighty smote him with immediate leprosie ; and taught him to discern betwixt might and right . yet the kings of iudah had power in the synagogue . they had ●o de facto ; neither in many things , wherein they ordered religion , were they reproved . yet to say the truth , the having such right is no where commanded in the old law ; which enjoyn'd not the people to have a king ; but , upon conditions , permitted one to them , if they should prefer the customs of the heathen-nations , before the most excellent estate of theocracie . wherefore let them see whether they build closely , who establish the ecclesiastical power of christian princes , upon the exercise of it amongst the kings of iudah . it concerneth you also to consider whether you have not unduly ascrib'd unto the prince , as such , the power of the keys , and the right of ordination , and ministration of the sacraments , and word of christ. the monarch ( say you ) or b the soveraign assembly onely hath immediate authority from god , to teach and instruct the people ; and no man but the soveraign receiveth his power dei gratia simply — he it is that hath c authority not onely to preach ( which perhaps no man will deny ; ) but also to baptize , and to administer the sacrament of the lords supper ; and to consecrate both temples and pastors to gods service — if the soveraign power d give me command ( though without the ceremony of imposition of hands ) to teach the doctrine of my leviathan in the pulpit , why am not i , if my doctrine and life be as good as yours , a minister as well as you ? this is saying and not proving ; and because the power was from christ derived to the apostles , and from them in succession , by ordination ; and can be in none to whom it is not convey'd in such a channel ; what you have said , had you been versed in the several writings of a divine of the church of england ( a man of greater and better learning then either your self or mr. selden , whose doctrine you seem to have swallow'd down together with the good provisions of his table ; and who is said to have mistaken the very sta●e of the erastian-controversie a whilst he defined excommunication to be a censure inferring a civil penalty ▪ ) you would have either altered your opinion , or aggravated your error . it appeareth , by what hath been delivered , that there is authority enough , without the civil sanction , to make the doctrines of the apostles to become laws , to wit , the kingly power of christ , whose commissioners they were , and who had power to cause their rights to descend to others by ordination . and before the days of constantine , there wanted not the fountain of outward force , not onely in our lord , who could dash in pieces soveraigns of the finest mold ; but also in his members , who ( as is manifest from ecclesiastical story ) had often strength enough to have check'd the fury of their persecutors , and to have forc'd the yoke of christ upon their necks . but it seemed good to our blessed lord , during this state of mans probation ; to deal chiefly with him , according to his reasonable nature , and to invite rather then compel . and yet , methinks , the threatnings of eternal vengeance seem to carry more force with them , then all the prisons in the world . and it is time to think that the gospel obligeth , when we hazard perpetual misery by disobeying it , whether we be jews or greeks , if its sound hath reached us . mr. hobbes . the jews and gentiles were to be damned , not for their infidelity , but a their old sins . if the apostles acts of council were laws , they could not without sin be disobeyed . but we read not any where that they who receiv'd not the doctrine of christ , did therein sin ; but that they dyed in their sins ; that is , that the sins against the laws to which they owed obedience , were not pardoned . and those laws were the laws of nature , and the civil laws of the state , whereto every christian man had by pact submitted himself . and therefore by the burthen , which the apostles might lay on such as they had converted , are not to be understood laws , but conditions , proposed to those that sought salvation ; which they might accept or refuse at their own peril , without a new sin , though not without the hazard of being condemned and excluded out of the kingdom of god , for their sins past . and therefore of infidels st. iohn saith not , the wrath of god shall come upon them , but the wrath of god remaineth upon them ; and not that they shall be condemned , but that they are condemned alreadie . stud. what will not a man say rather then acknowledge himself in an errour , though the thing it self speaketh it ? here 's mistake clap'd upon mistake : yet the scales of the leviathan are not so close , but a blinde archer may shoot between them . have you not read what our lord said to his disciples , after his resurrection ? go ye into all the world b and preach the gospel to every creature . he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved ; and he that believeth not shall be damned . the author , also , to the hebrews c exhorteth the jews to believe in christ ; and telleth them they shall , for ever , be excluded the kingdom of heaven for their unbelief , ( it they persevere in it ) as their forefathers came short of canaan , for the same reason . and although s. iohn , in the places cited , doth speak in the present tense , yet in others of the same chapter , he speaketh in the future : and in that very verse which you cite partially , concealing the words which are against you , he maketh their unbelief the cause of that severe decree which , already , was gone forth . v. 18. he that believeth on him is not condemned ; but he that believeth not is condemned already , because he hath not believed in the name of the onely begotten son of god. v. 19. this is the condemnation , that light is come into the world , and men loved darkness rather then light , because their deeds were evil . v. 36. he that believeth on the son hath everlasting life ; and he that believeth not the son shall not see life ; but the wrath of god abideth on him . mr. hobbes . there is , yet , behinde , a reason , whereby i prove that the doctrine of the gospel is not made law , by christ or his apostles . the apostles power a was no other then that of our saviour , to invite men to embrace the kingdome of god ; which they themselves acknowledged for a kingdome ( not presen● , but ) to come ; and they that have no kingdome can make no laws . stud. christ , as mediator , before his resurrection , had power of making s●ronger laws then any soveraigns now upon earth , for he had immediate commission from god in heaven . he that saw christ b saw him that sent him ; and whatsoever christ spake , even as the father said unto him , so he spake . and he that rejected him was to be condemned by his words at the last day . and christ when his father sent him , was design'd to be a king over men and angels , and for that purpose he came into the world : and he acquired this kingship by way of conquest in his resurrection from the dead : after which he spake c unto his disciples , saying , all power is given unto me i● heaven and in earth . go ye , therefore , and ●●ach all nation● , baptizing them in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost : teaching them to observe all things whatsoever i have commanded you : and lo● , i am with you allwaies unto the end of the world. and when he ascended and sate on the right hand of god , he was inaugurated into his heavenly kingdom d and became in truth a divine heroe , as those amongst the heathens were in pretence ; and he at present raigneth , be the earth never so rebellious , in the oeconomie of his church . but to step , out of this , into our tenth place of discourse : if the commands of christ and his apostles , are not , also , laws , without the civil sanction ; what meaneth the common doctrine , in the scripture , of suffering for the sake of christianitie ? we are enjoyned to take up the cross , and to follow christ : blessedness is promised to those who are persecuted for righteousness sake ; that suffer as christians : and we are taught , that the way to preserve our lives , is to loose them , for a time , in the glorious cause of jesus . such commands and exhortations to dye rather then to obey unchristian injunctions , are delivered in vain ; yea they deserve the name of impious , if they be not a royal law , without the stamp and allowance of civil authoritie . it is then , in your opinion , not only our priviledge but our duty , to save th● skin entire ; and , for the sake of outward safety , to obey that which is truly law , the law of our countrie , though we live amongst the heathens ; rather then to follow dangerous , though evangelical , counsel . mr. hobbes . you may easily make conjecture of my sense , in the present case ; because i say the disobedient to the civil powers do violate that which is properly law. we are not obliged e to obey any minister of christ , if he should command us to do any thing contrary to the command of the king , or other soveraign representant of the common-wealth whereof we are members , and by whom we look to be protected . stud. were this truth , there ought not to have bin any zealous propagation of the gospel ; but it should have expired , with the author of it upon the cross. for the apostles sinned both against the law of nature , and common-wealth , in exposing their lives to hazzard by preaching to the gentiles ; if it was injustice to gain-say their pagan edicts . st. thomas , then , though armed with miracles to command assent , ought , either not to have wandred to the east-indies ; or being there , not to have preached up a new religion : and what he suffered , for that cause , was just , from the hand of pagan authority . mr. hobbes . into what place a soever a man shall come , if he do any thing contrary to the law , it is a crime . if a man come from the indies hither , and perswade men here to receive a new religion , or teach them any thing that tendeth to disobedience of the laws of his country , though he be never so well perswaded of the truth of what he teacheth , he commits a crime , and may be justly punished for the same , not only because his doctrine is false , but also because he does that which he would not approve in another , namely , that coming from hence , he should endeavour to alter the religion there . stud. a good man would be desirous of information , in matters of the greatest moment , from what quarter soever of the heavens , the light shined into his understanding : and the question is only of the assurance which the teacher can give , and not of the equity of his practice . but to pass by that enquiry , i cannot refrain from asking you ( though i can guess at your opinion ) whether every traveller is bound to profess the religion of that country into which he goeth ? i mean not this of meer prudence and caution , of an open countenance and close breast ; but of actual compliance with all forraign institutions ; so as to do as men do at rome , or constantinople , or agra , if we were sojourners there . mr. hobbes . to this i shall , by and by , say somthing particularly ; but i will now , in general terms , affirm , that whosoever b entreth into anothers dominion , is subject to all the laws thereof ; unless he have a priviledge by the amity of the soveraig●s , or by special licence . stud. seeing then the romanists depend much upon opus operatum ; if you returned but to paris , the prayer of monsieur sorbiere would be heard , who , ( in his voyage , when he weeded england ) desired you might become a good catholick : this digression puts me in mind of a saying of b. andrews , who , when it was told , that some of the scotch-clergie , were to be made bishops ; advised , that they should be made priests first . but , what great motive is there to this compliance with the civil power , of any perswasion ? mr. hobbes . that i hinted , just now , in saying , that by them we look to be protected . stud. as if the favour of our lord , the prince of glory , towards his sincere , and faithful , patient , and undaunted subjects ( who will not be baffled out of truth , nor be ashamed of the gospel ) were not of more value then the thin shelter of worldly-power ; which , if it could hide us under rocks and mountains , could not secure us from the stroke of him , who is , in the first place , to be feared : methinks , in the competition betwixt danger from men and disobedience to christ , ( as in the case of such as are commanded by heathen powers to sacrifice to daemons ) it is easie to see on which hand we ought to turn : when there is before us , a natural and a moral evil , the natural being the least , is therefore to be chosen : thus socrates was obliged to prefer death , before the acknowledgement of polytheism ; and by such choice , we , in truth , preserve our selves , and most effectually obey that dictate of nature : for we part with a short and unpleasant , for an happy and endless life ; and our health is eternally secured to us , by the effusion of the blood of martyrdom : and , indeed , it hath been the sence of almost all mankind , derived from the fear of a god , or the excellent nature of virtue , that the honest good is to be prefer'd before either the profitable , or the pleasant ; and that in such cases , the powers on earth are not to be obeyed , though upon the refusal of their pleasure , they will glut their malice with the blood of men . the three children , menaced with the furnace , chose rather to suffer the wrath of nebuchadnezzar , then to do his will , in worshiping the golden image ; and god almighty declar'd his acceptance of such a refusal , whilst , by miracle he delivered them . and the fact of those parents who saved moses , not being afraid a of the commandment of phara●h , who design'd all the males of israel for slaugh●er , is deliver'd down unto posteritie , with honour and applause , by the author to the hebrews : and in that little book of martyrs , we read b of some , who scorn'd to accept of a temporal deliverance , when it was offer'd to them , upon the unworthie terms of apostacie or recantation ; they having , in their eye , a greater reward . and it is recorded , rather to the same then reproach of the eastern magi , c that in returning to their countrie , they passed by , herod , who had , with evil intent , commanded them to bring him word concerning the birth of the king of the jews . if a prince ( said d tatianus ) commands me to deny my god , i will rather dye at his foot , then live to exercise his pleasure : and the holy bishop felix africanus and his associates ( men of great integritie and constancie of mind ) would r●ther give up their own lives , then the copies of the new testament which dioclesian intended so to destroy , that it might not be found at all in the annals of the world , that ever there was such a doctrine as christianitie . the very grecians , whose manner was to use prostration only in the rites of their religion , refused , what peril soever was imminent , to worship , in that fashion the king of persia : and the christians who somtimes payed a civil respect before the images of the emperours , chose rather to expose themselves to the crueltie of their enemies , then to humble themselves , as in former daies , when iulian added to them , the images of false gods : and such refusals are not destructive of government and societie , because the true christian , doth not , in these cases , fill the world with clamours , or endeavour to raise tumults , but is led in imitation of his saviour , like an innocent and weak lamb , unto the slaughter e mr. hobbes . for an f unlearned man , that is in the power of an idolatrous king or state , if commanded on pain of death to worship before an idol , he detesteth the idol in his heart , he doth well , though if he had the fortitude to suffer death rather then to worship it , he should do better . stud. the most obscure and illiterate person , doing outward worship to false gods , though he sinneth not with such scandal as the wise and the renowned , who are apt to draw a multitude in●o the like snare , yet he is not to be acquitted as an innocent man. for , by such means , the idolators who affright this man out of his religion , do triumph over the honour of the true god , the procuring of whose dishonour is against reason , which teacheth man , apart , to adore his soveraign lord , and in societie , to be publick in his adoration , and not to conceal it under the vizour of an ill-instructed pagan who serveth devils . reason ( you a know ) directeth , not only to worship god in secret ; but also , and especially in publick , and in the sight of men : for without that , ( that which in honour is most acceptable ) the procuring others to honour him , is lost . but to come to somwhat peculiar in christianitie ; what if b a king or a senate , or other soveraign person , forbid us to believe in christ ? mr. hobbes . to this c i answer , that such forbiding is of no ef●ect ; because belief and unbelief never follow mens commands . faith is a gift of god , which man can neither give , nor take away , by promise of rewards , or menaces of torture . stud. but d what if we be commanded by our lawful prince , to say with our tongue , we believe not ; must we obey such command ? mr. hobbes . profession e with the tongue is but an external thing , and no more then any other gesture whereby we signifie our obedience ; and wherein a christian who holdeth firmly in his heart the faith of christ , hath the same liberty which the prophet elisha allowed to naaman the syrian . — naaman believed in his heart ; but by bowing before the idol rimmon , he denyed the true god in effect , as much as if he had done it with his lips . stud. in both these answers you miss-understand the faith of the gospel , which is not complete , unless the outward profession answereth to the inward act of assent : for the church is a visible societie professing the christian faith ; which men entered into by a visible sign ; in which are officers of divers ranks ; in which there is a communion of visible symbols ; and he that chooseth only to have faith in his heart , renounceth his title of member , in this spiritual societie : our saviour commanded his disciples , that their light should shine before men . and st. iohn f upbraideth many of the chief rulers , who believed on christ , but , because of the pharisees , did not confess him , lest they should be put out of the synagogue : because they loved the praise of men more then the praise of god. hear also what st. paul saith unto the romans : g if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the lord iesus , and shalt believe in thine heart , that god hath raised him from the dead , thou shalt be saved : for with the heart man believeth unto righteousness ; and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation . for naaman , who was a gentile , amongst gentiles , he had promised to sacrifice for the future , to none but the god of israel ; and his incurvation was his civil office towards the king , for which notwithstanding , he begg'd especial license . if this be not an answer , i refer you to episcopius * who will not send you away unsatisfied . but what can you h answer to our saviours saying , whosoever denyeth me before men , i will deny him before my father which is in heaven ? mr. hobbes . this i we may say , that whatsoever a subject , as naaman was , is compelled to in obedience to his soveraign , and doth it not in order to his own minde , but in order to the laws of his country , that action is not his , but his soveraigns ; nor is it he that , in this case , denyeth christ before men , but his governour , and the law of his country . stud. instead of shewing the consistencie of your doctrine with our saviour's words , you tacitly accuse them , either of impertinency , or ill advice : for you make him to speak to this effect : persecutions will arise a , but be willing to be treated like your master , a man of sufferings , and acquainted with grief : and fear not the faces b and menaces of men ; but publish , in the openest manner , unto the world c , such doctrines as you hear in private , whilst you sit at my feet . and do not so fear d those who persecute you , as to save your bodily life by the renouncing or suppressing of my doctrine : but stand in aw of me , whom if ye disobey , ye forfeit life eternal . and remember that there is a god e , who , in such perilous times , will take care of you . if , therefore , you will own and publish my faith , f i will own you as my loyal subjects , and make you happy in my kingdom : if you will renounce my faith for fear of men , i will not take notice of you , as appertaining to me , when you shall stand in the greatest need of protection . but , though i have said all this , yet upon second thoughts it seemeth reasonable that i excuse you , and condemn such bloudy powers as shall , by persecution , compel you to blaspheme : 't is they who force open your mouths , and move your tongues , and form the breath , and renounce me ; but you are all the time very sound believers ; believers in your hearts . and therefore , if you deny me before such powers , i will transfer the blame on them . so wretched is your paraphrase , that it overthroweth the plainest and often-reapted letter of the text. but supposing that our saviour had not delivered himself thus expresly against your doctrine ; how would you have reconcil'd your gross dissimulation with that sincerity which the searcher of the hearts requireth ? mr. hobbes . if any man g shall accuse this doctrine , as repugnant to true , and unfeigned christianity ; i ask him , in case there should be a subject in any christian common-wealth , that should be inwardly in his heart of the mahometan religion , whether if his soveraign command him to be present at the divine-service of the christian church , and that on pain of death , he think that mahometan obliged in conscience to suffer death for that cause , rather then to obey that command of his lawful prince . if he say , he ought rather to suffer death , then he authorizeth all private men , to disobey their princes , in maintainance of their religion , true or false : if he say , he ought to be obedient , then he alloweth to himself , that which he denyeth to another . stud. in this reply , which toucheth not the proposed difficulty , you run out into two absurd suppositions . first , that a christian magistrate sheddeth the bloud of an heathen for not frequenting the christian assemblies : next , that there is a parity of reason in the persecution of a christian , and of a mahometan ; and that the alcoran may as much oblige the conscience , as the testament of our lord. but i must again ask you , what you g will say of all those martyrs we read of in the history of the church ? i hope you will not say that they have needlesly cast away their lives . their bloud hath been more truely the seed of the christian church , then the opinion of ghosts , ignorance of second causes , devotion towards what men fear , and taking of things casual for prognosticks , have ever been ( as you affirm ) the seeds of natural religion , a which is generated out of the inquisitive temper of men , who , by observing any excellent effect , are naturally led to search out the cause , and so proceed to the first original . the martyrs ( i say ) did , under christ , preserve the christian faith , which if it had not been professed with the mouth , would have dy'd away , as a spark where no breath doth cherish it . their memory is precious in the church of god , and their names will be had in everlasting remembrance . they have been thought b to have the priviledge of rising first , and , in that sence , to have a part in the first resurrection . the christians anciently kept their assemblies at their monuments : and the church of alexandria c beginneth its account , at the aera of holy martyrs . and yet you seem to disrespect them as imprudent zealots , and to think their bloud was but so much water spilt upon the ground , a rash and useless effect . mr. hobbes . for answer hereunto d , we are to distinguish the persons that have been for that cause put to death ; whereof some have received a calling to preach , and profess the kingdom of christ openly ; others have had no such calling , nor more has been required of them then their own faith. the former sort , if they have been put to death , for bearing witness to this point , that jesus christ is risen from the dead , were true martyrs ; for a martyr is , ( to give the true definition of the word ) a witness of the resurrection of jesus the messiah , which none can be but those that conversed with him on earth , and saw him after he was risen : for a witness must have seen what he testifieth , or else his testimony is not good . and this is manifest from acts 1.21 , 22. of these men which have companyed with us-must one be a martyr ( that is , a witness ) with us of his resurrection . where we may observe that he which is to be a witness of the truth of the resurrection of christ — must be — one of his original disciples : whereas they which were not so , can witness no more , but that their antecessors said it , and are therefore but witnesses of other mens testimony ; and are but second martyrs , or martyrs of christs witnesses . stud. by this answer , wherein you approve of the martyrdom of the apostles , you grant unto me what i contend for , and contradict your former doctrine . for if the apostles , drawing temporal deaths upon themselves , by preaching the gospel , when they were enjoyned to desist , by the civil powers , are to be justified by us , and honour'd , for such resistance unto bloud ; then there was given to them a superiour law by christ , by the vertue of which higher obligation they were free from active duty to the civil powers : otherwise , if without a law , they had opposed the present governours , they had been pernicious rebels , and not honourable defenders of the faith. what you add concerning the word martyr , is a weak nicety of grammar , upon which the stress of this cause doth not depend . for the question is not , whether no man be properly call'd a witness but an eye-witness , or he who beareth testimony of report received at second or third hand , but whether , at any distance of time , a man may not have sufficient ground to believe the gospel ; and whether , after the hearty belief of it , he may with his mouth renounce it out of a tender regard to flesh and bloud . to proceed in this argument ; there is yet remaining another objection , to which , i know not what answer can be by you returned . it is the argument used by st. peter and st. iohn , to the rulers of the people and elders of israel , when , by menaces , they urg'd them to desist from the propagation of the holy gospel : whether it be right ( said those apostles ) in the sight of god , to hearken unto you more then unto god , judge ye a mr. hobbes . if the command b of the civil soveraign be such , as that it may be obeyed , without the forfeiture of life eternal ; not to obey it is unjust — but if it be such as cannot be obeyed , without being damned to eternal death , then it were madness to obey it . — all men , therefore , that would avoid , both the punishments that are to be in this world inflicted , for disobedience to their earthly soveraign , and those that shall be inflicted in the world to come for disobedience to god , have need to be taught to distinguish well between what is , and what is not necessary to eternal salvation . — now c all that is necessary to salvation , is contained in two vertues , faith in christ , and obedience to laws . now — d our saviour christ hath given us no new laws , but counsel to observe those we are subject to ; that is to say , the laws of nature , and the laws of our several soveraigns : and for faith , the e ( vnum necessarium ) onely article of faith , which the scripture maketh simply necessary to salvation , is this , that jesus is the christ. having thus f shown , what is necessary to salvation ; it is not hard to reconcile our obedience to god , with our obedience to the civil soveraign , who is either christian or infideld . if he be a christian , he alloweth the belief of this article , that jesus is the christ ; and of all the articles that are contained in it , or are , by evident consequence , deduced from it ; which is all the faith necessary to salvation : and because he is a soveraign , he requireth obedience to all his own , that is , to all the civil laws ; in which also are contained all the laws of nature , that is , all the laws of god : for besides the laws of nature , and the laws of the church , which are part of the civil law , ( for the church that can make laws is the common-wealth , ) there be no other laws divine . — and when the civil soveraign is an infidel , every one of his own subjects that resisteth him , sinneth against the laws of god. — and for their faith g it ●s internal , and invisible ; they have the li●ense that naaman had , and need not put themselves into danger for it . but if they do , they ought to expect their reward in heaven , ●nd not to complain of their lawful soveraign — in the mean time , they are to intend to obey christ at his coming , but at present they are bound to obey the laws of that infidel king : all christians are bound in conscience ●o to do . — thought is free b — but when it comes to confession of faith , the private reason must submit to the publick ; that is to say , to gods lieutenant . stud. instead of the resolution of this que●y , when we are to obey god , rather then man , you shew that we may very well do both together ; and so ●ndirectly you accuse the apostles of falshood or folly in their suggestion . and here again you repeat your errors , that christ hath not made any new laws , and that the faith of a christian is intire without , or contrary to profession ; and you suppose , what the experience of the world refuteth , that infidel kings command not sometimes against the laws of nature . also , whilst here you remit the martyrs , scoffingly , to heaven for a reward , you fall , unawares , into the mock of iulian the apostate , who amidst his persecution , us'd this taunt ; it becometh not you christians to enjoy any thing in this world , for your kingdom is in heaven . but if such persons as suffer for christianity , shall be rewarded in heaven ; their constancie then was noble and excellent , whilst they chose trouble rather then base compliance ; and those who inflicted evils on them for doing what god approved , were unjust . if then you remit the martyrs to heaven , you send the civil soveraigns , who shed the bloud of the apostles for disobedience to their unrighteous edicts , to a place of less refreshment . mr. hobbes . you have made your instance in the apostles , of whose martyrdom i approve , because of their commission . for others , who hazard their lives for christianity , i praise them not : he that is not sent a to preach the fundamental article , but taketh it upon him of his private authority , though he be a witness , and consequently a martyr , either primary of christ , or secondary of his apostles , or their successors ; yet is he not obliged to suffer death for that cause ; because being not called thereto , 't is not required at his hands ; nor ought he to complain , if he looseth the reward he expecteth from those that never set him on work . none therefore can be a martyr , neither of the first nor second degree , that have not a warrant to preach christ come in the flesh ; that is to say , none , but such as are sent to the conversion of infidels . stud. every member of the christian society is bound to profess the gospel ; as hath been proved : and therefore a private man , though he hath not right , not having commission to exercise the offices of a priest , yet hath he a command to own the truth , when he is adjur'd to confess of what faith he is ; not onely in relation to christianity in general , but also in relation to the doctrines of moment in it , which sometimes the christian powers do erre in . and every person will , with readiness , make such profession , notwithstanding the terrours of the civil sword , who hath sworn in his heart and tongue allegiance unto christ ; who is sincere in his religion ; who valueth his soul more then his body ; who is heartily perswaded of a life or death eternal , the latter of which is our eleventh subject . mr. hobbes . the maintainance b of civil society , depending on justice , and justice on the pow●r of life and death , and other less rewards and punishments , residing in them that have the soveraignty of the common-wealth ; it is impossible a common-wealth should stand , where any other then the soveraign , hath a power of giving greater rewards then life ; and of inflicting greater punishments then death . now seeing eternal life is a greater reward then the life present ; and eternal torment a greater punishment then the death of nature ; it is a thing worthy to be well considered , of all men that desi●e ( by obeying authority ) to avoid the calamities of confusion and civil war , what is meant , in holy scripture , by life eternal , and torment eternal . stud. what is then to be understood by eternal torment , if we aright interpret the holy scripture ? mr. hobbes . i mean by these , such torments a as are prepared for the wicked in gehenna , or what place soever , [ for a season ] . these have been b set forth by the congregation of gyants ; the lake of fire ; utter darkness ; gehenna , and tophet ; which things are not spoken in a proper , but metaphorical sence . now where , or whatsoever , these torments shall be , i c can find no where that any man shall live in torments everlastingly . stud. in st. matthew d the same greek word , in the same sentence , is used in setting forth as well the happiness of the righteous , as the punishment of the wicked ; which therefore is to be construed as endless as the joy of the pious , to the blessedness of whom the most daring origenist hath not affixed a period . mr. hobbes . i confess the torments to be eternal ; but i am of opinion that the same persons do not eternally feel them . the fire e or torment prepared for the wicked in gehenna , ●ophet , or in what place soever , may continue for ever ; and there may never want wicked men to be tormented in them ; though not every , nor any one eternally . the fire f prepared for the wicked , is an everlasting fire : that is to say , the estate wherein no man can be without torture , both of body and minde , after the resurrection , shall endure for ever ; and in that sence the fire shall be unquenchable , and the torments everlasting : but it cannot thence be inferred , that he who shall be cast into that fire , or be tormented with those torments ▪ shall endure , and resist them so , as to be eternally burnt and tortured , and yet never be destroyed , nor dye . stud. you have by this means , so very much allayed the heat of the everlasting burnings ( so far as it can be done by confidence in opinion ) that they are rendred almost as tolerable as a death by fire on earth . for the epithet everlasting , thus interpreted , cannot mightily affright a single person from evil manners , who considers that the flame , how long soever it be continued in it self , shall scorch him but for a season . but god in holy scripture threatneth every man with perpetual misery ; and where g it saith that the fire shall not be quenched , it saith also , not that the worm , but their worm , or remorse of conscience , dyeth not . our saviour also taught us h to make our peace with god in this estate of probation ; before we were hal'd to prison ; where every one that cannot pay his deb●s to that supreme lord ( towards whom our obligations can scarce be cancelled in that state , where we are depriv'd of means , neglected by us in this life ) shall be chain'd to eternal bondage . st. iohn also saith , i that the beast and the false prophet shall be tormented in the lake of fire and brimstone , day and night , for ever and ever . the fewel , it seems , shall be as eternal as the flame . mr. hobbes . it seemeth k hard , to say , that god who is the father of mercies , that doth , in heaven and earth , all that he will ; that hath the hearts of all men in his disposing ; that worketh in men both to do and to will ; and without whose free gift a man hath neither inclination to good , nor repentance of evil , should punish mens transgressions without any end of time , and with all the extremity of torture , that men can imagine , and more . stud. god hath so given such gifts to all , whom he will severely account with , that they are left without apology . and he will not seem an hard master , if we have as due a regard to his majesty and goodness , both abused by us ; and to our own means , and wilful refusal of the better part , whilst he hath set before us life and death ; as we are wont to have to our own flesh and bloud ; seeing nothing burneth in hell ( as st. bernard noted ) besides the proper will of man. but why to you of all men should this seem hard ? for you believe that the irresistible power of god , as such , doth justifie all things ; and a that the right of afflicting men at his pleasure , belongeth naturally to god almighty ; not as creator and gratious ; but as omnipotent . this irresistible power is urged by you , where it serveth your hypothesis ; and where it yeildeth no advantage to your cause , there you will have mercy to succeed in its place . and this may be , more particularly observed , in a section of your book de cive b . to the sixth law of nature ( saith that book ) which teacheth that punishments respect the future , belong all those places of holy writ , which enjoyn the shewing of mercy ; such as are ( matt. 5.7 . ) blessed are the merciful : for they shall obtain mercy . lev. 19.18 . thou shalt not avenge nor bear any grudge against the children of thy people . now there are who think this law so far from being confirmed , that they imagine it invalidated by the scriptures : because there remaineth to the wicked eternal punishment after death , where there is no place either for amendment or example . some resolve this objection , by saying , that god , who is under no obligation , referreth all things to his own glory ; but that it is not lawful for man so to do : as if god would seek his glory , that is to say , please himself in the death of a sinner . it is more rightly answer'd , that the institution of eternal punishment was before sin , and respected this onely , that men might , for the future , be afraid of sinning . it is , from this place , to be observed , that you once construed the phrases of scripture , wherein it speaketh of eternal torments , with relation to the persons , and not the mere state of torture ; as also that you here advance not power , but plead for mercy ; and lastly , that you abuse the veracity of god , by supposing him to scare the children of men , with such bug-bear threatnings , as shall never , upon their most enormous delinquencie , be put in execution . but in what horrid place , and of what confounding quality , are the future torments , if they be not , to single persons eternal ? for i cannot but imagine that they are extreamly bitter , if they be but short . what then seemeth to you to be the place and state of the damned ? mr. hobbes . gods enemies , and their torments after judgement c , appear by the scripture to have their place on eaath . and there the reprobate d shall be in the estate , that adam , and his posterity were in after the sin committed ; saving that god promised a redeemer to adam , and such of his seed as should trust in him , and repent ; but not to them that should dye in their sins as do the reprobate . and further — the wicked being left in the estate , they were in after adams sin , may at the resurrection live as they did , marry , and give in marriage , and have gross and corruptible bodies , as all mankinde now have ; and consequently , may engender perpetually , after the resurrection as they did before . stud. if all the wicked shall ( as you acknowledge a ) , be together raised up ; and put into hell on earth ; if also their condition shall be such as to admit of generation , eating and drinking ( the provisions for which require wide spaces upon earth , not at all possessed by the bodies of men ) and there be also required room ( as you assert ) for the followers of christ ; it will trie the utmost of your mathematick-skill , to finde place sufficient , for the bodies of all that have already lived , or shall live before the universal judgment . some of no mean degree amongst the learned b have , by probable rules , computed the number of men before the floud ( who begat sons and daughters at a very great age ) ; and have found it to exceed much more then a thousand millions : insomuch , that the floud may seem to have been almost as necessary in relation unto the numbers of people , as to the increase of their iniquities . and they observe how , in less then four hundred years after the floud , there were armies c in the eastern countries , sufficient to leave nothing rising there besides the sun. if therefore tophet be on earth , let it not any more be taken up , as a proverb , by us , that hell cannot be satisfi'd , seeing it will be glutted with half the people for whom it is prepared . but , methinks , if that be , in truth , the estate of the reprobate , which you have described ; the literal hinnom may seem to have been overspread with greater horror , then the mystical shall be ; and the unrighteous may dance and leap with joy in their very chains of darkness ; seeing they neither pinch extreamly at the present , nor shall be everlasting : there is nothing more divine to voluptuous men , then to eat , and drink , and to exonerate nature , and to be immortal in their off-spring . mr. hobbes . you are too hasty in your reflexions : you mistake that for the full description of hell , which i design'd for the easier part of it . i therefore tell you further , that they c shall be punished with grief , and discontent of mind , from the sight of that eternal felicitie in others , which they themselves , through their own incredulity , and disobedience , have lost . and because such felicity in others is not sensible but by comparison with their own actual miseries ; it followeth that they are to suffer such bodily pains and calamities , as are incident to those , who not only live under evil and cruel governours , but have also for enemy , the eternal king of the saints , god almighty . stud. but shall not there be devils let loose upon those persons who have bin seduced by th●m from obedience to god! shall not they be deliver'd over to the tormentors , who have not discharged their obligations towards him , and have such outward scourges superadded to the lash of remorse within ? mr. hobbes . for d the tormentors , we have their nature and properties , exactly and properly , delivered by the names of the enemy , or satan ; the accuser , or diabolus ; the destroyer , or abaddon : which significant names , satan , devil , abaddon , set not forth to us any individual person , as proper names use to doe ; but only an office or quality ; and are therefore appellatives . — gods kingdome was in palestine ; and the nations round about were the kingdomes of the enemy ; and consequently by satan , is meant any earthly enemy of the church . [ you are therefore mistaken in the notion of tormentors . now that which completeth the misery of the damned is , that they shall dye again . ] stud. that which you make the top of their calamitie , is to be reckoned as a priviledg , because it puts an end to their torment together with their being ; the continuance of which cannot make recompence for that misery with which in the real hell , it will be oppressed : but whence is it proved , by you , that the last pain of the damned is such destruction ? mr. hobbes . i learn , from the scripture a that amongst bodily pains , is to be reckoned also to every one of the wicked , a second death : for though the scripture be clear for an universal resurrection ; yet we do not read , that to any of the reprobate is promised an eternal life . [ i know you will now salve your self by saying b ] that by the second and everlasting death , is meant a second , and everlasting life , but in torments ; a figure never used but in this very case . stud. the figure in which we speak , whilest we express a great calamitie by death , is of common use , in relation to the incommodities of this present life : for nothing is more usual then to say , that to live is to be well . st. paul with reference to his many troubles , said he dyed daily . and grotius , somwhere c expoundeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by such , quibus vita haud vitalis . in sophocles , you might have read these words ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that this , also , is the true meaning of the second death , appeareth to those who are aware that the phrase was borrowed by st. iohn , from the hebrew-doctors ; with whom it was , and is , most frequent , to call the torments of hell by that very name . wherefore those words of david d he seeth that wise men die , are thus paraphrased by the caldee paraphrast : he shall see wicked wise men , who die the second death , and are adjudged to hell. having now attended to your opinion concerning the place and estate of the damned ; methinks , it begetteth , in me , as feeble belief , as the fables of charon , and the river styx , and the black frogs therein , were wont to do in iuvenal's daies , amongst the romans ; whose very children , ( he saies ) unless they were so young as not to pay for their bath , were apt to scoffe at such improbable stories . but let us now understand ( in order to the dispatch of our twelfth and last head ) what , more successful doctrine you can deliver , concerning the felicities of the just . he that cannot paint a devil well , is not likelie to shew masterie in the painting of an holy angel : but whatsoever your description be of eternal life , i am ready to fix my eye upon it ; and if i espie reason , to approve it . mr. hobbes . in delivering my opinion concerning the future state , i will begin by telling you , that , e the soul of man is not in its own nature eternal , or a living creature independent on the body ; and that no meer man is immortal , otherwise then by the resurrection in the last day , except enoch and elias . — but f though there be no natural immortalitie of the soul ; yet there is life eternal , which the elect shall enjoy by grace . stud. it hath bin , alreadie , proved , that there is , in man , a spiritual substance which immagineth , remembreth , reasoneth ; and that therefore naturally it endureth after the dissolution of that body from which it is , by such notorious marks , distinguish'd : neither doth it slumber , 'till the sounding of the last trump , at the general resurrection . it is true , that without the assistance of revelation we cannot , well understand that our withered bodies shall spring out of the dust : and therefore , with reference to the resurrection , the ancient iews , in their forms of benediction a celebrated the power of god above the ordinary laws of nature : and whatever hopes the heathens may have , they cannot have firm assurance , that their souls shall be permitted to enjoy that duration which they are , by nature capable of ; or that , if they shall be permitted to survive their bodies , they shall have a great , or endless , happiness . for when they consider that there is god , and that , how virtuous soever they have bin , yet , their own consciences bearing witness , they have , too often , transgressed his laws ; they may be justly suspicious either of annihilation , or at best , of a low degree of felicitie : and this suspition will be encreased if , with you , they gaze at his irresistible power , and look not , with hope , upon his philanthropie : and therefore such salvation , as signifieth the advancement of the soul of man to the utmost height of blessedness , is not of nature or humane merit , but of grace ; and an effect of the merits of our lord , who having overcome death , did open the kingdom of heaven to all believers . but yet of this bounty we , in some measure , partake , if we dye as christians , so soon as ever we have lay'd down this burthen of the flesh : and of this we are assured by revelation ; especially , by that in the new testament : therein we read , that our saviour promised to the repenting thief , that very day , a place in paradise , that is , in some region of happy souls ; which the jews were wont to call paradise , or the garden of pleasure . that , besides the bodily life , there is a soul in man which cannot be touched by the sword , or utmost violence of our enemies . that st. stephen , in the very article of death , commended his spirit into the hands of christ ▪ beseeching the same jesus to receive it . that the dead , who dye in the lord , are from henceforth , or b immediately in an happy estate . neither can we , with tolerable sense , expound the article of christs descending into hell , or into hades , that is , the state of the dead ; as also his preaching to spirits in prison ; unless we suppose him to have had an immaterial soul , whereby his spirit might be in the state of separate spirits , as well as his body was in the state of dead bodies , their corruption excepted : for to mean all of the body , is to say in effect , twice over , that he was dead and buried ; and so to commit tautology in the most compendious systeme of the christian faith ▪ neither must we forget the wish of st. paul , who desired to be dissolved that he might be with christ ; esteeming that far better for his own person , though his continuance in the world was of more advantage to the christian church . now it cannot but be imagined that s. paul exspected , so soon as ever he had quitted this earthly tabernacle , to be received by christ , into the mansions prepared above : for seeing his inclinations were so poised betwixt the thoughts of the benefit of the church , and the delay of his consummate happiness , that he knew not which way to turn the scale ; there is no doubt but he would have preferred the advantage of the church , for which he would gladly spend , and be spent , before s●ch an estate , wherein , for more then sixteen hundred years , he should not so much as think of christ , or his holy gospel , but be as if he had never bin . mr. hobbes . [ there are other places , perhaps more pertinent , to which i will return an answer . ] and first , c there are the words of solomon ( ecclesiastes 12.7 . ) then shall the dust return to dust , as it was , and the spirit shall return to god that gave it : which may bear well enough ( if there be no other text directly against it ) this interpretation , that god only knows , ( but man , not ) what becomes of a mans spirit , when he expireth : and the same solomon , in the same book , ( chap. 3. v. 20 , 21. ) delivereth the same sentence in the sense i have given it : his words are , all go ( man and beast ) to the same place ; all are of the dust , and all turn to dust again : who knoweth that the spirit of man goeth upward , and that the spirit of the beast goeth downward to the earth ? that is , none knows but god : nor is it an unusual phrase to say of things we understand not , god knows what , and god knows where . — but , what interpretation shall we give , besides the literal sense of the words of solomon , eccles. 3.19 . that which befalleth the sons of men befalleth beasts , even one thing befalleth them : as the one dyeth , so doth the other ; yea , they have all one breath ( one spirit ) so that a man hath no preheminence above a beast , for all is vanity . by the litteral sense here is no natural immortalitie of the soul. stud. you would here impose upon me , by confounding the sense of those several verses , which are to be interpreted apart from each other . and that we may aright conceive the meaning of them ( and not say only , though perhaps with reason we may do it , i 'm sure with authority a that solomon here and in other places doth personate the atheist ; ) it is fit that we observe how the preacher , in this book , sets forth the beginning , progress , and ripeness of his disquisition , concerning the happiness of man. wherefore in the begining of his enquiry , he setteth down his raw apprehensions : and he relateth , in the first and second chapters , how he , once , thought folly equal with wisdom , and that there was nothing better then to eat and drink ; and what adventures and trials he made , towards the better understanding of what was good for the sons of men : and in this third chapter , he declareth how full of mystery he found the workes of god ( v. 11. ) and how little was manifest , especially to sensual men , of the future state : but in the eleventh and twelfth chapters , wherein he declareth his advanced judgement , and calleth men off from the world , to the thoughts of the day of account , and to the early remembrance of their creator ; to the fear of god , and the observance of his commands ; he layeth it down as a positive doctrine ( a doctrine apt to promote such observance , fear , and remembrance ) which at first was delivered , by him , as a probleme , or as the mistake of worldly men , that when the wheel shall be broken at the cistern , and the circle of our blood utterly disturbed , then the dust shall return to the earth as it was ; and the spirit shall return to god who gave it . but if the spirit be the breath and life , and not an immaterial substance , why make you it so hard to know what becomes of it ; so that only god can understand it ? for might we not say , that the machine of the body is dissolved , the breath vanisheth in the soft air , the motion is gone from the carcasse into ambient bodies ? we might then , with equal admiration say of a clock broken all to peices , and in rest ; god knoweth what is become of it ; for , in both instances , there is only a dissolution of the contexture of the parts , and the motion , convey'd to other portions of neighbouring matter . why , also , do you vary from the translation of the hebrew copy ▪ in chap. 3. v. 21. for instead of , who knoweth the spirit of man that is ascending , and the spirit of the beast that goeth downward to the earth ? you have thus rendred the words ; who knoweth that the spirit of man goeth upward ? for there is great difference betwixt this saying , who knoweth that mr. hobbes is a mathematician ? and this , who knoweth mr. hobbes , who is a mathematician ? the former disposition of solomon's words supposeth a spirit , and the ascent of it , and withall , our ignorance of the nature of the soul : the latter leaveth it doubtful whether the spirit ascendeth or not . it is well ( though i believe you knew it not your self ) that the seventie interpreters a are , a little , on your side . mr. hobbes . but what is , on your part , to be said b to those words of solomon in chap. 4. ver . 3. of ecclesiastes ? better is he that hath not yet been , then both they ; that is , then they that live or have lived ; which if the soul of all them that have lived , were immortal , were a hard saying ; for then to have an immortal soul , were worse then to have no soul at all . stud. to this , the easie truth is to be replyed , that the wise man preferreth a condition of not being ( if we suppose him speaking in his own person ) before a life of misery : and doubtless it is better to have no soul , then to have a soul immortal , together with immortal grief : and the saying is common amongst divi●es , that it had bin better for dives to have had no tongue , then to have bin possessed of it , meerly as a subject , for the fury of the infernal flames to prey upon : and i think also , it is the natural sense of mankind . wherefore though iob was a man of great fortitude of spirit , and one who feared , by impatience , to offend god ; yet when his calamities , as so many waves in thick succession , were ready to over-whelme him , he began to curse the day of his nativitie . mr. hobbes . there is yet another place in the book of ecclesiastes , which confirmeth my opinion of the state of the dead . it is said , c in chap. 9. ver . 5. that the living know they shall dye , but the dead know not any thing ; that is , naturally , and before the resurrection of the body . stud. for answer to this citation , i ●efe● you to diodati , whose notes you have no reason to despise , seeing you have submitted the declaration of your judgement d to the annotations of the assembly , who pleased to transcribe so very many places out of the aforesaid authour : observe therefore the context , and his interpretation , which i may represent to you in this paraphrase . ver. 3. by reason of this indifferency of events ( mentioned by solomon , in the beginning of the chapter ) worldly men dally with , 'till they die i● , their sins . ( ver. 4. ) for whilst life doth last , the gate of hope , and repentance , is open ▪ though men make not use of this opportunity in order to their salvation . for a living dogg , that is to say , a great sinner alive , is happier whilst god grants to him life , and opportunitie of conversion ; then a lesser sinner ( compared to a lyon , which is a more noble , and not so unclean a beast as a dogg ) who dyeth in his impenitencie , and so is past all remedy . ( ver. 5. for the living know they shall die , and through the fear of death , may be induced to repentance , whilst there is space for it : but the dead know not any thing ; not in this sense , that their souls do loose all knowledge , conscience , or remembrance ; but in this , because it availeth them nothing to salvation ; and they understand not now the things that belong to their peace , for they are , by the absence of opportunity , quite hidden from their eyes : neither have they any more a reward , set down for virtue , whilst a man liveth in this world , which is the place appointed for us to labour ▪ and run our race in : for the memory of them is forgotten ; god hath for ever cast them off , according to that of david a — like the slain that lye in the grave , whom thou remembrest no more : and they are cut off from thy hand . and this sense of the place is confirmed by the tenth verse , where solomon presseth men to a speedie exercise of religion , in these words : whatsoever thy hand findeth to do , do it with thy might ; for there is no work nor device , nor knowledg , nor wisdom in the grave whither thou goest . mr. hobbes . what answer have you to the words of iob , b chap. 14. ver . 7. there is hope of a tree , if it be cast down : though the root thereof wax old , and the stock thereof dye in the ground , yet when it senteth the water , it will bud , and bring forth boughs like a plant : but man dyeth and wasteth away , yea , man giveth up the ghost , and where is he ? and ( ver . 12. ) man lyeth down , & riseth not till the heavens be no more . but when is it , that the heavens shall be no more ? s. peter tells us that it is at the general resurrection . stud. it hath been thought by some , a sufficient answer to this place , to understand it of entire man , as he consisteth of soul and body ; seeing man is not , man ariseth not , ' though the soul existeth and ascendeth , before the consummate estate of both , in the great day of the messiah . i know , also , that the jews , c consider iob as a gentile , who had no assurance of a future state , and that he speaketh , in the seventh chapter , as much against the resurrection of the body , as the immortalitie of the soul. as the cloud ( saith iob ) is consumed and vanisheth away ; so he that goeth down to the grave shall come up no more . and there are many who expound the letter ( in the 19 chap. and 25 , 26. verses ) of the restitution of iobs body , tormented with worms , to soundness of health ; and of the blessings descending upon him , in his latter daies , even to the eclipsing the glories of his first posteritie . mr. hobbes . what need is there of answer upon answer in the present case ? for this doctrine of the natural immortalitie of the soul , which you so eagerly conted for , is d unnecessary to the christian faith . for supposing that when a man dies , there remaineth nothing of him but his carcass ; cannot god that raised inanimated dust and clay into a living creature by his word , as easily raise a dead carcass to life again , and continue him alive for ever , or make him dye again , by another word ? stud. if you attempt , thus , to explain the resurrection of entire man , you will be pressed with such a weighty inconvenience , as cannot , by the utmost strength of your wit , be ever sustained . for if man be not raised up by a reunion of his immaterial soul to the main stamina of such a body as he , somtimes , had ; but meerly by the framing again , and moving , of such matter as he is supposed to have wholly consisted of , and by the help of which he hath done worthy , or shameful acts ; then either the same man , who obeyed or transgressed , is not raised up to an estate of reward or punishment ; or else he is raised with all the parts of matter which conduced to action , and appertained to him , almost from the cradle , to the grave , and is , therefore , in the last day , of such dimensions , that he may not only equal the antient gyants of which we read in story , but likewise come nigh the bulk of those very mountains which they are said to have heaped up in defiance of h●aven . mr. hobbes . well ; whatsoever the essence of man is , or whensoever any part of him is supposed to be happy ; it is most probable , that , at the last day , the place of heaven , shall be on earth . the a kingdom of god in the writings of divines , and specially in sermons , and treatises of devotion , is taken most commonly for eternal felicity , after this life , in the highest heaven , which they also call the kingdom of glory ; and somtimes for ( the earnest of that felicity ) sanctification , which they term the kingdome of grace ; but never for the monarchy , that is to say , the soveraign power of god over any subjects acquired by their own consent , which is the proper signification of kingdom . to the contrary , i finde the kingdom of god to signifie , in most places of scripture , a kingdom properly so named , constituted by the votes of the people of israel in peculiar manner ; wherein they chose god for their king by covenant made with him , upon gods promising them the possession of the land of canaan — now the throne b of this our king is in heaven , without any necessity evident in scripture , that man shall ascend to his happiness any higher then gods footstool the earth . stud. there is no need of the consent of men , in the right notion , of the kingdom of god ; for the lord is king , be the people never so unquiet . also , there is nothing more frequent , in the new testament , then the notion of gods kingdom of grace in the dispensation of the gospel ; and of glory , in the highest heavens . and for the latter , we pray in the second petition of that form which our lord taught us ; and the former we acknowledge in the doxologie . the holy baptist , being the fore-runner of the christ , preached unto the jews ( who though they justifi'd themselves at present by the works of the law , yet held repentance necessary to the reception of the messiah ) the doctrine of penance ; adding this reason , because the kingdom of heaven was at hand : and this had been an improper doctrine , if the messiah , as you dream , was not to have a kingdom , till after more then sixteen hundred years . our saviour , therefore , when he preached ( as his fore-runner had done ) that doctrine of repentance ; he us'd not the same phrase , repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand ; but he said , c repent , and believe the gospel , that is , forsake sin , and enter into the kingdom of the messiah , by grace . our lord , also ( in the twelfth chapter of st. matthew ) proveth , by his great power over satan and the kingdom of darkness , that the kingdom of the messiah , was then come . and he declared d that baptism was a sacrament of entrance and admission into the kingdom of the gospel . and he e receiv'd the hosannah's of the people , who saluted him as that king of israel , who came unto them in the name of the lord. and when he was asked f by the pharisees , when the kingdom of god should come , he answered ; the kingdom of god is within you ; that is , it is already come , it is g amongst you . the further manifestation of his kingdom , he foretold , in prophesying of his coming to take vengeance on the bloudy jews , by his scourges , the romans , in the destruction of ierusalem : the history of which , as it standeth in iosephus , if it be duly compared with the predictions of our lord , is sufficient to stop the widest mouth of profaneness ; and to hold up a powerful light against the dim ey-balls of the most forsaken atheists . to this the words of st. mark have relation , in the ninth chapter , and first verse : verily i say unto you , that there be some of them that stand here , which shall not taste of death , till they have seen the kingdom of god come with power . mr. hobbes . those words ( alledged h by beza long ago ) if taken grammatically , make it certain that either some of those men that stood by christ at that time , are yet alive , or else that the kingdom of god must be now in this present world . — but yet if this kingdom were to come at the resurrection of christ , why is it said , some of them , rather then all ? for they all lived till after christ was risen . stud. christ , at his resurrection , had vindicated to himself , by way of conquest over death and hell , this spiritual kingdom ; but the manifestation of it , in power , was displayed in the desolation of the city of ierusalem . and because ( for instance ) st. iohn liv'd , to see the triumph of christ , over his bloud-thirsty enemies , though all the apostles did not ; there was , therefore , reason for saying , some of them , rather then , all. mr. hobbes . if a it be lawful to conjecture at the meaning of the words , by that which immediately follows , both here , and in st. luke , where the same is again repeated , it is not unprobable , to say they have relation to the transfiguration , which is described in the verses immediately following . — and so the promise of christ was accomplished by way of vision . stud. you are to look backward and not forward : for the words do manifestly relate to those of the eighth chapter , where our saviour had commanded the embracers of his gospel to take up the cross ; and promised that , by their constancie in their christian profession , they should save their lives ; whilst , others , who would endeavour to preserve life by denying the persecuted faith , should be destroyed : and so it came to pass , when gallus , even against the reason of state , did raise the siege before ierusalem ; the christians and convert-jews , escapeing , whilst a door was open , unto the mountains , and into the city pella ; and not remaining 'till titus , some moneths after , renewed the siege . after this exhortation to constancie , and promise of deliverance , our saviour , threatned that he would be ashamed of such , who should refuse to confess him before men , at his coming , in the glory of his father , with his holy angels : which coming with angels , and open rejection of cowardly spirits , ( importing their present claim , and his refusal ) agreeth not to his transfiguration , which was transacted in secret with some of the disciples , and the apparition of moses and elias . — there is therefore reason for divines , to insist upon a kingdome of christ , alreadie come , a kingdom of the gospel : neither want they reason on their side , when they affirm , that the kingdom of glory is in the highest heavens ; and not on earth : which if men rise the same they were when they acted in the present world ( retaining all their parts , howsoever new-moulded , ) then according to your hypothesis , which conceiveth man to be wholly material , the whole earth will be little enough to give the blessed space , wherein to move with pleasure ; and we shall be as much in the dark for the place of the damned , as the place it self is said to be . our blessed saviour hath assur'd us , that we shall , in the resurrection , be like the angels . and st. paul hath , also , informed christians , that they shall be indued with coelestial bodies , when they have put off these earthly sepulchres in which their nobler mindes lay entombed ; and that this body of flesh and bloud ( for of that , is his whole discourse * and not of any moral body , of sin and corruption ) shall not inherit the kingdom of god. and from hence athenagoras b hath been taught to say , that in the resurrection , we shall not be as flesh , though we bear flesh about us . now this angelical , coelestial body , seemeth very unagreeable to the condition of inhabitants upon earth : neither had innocent adam such a body in paradise . and it is , also , to be noted , that the blessed cannot , by any means enjoy such coelestial bodies , according to the principles by you delivered ; and of this i , above , have given some intimation . for if man be onely a piece of well-disposed matter , and is devoyd of an immaterial soul , upon the permanent oneness of which dependeth , chiefly , his individuation , he is no more the same person upon so great an alteration made in the contexture of the body , then a spire of grass is the same with part of the flesh of an ox , into which after digestion , it is transform'd . but why doth it seem to you incredible , that holy men shall be caught up with enoch , and elias , and st. paul , and enjoy their happiness in heavenly regions , when there are so many places of scripture which look that way ? our blessed lord a administreth comfort to such as bear his cross , by telling them that their reward is great in heaven . and he adviseth b all his followers , to lay up for themselves treasures , not on earth , but in the heavens , that their hearts may with the greater facility be lifted up , by divine and heavenly meditation . and c he spake these words of consolation to his disciples who began to be , most deeply concerned , at the thoughts of his departure : let not your heart be troubled : ye believe in god , believe also in me . in my fathers house are many mansions ; if it were no : so , i would have told you . and if i go and prepare a place for you , i will come again , and receive you unto my self , that where i am , there ye may be also . this , then , was the doctrine of christ ; as also of his apostles . st. paul delivereth this doctrine with much confidence , saying d , we know , that if our earthly house of this tabernacle were dissolved , we have a building of god , an house not made with hands , eternal in the heavens . and e he blesseth god for the faith of the colossians ; and for the hope which was laid up for them , in the heavens . and he comforteth the thessalonians f , after this manner : the lord himself shall descend from heaven with a shout , with the voice of the arch-angel , and with the trump of god : and the dead in christ shall rise first : then we which are alive , and remain , shall he caught up together with them in the clouds , to meet the lord in the air : and so shall we ever be with the lord. the author , also , of the epistle to the hebrews g , extolleth the patience of the afflicted converts , and likewise insinuateth the great reason which they had to take joyfully the spoiling of their earthly goods , because they had in heaven a better and enduring substance . mr. hobbes . i have , with much patience , attended to your citations : there is reason that now you should listen to such as on my side , may be produced . we finde h written in in st. iohn , that no man hath ascended into heaven , but he that came down from heaven , even the son of man that is in heaven — yet christ was then not in heaven , but upon the earth . the like is said of david ( acts 2.34 . ) where st. peter , to prove the ascension of christ , using the words of the psalmist i , thou wilt not leave my soul in hell , nor suffer thine holy one to see corruption , saith , they were spoken ( not of david , but ) of christ ; and to prove it , addeth this reason , for david is not ascended into heaven . but to this a man may easily answer , and say , that though their bodies were not to ascend till the general day of judgement , yet their souls were in heaven , as soon as they were departed from their bodies ; which also seemeth to be confirmed by the words of our saviour k who proving the resurrection out of the words of moses , saith thus , that the dead are raised , even moses shewed , at the bush , when he called the lord , the god of abraham , and the god of isaac , and the god of iacob . for he is not a god of the dead , but of the living ; for they all live to him . but if these words be to be understood onely of the immortality of the soul , they prove not at all that which our saviour intended to prove , which was the resurrection of the body , that is to say , the immortality of man. therefore our saviour meaneth that those patriarchs were immortal ; not by a property consequent to the essence , and nature of mankinde ; but by the will of god , that was pleased of his meer grace , to bestow eternal life upon the faithful . and though at that time the patriarchs , and many other faithful men were dead , yet , as it is in the text , they lived to god ; that is , they were written in the book of life with them that were absolved of their sins , and ordained to life eternal at the resurrection . stud. our lord design'd to prove a future state , against the sadduces , who denyed , not onely the resurrection of the body , but likewise the existence of angel or spirit : and the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do not always imply the raising of the body ; but , being used without the addition of flesh or body , do usually denote the future life , and the awakening , and advancing of the soul ; or the conserving or keeping of it alive ; as god is said to have raised up pharaoh , that is , to have kept him still alive a and whereas you suggest , that the patriarchs were alive onely by destination ; it is an exposition derived by you , from your hypothesis , that man is wholly mortal , and not from the letter of the words , where christ speaketh in the present , and not the future time ; affirming that the patriarchs live already , and not that they shall be awakened unto life , after many hundreds of years . mr. hobbes . a second place is b that in st. paul ( 1 cor. 15.22 . ) for as in adam all dye , even so in christ shall all be made alive — now , if as in adam , all dye , that is , have forfeited paradise , and eternal life on earth ; so in christ all shall be made alive ; then all men shall be made to live on earth ; for else the comparison were not proper . stud. that adam , if he had remained obedient , should have lived eternally upon earth , together with all the race of men to have been produced out of his loyns ( to whom this earth would , at last , have denyed elbow-room ) is a conceit of yours which reason doth not favour . for the first man was of the earth earthy , he was sustained by corruptible food ; he was design'd for propagation before his fall ; which things seem to argue a mortal nature , and are , by our saviour , excepted from the condition of those who shall enjoy eternal blessedness . and though it was said to him , that in eating the forbidden fruit he should dye the death ; that argueth thenceforth a necessity of dying and denyeth not a capableness of dying formerly : and though god almighty could have sustain'd his mortal nature for ever upon earth , yet there is ( as i think ) no promise of it in holy writ : and whilst we consider the future estate of blessed men , described in scripture ; there is some reason for us to believe , that he should have rather been translated to an heavenly paradise , then to have dwelt , for ever , in the eden below . neither was it the business of the apostle , in this text , to determine any thing of the place , but to set forth the priviledge of believers , by the means of christ , at the last day . the meaning of the apostle , who speaketh here of those that are christs , seems no other then this . as all who came from adam were obnoxious to death , and could not , naturally , claim the priviledge of a resurrection to life eternal : so all who believe in the messiah shall not rot for ever in the grave , but be raised up to everlasting happiness . to this sense agree both crellius , and vorstius , whom i , the rather , name to you , because they were men of singularity in conceit , and such as stepped out of the beaten road of divinity , which the orthodox believe the truest and safest way . in the paraphrase of this comparison , all of one kinde , is answered by all of the other kinde , and death by life : and therefore there is no impropriety in the comparison , though , in other particulars , the things compared disagree . the main scope of the apostle , in setting forth the advantage of believers at that day , by christ , doth justifie the similitude , though the place of life be not the same to all the sons of adam which was possessed by that root of mankinde . parables ( saith salmeron , who wrote of them ) are like to swords ; the hilts and scabbards of them are variously wrought , but it is the edge whereby they ●o execution . mr. hobbes . notwithstanding what hath been talk'd , i still maintain that c the elect after the resurrection shall be restored to the estate , wherein adam was before he had sinned : [ and that the place shall be on earth , and more particularly at and about ierusalem ] . concerning b the general salvation , because it must be in the kingdom of heaven , there is great difficulty concerning the place . on one side , by kingdom ( which is an estate ordained by men for their perpetual security against enemies , and want ) it seemeth that this salvation shall be on earth : for by salvation is set forth unto us , a glorious reign of our king , by conquest ; not a safety by escape : and therefore there where we look for salvation , we must look also for triumph ; and before triumph ; for victory ; and before victory , for battle : which cannot well be supposed , shall be in heaven — and it is evident by scripture , that salvation shall be on earth , then , when god shall reign ( at the coming again of christ ) in ierusalem ; and from ierusalem shall proceed the salvation of the gentiles that shall be received into gods kingdom . stud. in this speech of yours , there is a threefold error , easily confuted and broken in sunder . first , you say the elect shall be in the estate of innocent adam ; and you would have comparison answer comparison , as face answereth face . yet our saviour saith , that the elect shall neither eat , drink , nor marry . secondly , you suppose a war in the estate of the heaven on earth ; and after that victory : the former of which , is inconsistent with that uninterrupted peace which the scripture ascribeth to that estate ; and the latter is meant of christ the captain of our salvation conquering death ; in behalf of believers , by dying , and arising again , and triumphing over death in ascending and reigning at gods right-hand . wherefore st. paul saith a o death , where is thy sting ? o grave , where is thy victory ? and , again , thanks be to god which giveth us the victory , through our lord iesus christ. neither ( in the third place ) do you speak consistently with your self , when you mention ierusalem as the metropolis of heaven . for blessedness being , by you , supposed the recovery of the estate lost in adam , the chief seat of it ought , by you , to have been fixed in the region of eden ; which , where it is , those atheists who scoff at the story of adam , may be instructed , both in relation to their knowledge and manners , by an obscure , but yet most learned b geographer and divine . mr. hobbes . will you suffer me to proceed in proving that the future estate of gods subjects shall be upon earth , & particularly at ierusalem ? stud. you shall not be unseasonably interrupted . mr. hobbes . that it shall be on earth is proved from a third place c , rev. 2.7 . to him that overcometh i will give to eat of the tree of life , which is in the midst of the paradise of god. this was the tree of adams eternal life , but his life was to have been on earth . stud. you here mistake ( as many have done in attempting to unfold the revelation ) this book of mysteries which representeth , allegorically , to our senses , the things in heaven , by patterns on earth . there is a paradise not upon earth ; an entrance into which our saviour promised to the relenting and believing malefactor , that very day upon the cross. besides , the meer letter of the text fixeth the chief seat of heaven in eden , not in ierusalem . mr. hobbes . to my opinion concerning the heavenly ierusalem on earth , seemeth d to agree that of the psalmist ( psal. 133.3 ) vpon zion god commanded the blessing , even life for evermore : for zion , is in ierusalem , upon earth . stud. this blessing is meant of temporal long life which god promised , so especially , to the obedient , in the land of canaan : neither cannot it ( with reason ) be interpreted of a life eternal ; for david saith , in the last place , that god did there command a blessing . besides , though zion was at ierusalem ; yet hermon , which is first named , was on the other side of iordan , on the utmost part of the holy land ea●tward . mr. hobbes . my opinion seemeth , again , to be confirmed a by st. iohn , ( rev. 21.2 . ) where he saith , i iohn saw the holy city , new ierusalem , coming down from god out of heaven , prepared as a bride adorned for her husband . and again , vers . 10. to the same effect ; as if he should say , the new ierusalem , the paradise of god , at the coming again of christ , should come down to gods people from heaven , and not they go up to it from earth . stud. heaven is the ierusalem above , which the patriarchs sought b in contra-distinction to canaan below : of this ierusalem above , st. paul saith c that it is free that is , typed by sarah the free-woman , and cannot but be free from enemies seeing god is the king of it ) and that it is the mother of us all ; that is , the gospel came thence immediately by christ , and not , as the law , by the mediation of an angel . our original , as christians , we owe to heaven , and thence are we nourished ; and preserved by the divine grace : and to the revelation of this ierusalem christians attain , by the preaching of the gospel , which is a dispensation of more clearness and comfort then the law d and the new ierusalem descending is a type of heaven in a glorious estate of the christian church on earth ; the commencement of which hath much puzled those who have spent their studies about the great millenium . but this new ierusalem descended is not to be esteemed the estate of just men made perfect , because it is said that the e nations of them which are saved shall walk in the light of it : and also that after the thousand years , wherein the martyrs are thought to raign with christ , in the new ierusalem below ; the devil f shall be loosed and go out to deceive the nations , and with them , as enemies in battel array , to encompass the holy city : which things are improperly ascribed to a state of entire joy , in the life eternal , of the saved in the ierusalem above . if then as mr. mede affirmeth g and attempteth to prove ) the new ierusalem syncronizeth with the seventh trumpet or interval from the destruction of the beast , and supposeth afterwards a loosing of satan , it cannot be understood of the highest heaven , or the consummate happiness of man. mr. hobbes . [ there are behind , divers places in the prophets , in order to the evading of whose force , you will much perplex your understanding : and when i have once produced them , i shall then have done drawing , at my end , of this saw of disputation . ] how good soever b the reason , before alleadged , may b● , i will not trust to it , without very evident places of scripture . the state of salvation is described at large , isaiah 33. ver . 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. look upon zion , the city of our solemnities ; thine eyes shall see ierusalem a quiet habitation , a tabernacle that shall not be taken down ; not one of the stakes thereof shall ever be removed , neither shall any of the cords thereof be broken . but there the glorious lord will be unto us a place of broad rivers , and streams , wherein shall goe no galley with oars ; neither shall gallant ship pass thereby . for the lord is our iudge , the lord is our law-giver , the lord is our king , he will save us . thy tacklings are loosed ; they could not well strengthen their ma●t ; they could not spread the sail : then is the prey of a great spoil divided , the lame take the prey , and the ●nhabitants shall not say i am sick ; the people that shall dwell therein shall be forgiven their iniquity . in which words we have the place from whence salvation is to proceed , ierusalem , a 〈…〉 ; the eternity of it , a tabernacle that 〈…〉 : be taken down , &c. the saviour of it , the lord , their judge , their law-giver , their king , he will save us ; the salvation , the lord shall be to them as a broad mote of swift waters , &c. the condition of their enemies , their tacklings are loose ; their masts weak , the lame shall take the spoyl of them . the condition of the saved , the inhabitant shall not say , i am sick : and lastly , all this comprehended in forgiveness of sin ; the people that dwell therein shall be forgiven their iniquity . by which it is evident that salvation ( as i said ) shall be on earth , then , when god shall reign ( at the coming again of christ ) in ierusalem ; and from ierusalem shall proceed the salvation of the gentiles that shall be received into gods kingdom : as is also more expresly declared by the same prophet , chap. 65.20 , 21. and they ( that is , the gentiles who had any jew in bondage ) shall bring all your brethren for an offering to the lord , out of all nations , upon horses , and in charrets , and in litters , and upon mules , and upon swift beasts , to my holy mountaine , ierusalem , saith the lord , as the children of israel bring an offering in a clean vessel into the house of the lord : & i will also take of them for priests , and for levites , saith the lord. whereby it is manifest , that the chief seat of gods kingdom ( which is the place from whence the salvation of us that were gentiles , shall proceed ) shall be ierusalem : and the same is also confirmed by our saviour , in his discourse with the woman of samaria , concerning the place of gods worship ; to whom he saith , ioh. 4.22 . that the samaritans worshipped they knew not what , but the jews worship what they knew , for salvation is of the jews , ( ex iudaeis , that is , begins at the jews : ) as if he ●hould say , you worship god , but know not by whom he will save you , as we do , that know it shall be by one of the tribe of iudah , a iew , not a samaritan : and therefore also the woman not impertinently answered him again , we know the messias shall come . so that which our saviour faith , salvation is from the iews , is the same that s. paul sayes ▪ ( rom. 1.16 , 17. ) the ●●spel is the power of god to salvation to every one that believeth ; to the iew first ●nd also to the greek : for therein is the righte●●sness of god revealed from faith to f●ith ; from the faith of the j●w , to the faith of the gentile . in the like sense the prophet ioel describing the day of judgement ( chap. 2.30 , 31. ) that god would shew wonders in heaven and in earth , blood and fire , and pillars of s●●ak ; the sun shall be turned into darkness , and the moon into blood , before the great and terrible day of the lord come ; he add●th , ver . 32. and it shall come to pass , that whosoever shall call upon the name of the lord , shall be saved : for i● mount zion , and in ierusalem shall be salvation . and obadiah ver . 17. saith the same , vpon mount zion shall be deliverance , and there shall be holyness , and th● h●use of jacob shall possess their possessions , that is , the poss●ssions o● the heathen ; which possessions he expresseth most particularly in the following verses , by the mount of esau , the land of the philistin●s , the fields of ephraim , of samaria gilead , and the cities of the south ; and concludes with these words , the kingdome shall be the lords . all these places are for salvation , and the kingdome of god ( after the day of judgement ) upon earth . stud. it is manifest that isaiah , in those places , meaneth the salvation from senacherib & the assyrians wrought by god himself , in the daies of hezekiah ; whilst the jews relyed upon sethon , who deceiv'd them , hoping that the as●yrians and they weakning each other , his strength might be the better promoted against both . the prophecy of ioel concerneth , literally , those times , when th● caldeans , by sword and fire , destroyed ierusalem , at which season , ( according to the height of the prophetick style ) the very face of the heavens ( by reason of the flames , and smoke , and streams of blood ) were alter'd , to the amazement of common spectators . it seemeth also a type of the destruction of ierusalem by titus . the saved , v. 32. were the captives reserved alive , a remnant design'd by god for the continuance of his church . obadiah is to be understood a of the destruction of the edomites , and of the aforesaid salvation from the assyrians . the places in s. iohn , and s. paul , relate to the beginning of the gospel , & not to the beginning of the kingdome of glory b the messiah according to the flesh , arising from that nation ; and the gospel being first offered to th●m . you should have done well to have added those other words in st. iohn ( v. 21. ) the hour cometh & now is when ye shall neither in this mountain , nor yet at jerusalem worship the father . you have , for the serving your hypothesis erred most grosly in these your last interpretations of holy writ : & i cannot but pity you , whilst i perceive you , in gloriously , stumbling , when you are just stopping out of this disputation . let no man , hereafter , honour you with the name of philosopher , who findeth you no happier at the interpretation of nature , then of the holy bible ; into the inward sense of which you enter not , by any expedite unlocking of its mysteries ; being resolved to force a way , through it , to your own novel conceits . but at this , i am not to be astonished : for there is so much learning , and so much attention required to the true understanding of divers sections of holy writ ; that if a man hath not made it much his business , to study , and meditate , about that true and concerning part of antiquity , to compare text with text , and reading with reading , and sacred history with profane , his thoughts will scarce be worth the writing down upon the most neglected piece of paper . good sir be wise to sobriety ; handle the scripture with more reverence and care ; be not rashly busie in relation to the things of the altar , for there is a burning coal , ready , always , to stick to a profane finger , which will endanger somthing of greater price then your reputation . mr. hobbes . you your self have not examined a the scriptures to the bottom : therefore you perhaps may be , but are not yet , a good divine . i would you had but so much ethicks , as to be civil : but you are a notable expositor , so fare you well , and consider what honor you doe to the university of which you have bin a member ; and what honor you do to corpus christi colledge , by your divinity ; & what honor you do to your degree , with the manner of your language : & take this counsel along with you ; think me no more worthy of your pains ; you see how i have fouled your fingers . stud. nay , if the scene be so changed , that we must rail and quarrel instead of debating matters with sober reason , it is time to have done ; the world having long since , had enough of passion and impertinent noise . errata . in ●pist . ded. lin . 6. for owe , read ow. pag. 6. lin . 11. for extemporanious read extemporary . ●n the table . mr. hobbes very often printed for mr. hobbes's . p. 7. l 2. f. doctor r. doctrine . l. 21. after trifleth , add a period . l. 25. f. temperance r. nature . p. 9. l. 22. after table , add a period . p. 12. l. 22. after on earth , a comma . in the book . p. 4. l. 17. for solicited r. selected . l. 30. for fire r. five . p. 5. l. 19. for rostius r. roscius . p. 6. l 14 : for the confident r. your friend . p. 10. l. 22. after god , a period . p. 14. l. 2. for wine r. wind . p. 14. in marg. after part 2. p. add 190. & l 14. & 21. p. 22. l. 1. & l. 22. & p. 27. l. 25. & p. 33. l. 33. & p. 37. l. 6. & p. 43. l. 22. & l. 29. & p. 46. l. 16. & p. 47. l. 9. f. phylosoph &c. r. philosoph . &c. p. 16. in marg . for . upp . r. hyp . p. 17. in marg . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 33. f. lay r. layeth . p. 18. marg . f. ed fir. r. ed ficin . f. necochim r. nevochim . p. 19. in marg . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 20. in marg . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 23. l. 7. for signifyfie r. signifie . p. 24. l. 10. after affirmation , a period . p. 25. l. 7. f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 26. l. 3. f. hastily r. harshly . p. 28. the colon to be set after [ what he is : ] p. 29. l. 2. after he is , a period . l. 5. after nature . a period . l. 29. after wisdom , a period . p. 33. l. 29. after imagination , a comma . p. 35 l. 33. f. iniquity r. inanitie . p. 36. l 12. after celebrate , a comma , p. 39. l. 7. after , but one , two points : p. 40. l. 24. f. he r. be . p. 44. l. 26. f. pranted r. granted . p. 45. l. 26. f. assent r. ascent . p. 46. l. 1. after rest , a comma . p. 48. l. 9. after ●ramed , a comma . p. 50 l. 13. f. things r. kings . p. 51. l. 9. after air , a period . p. 59. l. 8. f. all r. the. p. 62. l. 10. f. be able r. being able . p. 72. l. 13. a●ter ghost , a comma . l. 27. f. ninos sibi r. ni nos tibi . p. 73. l. 9. f. humour r. humours . p. 76. l. 11 , 12. most effectually to an ecclesiastic , in a parenthesis . p 78. l 22. blot out do . p. 79. l. 32. for to underst . r. to be underst . p. 83. l. 7. after counter-pressure , add a comma . p. 90. l. 10. after motions , a comma . p. 93. l. 5. in the marg . f. ipsu r. i●sum . p. 94. l. 5. blot out in . p. 96. ●ult . f. should r. i should . p. 103. l. 18. l. teaching r. touching . p. 108. l. 20. f. men in r. main . p. 118. l. 5. f. you r. them . p. 127. l. 18 , 19. of the right , printed twice . p. 131. l. 21. f. invaded r. minded . p. 133. l. 28. ● . epitom r. epitome . p. 134. l. 19. f. arabes r. arabs . l. 21. f. wildness r. wiliness . p. 136. l. 13. f. arabes r. arabs . p. 140. l. 9. f. pollen . r. pellenaearian . p. 144. l. 8. blot out their . p. 161. l. 21. f. the r. your . p. 162. l. 8. f. and self r. on self . p. 163. l. 8. f. calls r. le ts . p. 201. l. 22. f. reapted r. repeated . p. 203. l. 21. f. effect r. effusion . p. 227. l. 8. f. cast r. cut . p. 228. l. 14. f. posterity r. prosperity . l. 18. f. conted r. contend ▪ notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a64353-e7290 (a) m●rab . pecc● . p. 1● . haec r●●o● luta 〈◊〉 confirer a m●n 〈◊〉 tr●mentum , &c. cam●d . 〈◊〉 provinc . da●b . p. 361. f●ntes — 〈…〉 corpori ●a●u● es , &c. (a) vide●atur po●us sacros & ceremoni●m loci toto corpore poll ●isse , &c. b mira●● . pecc● ▪ p. 1● , 19. postqua● vexatis , per tota● , fluctib●● , horam lusimu● ; egressi siccis , &c. ve●● . tos stratis expecta● c●●●ula menfis . ●ivine 〈◊〉 . di. 〈◊〉 5 ▪ 6. 〈…〉 . c 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 f mr. h. c●usid . p. 59 , 60. g let de m● . d. 3. tom p. 159. a● m●rsen . rego●e p●ura ex te discat de meis principiis , quam jam novit ▪ h mr. h. six le●s . p. 38. i lib. & neces . p. 47. a six less . p. 57. i beli●ve my levia●han hath framed the minds of a 1000 gentlemen to a conscientious obedience i● p●esent g●vernm●nt , which otherwise would have wavered in that point . b hum. nat. p 132 & lev. c. 12 p. 53. & object . 5. p. 97. a tom. 3. p. 419 dat. 1641. b de corp. part. 2. p. 84. c de corp. c. 26. p. 307 'till at l●st we came to one or many eternal cause or causes . d ibid. e tit. lib. ● . c. v. de admirandis naturoe r●ginae deaeque mortalium . f d. windet de vitā funct . stat● . p. 13. g h. consid . p. 32. h leviath ; part . 4. ch . 46. p. 37 ▪ a lev. p. 4.11 , 19 , 39 , 371. lib. & ●●c . p. 5. six less . p. 56. b lev. part . 2. p. 190. & hum. nat. p. 134 c d. corp. part 2. p. 78 , 79. d iupiter est quodcunque , vides quoc●nque mov●●s . a lev. p. 3. &c. & . part . 4. p. 352. &c. b lev. part . 4. p. 359. to 366. c athenag . leg. pro christian. p. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d h. consid . p. 62.63 . a lev. p●rt . 2. p. b ibid. c f.b. ep. to humna● . d h. consid . p. 32 , 33. a s●xr . emp. pyr. upp . l. 3. c. 17. p. 13● . b de corp. pa●t . 2. c. 8. p. 79. c luke 24 39. d ign. ep. ed. vess . p. 3. e he pref●c●th to th●m by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he said unto them , not adding , to this purpose , a j●st . m●r● . op . p 219. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c plat. pol. ed. fir. p. 182. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . soc● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d more nerochim , part . 2. c. 6. p. 200. e arist de an. l. 2. c. 1. f ar. de coelo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g mr. h. cons. p. 37. a athen. leg. p. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. b ath. p. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c theoph. antioch . l 2 p 81. d obj. & resp. 3. p. 103. r●●p . ad obj. 12. m●ro●que m● nullam hacte●●s rectam ●llationem in ●is objectioui●us invenisse . e tat. assyr . p. 162. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f eus dem . evang. l. 3. p. 69. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. g ath. cont . sab. gr●g . tom . 1. p. 660. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. h ap. sandit interp . parad. in ● c. 4 . 2● . p. 197. i i●en . l. 3. c. 23. p. 290. a lib. & nec . p. 6. b mr. h. consid. p. 37 , 38. c te●tul . de an. c. 7. p. 268. d tert. advers herm. c. 35 p. 246. a hum. nat. p. 1●8 . b hum. nat. p. 135 c lev. c. 4. p 17. d obj●ct . 9 p. 100. subst●ntia est materia subjecta accid●nlibus , & mutationibus . e lev. c 5. p. 19. f lev. c. 12 p. 53. g lev. c. 34. p. 207. h lev. c. 34. p. 214. a hum. na● p. 2. ●● b s●et●n . de 〈◊〉 g●amm●● . p. 23. in m. ● m. t is eni● caesar 〈…〉 ve●bis seem●th t●● be●●er ●●●ding . m● . h. ●o●s p 33. d resp. tertiae p. 94. sub ratione substantiae vele●iam si lubet , sub ratione materiae nempe metaphysicae . a ar. ● . 8. m●t c. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b ●nver . or. 8 l. 3. p. 203. c vide a●min ex. thes. gom. p. 159. & goma● . tom. 3. disp. 9. d lev. part . 2. p. 190. e hum. nat. p. 132. f lev. c. 34 p. 208. s. lev. p. 53. & p. 371. & hum. nat. p. 134 & h. cons. p. 31. b verbi● quidem ponunt rei●sa tollunt deos . c hum. nat. p. 133. obj. ● . p. 97. lev. c. 11. p. 51. d more nev. c. 59. part . 1. p. 98 99. e lib. nece●● . p. 21. f isa. 5.3 , 4. g ezek. 18.25 , 29. h mr. h. cons. p. 31. i hobbii obj. 5. p. 97 k obj. 11. p. 10● . l lev. c. 3. p. 11. a see lev. c. 4. p. 15. b ep. to r. before phylos . e●say . c plat. po●●● . p. 1●1 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. d cl●m . al. adm. ad g●nt p. 34 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. a de corp. c. 7. p. ●7 . b de corp. p. 68. c de co●p . ib. sect 2. d ib c. 8 p. 77. e ib. p. 79. sect. 9. f p. 83. sect. 19. a ad ant. l. 2 p. 81. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b te●t . adv . prax. p. ●03 . a. &c. c arn. l. 1. p. 17. a lev. c. 5. p. 21. b lev. c. 42 p. 268 , 269 c lev. c. 16. p. 82. d it is pl●in from lev. p. 210 214 215. that he means not a person by the h. g. but zeal . the voice of god in a dream . gifts ; the power of god working by causes to us unknown . e lev. c. 33 ● . 204 , 205 f lev. p. 266. a lev. c. 42. p. 26● . b lev. ● . 41 p. 266. c ann● 1650. d lev. p. 238. & h. cons. p. ●● . e lev. p. ●61 . c. 45. o● s●viou● was a m●n , whom w● also believe to be g●d imm●r●al . f sandius in enuel . h●st ecc. l. 10. p. 229. g g. enj●d . cont . trin. p. 2. a lev. c. 1● p. 89. b hebr. 1●5 c m●tth . 3 15 d ●ust . matt. dial. cum tryph. p. 316. & p. 331. e lev c. 32 p. 195. e de corp. c. 26. p. 306 , 307. sect. 1. f de corp. c. 8. p. 84 sect. ●0 . g o●j . 10. p. ●01 . h de corp. p. 84. ib. i enis . ded. before six less . p. 3. k lev. c. 11. p. 51. l de corp. c 26. p. 307 m de corp. c. 26 p. 307 n hum. nat. p. 13. lev. c. 12. ●3 . o cum i● rerum naturâ duo sint quaerenda , unum , quae materia sit ex quâ quaeque res efficiatur ; alterum , quoe vis sit , quae quidque efficiat ; de materi● disseruerunt epicurei ; vim & causa● efficiendi reliquerunt p de corp. p. 307. q ●p hotting bib●i-o●ient . p. 10● , 109. r h. consid . p. 36. s h. cons. p. 34. t h. cons. p. 36. u p. 2 9. sect. 35. senatus of ●icium est , consilio civitatem juvare , magistratus officium est , operâ & diligentiâ consequi voluntatem senatus . x de linguâ lat. l. 4. p. 15. sect. 14. y cic. l. 3. de leg. p. 1●04 . z cic ▪ a de verb fig. p. 308. b tert. adv . hermog . p. 240. sect. 19. c ephes. 2.2 . see rev. 1.5 . d lev. p. 89 man ▪ or assembly of m●n , having the sovereignty . e hugo grot. de imp. sum pot. circae sacra . p. 2. c. 1. f v. de obj. 5. p. 97 in conclus . g obj. 10. p 101. de corp. c. 26. p. 307. whether we suppose the world to be finite , or infinite , no absurdity w●ll follow . h mirab. pecci . p. 8. laudamusque tu●s , aeterne g●ometer , a●tes . i gass. in l 10 diog. laert. p. 696. k d. lower de motu cordis . p. 2 , 3. l gass. ubi sup●à . i nunc , & dic ●asu id sactum , quod non potuit sapientius sieri . a de ho● . c. 1 p 4. b answ. to pref. to gondibert p. 87. c lev. c. 34 p. 214. d lev c. 34 p. 207. e lev. c. 12 p. 53. f hum. na● . c. 11. p. 13●●39 . g hum. nat . p. 138. sect. 5. h lev. c 34 p. 211 , 212 a hum. nat . p. 136. b lev. c. 6. p. 26. a card. d● vitâ prop. c. 47 p. 262. b thuan ▪ ad ann. 1576. p. 136. a lev. p. 54. b l●v. c. 12. p. 56. c ibid more at la●ge . d see thucyd . p. 68 , 77 , 82 , 113 , &c. e h●rod . clio. p. 39. f lev. c. 12. p. 59. g jul. ap●st . op . p. 181. epist. 38. a cent. 2. p. 20 quart. 51. le sang du juste á londres fera faute , bruslez par foudres de vingt trois les ●tx , &c. b lev. c. 2 ▪ p. 7. c dram. poes . p. 4. d 1 ja. c 12. e lev. c. 19 p. 101. a see episcop . iust. th●ol . l 4. c. 2. p. 347. b see dan. 7 10. ps. 34 7. ps. 68.17 . ps. 91.11 , 12. comp . with mat. 4.6 . & luk 4.10 . c lev. c. 34 p. 212. d gen. 19. e lev c. 36 p. 227. f lev. c. 45. p. 354. g heb 2.18 . h in delic . evang. i see deut. 22 ▪ 8. k lev. ib. — . no mo●ntain high enough to shew him one whole hemisphere a mr. mede book 1. s. 37 , 38 , 39. fol. b s. mat. 8 28 , to 32. c mat. 1● ▪ 26 ; d episcop . inst. theol. p. 347. e luk. 24 ▪ 33 , 34. a act. 12.9 and he went out and followed him , and wist not that it was true which was done by the angel ; but thought he saw a visiou . b l●v. c. 34 p. 214. ●ev . p. 211 d col. 1.15 16. e ephes. 1 ▪ 20 , 21. comp . with hebr. 1.3 , 4 , &c. to the end . f col. 1.20 a crell . com . in ep. ad col. p. 528. b gr●t . in 1. ephes. 10. certe ut pleraque epistolae ad coloss. cum bâc epist. congruant , ita & l●cur iste ( col. 1 . 1● . ) bu●c incem adferre & vicissim ab eo lucem mutuari videtur . c iren. l. 1. c. 1. p. 16. d object . 5. p. ●7 . e credens . elegantly . f imponimus , elegantly . a mr. cowl●y , p. 36 , 37. b lev. c. 34 p. 210. c versteg . ant. & prop. of the anc. english tongue , p. 220. d mr. h. s●gmai . p. 14. a concl●s . of mr. h. of lib. & necess . p. 80 notes for div a64353-e20660 b leviat : cap. 46. p. 373. soul or life . c lev. p. 29 d lev. p. 1. a obj. 4. p. 96. b leviat . c. 44. pag. 339 , 340. a see maimon . more , nev. pa. 1. c. 41. pag. 59. b psalm 105.22 . & psal. 27 1● . see ier. 8.15 . iudg. 1.10.16 , &c. c lev. c. 44 p. 340. d mat. 10.28 . a lev. p. 3● b ar. de an. l. 3. c. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c a leyde , 1637. la diopt. p. 5 , &c. les meteor . disc. prem . p. 161 162. d hum. nat . p. 11 , &c. a meteor ▪ c. 8. p. 28● . to 285. b de a● . l. 3. c. 8. a de corp . c. 25. pag. 292. c de corp . p. ●93 . a lev. p. 3. b se● de corp. p. 15 ▪ lev. p. 4. c de corp. c. 8. art. 10. & also p. 150. de corp. a hum. nat p. ●4 . the interior coat of the eye is nothing else , but a piece of the optick-nerve ; & therefore the motion is still thereby continued into the brain ; & by resistance or re-action o● the brain , is also a rebound into the optick ▪ nerve again , which we not conceiving it as such , call light. b hum. ●at . p. 13. a de corp . c. 25. p. 290. a de corp . c. 25. p. 291. s. 1. a lev. p. 10 a raim . mart. pug ▪ ●idei . par . 1 c. 4. p. 165 ipsu ●sse illum quoque nunc , qui fuit tunc , est ●ir●nissima mentis ejus conceptio : bujusmodi ergo essentia ejus non est complexio , quae ab ill● tempore forsitan est plus quam millesies permutata . b de corp. c. 25 s. 10 p. 301. b ibid ad init . c hum. nat . c. 7. p. 69. d lev. p. 25 ● . 6. a medit. 6. p. 36. a hum. nat . p. 48 , 49. a ep. ded . before 6. less . p. 4. d. w's . treatises de aug. cont & arith infin i have in two or three leaves wholly and clearly con●uted . b mr. h. consid. p. 60. c o●j . 4. p. 96. a hum. nat . p. 49. b lev. c. 5. p. 18. c resp. 3. p. 96. d lev. c. 4. p. 16. g hum. nat . p. 46. a lev. p. 12 in the end , & p. 14. b ep. ded . bef . ● less . a libert . & nece . p. 61 b phil. nat : p. 478. c i. lyps . phys. stoi . l. 1. p. 28. a libert . & necess . p. 17 , 18. b liber . & nec . p. 61 , & 62. a bishop taylor 's fun. ser. on bishop bramhall , p. 55 , 56. b liber . & necess . p. 5. a lib. & nec . p. 64. b see hu. nat. p. 124 a lib. & ne● . p. 16. b lib. & nec . p. 15. c eev . c. 21 p. 108. a liber . & nec . p. 24. b hi cons. p. 46 , 47. nor can the clamor of my adversaries make me think my self , a worse christian than the best of them . a quis non clame● stultum esse praecep●ta dare ei , c●i librum non est quod pracipitur facere . et iniquum esse ●um damnare , cui n●n fuit potestas jussa complere ? b lev. cap. 21. p. 108. a lev. ib. b see heinsii . exer. sac. p. 227 c 6 less . p. 64. a l. & n. p. 22.23 . b see lev. p. 108. a suidas in nicon . b lib. nec . p. 66. c lib. nec . p. 41 , 42. d lib. & nec . p. 27 , 28. e see lib. & necess . p. 42. f see l. & nec . p. 17. a lib. & n. p. 71 , 72. b lib. & nec . p. 29. c l. & n. p. 30. * mosaic . & roman . leg. collat. tit. 12. p. 37. a l. i. ff . s● quadrup . s. 1. b lib. & nec . p. 30. * see descartes in 2. vol. epist. lat . p. 6 , 7. &c. c lib. & nec . p. 10 , 11 , 12. a lib. & nec . p. 48. b l. & n. p. 34. c lev. c. 21. p. ●08 . a lib. & nec . p. 79 , 80. a lib. & nec . p. 16. a lib. & ne , 72 , 73. a l. & n. p. 16. b leviath . p. 108. a lib. & nec . p. 73. b l. & n. p. 76 , 77. a leviath . c. 6. p. 2● . a leviath . c. 14. p. 64. b de cive . c. 1. p. 11. iuris naturalis fundamentum primum est , ut quisque vitum & membra sua , quantum potest tueatur . * leviat : p. 64. they that speak of this subject use to con●ound ius and lex . c lauren. vall. elegant . l. 4. c. 48. p. a lev c. 15 p. 80. lin . 8 &c. b ibid. line 17 , &c. c de cive . p. 11. fertur unusquisque &c. d leviath . c. 13 p. 62. a lev. c. 13 p. 60 , to 63. more at large . a dr. rs. pref. to sir f. b. nat . hist. a leviath . c. 22. p. 121 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c cicero de offic. l. 1. s. 17. op p. 1217. principium urbis & quasi seminarium reipublicae . d ●ucret . crescebant uteri terrae radicibus apti , &c. a gassend . phil. epi● . synt. c. 26. de orig. juris , p 238 , 239. b leviath . c. 13. p. 63. c iust. hist. l. 2 : p. 18 , 19. a see martyr . legat. babylon . l. 3. p. 81. b de cive . c. 1. p. 14. c ibid. potestas , not potentia . a leviath . p. 63. b see lev : p. 110. c vide grotij prolegom . d si qua foret tellus quae fulvum mitt●●●t aurum bos●is erat . e lev. c. 20 p. 105. a de cive . c. 14. pag. 250. a ap. sim. plic . com. in epictet . ench. pag. 200. ed. cant. b de cive . c. 1. p● 13. in annot. c de cive . p. 14. d 25 hen. 8. c. 6.5 . eliz. c. 17. a cibisogna essere spet●atori dell ' altrui morte , o spettacolo delta nostra . a ael●l . 6. var. hist. ap . grot. de iur. bel . & pa. p. 464. a leviath . p. 18 , 19. b see l●v. p. 79 , 80. a aristo● . de mor. l. 5 c. 10. p. 84 b liber . & nec . p. 24. c ib. p. 22. d ib. p. 42. e curcell . de iure dei in creat . innocent . p. 5. &c. f ap. grot. de iu. bel . in prolog . a see hum. nat. p. 89. b wisd. 2 . 2-3 10.11 c ●ee de civ● . c. 2-3 . p. 18 , 36. and lev. c. 14 , 15. p. 64 , &c. d lev. p 78 e lev. p. 79 a lev. p. 61. a lord bacon in h. 7. p. 13. b lev. p. 73 a 1652. p. 31. cited by the learned a. of the f. d. in append. p. 123 ▪ those christians who lived under the heathenish emperours , but wanted strength to defend themselves , were by that precept ( rom. 13.1 . ) obliged to sit still and to endeavour nothing against those that had the sword in their hands , &c. a mr. cowley in his disc. of o. c. p. 59. b ● . consid . p. 12. c th. white of obed. and govern. 17. ground p. 144. &c. to 156. second edit . published london 1655. a o. b. life of bishop fisher , published the same year with mr. whites book london , p. 260 , &c. b h. cons. p. 18.19 . c h. consid. p. 11.12 . d bp. t. fun. ser. p. 49-50 . a h. con. p. 43-44 . b lev. c. 21. p. 114. c lev. p. 385. d members secluded , feb. 1. 1648. lords voted down , feb. 6. 1648. lev ▪ pub . lo● . 1651. a lev. p. 9. b h. cons. p. 19. a lev. p. 390. b de civ . l. 1. c. 1 p. 12. sect. 9. c lev. p. 48. a memoires of q. e. p. 53. b lev. p. 89 see p. 87. c lev. p. 85 a h. co● . p. 7. b ep ▪ ded . be● . d● corpore . c six less . p. 56. d thucyd. l 6. p. 467. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e lev p. 392. review● f six less . p. 62. g ep. ded . bes . lev. a lev. p ▪ 105. b lev. p. 108.109 . c ibid. & lev. p. 90. ●82 . d lev. p. 128. see p. 169. e lev. p. 95. f lev. p. 137.169 . g lev. p. 143. c. 26. h lev. p. 24. i lib. & nec . p. 29. k l●v. p. 91 l leviath . p. 119 c 33 a lev. p. 102. b lev. p. 241. c lev. p 90 de cive , c. d lev. p. 159. e lev. p. 111 , 112-113 see p. 69 o● lev. and l. s. natur●s dowry in append. to f.d. p. 54 a dr. hey●ins hist. of the reform . in q. m. p. 30 b lev. p. 200.201 . at large . a lev. p. 202. b lev. ● 203. see lev. 284. c 4 e●d . c. 14.21 , &c. d dan. ● . 11 , 1● , 1● . e de sc●●p . eccles. p. 22. f lev. p. ●99 . g see ●●otting . thes. philolog . p. 2●1 , &c. h see dr. light-foot's horae hebr . in s. marc. p. 49 , 50. a see vo●sin in proem . pug. fid . p. 103. b lev. p. 199. c. 33. c lev. p. ●03 , 204. a bin ▪ conc. tom . 3. p. 663. b dr. h●m . conc. ign●t . ep. p. 4. c tert. adv . marc. l 4. p. 415. d ter● . ●b . p. 14. b. a vide bisciol . epit. annal . bar. p. 137. tradit . ingens numerus ; sed propè insi●irus ill●rum , qui mortem potius , &c. b jul. apost . epist. p. 195. c lev. p. ●04 . c lev. c. 42 p. 284 285 d lev. p. 285. a g●l . 5. ● , ● . b deut. 18.15.18 . comp . with . acts 3.22 , &c. c nemo separatim deos habesci● . d 1 cor. 6.9 ephes. 5.5 1 cor. 10.7 e acts 17.30 , 31. a leviath . p 285. b heb 5.9 . c s luke 16.18 . d see lev. p. 286. e ibid. a lev. p. 285. b see in the end of that page , and p. 286. c lev. p. 171. d lev. p. 267. a 2 chron. 26.18 , 19 , &c. b lev. p. 125. c lev. p. 297. d stigm●●● p. 18. a see just weights & meas . p. 25. a lev. ● . 285. john 3.36 john 3.18 b s. marc. 16.15.16 . c heb. 4.11 . &c. a lev. c. 42. p. 286. b john 1● ▪ 45.48 . ●0 ▪ c mat. 28.18 . d 1 pet. 3● 〈…〉 e lev. p. 27● . a lev c. 27. p. 152. b l viath . p. 114. a heb. 11.23 . b v. 35. c s. mat. 2 ● &c. d ta●ian . p 144. e o●ig . 〈◊〉 cels. l 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f lev. c. 45. p. 362. a lev. p. 192. b lev. c. 42. p 271. c ibid. d ibid. e ib●d . 2 kings 5.17 . f john 12●42 , 43. g rom. 10.9 , 10. * episcop . resp. ad 64. quaest. p 59 , 60. h lev. p. ●71 . i ibid. a s. mat. 10.23 , 24 , 25. b vers. 20. c vers. 27. d vers. 28. e verse● 29 , 30 , 31. f verses 32 , 33. g lev. p. 271 , 272. g lev. p. 272. a lev. p. 54. b see mr. mede's works , p. 944. c see scal. de em. temp. proleg . p. 18. d lev. p. 272. a acts ● . 19. b lev. p. 321 , c. 43. c lev. p. 322. d ibid. sect. 3. e lev. p. 324. f lev. p. ●30 . g lev. p. 331. b lev. p. 238. a lev. p. 272. c. 42. ● & p. 273. b lev. p. 238. c. 38. a lev. p. 345. b leviath . p. 242 , 243 c lev. p. 345. sect. 1 d st. mat. 25 last . e lev. p. 345. sect. last . f lev. p. 245. c. 3● . g s. mark 9.44 . h s. matt. 5 25 , 26. i rev. 20.10 . k lev. p. 345. a lev. p. 187. b de cive c. 4 p. 69. sect. 9. c lev. p. 242. d lev. p. 345 , 346. a lev. p. 244. b see dr. b's pseud. epid. p. 374. & ● c of ninus against the bactrians consisting of 700000 foot , 200000 ho●se , 10600 cha●i●●● of semira●is agai●st the indians , of 1300000 foot , 500000 horse , 100●00 chariots : of staurobates against her , consisting of a greater number . c lev. ● . 244. d leviath . p. 244. ●ect . 1. see lev. p. 213. a lev. p. 244. see p. 243. b lev. p. 332. c grotius in apoc. 14.13 . d psal. 49.11 ▪ e lev. p. 241. f lev p. 344. a pococ● in no● . in doct. moy● . p. 149. b rev. 14 ▪ 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . jam nunc . grot. i● loc . c lev. p. 343 , 344. a raimund pug. fid. p. 155. a lxx ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. b lev. p ▪ 344. c lev. p. 344. d lev. p. ●38 . a psal. 88.5 . b lev. p. 241. c truth springing out of the earth , p. 209 see job 7. ●,10 . d lev. p. 339. a lev. c. 35. p. 216. b lev. p. 240. see more to this purpose , in this page . c matt. 4. ●7 . see matt. 12. ●8 . d st. john 3 5. e joh. 12.13 . f luk. 17.20 , 21. g ' ev 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 luk. 1.28 . inter mulier . h lev. p. 341 , 342. a lev. p. 342. * st. hieron . in esai . c. 24. p. 102. caro & sanguis reg . dei non possidebunt . non quod , secundum haeriticos , dispereat natura corporum , sed quod corruptivum hoc induat incorruptionem , &c. b athenag . p. 35. a matt. 5.12 . b matt. 6.19 , 20 , 21. and luke 12.33 . c joh. 14.1 , 2 , 3. d 2 cor. 5.1 . e col. 1.5 . f 1 thess. 41.6 , 17. g heb. 10.34 . h joh. 3.13 . lev. p. 240 , 241. i psal. 16.10 . k luk. ●0 . ●3 , 38. a vorst . in rom. 9 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hoc es● . feci ut restares , vel superesles . sec. hebr. itaque sensus est , nolui ●● exscindere , sed potius reservare . b lev. p. 239. c lev. p. 345. b lev. p. 246. a 1 cor. 15.55 , 56. b mr. carver of the scituation of the terrestrial pa●adise . c lev. p. 239. d l●v. it. a lev. p. 239. b heb. 11 10 , to 16. c gal. 4.25 , 26. d see heb. 1.12 , to 258. e rev. 21.24 . f rev. 20.7 , 8 , 9. g m. medes in clav. apoc. par . 2. p. 534.5 . b lev. p. 246 ▪ 247 , c. 38. a see 2. chron. 28.9.16 , 17. &c. b luk. 24.47 . rep. & rem . to be preached to all — beginning at jerusalem acts 13.46 . — the word first spoken to you — a an imitation of his conclus of stigmal , p. 31. the history of the chaldaick philosophy by thomas stanley. stanley, thomas, 1625-1678. 1662 approx. 494 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 101 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61291 wing s5240 estc r12160 11825035 ocm 11825035 49660 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61291) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49660) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 195:1b or 826:2) the history of the chaldaick philosophy by thomas stanley. stanley, thomas, 1625-1678. stanley, thomas, 1625-1678. chaldaick oracles of zoroaster. [6], 91, 68, [35] p. printed for thomas dring ..., london : 1662. includes: the chaldaick oracles of zoroaster and his followers, with the expositions of pletho and psellus. london : printed for thomas dring, 1661 (poems in greek, with latin and english translations collected and translated by f. patrizi). table of contents: p. [1]-[8] indices: p. [9]-[35] item at reel 195:1b bound with the history of philosophy / by thomas stanley. reproductions of originals in the folger shakespeare library and henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy, ancient -early works to 1800. zoroastrianism -early works to 1800. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-08 aptara rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion thomas stanley arm : the history of the chaldaick philosophy by thomas stanley . london , printed for thomas dring , and are to be sold at his shop at the george in fleet-street neer cliffords-inn . anno 1662. to sir john marsham , k t. sir , i send this book to you , because you first directed me to this design . the learned gassendus was my precedent ; whom neverthelesse i have not followed in his partiality : for he , though limited to a single person , yet giveth himself liberty of enlargement , and taketh occasion from his subject to make the world acquainted with many excellent disquisitions of his own . our scope being of a greater latitude , affords lesse opportunity to favour any particular ; whilst there is due to every one the commendation of their own deserts . this benefit i hope to have received from the variety of the subject ; but far more are those i ow to your encouragement , which if i could wish lesse , i should upon this occasion , that there might seem to have been expressed something of choice and inclination in this action , which is now but an inconsiderable effect of the gratitude of , dear uncle , your most affectionate nephew , and humble servant , thomas stanley . preface . we are entring upon a subject which i confesse , is in it self harsh , and exotick , very unproper for our tongue ; yet i doubt not but they will pardon this , who shall consider , that other philosophies and sciences have been lately well received by several nations translated into their own languages ; and that this , as being the first , contributes not a little to the understanding of the rest . another disadvantage this subject incurres far more considerable : there is not any thing more difficult to be retriv'd out of the ruins of antiquity than the learning of the eastern nations , and particularly that of the chaldaeans . what remains of it is chiefly transmitted to us by the greeks , of whom , some converted it to their own use , intermixing it with their philosophy , as pythagoras and plato ; others treated expressely of it , but their writings are lost . of its first authors nothing remains ; what others took from it , is not distinguishable from their proper philosophy . the greeks were first made acquainted with it by osthanes , and , long after , by berosus , the former living in the time of xerxes , the other , under ptolomaeus philadelphus . whence it may be inferr'd , that the discourse , which democritus writ of chaldaea , and his commentary , of the sacred letters at babylon , either came short of these sciences , or were so obscure , that they conduced little to their discovery . neither seems the treatise , entituled magicum , ascribed , by some , to aristotle , by others , to rhodon , but indeed written by antisthenes , to have considered the learning and sciences , so much as the history of the professors . of which kind were also the writers concerning the magi , cited , under that general title , by diogenes laertius . but there wanted not those , who further explain'd to the greeks what osthanes and berosus had first communicated . hermippus ( to use pliny's words ) wrote most diligently of magick , and commented upon the verses of zoroaster . about the time of antonius pius flourished the two julians , father & son , chaldaick philosophers : the first wrote concerning the chaldaick rites , the later , theurgick oracles in verse , and other secrets of that science . afterwards , wrote symbulus and pallas , concerning the magi ; and the later platonick philosophers more frequently : amelius , 40 books , of confutation ; porphyrius , 4. on the history of julian the chaldaean ; jamblichus , 28. intituled , of the most perfect chaldaick theology ; and syrianus , 10. upon the oracles . of all these , there is nothing extant , unlesse ( which we shall have occasion hereafter to prove ) the few oracles , dispers'd among the platonick writers , be part of those , which were , by the greeks , ( hermippus , julian the son , and others ) translated out of the chaldaick , some of these pletho and psellus have explain'd with a comment , adding two brief obscure summaries of the chaldaick doctrine , which we have endeavoured to supply and clear , by adding and digesting the few remains of those sciences which ly dispers'd amongst other authors ; taking care to reject such as are supposititious , or of no credit , as , in the historical part , annius viterbiensis , clemens romanus , and the like : in the philosophical , the rabbinical inventions , which ( though incuriously admitted by kircher , gaulmin , and others ) manifestly appear to have been of later invention . the history of the chaldaick philosophy . the first book . of the chaldaeans . philosophy is generally acknowledg'd even by the most learned of the grecians themselves , to have had its original in the ea●t . none of the eastern nations , for antiquity of learning , stood in competition with the chaldaeans and aegyptians . the aegyptians pretended that the chaldaeans were a colony of them , and had all their learning and institutions from them : but they who are less interessed , and unprejudiced judges of this controversy , assert that a the magi ( who derived their knowledge from the chaldaeans ) were more ancient than the aegyptians , that b astrological learning passed from the chaldaeans to the aegyptians , and from them to the grecians ; and , in a word , that the chaldaeans were c antiquissimum doctorum genus , the most antient of teachers . chaldaea is a part of babylonia in asia , the inhabitants termed chasdim , ( as if chusdim ) from chus the son of cham. but the philosophy of the chaldaeans exceeded the bounds of their country , and diffused it self into persia and arabia that border upon it ; for which reason the learning of the chaldaeans , persians and arabians is comprehended under the general title of chaldaick . of these therefore we shall begin with that , from which the other two were derived , and is more properly termed chaldaean in respect of the country . in treating of which ( as likewise of the other two ) the first part of our discourse shall consider the authors or professors and their sects ; the second , their doctrine . the first part . the chaldaean philosophers , institution , and sects . sect . i. of the chaldaean philosophers . chap. i. the antiquity of the chaldaick learning . the antiquity of the chaldaick learning , though such as other nations cannot equal , comes far short of that to which they d●d pretend . when alexander , by his victories against darius , was possess'd of babylon , ( in the 4383d. year of the iulian period ) aristotle , a curious promotor of arts , requested his nephew calisthenes , who accompani'd alexander in the expedition , to inform him of what antiquity the learning of the chaldaeans might with reason be esteemed . the chaldaeans themselves pretended , that , from the time they had first begun to observe the stars until this expedition of alexander into asia , were 4●0000 years . but far beneath this number were the observations which ( as porphyrius cited by a simplicius relates ) calisthenes sent to aristotle , being but of 1903 years , preserved to that time , which from the 4●83d. year of the iulian period upward , falls upon the 2480th . and even this may with good reason be questioned , for there is not any thing extant in the chaldaick astrology more antient than the aera of nabo●assar , which began but on the 3967th of the iulian period . by this aera they compute their astronomical observations , of which if there had been any more ancient , ptolemy would not have omitted them . b the first of these is in the first year of merodach ( c that king of babylon who sent the message to ahaz concerning the miracle of the dial , ) which was about the 27th of nabonassar . the next was in the 28th of nabonassar . d the third observation is in the 127th of nabonassar , which is the 5th year of nabopolassur . this indeed is beyond all exception ; for we have them confirm'd by the authority of ptolemy , who shewes the reasons and rules for the observations . what is more then this , seems to have been onely hypothetical . and if we shall imagine a canicular cycle which consists of 1461 years ( and are 1460 natural years ) to have been supposed by porp●yrius to make up his hypothesis , then there will want but 18 years of this number . chap. ii. that there were several zoroasters . the invention of arts among the chaldaeans is generally ascribed to zoroaster . the name zoroaster ( to omit those who give it a greek etymology from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) dinon cited by a laertius interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rendred by his translators , a worshipper of the stars . b kircher finds fault with this etymology , as being compounded out of two several languages from the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the chaldee zor , and therefore endeavours to duduce it from c tsura , a figure , or d ●sajar , to fashion , and e as and f ster , hidden fire , as if it were g zairaster , fashioning images of hidden fire , or h ●suraster , the image of secret things ; with which the persian zarast agreeth . but it hath been observed , that ester in the persian language signifieth a star. the former particle zor k bochartus derives from the hebrew schur , to contemplate , and thereupon , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( in laertius ) reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a contemplator of the stars . but we find zor used amongst other words ( by composition ) in the name zorobabel , which we interpret , born at babylon : zoroaster therefore properly signifies the son of the stars . the same name it is which some call zabratas , others nazaratas , others zares , others zaran , others zaratus , others zaradas ; all which are but several corruptions from the chaldee or persian word which the greeks most generally render zoroaster . that there were several zoroasters ( except goropius , who paradoxically maintains there was not any one ) none deny : but in reckoning them up , there is no small disagreement amongst writers , grounded chiefly upon l arnobius , whom they differently interpret ; his words these , age nunc veniat quis super igneam zonam magus interiore ab orbe zoroastres , hermippo ut assentiamur authori : bactrianus et ille conveniat , cujus ●tesias res gestas historiarum exponit in primo ; armenius , hostanis nepos , & familiaris pamphilius cyr● . m patricius , n naudaeus , o kirch●r , and others , conceive that arnobius here mentions four zoroasters ; the first a chaldean , the second a bactrian , the third a pamphylian ( named also erus , ) the fourth an armenian , son ( as kircher would have it ) of hostanes . p salmasius alters the text thus , age nunc veniat quaeso per igneam zonam magus interiore ab orbe zoroasters , hermippo ut assentiamur auctori , bactrianus . et ille conveniat , cujus ctesias res gestas historiarum exponit in primo , armenius , hostanis nepos , & familiaris pamphilus cyri. which words thus altered by himself , imply , as he pretends , but three zoroasters ; the first , according to some , an aethiopian ( a country neer the torrid zone ) but , according to hermippus , a bactrian ; the second , armenius , nephew of hostanes , of whose actions ctesias gives account in the first book of his histories ; the third named pamphilus , friend to cyrus , q ursinus , from the same reading of the words , infers that arnobius mentions only two , that he manifestly explodes the bractrian zoroaster of hermippus , and that ctesias confuting the fabulous relation of eudoxus , proved zoroaster to have lived in the times of cyrus . but the words of arnobius seem not to require such alteration ; which will appear more , if we mention particularly all those on whom the name of zoroaster was conferr'd . the first a chaldaean , the same whom r suidas calls the assyrian , adding that he died by fire from heaven ; to which story perhaps arnobius alludes , or to that other relation mention'd by s dion chrysostome , that zoroaster the persian ( for their stories are confounded ) came to the people out of a fiery mountain ; or else , by fiery zone , he means the seat of the zoned deities just above the empyreal or corporeal heaven , according to the doctrine of the chaldaeans ; for i find not any where that zoroaster was esteem'd an aethiopian , or of interiour lybia , as salmasius expounds , concerning this zoroaster , arnobius cites hermippus : who , as t pliny saith , wrote in explication of his verses , and added tables to his volumes . the second , a bractrian ; u iustine mentions zoroastres king of bractria contemporary with ninus the assyrian , by whom he was subdu'd and slain ; adding , he was said to be the first that invented magical arts , and observed the beginnings of the world , and the motions of the stars . arnobius saith , x he contested with ninus , not only by steel and strength , but likewise by the magical and abstruse disciplines of the chaldeans . the actions of this zoroaster , ctesias recorded in the first book of his persica ; for so arnobius , y bactrianus & ille conveniat , cujus ctesias res gestas historiarum exponit in primo . the first six books of that work , treated ( as z photius shews ) only of the assyrian history , and passages that preceded the persian affairs . whereupon , i cannot assent to the conjecture of salmasius , who applies the citation of ctesias to the nephew of hostanes , since hostanes ( as a pliny affirms ) lived under darius . but b diodorus names the king of bactria whom ninus conquered , oxyartes ; and some old mss. of iustine ( attested by ligerius ) oxyatres , others zeorastes : perhaps the neerness of the names and times ( the chaldaean living also under ninus , as c suidas relates ) gave occasion to some to confound them , and to ascribe to the bactrian what was proper to the chaldaean ; since it cannot be imagined , that the bactrian was inventor of those arts , in which the chaldaean , who lived contemporary with him , was so well skil'd . elichmannus , a persian writer , affirms the arabians and persians to hold , that zoroaster was not king of the bactrians , but a magus or prophet ; who by perswasions having wrought upon their king , first introduced a new form of superstition amongst them , whereof t●ere are some remainders at this day . the third a persian , so termed by d laertius and others ; the same whom clemens alexandrinus styles a mede ; suidas , a perso-mede ; institutor of the magi , and introductor of the chaldaick sciences amongst the persians . some confound this zoroaster with the chaldaean , and both of them ( as e kircher doth ) with cham the son of noah , not without a very great anachronism : for we find the word persian no where mentioned before the prophet ezekiel , neither did it come to be of note till the time of cyrus . the occasion of which mistake seems to have been for that zoroaster the persian , is by pliny , laer●ius , and others , styled institutor of mag●ck , and of the magi , which is to be understood no otherwise then that he first introduced them into persia. for f plutarch acknowledgeth , zoroaster instituted magi amongst the chaldaeans , in imitation of whom the persians had theirs also : and the g arabick history , that zaradussit not first instituted , but reformed , the religion of the persians and magi , being divided into many sects . the fourth a pamphylian , commonly called er , or erus armeniu● . that he also had the name of zoroaster , h clemens witnesseth : the same author , ( saith he , meaning plato ) in the 10. of his politicks , mentioneth erus armenius , by descent a pamphylian , who is zoroaster ; now this zoroaster writes thus , i this wrote i , zoroaster armenius , by descent a pamphylian , dying in warre ; and being in hades , i learned of the gods. this zoroaster , k plato affirmeth to have been raised again to life , after he had been dead ten dayes , and laid on the funeral pyre , repeated by l valerius maximus , and m macrobius . to this zoroaster , doubtlesse the latter part of arnobius's words , with which interpreters are so much perplexed , ought to be referred , armenius hostanis nepos , & familiaris pamphylius cyri. some conjecture he mentions two zoroasters ; i rather conceive , the words relate only to this one , and perhaps are corrupt , thus to be restored and distinguished , armenius hostanis nepos & familiaris , phamphylius erus : armenius , nephew and disciple ( in which sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is usually taken ) of hostanes , erus pamphylius . the fifth a proconnesian , mentioned by n pliny ; such as are more diligent ( saith he ) place another zoroaster , a proconnesian , a little b●fore hostanes . this zoroaster might probably be aristeas the proconnesian , who , according to o suidas , lived in the time of cyrus and croesus . he adds , that his soul could go out of his body , and return as often as he pleased . p herodotus relates an instance hereof , not unlike that of erus armenius , that he died suddenly in a fuller's shop at proconnesus , and was seen at the same time at cyzicus : his friends coming to fetch away his body , could not find it . seven years after he returned home , and published the verses which were afterwards called arimaspean ; a poem describing a happy life , or rather an imaginary civill government after such a manner as he conceived most perfect . this we may gather from q ( lemens alexandrinus , who saith , that the hyperborean and arimaspian cities , and the elyzian fields are forms of civill governments of just persons ; of which kind is plato's common-wealth . to these may be added a sixth zoroaster , ( for so r apuleius calls him ) who lived at babylon , at what time pythagoras was carried prisoner thither by cambyses . the same author terms him , omnis divini arcanum antistitem , adding , that he was the chief person whom pythagoras had for master ; probably , therefore ; the same with zabratas , by whom s diogenes affirms , he was clea●sed from the pollutions of his life past , and instructed from what things vertuous persons ought to be free ; and learnt the discourse concerning nature ( physick ) , and what are the principles of the universe ; the same with nazaratas the assyrian , whom alexander in his book of pythagorick symbols , affirms to have been master to pythagoras ; the same whom suidas calls zares ; cyril , zaran ; plutarch , zaratas . that there should be so many zoroasters , and so much confusion amongst authors that write of them , by mistaking one for another , is nothing strange ; for , from extraordinary persons , authors of some publick benefit , they who afterwards were eminent in the same kind , were usually called by the same name . hence is it , that there were so many belusses , saturns , iupiters ; and , consequently , so much confusion in their stories . the like may be said of zoroaster the chaldaean , who being the inventer of magical and astronomical sciences , they who introduced the same into other countries , as zoroaster the persian did , in imitation ( as plutarch saith ) of the chaldaeans , and such likewise as were eminently skilfull in those sciences , as the bactrian , the pamphylian , and the proconnesian , are described to have been , were called by the same name . chap. iii. of the chaldaean zoroaster , institutor of the chaldaick philosophy . the first of th●se zoroasters termed the chaldaean or assyrian , is generally acknowledg'd the inventer of arts and sciences amongst the chaldaeans , but concerning the time in which he lived , there is a vast disagreement amongst authors . some of these erre so largely , as not to need any confutation ; such are a eudoxus , and the author of the treatise entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commonly ascribed to aristot●e , ( and so b pliny cites it , ) who asserts he lived 5000. years before plato . such likew●se are hermippus , hemodorus the platonick , plutarch , and ge●istus pletho ( following plutarch , ) who place him 5000. years before the destruction of troy. others conceive zoroaster to be the same with cham , the son of noah ; of which opinion ( not to mention the pseudo-b●rosus of annius viterbiensis ) were didymus of a●exand●i● , agathias , scholasticus , and abenephi : cham ( saith the la● ) was the son of noah ; he first taught the worshipping of idols , and first introduced magical arts into the world , his name is zuraster , he the second adris , a perpetual fire . hither also some referre the rabbinical stones concerning cham , that c by magick he emasculated his father , &c. d that noah being by this means disabled from getting a fourth son , cu●sed the fourth son of cham ; that e this curse ( which was that he should be a servant of servants ) implied strange service , viz. idolatry ; that f hereupon the posterity of chus became idolaters , cham himse●f being the first that made idols and introduced strange service into the world , and taught his family the worshipping of fire . the greater part of writers place him later . epiphanius in the time of nimrod , with whom agree the observations g said to be sent by callisthenes to aristotle of 1903. years before alexanders taking babylon : for from the year of the julian period in which babylon was taken , the 1903. upward falls on the 2480. of the same aera ; about which time nimrod laid the foundations of that city , and there setled his empire . suidas relates him contemporary with ninus king of assyria ; eusebius , with semiramis wife of ninus ; ninus is placed by chronologers above the 3447. of the julian period . suidas ( elsewhere ) reckons him to have lived 500. years before the taking of troy ; xanthus , 600. years before xerxes's expedition into greece . troy , according to the marmor arundelianum was taken 434. years before the first olympiad . xerxes's expedition was on the first of the 75. olympiad , viz. the of the julian period . the accompt of suidas therefore falls on the 3030. that of xanthus on the 3634. of the julian period . the latest of these seemeth to me most historical , and agreeable to truth . of his birth , life , and death , there is little to be found ; and even that , uncertain , whether appliable to him or to the persian . plato styles zoroaster the son of oromases ; but oromases ( as plutarch and others shew ) was a name given to god by zoroaster the persian and his followers : whence i conceive that plato is to be understood of the persian zoroaster , who perhaps in regard of his extraordinary knowledge , was either allegorically styled , or fabulously reported to be the ●on of god , or of some good genius , as pythagoras , plato , and many other excellent persons were . h pliny reports , that zoroaster , ( not particularizing , which of them ) laughed the same day he was born ; and that his brain did beat so hard that it heaved up the hand laid upon it , a presage of his future science ; and that he lived in the deserts twenty years upon cheese so tempered as that it became not old . ●he assyrian zoroaster , ( saith suidas ) pray'd he might dye by fire from heaven , and advised the assyrians to preserve his ashes , assuring that as long as they kept them , their kingdome should never fail : but cedrenus attributes the same to the per●●an . of writings attributed to him , are mentioned i verses , two millions , upon which hermippus wrote a comment , and added ●ables to them . oracles , perhaps part of the foresaid verses ; upon these syrianus wrote a comment in twelve books . of agriculture , or mechanicks ; pliny alledgeth a rule for sowing ; and the author of the geoponicks , many experiments under his name : but this was either spurious , or written by some other zoroaster . revelations ; supposititious also , forged ( as porphyrius professeth ) by some gnosticks . to these adde , cited by the arabians , a treatise of magick ; and another , of dreams and their interpretation , cited by gelaldin frequently ; inventions doubtlesse of latter times . some ascribe the treatises of the persian zoroaster to the chaldaean ; but of those hereafter . chap. iv. of belus , another reputed inventor of sciences amongst the chaldaeans . some there are who ascribe the invention of astronomy to belus , of which name there were two persons , one a tyrian , the other an assyrian , who reigned in babylonia next after the arabians , about the 2682. year of the world , according to the accompt of africanus ; for whose inventions the babylonians honoured him as a god. there is yet standing , ( sa●th a pliny ) the temple of iupiter belus ; he was the inventor of the science of the stars , and b diodorus , speaking of the aegyptians , they affirm that afterwards many colonies went out of aegypt , and were dispersed over the earth , and that belus reputed to be son of neptune and lybia , carried one to babylon ; and , making choice of the river euphrates , to settle it instituted priests after the manner of those in aegypt exempt from all publique charges and duties , which the babylonians call chaldaeans ; these observed the sta●s imitating the aegyptian priests , naturalists and astrologers . thus diodorus . but that belus was son of neptune and lybia , is nothing but greek mythologie ; that he brought a colony out of aegypt into babylon , is fabulous . for the aegyptians had not any correspondence with forreigners for a long time after . but to confirm that he was skilful in those sciences , c aelian gives this relat●on . xerxes son of darius , breaking up the monument of antient belus , found an urn of glass in which his dead body lay in oyle ; but the urn was not full , it wanted a hand-●readth of the topp : next the urn there was a little pillar , on which it was written , ●hat whosoever should open the sepulcher and did not fill up the urn , should have ill fortune . which xerxes reading grew afraid , and commanded that they should powre oyl into it with all speed ; notwithstanding , it was not filled : then he commanded to powre into it the second time ; but neither did it increase at all thereby . so that at last failing of success he gave over ; and shutting up the monument , departed very sad . nor did the event foretold by the pillar deceive him : for he led an army of 50 myriads against greece , where he received a great defeat , and returning home , died miserably , being murthered by his own son , in the night-time , a-bed . to this belus , semiramis his daughter d erected a temple in the middle of babylon which was exceeding high , and by the help thereof the chaldaeans who addicted themselves there to contemplation of the stars , did exactly observe their risings and settings . chap. v. other chaldaean philosophers . from zoroaster were derived the chaldaean magi and philosophers his disciples ; amongst whom , a pliny mentions one azonaces master of zoroaster ; which doubtless must have been meant of some later zoroaster , there being many of that name , as we shewed formerly . by the same b author are mentioned of the antient magi marmaridius a babylonian , and zarmocenidas an assyrian ; of whom nothing is left but their names , no monuments extant of them . to these add c zoromasdres a chaldaean philosopher , who wrote mathematicks and physicks ; and teucer a babylonian an ancient author who wrote concerning the decanates . the mathematicians also , saith d strabo , mention some of these , as cidenas , and naburianus , and sudinus , and seleucus of seleucia a chaldaean , and many other eminent persons . chap. vi. of berosus , who first introduced the chaldaick learning into greece . after these flourished berosus , or , as the greeks call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which name a some interpret the son of oseas : for , as is manifest from elias , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the chaldees is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in syraic● ; whence bar-ptolemaeus , as if the son of ptolemy , bar-timaeus , and the like : gorionides and other rabbins call him b bar-hosea ; the arabians barasa ; so abenephi , and others . c barthius saith that there are some who assert him contemporary with moses , which opinion justly he condemns as ridiculous ; d claudius verderius in his censure upon the annian berosus affirms , he lived a litle before the reign of alexander the great ; upon what authority , i know not ; that he lived in the time of alexander , we find in the oration of tatian against the gentiles ; but the same tatian adds , he dedicated his history to that antiochus who was the third from alexander . but neither is this reading unquestionable ; for e eusebius cites the same place of tatian thus , berosus the babylonian , priest of belus at babylon who lived in the time of alexander , and dedicated to antiochus , the third after seuleucus , a history of the chaldaeans in three books , and relates the actions of their kings , mentions one of them named nabuchodonosor &c. here we find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but in the text of tatian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after alexander . and indeed this reading seems most consonant to the story . the next to alexander was seleucus nicator : the next to him , antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the third , antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who began his reign sixty one years after the death of alexander : now , it is possible that berosus at the time of alexander's taking babylon might be thirty years old or lesse ; and at his 90th year or somewhat younger might dedicate his history to antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . or we may say , that by antiochus the third from alexander is meant antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reckoning alexander himself inclusively for one , seleucus the second , antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the third ; to whom from the death of alexander are but 44 years : and in approving this accompt we may retain the reading of eusebius , supposing the first to be seleucus , the second antiochus soter , the third antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : neither is this inconsistent with gesner's translation of the words of tatian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in stephens edition , of eusebius ; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as in tatian himself , qui alexandri aetate vixit : which interpretation f o●●phrius panuinus also follows . but considering these words more intently it came into my mind ( saith vossius ) that it might better be rendred qui alexandri aetate natus est , whereby all scruple may be taken away , supposing berosus to have been born but two years before alexanders death ; by which accompt he must have been but 64 years old when antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to whom he dedicated his book began to reign : which way soever it is , berosus published his history in the time of ptolemaeus philadelphus ; for he reigned 38 years , and in the sixth year of his reign antiochus soter began to reign in syria in the 22d of antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to one of whom antiochus dedicated his book . but by no means can we assent to the learned g ●onradus ges●erus , who by alexander conceives to be meant not he who was sirnamed the great son , of philip , but that alexander who succeded demetrius soter , in the kingdome of syria , and was succeeded by demetrius nicanor ; by antiochus understanding antiochus sedetes , who reigned next after demetrius nicanor : for if it were so berosus must have been a whole age later than ma●etho ; but ma●etho flourished under philadelphus ( as vossius elsewhere proves ) philadelphus died in the third year of the 133d olympiad ; but antiochus sedetes invaded syria in the first of the 16●th olympiad : how then could berosus live so late , who was a little precedent to manetho , as syncellus expressely affirms ? again , we may assert the time of berosus another way . h pliny sa●th he gave accompt of 480 years , which doubtless were years of nabonassar : now the aera of nabonassar begun in the second year of the 8th olymp●ad ; from which if we reckon 480 , it will fall upon the later end of soter's reign ; wherefore beros●s dedicated his book either to him or to antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his son . these arguments will not suffer us to doubt of the time of berosus . this berosus is mention'd by many of the antients . i vitruvius saith , he first setled in the island coos and there opened learning . k iosephus that he introduced the writings of the chaldaeans concerning astronomy and philosophy among the grecians . l pliny that the athenians , for his divine praedictions , dedicated to him publiquely in their gymnasium a statue with a golden tongue . he is mention'd likewise by m tertullian , and the author of the n chronicon alexandrinum . he wrote babylonicks or chaldaicks , in three books : for they are cited promiscuously under both these titles : the babylonicks of berosus , o athenaeus cites ; but tatian saith , he wrote the chaldaick history in three books . and p clemens alexandrinus cites berosus , his third of chaldaicks ; and elsewhere , simply his chaldaick histories : and agathias affirms , he wrote the antiquities of the assyrians and medes ; for those books contained not only the assyrian or chaldaean affairs but also the median ; q agathias , as somewhere berosus the babylonian , and athenocles , and simacus , relate , who have recorded the antiquities of assyrians and medes . out of this work r iosephus hath preserved some excellent fragments ; but the supposititious berosus of annius is most trivial and foolish , of the same kind as his megasthenes and archilochus : many kings are there reckon'd which are no where to be found ; and scarce is there any of those fragments which iosephus cites out of the true berosus : on the contrary , some things are plainly repugnant , as when he saith semiramis built babylon ; whereas iosephus saith berosus wrote , that it was not built by semiramis . a daughter of this berosus is mention'd by s iustin martyr a babylonian sibyl , who prophesied at cumae ; this cannot be understood of that cumaean sibyl , who lived in the ●ime of tarquinius priscus ; for betwixt tarquinius priscus and the first pontick war ( in which time berosus lived ) are 245 years ; but of some other cumaean sibyl of much later time . that there were several sibyls , who prophesied at cumae , t onuphrius hath already proved out of the treatise of wonderful things ascribed to aristotle ; and out of martianus capella , and other writers . berosus being the person who introduced the chaldaick learning into greece , we shall with him close the history of the learned persons or philosophers amongst the chaldaeans . sect . ii. the chaldaick institution , and sects . chap. i. that all professors of learning were more peculiarly termed chaldaeans . philosophy or learning was not taught and propagated by the chaldaeans after the grecian manner , communicated by publick professors indifferently to all sorts of auditors ; but restrained to certain families . these were by a more peculiar compellat on termed chaldeans ; addicted themselves wholly to study ; ●ad a proper habitation allotted for them ; and lived exempt from all publick charges and duties . of these is a diodorus to be understood ; who relates , that belus instituted priests exempt from all publick charges and duties , whom the babylonians call chaldaeans . strabo adds , that there was a peculiar habitation in babylonia allotted for the philosophers of that country who were termed chaldaeans ; and that they inhabited a certain tribe of the chaldaeans , and a portion of babylonia , adjoyning to the arabians and the persian-gulf . there were those chaldaeans who , as b cicero saith , were named not from the art , but nation . and of whom he is elsewhere to be understood , when he affirms thatc in syria the chaldaeans excel for knowledge of the stars , and acuteness of wit ; and d q. curtius , who describing the solemnity of those who went out of babylon to meet alexander , saith , then went the magi after their manner ; next whom , the chaldaeans , non vates modo sed artifices babyloniorum : where though some interpret artifices , those astrologers who made instruments for the practise of their art ; yet curtius seems to intend no more then the chaldaeans of both sorts , the plebeian tradesmen , and the learned . of these chaldaeans peculiarly so termed , is e laertius likewise to be understood , when he cites as authors of philosophy amongst the persians the magi , amongst the babylonians or assyrians the chaldaeans . and hesychius , who interprets the word chaldaeans , a kind of magi that know all things . chap. ii. their institution . these chaldeans preserved their learning within themselves , by a continued tradition from father to son. they learn not , ( saith a diodorus ) after the same fashion as the greeks ; for amongst the chaldeans , philosophy is deliver'd by tradition in the family , the son receiving it from the father , being exempted from all other employment ; and thus having their parents for their teachers , they learn all things fully and abundantly , believing more firmly what is communicated to them : and being brought up in these disciplines from children , they acquire a great habit in astrology , as well because that age is apt to learn , as for that they imploy so much time in study . but among the greeks , for the most part they come unprepared , and attain philosophy very late ; and having bestow'd some time therein , quit it to seek out means for their lively-hood : and though some few give themselves up wholly to philosophy , yet they per●ist in learning only for gain , continually innovating some things in the most considerable doctrines , and never follow those that went before them ; whereas the barbarians persevering alwayes in the same , receive each of them firmly : but the greeks aiming at gain , by this profession erect new sects , and contradicting one another in the most considerable theorems , make their disciples dubious ; and their minds , as long as they live , are in suspense and doubt , neither can they firmly believe any thing : for if a man examine the chiefest sects of the philosophers , he will find them most different from one another , and directly opposite in the principal assertions . chap. iii. sects of the chaldaeans distinguished according to their several habitations . as all professors of learning amongst the chaldaeans , were distinguished from the rest of the people by the common denomination of the country , chaldaeans ; so were they distinguish'd amongst themselves into sects , denominated from the several parts of the country , wherin they were seated : whereof a pliny and b strabo mention hipparenes from hipparenum , a city in mesopotamia ; babylonians , from babylon ; orchenes , ( c a third chaldaick doctrine ) from orchoë a city of chaldaea ; and borsippenes , from borsippe , another city of babylonia dedicated to apollo and diana . and though d diodorus prefer the chaldaeans before the graecians , for their perseverance in the same doctrines without innovations ; yet we must not infer thence , that there was an universal consent of doctrine amongst them ; but only , that each of them was constant in belief , and maintenance of his own sect , without introducing any new opinion . for , that amongst these sects there was no absolute agreement , is manifest from strabo , who adds that e they did , ( as in different sects ) assert contrary doctrines ; f some of them calculated nativities , others disapproved it ; whence g lucretius , the babylonick doctrine doth oppose the chaldee , and astrology ore'throws . chap. iv. sects of the chaldaeans distinguished according to their several sciences . another ( more proper ) distinction of sects amongst the learned chaldaeans , there was , according to the several sciences which they profest ▪ the prophet a daniel relating how nebuchadonosar sent for all the learned men , to tell him his dream , takes occasion to name the principal of them , which were four ; hhartumim , ashaphim , mecashephim , chasdim . hhartumim , are by abrabaniel , expounded magi skilfull in natutural things ; and by iachiades , those magi who addicted themselves to contemplative science , which interpretation suits well with the derivation of the word ; not as some would have from charmini , burnt bones , ( for that the magi performed their rites with dead mens bones ) nor from charat , a pen or scribe , ( in regard , the aegyptians used to call their wise persons , scribes : ) for the word in chaldee is not taken in that sense ; but from 〈◊〉 a persian word , ( by transmutation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) signifying to know , whence elmacinus instead of this perse-chaldee , useth two arabick words , alhochamaon , walarraphaon ; wise and knowing persons . the hhartumim , therefore , were not ( as commonly render'd ) magicians , but rather such as studied the nature of all things , under which contemplation is comprehended theology , and physick , the knowledge of beings , divine and natural . ashaphim b iachiades expounds those magi qui scientiam activam excolebant : so constantinus renders him , but adds , that iachiades is mistaken , and that the ashaphim were rather the same as souphoun in arabick , wise , religious persons this indeed , is the more probable ; souphoun is an attribute , proper to those who deliver'd all theology , mystically , and allegorically , derived from souph , wool ; either for that the garments of these professors of theology , were made only of wool , never of silk ; or , from attiring and vailing the things which concern the love of god , under the figures of visible things : whence is deriv'd , the word hatseviph , mystick theology ; and perhaps , from the hebrew root , ashaph , comes the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first attribute given by the greeks to learned persons , afterwards changed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these ashaphim , the ordinary interpretation of the text in daniel styles astrologers : and aben ezra derives the word from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 twy-●ight , because they observe the heavens , at that time ; but the astrologers are meant afterwards by the word chasdim , ( last of the four . ) the ashaphim of the chaldaeans , seem rather to be the same with the magi of the persians , priests , the professours of religious worship , which they termed magick . mecashphim properly signifieth revealers , ( that is , ) of abstruse things : the word is derived from chashaph , which the arabians still use in the same sense of revealing : mecashphim are generally taken , ( as by r. moses , nachmarides , abrabaniel , and others ) for such as practised diabolical arts : not improperly render'd , sorcerers . chasdim , ( or chaldaeans ) was an attribute ( as we shewed formerly ) conferred in a particular sense upon the learned persons of the chaldaeans : amongst whom , by a restriction yet more particular , it signify'd the professours of astrology , this being a study to which they were more especially addicted , and for which most eminent ; c these are those chasdim , whom strabo styles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , astronomical chaldaeans . besides these four kinds ( which seem to have been the principal , ) there are several others mention'd , and prohibited by the levitical law , deut. 18. 10. choser , casmim , megnonenim , menacheshim , hhober , hhaber , shel , ob , iideoni , doresh el hammetim . r. maimonides reciting them all , adds , that , they were several sorts of diviners sprung up of old amongst the chaldaeans . iachiades mentions them , as particular kinds of the mecashphim . the second part . the chaldaick doctrine . from the four general kinds of the professors of learning amongst the chaldeans , mention'd by the prophet daniel , ( of which we a last treated ) may be inferred , of what parts or sciences the chaldaick doctrine did consist . the hhartumim were employed in divine and natural speculation ; the ashaphim , in religious worship , and rites ; the mecashphim , and chasdim in divination ; these by astrology , those by other arts : which two last , diodorus , speaking of the learned chaldeans , comprehends under the common name of astrologers ; the other two , under that of natural philosophers , and priests : for he saith , they imitated the aegyptian priests , naturalists , and astrologers . in treating therefore of the chaldaick doctrine , we shall first lay down their theology , and physick , the proper study of the hhartumim ; next , their astrology , and other arts of di●i●ation , practis'd by the chasdim , and mecashphim : thirdly , their ●heurgy , and lastly , their gods. which contemplation and rites were peculiar to the ashaphim . sect . i. theology , and physick . the chaldaick doctrine , in the first place considers all beings , as well divine , as natural : the contemplation of the first , is theology ; of the latter , physick . a zoroaster divided all things into three kinds ; the first eternal ; the second had a beginning in time , but shall have no end ; the third mortal : the two first belong to theology . the subject of theology , ( saith b eusebius , speaking doubtlesse of the followers of zoroaster ) they divided into four kinds ; the first is god , the father and king : next him , there followeth a multitude of other gods ; in the third place they rank daemons ; in the fourth heroes , or , according to others , angels , daemons , and souls . the third , or mortal kind is the subject of physick ; it comprehends all things material ; which they divide into seven worlds , one empyreal , three aetherial , three corporeal . chap. i. of the eternal being , god. the first kind of things ( according to zoroaster ) is eternal , the supreme god. in the first place ( saith eusebius ) they conceive that god the father and king ought to be ranked . this the delphian oracle ( cited by porphyrius ) confirms chaldes and iews wise only , worshipping purely a self-bego●●en god and king. this is that principle of which the author of the chaldaick summary saith , they conceive there is one principle of all things , and declares that it is one and good . a god ( as pythagoras learnt of the magi , who term him oromasdes ) in his body resembles light , in his soul truth ; that god ( according to the chaldaick opinion ) is light , besides the testimony of eusebius , may be inferred from the oracles of zoroaster , wherein are frequently mentioned the b light , beams , and splendor of the father . in the same sense they likewise termed god a fire ; for ur in chaldee signifying both light and fire , they took light and fire promiscuously ( as amongst many others plato doth when he saith that god began to compound the whole body of the world out of fire and earth : by which fire he afterwards professeth to mean the sun whom he stiles the brightest and whitest of things , as if light and fire , brightness and whiteness were all one ; ) this is manifest from the zoroastraean oracles also , wherein he is sometimes called simply fire , sometimes the paternal fire , the one fire , the first fire above . upon this ground ( doubtlesse ) was the worship of fire instituted by the antient chaldaeans , and c from them derived to the persians ; of which hereafter , when we shall come to speak of their gods and rel●gious rites . chap. ii. the emanation of light or fire from god. god being ( as we have shewn ) an intellectual light or fire did not ( as the oracle saith ) shut up his own fire within his intellectual power , but communicated it to all creatures ; first and immediately to the first mind ( as the same oracles assert ) and to all other aeviternal and incorporeal beings , ( under which notion are comprehended a multitude of god's angels good daemons and the souls of men ) : the next emanation is the supramundane light an incorporeal infinite luminous space in which the intellectual beings reside ; the supramundane light kindles the first corporeal world , the empyreum or fiery heaven , which being immed●ately beneath the incorporeal light , is the high●st bright●st and rarest of bod●es . the empyreum diffuseth it self through the ae●●●r which is the next body below it , a fire lesse refin'd than the empyreum : but that it is fire , the more condens'd parts thereof , the sun an● star● , su●●●ently evince ; from the aether this fire is transmitted to the material or sublunary world ; for though the matter whereof it consist● be not light but darknesse , ( as are also the material or bad daemons ) yet this a vivificative fire actuates and gives life to all it's parts , insinuating , diffusing it self , and penetrating even to the very center : passing from above ( saith the oracle ) to the opposite part , through the center of the earth . we shall describe this more fully , when we treat of the particulars . chap. iii. of things aeviternal and incorporeal . the second or middle kind of things ( according to zoroaster is that which ) is begun in time but is without end ( commonly termed aeviternal . ) to this belong that multitude of gods which eusebius saith they asserted next after god the father and king ; and the souls of men ; psellus and the other summarist of the chaldaick doctrine name them in this order , intellig●bles ; intelligibles and intellectuals ; intellectuals ; fountains ; hyperarchii or principles ; unzoned gods ; zoned gods ; angels ; daemons ; souls . a all these they conceive to be light , ( except the ill daemons which are dark . ) b over this middle kind zoroaster held mithra to preside , whom the oracles ( saith psellus ) call the mind . c this is emploied about secondary things . chap. iv. the first order . in the first place are three orders , one intelligible , another intelligible and intellectual , the third intellectual . the first order which is of intelligibles , seems to be ( as the learned pa●ricius conjectures ; for psellus gives only a bare account , not an exposition of these things ) that which is only understood : this is the highest order : the second or middle order is of intelligibles and intellectuals , that is , those which are understood , and understand also , as zoroaster . there are intelligibles and intellectuals , which understanding are understood . the third is of intellectuals ; which only understand : as being intellect , either essentially or by participation . by which distinction , we may conceive that the highest order is above intellect , being understood by the middle sort of minds . the middle order participates of the superiour , but consists of minds which understand both the superiour and themselves also . the last order seems to be of minds , whose office is to understand not only themselves but superiours and inferiours also . of the first of which orders , the anonymus author of the summary of the chaldaick doctrine , thus : then ( viz. next the one & good ) they worship a certain paternal depth consisting of three triads ; each triad hath a father , a power , and a mind : psellus ▪ somewhat more fully ; next the one they assert the paternal depth compleated by three triads : each of the triads having a father first , then a power middle , and a mind the third amongst them : which ( mind ) shutteth up the triad within itself , these they call also intelligibles . this triple triad seems to be the same with the triad mention'd in the oracles of zoroaster . what psellus terms father , he calls father also . the father perfected all things , and paternal monad where the paternal monad is . — the second which psellus calls power , he terms also the power of the father . neither did he shut up his own fire in his intellectual power . and — the strength of the father and the duad generated by the monad and resident with him : the monad is enlarged which generates two . and again , the duad resides with him . this is also the first paternal mind ; for the third of this triad , which psellus terms the mind , he saith is the second mind . the father perfected all things , and delivered them over to the second mind , which all man-kind calls the first . and as psellus saith , that this mind shuts up the triad and paternal depth within it self ; so zoroaster it is the bound of the paternal depth and fountain of intellectuals . and again , it proceded not further but remain'd in the paternal depth . chap. v. the second order . next these ( saith psellus ) there is another order , of intelligibles and intellectuals ; this also is divided three-fold , into iynges , synoches , and teletarchs . with him agrees the anonymous summarist , then is the intelligible iynx ; next which are the synoches , the empyreal , the aetherial and the material ; after the synoches , are the teletarchs . the first are jynges , of vvhich the oracle intelligent iynges do themselves also understand from the father by unspeakable counsels being moved so as to understand ; psellus saith , they are certain powers next to the paternal depth consisting of three triads ( i vvould rather read , the paternal dept● which consis●s of three triads , for so it is described in theforegoing chapter by the same author ) which , according to the oracle , understand by the paternal mind , which contains the cause of them singly within it self : plet●o , they are intellectual species conceived by the father , they themselves being conceptive also and exciting conceptions or notions by unspeakable cou●sels ; these seem to be the ideas described by the zoroastraean oracle ; the mind of the father made a jarring noise , understanding by vigorous counsels omni-form idea's , and flying out of one fountain they sprung forth , for from the father was the counsel and end ; but they were divided , being by intellectual fire distributed into other intellectuals , for the king did set before the multi-form world an intellectual incorruptible pattern , the print of whose form he promoted through the world , and accordingly the world was framed beautified with all kind of idea's of which there is one fountain , out of which came rushing forth others undistributed . being broken about the bodies of the world which through the vast recesses like swarms are carried round about every way intellectual notions from the paternal fountain cropping the flower of fire . in the point of sleeplesse time ; of this primigenious idaea the first self-budding fountain of the father budded . upon which words proclus , having cited them as an oracle of the gods , adds , hereby the gods declared as well where the subsistence of idaea's is , as who that god is who contains the one fountain of them , as also , after what manner the multitude of them proceded out of this fountain , and how the world was made according to them . and that they are movers of all the systemes of the world , and that they are all intellectual essentially : others may find out many other profound things , by searching into these divine notions ; but for the present let it suffice us , to know that the gods themselves ratify the contemplations of plato , for as much as they term those intellectual causes idaea's ; and affirm that they gave pattern to the world , and that they are conceptions of the father : for they remain in the intellections of the father : and that they go forth to the making of the world , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 implies their going forth : and that they are of all forms , as containing the causes of all things divisible : and that from the fountaineous idaea's there proceded others , which by several parts framed the world , and are said to be like swarms ( of bees ) because they beget the secundary idaea's : thus procl●● . the second are the synoches which are three , the empyreal , the aetherial , the material : answerable to the several worlds , which they govern : for they seem to be minds , which receiving from hecate the influence of that fire which dispenseth life , infuse it into the empyreal , aetherial , and material worlds , and support and govern those worlds and give them vital motion . the oracle termeth them anoches . each world hath intellectual anoches inflexible , where psellus interprets them the most excellent of intelligible species , and of those that are brought down by the immortals in this heaven , in the head of whom is conceived to be a god , the second from the father . the last of this order are the teletarchs , joyned with the synoches by the oracle . the teletarchs are comprehended with the synoches . this second order or triad , proclus and damascius often mention , styling it by the double name of intelligent and intellectual . chap. vi. the third order . the last order is of intellectuals ; a psellus , after the middle order is the intellectual having one paternal triad , which consists of the once above , and of hecate and of the twice above ; and another ( triad ) which consists of the amilicti , which are three ; and one , the hypezocos . these are seven fountains . anonymus summarist , after these are the fountainous fathers called also cosmagogues ; the first of whom is called the once above , next whom is hecate ; then the twice above , next whom three amilicti ; and last , the hypezocos . of the cosmagogues psellus interprets the zoroastraean oracle . oh how the world hath intellectual guides , inflexible ! the chaldaeans , saith he , assert powers in the world , which they term cosmagogi , ( guides of the world ) for that they guide the world by provident motions . these powers the oracle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sustainers ; as sustaining the whole world. the oracle saith , they are immoveable , implying their setled power ; sustentive , denoting their guardianship . these powers they designe only by the causes and immobility of the worlds . pletho interprets them the most excellent of intelligible species , and of those that are brought down by immortals in this heaven . the coryphaeus of whom , he conceives to be a god , the second from the father . the amilicti also , and the hypezocos are mentioned by the oracle . — for from him spring forth all the implacable ( amilicti ) thunders . and the recesses ( suscipient of presters ) of the omni-lucent strength . of father-begotten hecate , and hypezocos the flower of fire . the amilicti [ implacable ] are powers so termed , for that they are firm and not to be converted towards these inferiour things ; and also cause that souls be not allured by affections . chap. vii . fountains , and principles . besides this last order of intellectuals , which psellus styles seven fountains , and the anonymus summarist fountainous fathers , the latter gives acount of many other fountains , they reverence also ( saith he ) a fountainous triad of faith , truth , and love ; they likewise assert a principiative son from the solar fountain , and archangelical , and the fountain of sense , and fountainous iudgment , and the fountain of perspectives , and the fountain of characters which walketh on unknown marks , and the fountainous tops of apollo , osyris , hermes , they assert material fountains of centers and elements , and a zone of dreams , and a fountainous soul. next the fountains , saith psellus , are the hyperarchii ; the anonymus more fully , next the fountains , they say , are the principalities , for the fountains are more principle then the principles ; both these names of fountains and principles are used by dionysius areopagita , frequently ; even in the third triad , he puts the name of principles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or principalities ) after whom the arch-angels . of the animal-productive principles , ( continues the anonymus ) the top is called hecate , the middle principiative soul , the bottom princiative virtue . this seems to be that hecate , whom psellus saith , they held to be the fountain of angels , and of daemons , and of souls , and of natures ; the same which the oracle means , saying , on the left side of hecate , is the fountain of virtue : for the chaldaeans , ( as psellus saith ) esteem hecate a goddesse , seated in the middle rank , and possessing as it were the center of all the powers ; in her right parts they place the fountain of souls , in her left the fountain of goods or of virtues ; moreover they say , the fountain of souls is prompt to propagations , but the fountain of virtues continueth within the bounds of its own essence , and is as a virgin incorrupted ; which setlednesse and immobility , it receives from the power of the amilicti , and is guirt with a virgin zone . what psellus here calls the fountain of souls , and the fountain of virtues , is the same which the anonymus styles , principiative soul , and principiative virtue . chap. viii . unzoned gods , and zoned gods. next ( the hyperarchii , according to psellus ) are the azoni , ( unzoned gods ) there are amongst them , ( saith the anonymus summarist ) a unzoned hecates , as the chaldaick , the triecdotis , comas , and ecclustick : the unzoned gods are sarapis and bacchus , and the b chain of osyris and of apollo , ( continued series of geniusses , connected in the manner of a chain ) they are called unzoned , for that they use their power freely ( without restriction ) in the zones , and are enthroned above the conspicuous deities : these conspicuous deities are the heavens and the planets , ( perhaps of the same kind as the intelligences , which the peripateticks asserted movers of the sphears ) and whereas he saith , they live in power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is the same attribute which dionysius gives the third of the second hierarchy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c the zoned gods are next : d these are they which have ( confinement to ) particular zones , and are rouled freely about the zones of heaven , and have the office of governing the world ; for they hold , there is a zoned kind of deity , which inhabits the parts of the sensible world , and guirdeth ( or circleth ) the regions about the material place , acccording to several distributions . the same office dionysius seems to assigne to the second and third hierarchies . these azoni , and zonaei , are mentioned also by damascius ; thi● ( saith he ) sendeth out of her self the fountain of all things , and the fountainous e chain ; but that , sendeth out of her self the fountainous chain ) of particulars ; and passeth on to principles and arch-angels , and azoni , and zonaei , as the law is of the procession of the renownd particular fountains . and by proclus , the sacred names of the gods delivered according to their mystical interpretation , as those which are celebrated by the assyrians , * zonaei , and azoni , and fountains , and amilicti , and synoches , by which they interpret the orders of the gods. chap. ix . angels and immaterial daemons . next ( the zonaei ) are the angels . arnobius saith of hosthanes , ( one of the persian magi , who received their learning from the chaldaeans ) that he knew the angels ministers and messengers of god ( the true god ) did wait on his majesty , and tremble as afraid , at the beck and countenance of the lord ; the zoroastrian oracles mention reductive angels , which reduce souls to them , drawing them from several things . the next are daemons ; of these the a chaldaeans hold some to be good , others bad . b the good , they conceive to b● light ; the bad darknesse . that there are good daemons , natural reason tells us ; oracle : nature perswades that there are pure daemons . the bourgeons even of ill matter are beneficial and good . nature , or natural reason , saith pletho , perswades , that the daemons are holy , and that all things proceeding from god , who is good in himself , are beneficial : if the bloomings of ill matter ( viz. of last substances ) are good , much more are the daemons such , who are in a more excellent rank , as partaking of rational nature , and being mixed with mortal nature . chap. x. souls . next to daemons , psellus ( in his epitome of the chaldaick doctrine ) placeth souls , the last of eviternal beings . a of forms , the magi , ( and from them the pythagoreans and platonists ) assert three kinds ; one wholly separate from matter , the supercel●stial intelligences ; an other inseparable from matter , having a substance not subsisting by it self , but dependent on matter , together with which matter , which is sometimes dissolved by reason of it's nature subject to mutation , this kind of soul is dissolved also , and perisheth . this they hold to be wholly irrational . b betwixt these , they place a middle kind , a rational soul , differing from the supercelestial intelligences , for that it alwayes coexists with matter ; and from the irrational kind , for that it is not dependent on matter , but on the contrary matter is dependent on it ; and it hath a proper substance potentially subsistent by it self . it is also indivisible , as well as the supercelestial intelligences , & performing some works in some manner ally'd to theirs , being it self also busied in the knowledge and contemplation of beings , even unto the supreme god , and for this reason is incorruptible . c this soul is an immaterial and incorporeal fire , exempt from all compounds , and from the material body ; it is consequently immortal : for nothing material or dark is commixed with her , neither is she compounded so as that she may be resolved into those things of which she consists . d this soul hath a self-generate and self-animate essence ; for it is not moved by another : for if according to the oracle , it is a portion of the divine fire , and a lucid fire , and paternal notion , is is an immaterial and self-subsistent form , for such is every divine nature , and the soul is part thereof . e of humane souls they allege two fountainous causes , the paternal mind , and the fountainous soul : the particular soul , according to them , proceeds from the fountainous , by the will of the father . f now whereas there are several mansions , one wholly bright , another wholly dark , others betwixt both , partly br●ght , partly dark , the place beneath the moon is circumnebulous , da●k on every side ; the lunary , partly lucid , and partly dark , one half bright , the other dark ; the place above the moon circumlucid , or bright throughout ; the soul is seated in the circumlucid region . g from thence this kind of soul is often sent down to earth , upon several occasions , either by reason of the flagging of its wings , ( so they term the d●viation from its original perfection ) or in obedience to the will of the father . h this soul is alwayes coexistent with an aetherial body as its vehiculum , which she by continual approximation maketh also immortal . neither is this her vehiculum inanimate in it self , but is it self animated with the other species of the soul , the irrational ( which the wise call ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the image of the rational soul ) adorn'd with phantasy and sense , which seeth and heareth it self whole through whole , and is furnish'd with all the senses , and with all the rest of the irrational facult●es of the soul. i thus by the principal faculty of this body phantasy , the rational soul is continually joyned to such a body , and by such a body sometimes the humane soul is joyned with a mortal body , by a certain affinity of nature , the whole being infolded in the whole enlivening spirit of the embryon , this vehiculum it self being of the nature of a spirit . k the image of the soul , viz. that part which being it self voyd of irrational is joyned to the rational part , and depends upon the vehicle thereof , hath a part in the circumlucid region ; for the soul never layeth down the vehicle adherent to her . l the soul being sent down from the mansion wholly-bright , to serve the mortal body , that is , to operate therein for a certain time , and to animate and adorn it to her power , and being inabled according to her several virtues do dwell in several zones of the world , if she perform her office well , goes back to the same place , but if not well , she retires to the worst mansions , according to the things she hath done in this life . m thus ( the chaldeans ) restore souls to their first condition , according to the measure of their several purifications , in all the regions of the world ; some also they conceive to be caried beyond the world. chap. xi . the supramundane light. all these aeviternal and incorporeal beings are seated in the supramundane light , which it self also is incorporeal , placed immediately above the highest corporeal world , and from thence extending upwards to infinite ; proclus ( cited by simplicius on this oracle of zoroaster abundantly animating light , fire , aether , worlds . ) saith , this light is above all the seven worlds , as a monad before or above the triad of the empyraeal , aetherial , and material worlds : adding , that this primary light is the image of the paternal depth , and is therefore supramundane , because the paternal depth is supramundane . and again , this light , saith he , being the supramundane sun , sends forth fountains of light ; and the mystick discourses tell us , that it's generality is among supramundane things , for there is the solar world , and the universal light , as the chaldaick oracles assert . and again , the centers of the whole world , as one , seem to be fix'd in this : for , if the oracles fixed the centers of the material world above it self , in the aether , proportionably ascending , we shall affirm that the centers of the highest of the worlds are seated in this light. is not this first light the image of the paternal depth , and for that reason supramundane also , because that is so ? chap. xii . of things temporal ( or corruptible ) and corporeal . the third and last kind of things , according to zoroaster , is corruptible or temporal ; which as it began in time , so shall it likewise in time be dissolved : the president over these is arimanes . under this third kind are comprehended the corporeal worlds , the empyreal immediately below the supramundane light , the aetherial next the empyreal , and the material the lowest of all , as the oracle ranks them . abundantly animating , light , fire , aether , worlds . these corporeal worlds are seven ; orac. for the father formed seven firmaments of worlds , including heaven in a round figure , he fixed a great company of inerratick stars , he constituted a heptad of erratick animals , placing the earth in the middle , but the water in the bosome of the earth the air above these : psellus explaining how they are seven , saith , they affirm that there are seven corporeal worlds ; one empyreal and first ; then three aethereal ; and lastly three material , the fixed circle , the erratick , and the sublunary region : but this enumeration seems to fall short ; for he mentions but two aethereal worlds ( the orb of fixed stars and the planetary orb ) and one material , ( the sublunary region : ) as the learned patricius observes , who therefore reckons the seaven thus ; one empyreal , three aetherial , ( the fixed orb , the planetary orb , the orb of the moon ) and three elementary , ( the aërial , the watry , and the terrestrial ; ) but perhaps it will better suit with the oracle ( which includes the moon within the planetary orb , and placeth the water under the earth , ) as also with psellus ( who calls the last three worlds , material ) , to dispose them thus , corporeal worlds seven , one empyreal world three aetherial worlds the supreme aether next the empyreum the sphear of fixed stars the planetary orb three material sublunary worlds the air the earth the water . neither can it seem strange that the three last only should be called material : for the chaldaeans conceiving matter to be a dark substance or rather darkness it self , the empyreal and aetherial worlds , which ( as we shall shew ) consist only of light or fire , cannot in their sense be said to be material , though corporeal . the empyreal or first of these , saith psellus , they attributed to the mind , the aetherial to the soul , the material to nature . chap. xiii . the empyreal world. the * first of the corporeal worlds , is the empyreal ; ( by empyreum the chaldaeans understand not , as the christian theologists , the seat of god and the blessed spirits , which is rather analogous to the supreme light of the chaldaeans , but the outmost sphear of the corporeal world ) . it is round in figure , according to the oracle , inclosing heaven in a round figure . it is also a solid orb , or firmament : for the same oracles call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it consists of fire , whence named the empyreal , or , as the oracles , the fiery world ; which fire being immediately next the incorporeal supramundane light is the rarest and subtilest of bodies , and by reason of this subtilty penetrates into the aether , which is the next world below it , and , by mediation of the aether , through all the material world : this may be evinced more particularly , saith proclus , from the divine tradition ( meaning the zoroastrian oracles ) : for the empyreum penetrates through the aether , and the aether thro●gh the material world ; and though all the intellectual ●etrads and hebdomads have a fountainous order , and consequently an empyreal president , nevertheless they are contained in the worlds , since the empyreal passeth through all the worlds . neverthelesse , the empyreum it self is fix'd and immoveable ; as simplicius , further explicating the chaldaick doctrine , acknowledgeth , by this similitude , let us imagine to our selves ( saith he ) two sphears , one consisting of many bodies , these two to be of equal bigness , but place one together with the center , and put the other into it ; you will see the whole world existing in place , moved in immoveable light , which world according to it's whole self is immoveable , that it may imitate place , but is moved as to it's parts that herein it may have less than place . chap. xiv . the aethereal worlds . after the empyraeum , the oracle names the aether , fire , aether , worlds ; confirm'd by psellus and the anonymous summarist , who assert , that next the empyraeum are the three aetherial worlds , but of these three they mention only two , ( and those misapplied to the material worlds ) the sphear of fixed stars , and the planetary sphear : the third ( perhaps implied though not exprest ) might be the aether which is betwixt the empyreum and the sphear of fixed stars . the aether is a fire ( as it 's name implies ) less subtile than the empyreum , for the empyraeum penetrates through the aether : yet is the aether it self so subtile that it penetrates through the material world : the second aetherial world is the sphear of fixed stars , which are the more compacted or condensed parts of the aetherial fire , as patricius ingeniously interprets this oracle , he compacted a great number of inerratick stars forcing ( or pressing ) fire to fire . the third aetherial world is that of the planetary orb , which contains the sun , moon , and five planets ; styled by the oracles , erratick animals and fire he constituted a heptad of erratick animals ; and again , he constituted them six ; the seventh was that of the sun ; mingling fire in them . chap. xv. the material worlds . the last and lowest are the material worlds , which psellus and the other summarist assert to be three ; meaning doubtless the air , earth , and water ; for so the oracle ranks them , placing the earth in the middle , but the water in the bosom of the earth , the air above them . this is that last order of worlds , of which the chaldaick summary saith , it is called terrestrial , and the hater of light : it is the region beneath the moon , and comprehends within it self matter , which they call the bottome . by which words it appears upon what ground the chaldaeans asserted only these sublunary worlds to consist of matter , but the empyreal and aetherial to be immaterial though corporeal : for matter they understand to be the hater of light , darknesse , and the bottom of a nature quite different from the empyreum and aether whose very substance is light it self , yet it is actuated by their vivificative fire which penetrates quite through it even to the center as we shewed formerly . concerning the earth , diodorus siculus saith , they held opinions peculiar to themselves , asserting that it is in figure like a boat , and hollow , for which , as likewise for other things concerning the world , they abound with probable arguments . psellus adds , that they sometimes call this sublunary region hades . chap. xvi . of material daemons . of daemons , as we said , they asserted two kinds , some good , others ill ; the good , light , the ill , dark . the former are those whom * hostanes calls the ministers and messengers of god , dwelling in his presence ; but these , he describes as terrestial , wandring up and down , and enemies of mankind . of the first we have treated already ; of the latter psellus , in his discourse upon this subject , gives a large accompt from one marcus of mesopotamia , who having been of this religion , and well acquainted with their institutions , was afterwards converted to christianity : what he relates , as well from the doctrine it self , as from the place , sufficiently appears to be of the chaldaick tradition . it is to this effect . these daemons are of many kinds , and various sorts , both as to their figures and bodies , insomuch that the air is full of them , as well that which is above us , as that which is round about us . the earth likewise is full , and the sea , and the most retired cavities and depths . there are six general kinds of these daemons . the first named leliurius , which signifies fiery . this kind dwelleth in the air that is above us : for from the places next about the moon , as being sacred , all kinds of daemons , as being prophane , are expelled . the second kind is that which wandreth in the air contiguous to us , and is by many peculiarly called aërial . the third , terrestial . the fourth , watery and marine . the fifth , subteraneous . the sixt lucifugous , and hardly sensible . all these kind of daemors are haters of god , and enemies of man. moreover , of these ill daemons , some are worse than others . aquatile , and subterran●ous , and lucifugous , are extremely malicious and pernicions : for these do not hurt souls by phantasms and delusions , but by assault , like the most savage beasts , accelerate the destruction of men . the watery drown those who are sailing upon the water . the subterraneous and lucifugous , insinuating into the entrails cause epilepsies and frenzy . the aërial and terrestial circumvent men by art and subtilty , and deceive the minds of men , and draw them to absurd and illegal passions . they effect these things not as having dominion over us , and carrying us as their slaves whithersoever they please , but by suggestion : for applying themselves to the fantastick spirit which is within us , they themselves being spirits also , they instill discourses of affections and pl●asures , not by voyce verberating the air , but by whisper insinuating their discourse . nor is it imp●ssible that they should speak without voice , if we consider that he who speaks , being a far off , is forced to use a greater sound , being neer , he speakes softly into the ear of the hearer , and if he could get into the spirit of the soul , he would not need any sound , but what discourse soever he pleaseth , would , by a way without sound , arrive there where it is to be received , which they say is likewise in souls , when they are out of the body , for they discourse with one another without noise . after this manner the daemons converse with us , privately , so as we are not sensible which way the war comes upon us . neither can this be doubted , if we observe what happens to the air. for , when the sun shineth it assumeth several colours and forms , transmitting them to other things , as we may see in looking-glasses . in like manner the daemons , assuming figures and colours , and whatsoever forms they please , transmit them into our animal spirit , and by that meanes afford us much businesse , suggesting counsels , representing figures , resuscitating the remembrance of pleasures , exciting the images of passions , as well when we sleep as when we wake , and sometimes , titillating the genital parts , inflame us with frantick and unlawful desires , especially if they take , co-operating with them the hot humidities which are in us . the rest of the daemons know nothing that is subtile , nor how to breed disturbance , yet are they hurtfull and abominable , hurting in the same manner as the spirit or vapour in charon's cave : for as that is reported to kill whatsoever approacheth it , whether beast , man , or bird ; in like manner these daemons destroy those upon whom they chance to fall , overthrowing their souls and bodies , and their natural habits , and sometimes by fire , or water , or precipice , they destroy not men only , but some irrational creatures . the daemon● assault irrational creatures , not out of hate , or as wishing them ill , but out of the love they have of their animal heat : for dwelling in the most remote cavities , which are extremely cold and dry , they contract much coldnesse , wherewith being afflicted , they affect the humid and animal heat , and , to enjoy it , they insinuate themselves into irrational creatures , and go into baths and pits ; for they hate the heat of fire and of the sun , because it burns and dryeth up . but they most delight in the heat of animals , as being temperate , and mixt with moisture , especially that of men , being best tempered , into which insinuating themselves , they cause infinite disturbance , stopping up the pores in which the animal spirit is inherent , and streightning and compressing the spirit , by reason of the grossnesse of the bodies with which they are indued . whence it happeneth , that the bodies are disordered , and their principal faculties distemper'd , and their motions become dull and heavy . now if the insinuating daemon be one of the subterraneous kind , he distorteth the possessed person , and speaketh by him , making use of the spirit of the patient , as if it were his own organ . but if any of t●ose who are called lucifugous , get privately into a man , he causeth relaxation of the limbs , and stoppeth the voice , and maketh the possessed person in all respects like one that is dead . for this being the last kind of daemons is more earthly and extremely cold and dry , and into whomsoever it insinuates , it hebetates and makes dull all the faculties of his soul. and because it is irrational , voyd of all intel●ectual contemplation , and is guided by irrational phantasie , like the more savage kind of beasts , hence it comes to passe , that it stand● not in awe of menaces , and for that reason most persons aptly call it dumb and deaf , nor can they who are possessed withit by any other meanes be freed from it , but by the divine favour obtained by fasting and prayer . that physicians endeavour to perswade us , that these passions proceed not from daemons , but from humours , and spirits ill affected , and therefore go about to cure them , not by incantations and expiations , but by medicines and diet , is nothing strange , since they know nothing beyond sense , and are wholly addicted to study the body . and perhaps not without reason are some things ascribed to ill-affected humours , as lethargies , melancholies , frenzies , which they take away and cure , either by evacuating the humours , or by replenishing the body if it be empty , or by outward applications . but as for enthusiasms , ragings , and unclean spirits , with which whosoever is possessed is not able to act any thing , neither by intellect , speech , phantasie nor sense ; or else there is some other thing that moves them unknown to the person possessed , which sometimes foretelleth future events ; how can we call th●se the motions of depraved matter ? not kind of daemon is in it's own nature male or female , for such affections are only proper to compounds : but the bodies of daemons are simple , and being very ductile and flexible are ready to take any figure . as we see the clouds represent sometimes men , somtimes bears , sometimes dragons , or any other f●gures : so is it with the daemoniack bodies . now the clouds appear in various figures according as they are driven by exteriour blasts or winds : but in daemons , who can passe as they please into any bodyes , and sometimes contract , sometimes extend themselves like wormes on the earth , being of a soft and tractable nature , not only the bulk is changed , but the figure and colour , and that several wayes ; for the daemoniack body being by nature capable of all these , as it is apt to recede , it is changed into several forms ; as it is aërial , it is susceptible of all sorts of colours , like air , but the air is coloured by something extrinsecal . the daemoniack body , from it's intrinsecal phantastick power and energy , produceth the forms of colours in it self , as we sometimes look pale , sometimes red , according as the soul is affected either with fear or anger . the like we must imagine of daemons : for from within they send forth several kinds of colours into their bodies . thus the●r bodies being changed into what figure , and assuming what colour they please , they sometimes appear in the shape of a man , sometimes of a woman , of a lion , of a leopard , of a wild boar , sometimes in the figure of a bottle , and sometimes , like a little dog fawning upon us . into all these forms they change themselves , but keep none of them constantly : for the figure is not solid , but immediately is dissipated ; as when we pour somthing coloured into water , or draw a figure in the air. in like manner is it with daemons , their colour , figure , and form presently vanish . but all daemons have not the same power and will , there is much inequality amongst them as to these . some there are irrational , as amongst compound animals ; for as , of them , man , participating of intellect and reason , hath also a larger phantasie , extending also to all ●ensibles , as wel in the heavens , as on earth and under the earth ; but horses , oxen , and the like , have a narrower and more particular phantasie , yet such as extends to the knowledg of the creatures that feed with them , their mangers , and their masters ; lastly , flies , gnats , and worms have it extremely contracted , and incoherent ; for they know neither the hole out of which they came , nor whither they go , nor whither they ought to go , they have only one phantasie which is that of aliment . in like manner there are different k●nds of daemons . of these some are fiery , others aërial ; these have a various phantasie , which is capable of extending to any thing maginable . the subterraneous and lucifugous are not of this nature ; whence it comes to passe , that they make not use of many figures , as neither having variety of phantasms , nor a body apt for action and transformation . but the watery and terrestial , being of middle kind between these , are capable of taking many forms , but keep themselves constantly to that in which they delight . they which live in humid places , transform themselves into the shapes of birds and women ; whence termed by the greeks naiades and nereides and dryades in the feminine gender . but such as are conversant in dry places have also dry bodies , such as the onosceles are said to be . these transform themselves into men , sometimes into dogs , lions , and the like animals , which are of a masculine d●sposition . the bodies of daemons are capable of being struck , and are pained thereby , though they are not compounds , for sense is not only proper to compounds . that thing in man which feeleth , is neither the bone nor the nerve , but the spirit which is in them . whence if the nerve be pressed , or seized with cold , or the like , there arriseth pain from the em●ssion of one spirit into another spirit : for it is impossible that a compound . body should in itself be sensible of pain , but in as much as it partaketh of spirit , and therefore being broken into pieces , or dead , it is absolutely insensible , because it hath no spirit . in like manner a daemon being all spirit ; is of his own nature sensible in every part ; he immediately seeth , and heareth , he is obnoxious to suffering by touch ; being cut assunder , he is pained like solid bodies , only hereindiffering from them , that other things being cut assunder , can by no means or very hardly be made whole again , w●ereas the daemon immediately commeth together again , as air or water parted by some more solid body . but though this spirit joyns again in a moment , neverthelesse at the very time in which the dissection is made , it is pained . hitherto the theologie and physick of the chaldaeans . the second section . astrology and other arts of divination . the second part of the chaldaick learning consists in arts of divination : the chief whereof was astrology . this , as it is generally acknowledged to have been their proper invention , so were they most particularly addicted to it : for which ptolomy gives a reason , out of the art it self ; because they are under virgo and mercury ; but cicero one , much better ; that the plainnesse and evennesse of the country did invite them to contemplation of the stars . it consists of two parts ; one meteorologick , which considers the motions of the stars ; the other apotelesmatick , which regards divination : the first was known to the antient graecians by the common names of astronomy and astrology ; untill the other being brought into greece also , they for dictinction called the former more particularly astronomy , the latter astrology . the excellent a ioseph scaliger to advance the cred●t of the greek learning constantly averres that the chaldaeans had only a grosse and general , not exact knowledge of astronomy ; ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tantum , non etiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) and that the greeks learned nothing therein of the chaldaeans : when as aristotle ingenuously acknowledgeth the contrary , the aegytians and babylonians saith he , from whom we have many informations concerning each of the stars . though doubtlesse they were far short of that height in this art , to which the greeks who brought it out of the east , improoved it : for diodorus siculus affirms that b they alleged very weak reasons for the eclipses of the sun , which eclipses they neither durst foretel nor reduce to certain periods . but of the apotelesmatick part they boasted themselves not only the inventors , but masters ; insomuch that all the professors of it , of what country soever , were ( as we formerly shewed ) called after them , chaldaeans . chap. i. of the stars fixed and erratick , and of their praesignification . they first lay down for a ground , that terrestials sympathise with the caelestials , and that every one of those is renewed by the influence of these . for every man 's endued with such a mind , as by the sire of gods and men's assign'd . above all things they hold that our act and life is subjected to the stars , as well to the erratick as the fixed , and that mankind is governed by their various and multiplicious course ; * that the planets are of the kind of efficient causes in everything that happens in life , and that the signes of the zodiack co-operate with them ; * that they conferr all good and ill to the nativities of men , and that by contemplation of their natures may be known the chief things that happen to men. they held the principal gods to be twelve , to each of which they attributed a moneth , and one of the signes of the zodiack . next the zodiack they assert twenty fower starrs , whereof half they say are ranked in the northern parts , the other half in the southern : of these they which are apparent they conceive to be deputed to the living , the inapparent congregated to the dead : these they call iudges of all things . but the greatest observation and theory they hold to be that concerning the five starrs termed planets , which they call the interpreters , * because the rest of the starrs being fixed and having a settled course , these only having a peculiar course foretel things that shall come to passe , interpreting and declaring to men the benevolence of the gods : for somethings ( say they ) they praesignify by their rising , some things by their setting , some things by their colour if observed ; sometimes they foretell great winds , sometimes extraordinary raines or drought . likewise the rising of comets , and eclipses of the sun , and of the mind , and earthquakes , and in a word all alterations in the air signify things advantagious or hurtful not only to nations or countries , but even to kings and private persons . beneath the course of these , they hold that there are placed thirty starrs , which they call consiliary gods ; that half of these oversee the places under the earth , the other half oversee the earth and the businesse of men , and what is done in the heaven ; and that every ten daies one of these is sent to those below as a messenger , and in like manner one of the stars under the earth is sent to those above , and that they have this certain motion settled in an aeternal revolution . chap. ii. of planets . tthe greatest theory they hold ( as we said ) to be that which concerns the planets : ●hese they call the interpreters , because whereas the rest of the stars are fixed and have one settled course , these having their proper courses foretell what things shall come to passe , interpreting and declaring to men the benevolence of the gods. of the seaven they hold the sun and moon to be the chief , and that the other five have lesse power than they , as to the causing events . of the five they affirm that there are three which agree with and are assistant to the sun , viz. saturn , jupiter , and mercury ; these they call diurnal , because the sun to whom they are assistant praedominates over the things that are done in the day . as concerning the powers of the five , some they say are benevolent , others malevolent , others common ; the benevolent are jupiter and venus ; the malevolent mars and saturn ; the common , mercury , who is benevolent with the benevolent , and malevolent with the malevolent . chap. iii. the divisions of the zodiack . the chaldaeans having at first no certain rule of observation of the other stars , in as much as they contemplated not the signes as within their proper circumscriptions , but only together with their observation of the seven planets , it came at length into their minds to divide the whole circle into twelve parts : the manner they relate thus ; they say that the antients having observed some one bright star of those in zodiack , filled a vessel ( in which they bored a hole ) with water , and let the water run into another vessel placed underneath , so long untill the same star rose again ; collecting that from the same signe to the same , was the whole revolution of the circle ; then they took the twelfth part of the water which had run out , and considered how long it was in running ; affirming that the twelfth part of the circle past over in the same space of time ; and that it had that proportion to the whole circle which the part of water had to the whole water : by this analogy ( i mean of the dodecatemorion or twlelfth part ) they marked out the extreme term from some signal star which then appeared , or from some that arose within that time , northern or southern ; the same course they took in the rest of the dodecatemoria . that to each of these dodecatemoria , the antient chaldaeans applyed a particular figure and a character , ( as for instance to the first the figure of a ram and this character . ♈ . ) though denyed by the learned * iohn picus mirandula , seems manifest enough from what we find ascribed peculiarly to them , by ptolomy , sextus empyricus and others , which we shall cite in their due places . to each of these signes they appropriated one of the principal gods which they held to be twelve , and one of the moneths ; the zodiack it self they termed the circle mazoloth , which the septuagint render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , interpreted by su●das the constellations which are commonly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signes , for mazal signifieth a star. that they ascribed several gods to them agre●th with what is said of the ●ollowers of baal ( whom rabbi maimonides conceives the same with these chaldaeans ) they burnt incense unto baal , to the sun , and to the moon , and to the mazaloth , and to all the host of heaven . hence some are of opinion that homer received this doctrine from the aegyptians , as the aegyptians from the chaldaeans , alluding to it in the first of his iliads , where he mentions the entertainment of iupiter and the rest of the gods in aethiopia twelve dayes , with the several houses built for them by vulcan ; and much better deserve they to be credited than those antients w●o ( according to eustathius ) write that homer first gave the hint of this opinion to the mathematicians . neither is what he adds in explication of this mythology dissonant from the chaldaick doctrine , that the making those mansions for the gods or stars is ascribed to vulcan in respect of the aetherial heat of the caelestial orb. of the signes some they call masculine , others feminine , some double , others single , some tropical , others solid . the masculine or feminine are those which have a nature that co-operates towards the generation of males or femals , aries is a masculine signe , taurus a feminine , gemini a masculine , in like manner the rest alternately are masculine and feminine ; in imitation of whom as i conceive the pythagoreans call the monad masculine , the duad feminine , the triad masculine , and so on through all numbers odd and even . some there are who divide every signe into twelve parts , observing almost the same order ; as in aries they call the first twelfth part aries and masculine , the second taurus and feminine , the third gemini and masculine , and so of the rest . double signes are gemini , and it 's diametrically opposite sagittarius ; virgo and pisces : the rest are single . tropical are those to which when the sun cometh he turneth back , and maketh a conversion : such is the signe aries , and it 's opposite libra , capricorn and cancer ; in aries is the spring tropick , in capricorn the winter , in cancer the summer , in libra the au●umnal . the solid are taurus and it 's opposite scorpio , leo and aquarius . some chaldaeans there are who attribute the several parts of mans body to particular signes , as sympathising with them ; to aries the head , to taurus the neck , to gemini the shoulders , cancer the breast , leo the sides , virgo the bowels and belly , libra the reins and loy●s , scorpio the secret parts and womb , sagittarius the thighs , capricorn the knees , aquarius the leggs , pisces the feet . this did they not without consideration , for if any star shall be in any ascension of these malignant signes , it will cause a maim in that part which bears the same n●me with it . thus much in brief of the nature of the signes in the zodiack . besides this divis●on of the zodiack into sigres * they subdivided every signe into 30 degrees , every degre into 60 minutes , so they call the leas● indivisible par●s , ( as empyrius affirms ; whence it may be argued that the chaldaeans made not any lower divisions into seconds or the l●ke . ) the degrees being in every signe 30 are in the whole zodiack 360 : in some one of these the sun must necessarily be at the time of the nativity ; which degree the chaldaeans properly call the place of the birth . hence the greeks call these degree 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in allusion to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 goddesses of destiny , these being our fates ; for it is of greatest importance which of these degrees is ascendant at the time of birth . three other wayes there are of dividing of the zodiack ascribed to the chaldaans , which are triplicities , terms , decanates . the trigons or triplicities are these fower . the first is aries , leo , sagittarius , the second ●aurus , virgo , capricorn , the third ( gemini , libra , aquarius , ) the l●st ( cancer , scorpio , pisces ; ) that the chaldaeans divided the zodiack according to these triplicities is manifest from their way of collecting the terms of the planets described by ptolomy . ev●ry sign● hath five terms . * the chaldaick way of finding out the quantity of the terms in every signe is one , and that very plain , for their quantities differ by an equal diminution ; every term is lesse than the precedent by one degree , for they made the first term of every signe to be eight degrees , the second seven , the third six , the fourth five , the fifth fower , which make up 30 degrees . lastly the signes are divided into faces , for so the antients call'd them , in hebrew phanim , in arabick mageah , in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but the latter astrologers decanates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decanos a word ( as scaliger observes ) derived from the roman militia , of these in every signe there are three , each of which comprehends ten degrees ; that the chaldaeans were not ignorant of these is manifest , in as much as ●emer the babylonian an author of great antiquity wrote concerning them . chap. iv. of the planets considered in respect to the zodiack . the chaldaeans held that the planets have not alwayes power alike , as to the procuring of good and ill ; but that in some places [ or signs of the zodaick ] they are more ●fficacious , in others less ; and that the same stars have greater power being in their proper houses , or in their exaltations [ or triplicities , ] or terms , or decanates . all which the later astrologers call their essential dignities . the most efficacious is that of houses . they hold the suns house to be leo , the moons cancer , saturn's capricorn and aquarius , jupiter's sagittarius and pisces , that of mars aries and scorpio , that of venus taurus and libra , that of mercury gemini and virgo . they call the exaltations and depressions of the planets , when they are in signs wherewith they are delighted , or when they are in those in which they have little ( or no ) power : for they are delighted in their exaltations ; but have little ( or no ) power in their depressions . as the suns exaltation is in aries when he is exactly in the 19th degree thereof , his depression in the sign and degree diametrically opposite to it . the moons exaltation is in taurus , her depression ( or detriment ) in the sign diametrically opposite . that of saturn is in libra , of jupiter in cancer , of mars in capricorn , of venus in pisces , and their depressions are in the signs diametrically opposite to their exaltations . the trigones or triplicities of planets are order'd by the chaldaeans after this manner . * the lord of the first triplicity ( of the zodiack ) is jupiter , of the 2● venus ; the same order they observe in the other two triplicities , except that the third is said to have two lords , saturn and mercury : the first part of the day is assigned to saturn , the night to mercury . the lord of the last triplicity is mars . how much this diff●rs from the vulgar way ( which takes in the sun and moon ) will easily appear to those who will take the pains to compare them . the later way see in firmicus . they call the terms of the planets in every sign , those in which any planet from such a degree to such a degree is most powerful or prevalent . * the chaldaick way of terms is gathered from the lords of the triplicities , ( which is plainer and more effectual than that of the aegyptians from the lords of the houses ) yet neither in their orders or quantities do they alwayes follow those planets which govern the triplicities . in the first triplicity , their division of terms in every sign thereof is one and the same . the first term they give to the lord of the triplicity jupiter , the second , to the lord of the following triplicity venus , the third and fourth , to the two lords of the triplicity of the gemini , which are saturn and mercury ; the fifth , to the lord of the last triplicity mars . in the second triplicity they divide every sign alike , and alot the first term to venus , by reason of her dominion in that triplicity , the second and third to the two lords of the triplicity of the gemini , which are saturn and mercury ; the fourth to mars , the last to jupiter . to saturn are attributed in the day 66 degrees , in the night 78 , to jupiter 72 , to mars 60 , to venus 75 , to mercury in the day 66 , in the night 78. the terms of the chaldaeans or babylonians . aries iupiter 8 venus 7 saturn 6 mercu. 5 mars 4 taurus venus 8 sa●urn 7 mercu. 6 mars 5 iupiter 4 gemini saturn 8 merur . 7 mars 6 iupiter 5 venus 4 cancer mars 8 iupiter 7 venus 6 saturn 5 mercu. 4 leo iupiter 8 venus 7 saturn 6 mercu. 5 mars 4 virgo venus 8 saturn 7 mercu. 6 mars 5 iupiter 4 libra saturn 8 mercu. 7 mars 6 iupiter 5 venus 4 scorpio mars 8 iupiter 7 venus 6 saturn 5 mercu. 4 sagittar . iupiter 8 venus 7 saturn 6 mercu. 5 mars 4 capricor venus 8 saturn 7 mercu. 6 mars 5 iupiter 4 a●uar . saturn 8 mercu. 7 mars 6 i●piter 5 venus 4 pisces mars 8 iupiter 7 venus 6 saturn 5 mercu. 4 the decanates or faces of the planets , have reference to those of the zodiack ; the first face is that planet whose sign it is : the second , the next planet ; and so on . that these were of antient chaldaick invention is manifest , not onely in regard that teucer the babylonian wrote concerning them , but likewise they were observed by the aegyptians , who ( as iosephus saith ) derived this learning from the chaldaeans . nicip●o king of aegypt , a most just governor , and excellent astrologer , did ( if we credit iulius firmicus ) collect all sicknesses from the decanates ; shewing what diseases every decanate caused ; because one nature was overcome by another , and one god by another . the same author adds , that petosiris touched this part of astrology but lightly ; not as being ignorant of it , but not willing to communicate his immortal learning to posterity . chap. v. aspects of the signs and planets . every sign of the zodiack hath a mutual aspect to the rest ; in like manner the planets have several aspects ; * they are said to be in mutual aspect or configuration , when they appear either in trine or square . they are said to behold one another in trine , when there is an interposition of three signs between them : in square or quartile , when of two . the sun passing into the sign next to that , wherein he was at the time of birth , regards the place of conception eit●er with a very weak aspect , or not at all ; for most of the chaldaeans have absolutely denied , that the signs which are next to one another behold one another ; but when he is in the third sign , that is , when there is a sign betwixt them , then he is said to behold the first place whence he came , but with a very oblique & weak light , which aspect is termed sextile ; for it subtends the sixth part of a circle : for if we draw lines from the first sign to the third , from the third to the fifth , and from thence to the seventh , & so on , we shall describe an aequilateral hexagone ; this aspect they did not wholly of , for that it seemed to conduce the least to the nativity of the child , but when he comes to the fourth sign , so that there are two betwixt , he looks on it with a quarterly aspect : for that line which his aspect makes , cuts off a fourth part of the circle . when he is in the fifth there being three betwixt , it is a trine aspect , for it subtends a third part of the zodaick : which two aspects the quartile and trine being very efficacious afford much increase to the birth . but the aspect from the sixth place is wholly inefficacious , for the line there makes not a side of any polygone , but from the 7th sign which is the opposite the aspect is most full and powerful , and bringeth forth some i●fants already mature , termed septimestres , from being born in the 7th moneth : but if within that space it be not mature , in the 8th moneth it is not born , for from the 8th sign as from the 6th , the aspect is inefficacious , but either in 9th moneth , or in the 10th : for the sun from the 9th sign beholds again the particle of the conception in a trine aspect , and from the 10th in a quartile ; which aspects , as we said , are very efficacious : but in the 11th moneth they hold , it cannot be born , because then , the light being weak , sends first his languishing ray in a sextile aspect , much less in the 12th , which aspect is not all valid . chap. vi. schemes . the way by which the chaldaeans from the very beginning observ'd the horoscope of any nativity , corresponds with that of their division of the zodiack ( mention'd formerly ; ) for a chaldaean sate in the night-time on some high promontory contemplating the stars ; another sate by the woman in travail until such time as she were delivered . as soon as she was delivered , he signifyed it to him on the promontory , which as soon as he had heard , he observed the sign then rising for the horoscope , but in the day he attended the ascendants and suns motion . of the twelve parts or houses into which the zodiack is divided , those which are predominant in every nativity , and chiefly to be considered in prognosticks , are four , which by one common name they term centers ( or angles , ) but more particularly , they call one the horoscope , or ascendant , another the medium caeli , ( the tenth house , ) another the descendant , ( the seventh house , ) another the subterrestrial and opposite to the medium caeli , ( the fourth house . ) the horoscope is that which happens to be ascendant at the time of the birth , the medium coeli is the fourth sign inclusively from it . the descendant is that which is opposite to the horoscope . the subterrestrial and imum coeli , that which is opposite to the medium coeli : as ( to explain it by an example ) if cancer be the horoscope , aries is the medium coeli , capricorn descendant , and libra subterrestrial . that house which goes before either of these houses they call cadent , that which followeth , succedent ; now that which goes before the horoscope being apparent to us , they affirm to be of the ill genius , that next which followeth the medium coeli of the good genius , that which is before the medium coeli , the inferior portion and single lot , and god : that which is before the descendant , a slothful sign , and the beginning of death ; that which is after the ascendant , and is not apparent to us , the fury and ill fortune ; that which cometh under the earth good fortune , opposite to the good genius : that which is beyond the imum coeli towards the east , goddesse ; that which followeth the horoscope slothful , which also is opposite to the slothful . or more briefly thus : the cadent of the horoscope is called the ill genius , the succedent slothful , the cadent of the medium coeli , god , the succedent good genius , the cadent of the imum coeli , goddesse , the succedent good fortune , the cadent of the descendant ill fortune , the succedent slothful . these , as they conceive , ought to be examined not superficially . upon these grounds the chaldaeans made their apotolesmatick praedictions , of which there is a difference ; for some of them are more simple , others more accurate : the more simple , those which are made from any one sign , or the simple force of a single star , as that a star being in such a sign shall cause such kind of men : the more accurate , those which are made by the concourse , and as they say , the contemporation of many . as if one sar be in the horoscope , another in the mid-heaven , another in the opposite point to the mid-heaven , others thus or thus posited , then these or these things will come to pass . these are all the remains of this art , which can be attributed to the antient chaldaeans . chap. vii . other arts of divination . the chaldaeans , besides astrology , invented and used many other wayes of divination , of which a diodorus siculus instanceth , divination by birds , interpretation of dreams , explication of prodigi●s , and hieroscopie . b r. maimonides likewise affirms , that amongst the chaldaeans antiently there arose several sorts of diviners , in particular these , megnonemin , menacheshim , mecashephim , chober chaber , shel ob , iid●●o●i , doresh el hammetim ; all which are mentioned deut. 18. 10 , 11. the first ascribed by diodorus to the chaldaeans , is divination of birds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or augury : neither is it probable , that they who were so great inquisitors into the several kinds of divination , should be ignorant of this , which after-ages esteemed one of the most considerable . but they who understand the word c menacheshim in this sense , seem to have been drawn to it by a mistake of the latine word augurari , by which it is rendred . the next , interpretation of dreams , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , d philo iudae●s affirms to have been invented by abraham . indeed that it was profest by the antient chaldaeans appears from their answer to nebuchadnezzar , e tell thy servants the dream , and we will shew the interpretation . there are extant many onirocritical verses , under the name of astrampsychus , collected out of suidas , and digested by ioseph scaliger : astrampsychus is mention'd amongst the magi by laertius : and f there are who conceive the name to be only an interpretation of the chaldaean or p●rsian zoroaster , which some render , a living star . the third , explication of prodigies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this kind the greek interpreters conceive included in the word iide●oni , for they render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last that diodorus mentions , is hieroscopie , by which i conceive to be meant extispicium , divination by inspection into the entrails ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of sacrific'd beasts . that the chaldaeans used this kind , may be argued from the prophet ezekiel , who saith of the king of babylon ( using divination , ) g he looked into the liver . th●se seem to be the gazrin , reckon'd by h daniel amongst the chaldaean diviners ; from gazar , to cut ; for they cut open the beast and divined by his entrails . o● , is rendred pytho , or ( rather ) pythonicus spiritus ; the word originally signifieth a bottle ; and ther●upon is taken for that spirit which speaketh ex utero pythonissae : the sacred text calls the woman esheth baalath ob , which the septuagint render , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and where saul saith , i i pray thee divine unto me in ob , they translate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r. maimonides saith , she that was initiated held in her hand a myrtle wand , & received suffumigatio●s : r. abraham ben david , that these rites were usually performed at some dead mans tomb. doresh el hammetim , is properly ( as rendred ) a necromancer : k some affirm this kind of divination had it's original in chaldaea . these and the rest of this kind are all comprehended under the general name mecashphim , of which formerly . the third section . magick , natural and theurgick . the third part of the chaldaick doctrine was magick : for though the name is conceived to be persian ( by some derived from mog , a a sirname of the persian zoroaster , b by others from the ma●ussaea●s ) yet this science it self was originally chaldaean , and properly the study of the ashaphim ; of whom laertius is to be understood , when he saith that the chaldaeans were the same with the babylonians , as the magi with the persians : hence is it also that the term magi is some times extended to the chaldaea● philoso●hers . pliny indeed saith , that c magick had it's ●eginning in persia from zoroaster , but adds , that whether this zoroaster was one , or afterwards a second also , is not certain : and that he rather meant the chaldaean , that the persian , may be inferred from his citing those authors who placed this zoroaster 6000 years before plato , or 5000 years before the trojan war ; which accounts ( though extravagant ) were doubtlesse intended of the most antient zoroaster , the chaldaean . he likewise instanceth d as skilful in this art marmaridius a babylonian , and zormocenidas an assyrian , both so antient as that there are not any monuments of them extant . the few remains we find of the chaldaean magick may be reduced to two kinds , natural and theurgick . chap. i. natural magick . the first part of the chaldaick magick is that which we commonly term natural , because it contemplates the virtues of all natural beings caelestial and sublunary , a makes scrutiny into their sympathy , and by a mutual application of them , produceth extraordinary effects . by this kind of magick the chaldaeans professed b to perform many admirable things , not only upon particular persons , but upon whole countries . r. maimonides instanceth the c expelling of noxious animals , as lions , serpents , and the like , out of cities ; the driving away all kind of harms from plants , prevention of hail , the destroying of worms that they hurt not the vines ; concerning these ( saith he ) they have written much in their books ; and some there are who boast they can cause that no leaves or fruit shall fall form the trees . chap. ii. magical operations , their kinds . their operations a r. maimonides reduceth to three kinds . the first is of those which deal in plants , animals , and metals . the second consists in circumscription and determination of some time , in which the operations are to be performed . the third consists in human gestures and actions ; as in clapping the hands , leaping , crying aloud , laughing , lying prostrate on the earth , burning of any thing , kindling of smoak , and lastly in pronouncing certain words intelligible or unintelligible ; these are the kinds of their magical operations . b some there are which are not performed but by all these kinds : as when they say , take such a leaf of such an herb when the moon is in such a degree and place : or , take of the horn of such a beast , or of his hair , sweat or blood , such a quantity , when the sun is in the middle of heaven , or in some other certain place . or , take of such a metall , or of many metalls , melt them under such a constellation , and in such a position of the moon ; then pronounce such and such words ; make a suffumigation of such and such leaves , in such and such a figure , and this or that thing shall come to passe . c other magical operations there are which they conceive may be performed by one of the fore-mentioned kinds , only these ( say they ) are performed for the most part by women , as we find amongst them : for the bringing forth of waters , if ten virgins shall adorn themselves and put on red garments , and leap in such manner that one shall thrust on the other , and this to be done going backwards and forwards , and afterwards shall stretch out their fingers towards the sun , makeing certain signes , this action being finished , they say that waters will issue forth . in like manner they write , that if fower women &c. using certain words and certain gestures , by this action they shall divert hail from falling down . many other such like vanities they mention all along their writings , which are to be performed by women . d but none of these ( as they imagine ) can be performed without having respect and consideration of the stars ; for thy conceive that every plant hath it's proper star : they ascribe also certain stars to all living creatures and metalls ; moreover these operations are peculiar worships of the stars , and that they are delighted with such an action , or speech , or suffumigation , and for it's sake afford them what they wish . hitherto r. maimonides , who only hath preserved these remains of the antient chaldaick superstition . chap. iii. of the tsilmenaia ( or telesmes ) used for averruncation . moreover the chaldaeans are by the rabbies reported to have been the first that found out the secret power of figures ; neither was there any thing more celebrious than the images of this kind made by them . they are called in chaldee and persian tsilmenaia , from the hebrew tselem , an image : in arabick , talitsmam or tsalimam , perhaps from the same root ; rather than as some conjecture from the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these images were prepared under certain constellations , for several purposes ; some for averruncation , others for praediction . those that serve for averrancation , some conceive to have been of later invention , and ascribe them to apollonius tyanaeus ; he indeed was the first amongst the graecians that was famous for them : but it is most probable that he brought this art out of the east , there being yet to be seen many of these figures or telesmes throughout the whole eastern part of the world ; and some of them very antient , which a gaffarel allegeth to confirm , that the persians , or if you will , the babylonians or chaldaeans , were the first that found them out . these the greeks term also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and the makers of them stoicheiomaticks . b ptolemy , the generable and corruptible forms are affected by the celestial forms : for which reason the stoickeiomaticks make use of them , considering the entrance of the stars into them : on which words hali aben rodoan ( or as the hebrew translation aben giafar ) writes thus . in this chapter ptolemy means to discover many secrets of images , and that the figures which are here below are correspondent to the like figurations above , which predominate over them : as for instance , the celestial scorpion predominates over the terrestrial scorpions , and the celestial serpent over the terrestrial serpents , and the skilfull in images ( stoicheiomaticks ) observed , when a planet was out of his combustion , and entred into any of these figures , then placing the planet in the horoscope , they engraved the figure upon a stone , and having added what else was necessary , they fitted it for preservation , or destruction , as they pleas'd ; and this power continued in the stone a long time after . chap. iv. of the tsilmenaia , used for prediction . another kind there was of tsilmenaia or telesmes , used for prediction : these images ( according to the description of a r. maimonides ) they did erect to the stars : of gold to the sun , of silver to the moon , and so distributed the metalls and climates of the earth among the stars , for they said , that such a star is the god of such a climate . there they built temples , and placed the images in them , conceiving that the power of the stars did flow into those images , and that those images had the faculty of understanding , and did give to men the gift of prophecy , and in a word did declare to them what things were good for them . so also they say of trees which belong to those stars , every tree being dedicated to some star , and planted to it's name , and worshipped , for this or that reason , because the spiritual vertues of the stars , are infused into that tree , so that after the manner of prophecy they discourse to men , and speak to them also in dreams . the word teraphim in the sacred scripture , amongst other significations , is sometimes taken for these images , whence b onkelos the chaldee paraphrast renders it tsilmenaia , with which the syriack version agrees ; the septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , implying by all these interpretations , that they were endewed with the gift of praediction : which is no more than the text it self confirms ; for c ezekiel saith of the king of babylon using divination , that he consulted the teraphim . of this kind are those teraphim conceived to be , which rachel stole from her father laban ; for he calls them his , d gods ; the copti●k version renders it , the greatest of his gods : r. d. kimchi conceives they were made by astrologers to foretell things to come , and that they were images whose figures we know not , by which the antients were informed of future events , they being in some manner like the oracles which often spake by the mouth of the devil . r. eliezer , that they were statues made in the figure of men under certain constellations , whose influences ( which they were capable of receiving ) caused them to speak at some set hours , and give an answer to whatsoever was demanded of them . aben ezra , that they were made after the shapes of men , to the end they might be capable of celestial influence ( and in the same manner interprets he the teraphim placed by michol in david's bed . ) adding , that the reason why rachel took them away , was not to take her father off from idolatry ; for if it were so , why then did she take them along with her , and not rather hide them in the way neer his house : but by reason that her father was skilful in astrology , she feared lest by consulting those images and the stars , he should know which way jacob was gone . and s. augustine , that laban saith , why hast thou stoln my gods ? it is perhaps in as much as he had said be divined , * i divined the lord blessed me because of thee , ] for so the more antient expositors interpret the word nichashti , and the jews understand that place , of prescience , divination , or conjecture , as mr. selden observes . philo iudaeus speaking of the * teraphim of micah , fancies that micah made of fine gold and silver three images of young ladds , and three calves , and one lion , one dragon , and one dove , so that if any had a mind to know any secret concerning his wife , he was to have recourse to the image of the dove which answered his demands ; if concerning his children , he went to the boys ; if concerning riches , to the eagle ; if concerning power and strength , to the lion ; if it anything concerned sons and daughters , he went then to the calves ; and if about the length of years and dayes , he was to consult the image of the dragon . this , how light soever , shews that he also understood the teraphim to be prophetical . chap. v. theurgick magick . the other part of the chaldaick magick is theurgick : to which perhaps plato more particularly alluded , when he defind a the magick of zoroaster , the service of the gods. this they called also b the method of rites ; the works of piety , and ( as renderd by the greeks ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the telestick science and telesiurgick . in what it did consist may be gathered from what suidas saith of the two iulians ; iulian ( saith he ) the chaldaean , a philosopher , father of julian sirnamed the theurgick ; he wrote of daemons four books ; they treat of preservatives of every part of mans body ; of which kind are the chaldaick telesiurgicks . and again , iulian son of the afore-mention'd , lived under marcus antonius the emperour , he also wrote theurgick initiatory oracles in verse ; and all other secrets of the science . thus the telestick science was conceived to procure a conversation with daemons by certain rites and ceremonies , and c to initiate or perfect the soul by the power of materials here on earth ; for the supreme faculty of the soul cannot by it's own guidance aspire to the sublimest institution , and to the comprehension of divinity ; but the work of piety leads it by the hand to god by illumination from thence ; plato indeed holds , that we may comprehend the ungenerate essence by reason and intellect ; but the chaldaean asserts , that there is no other means for us to arrive at god , but by strentghning the vehicle of the soul by material rites : for he supposeth that the soul is purified by stones , and herbs , and charms , and is rendred expedito for ascent . it is likewise beneficial to the body as well as to the soul , for * if a man shall give his mind to these , he shall not only render his soul unvanquishable by passions , but shall also preserve his body the better in health : for the usual effect of divine illuminations is to consume the matter of the body , and to establish nature by health , that we be not seised either by passions or diseases . chap. vi. theurgick rites . by theurgick or telestick rites they conceived that they could procure a communication with the good daemons , and expulsion or averruncation of the bad . the chief of these rites was sacrifice ; concerning which , there is a remarkable passage in a iamblichus , who delivers the chaldaick opinion thus : the gods give those things that are truly good , to such as are purified by sacrifices ; with whom also they converse , and by their communication drive away wickedness and passion far from them ; and by their brightness chace from thence the dark spirit ; for the evill spirits , when the light of the gods cometh in , fly away as shadows at the light of the sun : neither are they able any longer to disturb the pious sacrificer , who is free from all wickedness , perversness , and passion : but such as are pernicious , and behave themselves insolently in opposition to sacred rites and orders , these by reason of the imbecillity of their action , and want of power , are not able to attain to the gods , but because of certain pollutions are driven away from the gods , and associated with ill daemons , by whose bad breath they are inspired , and depart thence most wicked , profane and dissolute ; unlike the gods in desire , but in all things resembling the bad daemons with whom they converse daily . there men therefore being full of passion and wickedness , by the affinity that is betwixt them , draw the evil spirits to them , by whom being quickly possest , they are again excited to all iniquity , one assisting and strengthning the other , like a circle whose beginning and end meet . several other rites they used also , which they conceived to be prevalent in evocation of these daemons . they are allured ( saith b gregorius nicephoras ) out of the air and earth by certain stones or pulse , or certain voices or figures , which they call characters , invented by the chaldaeans and egyptians who first found out the proper dignoscitive sign of every daemon . some few of these are mention'd in the chaldaick oracles ; as , when thou seest the terestial daemon approach , sacrifize the stone mnizuris , using invocation . the daemons ( saith psellus ) that are neer the earth are by nature lying , as being far off from the divine knowledge , and filled with dark matter . now if you would have any true discourse from these prepare an altar and sacrifize the stone mnizuris . this stone hath the power of evocations , the other greater daemon who invisibly approacheth to the material daemon will pronounce the true relation of demands , which transmits to the demandant the oracle the vocatine name with the sacrificing of the stone . another of these rites mentioned by the same oracles , is that of the hecatine strophalus . labour about the hecatine strophalus . the hecatine strophalus ( saith psellus ) is a golden ball , in the midst whereof is a saphire , they fold about it a leather thong , it is beset all over with characters ; thus whipping it about they made their invocations . these they use to call iynges whether it be round or triangle or any other figure , and whilst they are doing thus they make insignificant or brutish cries , and lash the air with their whips . the oracle adviseth to the performance of these rites , or such a motion of the strophalus , as having an expressible power . it is called hecatine as being dedicated to hecate . hecate is a goddesse amongst the chaldaeans , having at her right side the fountain of vertues . no little efficacy was attributed to certain words used in these rites , which the chaldaick oracles expresly forbid to be changed . never change barbarous names . there are certain names ( saith psellus ) among all nations delivered to them by god ; which have an unspeakable power in divine rites , change not these into the greek dialect ; as seraphim and cherubin , and michael and gabriel : these in the hebrew dialect have an unspeakable efficacy in divine rites ; but changed into greek names are ineffectual . chap. vii . apparitions . the apparitions procured by these rites are of two kinds . a the first is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 super-inspection ( in respect to the initiated person : ) when he who orders the divine rites seeth a meer apparition , ( as for instance ) of light in some figure or form , concerning which the chaldaick b oracle adviseth , that if anyone sees such a light , he apply not his mind to it , nor esteem the voyce proceeding from thence to be true . c sometimes likewise to many initiated persons there appeares whilst they are sacrificing some apparitions in the shape of dogs and several other figures . these are apparitions of the passions of the soul in performing divine rites , meer appearances , having no substance , and therefore not signifying any thing true . the second is called d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 self inspection , this is when the initiated person seeth the divine light it self without any figure or form : this the oracle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e sacro-sanct , for that it is seen with a beauty by sacred persons , and glides up and down pleasantly and graciously through the depths of the world. f this will not deceive the initiated person , but whatsoever question you shall propose , the answer will be most true . when thou seest ( saith the oracle ) a sacred fire , without form , shining flashingly through the depths of the whole world , hear the voice of fire . g when thou beholdest the divine fire void of figure brightly gliding up and down the world , and graciously smiling , listen to this voice , as bringing a most perfect praescience . but h these things which appear to initiated persons as thunder , lightning , and all else whatsoever , are only symbols or signes , not the nature of god. chap. viii . material daemons how to be repuls'd . as it is one property of theurgy to evocate and procure a conversation with good daemons , so is it another , to repulse and chase away the material daemons , which as they conceive may be effected several wayes ; either by words , or actions . by words : for ( as a marcus delivers the chaldaick opinion ) these material daemons fearing to be sent to abysses and subterraneal places , and standing in awe of the angels who send them thither , if a man threaten to send them thither , and pronounce the names of those angels whose office that is , it is hardly to be expressed how much they will be affrighted and troubled ; so great will their astonishment be , as that they are not able to discern the person that menaces them , and though it be some old woman , or a little old man that threatens them , yet so great is their fear , that commonly they depart as if he that menaces were able to kill them . by actions : for the bodies of daemons ( saith the same b author ) are capable of being struck , and are pained thereby ; sense is not the property of compounds , but of spirits ; that thing in a man which feeleth , is neither the bone , nor the nerve , but the spirit which is in them : whence if the nerve be press'd or seized with cold or the like , there ariseth pain from the emission of one spirit into another spirit ; for it is impossible that a compound body should in it self be sensible of pain , but in as much as it partaketh of spirit , and therfore being cut into pieces , or dead , it is absolutely insensible ; because it hath no spirit . in like manner a daemon being all spirit is of his own nature sensible in every part ; hee immediately seeth and he heareth ; he is obnoxious to suffering by touch ; being cut assunder he is pained like solid bodies ; only herein differing from them , that other things being cut assunder can by no meanes or very hardly be made whole again , whereas the daemon immediately commeth together again , as air or water parted by some more solid body . but though this spirit joyns again in a moment , neverthelesse at the very time in which the dissection is made it is pained ; for this reason they are much affraid of swords , which they who chase them away knowing , stick up pointed irons or swords in those places where they would not have them come , chasing them away by things antipathetical to them , as they allure them by things sympathetical . from these material daemons , * upon those that worship them , descend certain fiery irradiations , like those we call falling stars , gliding up and down ; which those mad persons term apparitions of god ; but there is nothing true , firm or certain in them , but cheats , like those of iuglers , which the common people term wonders , because they deceive the eye ; * for being removed far from the beatitude of divine life , and destitute of intellectual contemplation , they cannot praesignify futures , but all that they say or shew is false and not solid , for they know beings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by their outsides , but that which knoweth futures particularly , useth notions indivisible and not figured . the fourth section . of the gods , and religious worship of the chaldaeans . in the last place , ( as to the explication of the chaldaick doctrine , especially of that part which concerned their ashaphim ) it is necessary we give accompt of the gods of the chaldaeans , and of their religious worship . and though mr. selden hath reduced all the asiatick gods under the common name of syrian , in his excellent treatise upon that subject ; yet we shall take notice of such onely as were proper to assyria , ( whether as being worshipt no where else , or from thence brought into syria and other countries : ) conceiving the rest nothing pertinent to the chaldaeans or babylonians . the religious worship of the chaldaeans may be reduced to three kinds ; the first , a worship of the true god , but after an idolatrous manner : the second , of daemons , or spirits : the third , of the celestial bodies , and elements . chap. i. of their idolatrous worship of the true god. the first kind of the chaldaick worship , was of the true god , though after an idolatrous manner : the author of the chaldaick summary affirms , that they held one principle of all things , and declare that it is one and good . that by this one and good they meant the true god , ( to whom alone those attributes belong ) may be gathered from a eusebius , who saith , ( speaking doubtless of the followers of zoroaster ) that in the first place they conceive god the father and king ought to be ranked ; for this reason the delphian oracle attested by porphyrius , joyns them with the hebrews ; chaldees and iews wise onely , worshipping purely a self-begotten god and king. but ( notwithstanding the oracle ) that this worship , though of the true god , was idolatrous , is beyond doubt : so as to them might be applied what st. paul saith of the romans , a when they knew god they glorified him not as god , but b changed the glory of the uncorruptible god into an image made like to corruptible man. the name and image whereby they represented the supreme god was that of bel , as appears by the prohibition given by god himself not to call him so any more : c thou shalt call me no longer baali ; bel with the chaldaeans is the same as baal with the phoenicians , both derived from the hebrew baal , lord ; this bel of the babylonians is mention'd by the prophets esay and ieremy : they who first translated the eastern learning into greek , for the most part interpret this bel by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iupiter . so herodotus , diodorus , hesychius , and others : berosus ( saith eusebius ) was priest of belus , whom they interpret ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) iupiter ; the reason of which seems to be , for that bel was the chief god with the chaldaeans , as iupiter with the graecians , who by that name meant the true god , as the chaldaeans by the other ; for to him st. paul applies that hemistick of aratus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( for we are also his off-spring , ) which hath reference to the first verse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and upon these words of st. peter , worship ye god , but not as the graecians , clemens alexandrinus observes , that he saith not , worship not the god whom the graecians , but as the graecians : he changed the manner of the worship , but preached not another god. the temple of this iupiter belus at babylon , is exactly described by herodotus an eye-witness , in whose time it was yet extant , thus ; the gates were of brass ; the temple it self square ; every side two furlongs broad . in the midst of the temple there was a solid tower ( not hollow ) of the thickness and height of a stadium ; upon which there was set another , and another upon that , and so on to eight : on the outside of these were st●●rs , by which to go up to every one of them ; in the midst of the stairs were seats for such as went up , to rest themselves : in the highest tower there was another temple ( or chapel , ) and in it a bed sumptuously furnisht , and a table of gold ; but neither in this was there any statue , nor doth any personly here a-nights except one wo●an , a foreiner , of whom the god makes choice above all other , as the chaldaeans who are priests of this god averr : for they say ( though i hardly credit it ) that the god hi●self comes into this temple , and rests in this bed : there is moreover in this temple another lower chapel , in which there is a great statue of jupiter all of gold , sitting ; and beside it a table and bench all of gold also ; in so much that the chaldaeans value it at 800 talents : likewise without the chapel there is an altar of gold , and another altar very great , upon which are sacrifized sheep of full growth , for upon that of gold it is not lawful to sacrifize any but sucklings ; on this greater altar the chaldaeans burn yearly frankinsence to the value of a hundred thousand talents , in sacrifice to their gods. there was also at the same time in this temple a statue 12 cubits high , of massy gold , which i saw not , but take upon the report of the chaldaeans : this statue darius son of hystaspes had a great mind to take , but durst not ; but his son xerxes afterwards took it , and slew the priest who forbad him to stir it : thus was this temple built and beautified , besides infinite gifts and presents . hitherto herodotus : he terms the priests of belus chaldaeans ; and r. maimonides ass●rts the chaldaean idolaters to be the same with the prophets of baal . the festival of bel is mention'd 2 kings 10. 20. his oracle by arrian ; the same which step●anus means saying , the chaldaeans had an oracle which was no less in esteem with them , than that at delphi was with the graecians . chap. ii. worship of other gods , angels and daemons . the second kind of their religious worship , was that of other gods , angels and daemons ; next the supreme god ( saith eusebius , delivering their opinion ) there followeth a multitude of other gods ; angels and daemons . these gods they distinguish'd into several orders , intelligibles ; intelligibles and intellectuals ; intellectuals ; fountains ; principles ; unzoned gods ; zoned gods ; angels and daemons . to the worship of these belongs what we have already delivered concerning their theurgy . chap. iii. the chaldaean worship of the caelestial bodies . the third kind of idolatrous worship used by the chaldaeans and babylonians was of the celestial bodies ; into which , maimonides saith , they fell soon after the floud : perhaps occasion'd by their continual addiction to contemplation of them ; and grounded upon observation of the great benefits communicated to man-kind by their influence . the levitical law , in prohibiting this idolatry , sets down the particulars of of it , lest thou lift up thine eyes unto heaven , and when thou seest the sun , and the moon , and the stars , even all the host of heaven , shouldst be driven to worship them and serve them . and of the jewish idolaters put down by iosiah ( besides those that burnt incense to baal , of whom already ) are reckon'd those that burnt incense to the sun and to the moon , and to the planets ( or signs , mazaloth ) and to all the host of heaven . this doubtless they learned of their nighbours the assyrians , of whom the prophet ezekiel complains that they doted . chap. iv. of the sun. the sun and moon are first named and distinguished from the rest ; with them perhaps this kind of idolatry began , before it came to be applied to any of the other stars ; for in the most antient mention of it , ( which is by iob a neighbour to the chaldaeans ) we find these two only named : that the chaldaeans esteemed these the principal is confirm'd by r. maimonides , who saith , they held the rest of the seven planets to be gods , but the two luminaries the greatest . but of these ( adds maimonides ) they held the sun to be the greatest god. what he further relates in confirmation hereof , out of the books of the sabaeans concerning abraham and the like , was delivered formerly . of the assyrian idols dedicated to the sun , macrobius mentions three , adad , adonis and iupiter heliopolites . adad ( saith he ) signifieth one ; this god they adore as the most powerful , but they joyn with him a goddess named atargatis , ascribing to these two an absolute power over all things ; by these they mean the sun and the earth ; that hereby they understand the sun , is manifest , for the image of adad is very fair , and hath beams bending downwards , to shew that the power of heaven consists in the beams of the sun , sent down upon the earth . the image of atargates hath beams erected ; to shew that the earth produceth all things by the power of the beames sent from above : thus macrobius ; but whereas he saith that adad signifieth one , either he himself is mistaken , or his text depraved , for ( as mr. selden observes ) with the syrians , and chaldaeans or assyrians , chad , from the hebrew achad , signifieth one ; but adad or adod which in the scripture is hhadad is of a different spelling ; drusius reads ( in macrobius ) hhada , which signifieth one in syriack . of this idol perhaps is the prophet isaiah to be understood , they that sanctify and purify themselves after one in the midst of the gardens , dedicated to that idol behind the temple ; subintelligendum enim templum , pone templum saith ioseph scaliger . adonis is derived from adon , lord. that adonis is the sun ( saith macrobius ) is not doubted , upon view of the religion of the assyrians , with whom venus architis ( now worshipt by the phoenicians ) and adonis were held in great veneration : for the naturalists worshipped the superio●r hemisphear of the earth , in part whereof we dwell , by the name of venus ; the inferiour they called pro●erpina . hereupon amongst the assyrians or phoenicians the godd●ss is introduced mourning , because the sun in performing his annual course passeth through the twelve signs of the inferiour hemisphear ; for of the signs of the zodiack six are esteemed superiour , six inferiour ; and when he is in the inferiour , and consequently makes the dayes shorter , the goddess is believ'd to mourn , as if the sun were snatch'd away by death for a time , and detained by proserpina the goddess of the inferiour part , and of the antipodes ; again they conceive that adonis is restor'd to venus when the sun surmounting the six stars of the inferiour order begins to illuminate our hemisphear , and lengthen the light and dayes . the last is iupiter heliopolites ; the assyrians ( saith the same author ) under the name of jupiter worship the sun ( whom they style 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) with extraordinary ceremonies : the image of this god was taken from a town in aegypt , named heliopolis also , at what time senemus , perhaps the same as senepos , reigned over the aegyptians ; it was brought thither by oppias ambassador of delebois king of the assyrians , and by the aegyptian priests , the chief of whom was parmetis ; and having been a long time kept by the assyrians , was afterwards removed to heliopolis ( in aegypt ) the reason of which , and why being caried out of aegypt it was brought back into the place where now it is , and where it is worshipt with rites that are more assyrian than aegyptian , i forbear to relate , as being nothing pertinent to our purpose . that this jupiter is the same with the sun , appears as well by their religious rites , as by the fashion of the image , for it 's being of gold ( of which metall maimonides describes those telesmes to have been which the chaldaeans made to the sun ) and without a beard , is sufficient argument hereof . the right hand is lifted up , holding a whip like a charioteer , the left holds a thunderbold and some ears of corn , all which denote the consociate powers of jupiter and the sun. moreover the religion of this temple is excellent for divination , which is ascribed to the power of apollo , who is the same with the sun : likewise the image of the heliopolitane god is caried on a beer , as the images of the gods are caried at the solemnity of the games of the circensian gods ; many nobles of that countrey follow , their heads shaved , they themselves pure by a long chastity ; they are driven by divine inspiration , not as they will themselves , but whither the god caries them . this god they consult even absent , by sending table●books sealed up , and he writes back in order to the questions inserted in them : thus the emperour trajan being to go out of that countrey into parthia with his army , at the request of his friends zealous in this religion , and who having had great experiments in this kind , perswaded him to inquire concerning the successe of his expedition , proceeded with romane prudence , lest there might be some deceit of man it , and first sent the table-books sealed up , requiring an answer in writing : the god commanded paper to be brought , and ordered that it should be sent to him , blank : to the astonishment of the priests . trajan received it with admiration , for that he also had sent a blanck table-book to the god. then he took another table-book , and wrote in it this question , whether having finished this war , he should return to rome ; ●his he sealed up : the god commanded a centurial vine , one of those gifts that were in the temple , to be brought , and to be cut into two pieces , and wrapt up in a napkin and sent . the event appeared manifest in the death of trajan , his bones being brought back to rome : for by the fragments , the kind of reliques ( his bones , ) ●y the token of the vine , the future chance was declared . hitherto macrobius . to these adde bel or belus , a name though more peculiar to the supreme deity , yet common to many of the chaldaean gods , and amongst others to the sun , as servius witnesseth . in punick language ( saith he ) god is named bal ; but amongst the assyrians he is called bel , and by a certain mystical reason , saturn and the sun. chap. v. the chaldaean worship of the moon . the moon was worshiped by the chaldaeans under many names , all which are feminine ; and the greater part answerable to those of the sun ( last mentioned ) which seems to confirm what r. maimonides delivers of them , that they held the seven planets to be gods and goddesses , male and femal , maried to one another . now as the chaldaeans ( or rather they who first translated the chaldaick learning into greek ) amongst other names applyed to the sun those of iupiter and adonis , in like manner did they give to the moon the correspondent attributes of iuno and venus . to iuno belong ada and belta , for so interpreted by hesychius ; a ada , iuno , with the babylonians ; b belthes , iuno or venus . both which are doubtlesse no other than the feminine names answerable to adad and bel , two names of the sun. that by iuno mythologists sometimes understand the moon , the learned c mr. selden confirms by the old form of incalation which the roman priests used at the nones of every moneth , dies te quinque calo iuno novella ( or covella , caelestis . ) to this iuno perhaps may more properly be referred what iulius firmicus applies to the air ; the assyrians ( saith he ) ascribed the principality of the elements , to the air , the image whereof they worshipped , styling it by the name of juno or venus the virgin ; whom the quires of their priests worshipped with effeminate voices and gestures , their skin smoothed , and their habit after the fashion of women ; thus he ; but that the assyrians worshipped the element of air is not else where easily found ; what de adds concerning their immodest rites , seems rather of affinity with those of venus , as described by other authors . to venus ( taken for the moon ) belong the names mylitta and alilat . they learnt ( saith herodotus speaking of the persians ) of the assyrians and arabians to sacrifize to urania : the assyrians call venus mylitta , the arabians ( our sabaeans ) alilat . thus herodotus ; who indeed seems to make this mylitta distinct from the moon ; ( of whom he had spoken a little before ) but that by alilat was meant no other , is evident from it's etymology from lail night . the antients ( saith sihal assemon ) amongst many other false gods , served one whom they called alilath , and affirmed that she is the moon , as being the mistriss and queen of the night . chap. vi. the chaldaean worship of the planets . the rest of the seven planets ( as a maimonides saith ) they held to be gods also . to saturn , whom diodorus ( if the text be not depraved , which i suspect ) affirms they held to be the chiefest of the five , they gave the common name of bel. eusebius , in the 28th year of thara ; belus the first king of the assyrians died ; whom the assyrians styled a god ; others call him saturn ; and servius , cited elsewhere , b in the punick language god is named bal ; but amongst the assyrians he is called bel , and by a certain mystical reason , saturn and the sun. c whence theophilus patriarch of antioch , some worship saturn as a god ; and call him bel , and bal ; this is done chiefly by those who dwell in the eastern climates , not knowing who saturn is , and who belus . some conceive that the more particular name of this planet was chiun or remphan : of which the prophet amos , but ye have born the tabernacle of your moloch and chiun your images , the stars of your god which ye made to yourselves : which text st. stephan renders thus , d yea , ye took up the tabernacle of your god remphan , figures which ye made , to worship them ; what is in the hebrew chiun , the greek renders remphan . by chiun aben ezra understands the planet saturn , whom plautus also , as petitus observes , calls chiun : rephan ( as kircher attests ) is used in the coptick language for the same planet . of iupiter ( having spoken already in treating of bel and the sun , to both which this name was applied , ) there is little more to be said . mars ( as the author of chronicon alexandrinum relates ) was first owned as a deity by the assyrians : the assyrians saith he were the first who did erect a column to mars , and adored him as a god ; they gave him the common name of belus , whence the babylonian belus is by hestiaeus interpreted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iupiter martius . but a more particular name of mars was that of azizus , under which he was worshipped together with mercury in the temple of the sun at edessa a city of mesopo●omia . they who inhabit edessa ( saith iulian ) a region of a long time sacred to the sun , place together with him in the temple monimus and azizus . that by monimus they understood mercury , by azizus mars , and that both these were assessours to the sun , iulian acknowledgeth to have learned of his master iamblicus . some there are who refer the idol negal ( brought by the samaritans out of assyria ) to this planet , for the rabbies fancy this idol to have been in the form of a cock : now the cock being * sacred to mars , and styled his bird , in regard of it's couroge , hence * they infer that mars was represented under that form , as venus under that of the hen by the idol succoth benoth . venus was worshiped by the assyrians and chaldaeans under many names : three of which we find in hesychius : the first belthes ( or rather belta ) which he interprets iuno and venus . this was a name common to the moon also , and spoken of formerly . the next , delephat , a name more appropriate to venus than the former , as appears by it's etymology , from the syriack word delpha coition . the last myleta , as hesychius reads , who adds , the assyrians ( so called ) urania . herodotus writes it mylitta : they learned ( saith he , speaking of the persians ) from the assyrians and arabians , to sacrifize to urania : the assyrians call venus mylitta , the arabians alilat . of which two names , though alilat ( as was observ'd heretofore ) was given to the moon also ; yet that of mylitta seems peculiar to venus , it being no other ( as scaliger observes ) than the plain syriack word mylidtha , generative or prolifick : venus genetrix . with this etymology well suit the rites belonging to the idol ; of which thus herodotus : the babylonians have one abhominable law ; every woman of that countrey , must once in her life sit in the temple of venus , and there accompany with a stranger . some of the richer sort not deigning to associate themselves with the rest of ordinary quality , are caried thither in covered chariots : and stand before the temple , a long train of attendants coming after them ; the greater part do in this manner ; there are many women sitting in the temple of venus crowned with garlands of flowers , some coming , others going : there are also several passages distinguished by cords , which guide the strangers to the women ; of whom they make choice as they best like ; no woman being once set there , returns home , untill some stranger hath cast money in her lap , and taking her aside , lain with her . the stranger who offers this money must say , i invoke the goddess mylitta for thee ; the assyrians call venus mylitta ; the money she must not refuse whatever it be ; for it is sacred : neither may the woman deny any man , but must follow him that first offers her money , without any choice on her part . as soon as she hath lain with him , and performed the rites of the goddess , she returns home , nor from thence forward can be allured by any price whatsoever . such as are handsome are the soonest dismist ; but the deformed are forced to stay longer before they can satisfy the law ; sometimes it happens that they attend a whole year , or two , or three in expectation . hitherto herodotus , of which custome some interpret the words of the prophet baruch concerning the chaldaean women , the women sit in the wayes guirded ( or rather surroundred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) with rushes ; and burn straw ; and if one of them be drawn away and ly with such as come by , she casteth her neigbour in the teeth , because she was not so worthily reputed , nor her cord broken . to these add succoth benoth , an idol made by the men of babylon : the signification of the word being the tents of the daughters . some conceive that hereby were meant those tents or partitions by chords described by herodotus , in which the women sate to perform the rites of ve●us mylitta ; venus being , as mr. selden is of opinion , derived from benoth : but from the words of the sacred text , it is manifest , that by succoth benosh was meant rather an idol , than temple or tents . the rabbies fancy it to have been in form of a hen and chicken , for as they called a hen succus , that is covering , so they called hens succoth , as brooding and covering , and benosh they interpreted her chickens , which she useth to cover with her wings . whence kircher expounds it of venus mylitta . chap. vii . of the other stars . nor were the planets only but the signs and all the rest of the stars esteemed gods by the chaldaeans : for they burnt incense to the mazaloth and to all the rest of the host of heaven . mazal is a star : they called the signs the twelve mazaloth : the zodiack the circle mazaloth ; and sometimes changing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mazaroth ; the septuagint renders it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which suidas interprets , the constellations called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signs . this agrees with what diodorus reports of the chaldaeans , that they held the principal gods to be twelve , to each of which they attributed a moneth , and one of the signs of the zodiack . that they worshipped the rest of the fixed stars as gods also , is implied by the sacred text last cited , which adds , and to all the host of heaven ; and is more expr●sly asserted ( amongst others ) by diodorus , who in his account of their doctrine affirms , that as they called the planets interpre●ers , so of the other stars , they called some the iudges of all things , others consiliary gods ; as we shall shew more particularly , when we come to speak of their astrology : neither is it to be doubted , but that as they owned some of the fix'd stars by these common titles of dignity iudges and consellers , so to the principal of them they att●ibuted particular names and idols , as well as to the planets ; and since the chaldaick polytheism was not ( like that of the greeks ) founded upon an imaginary mythology , ( though later writers treat of it after the same manner ) but had reference to the celestial bodies , which they worshipped under several names and idols ; it is no less probable than consonant to the chaldaick doctrine , that those other assyrian idols , ( ashim , nibhaz , tartak , adrammelek , anammelek , nisroch , ) mention'd in the scripture , were of the same kind with the rest , and belonged to several others of the stars ; but this conjecture is not easily evinc'd , in regard that there is little extant of those idols more than the bare mention of their names . chap. viii . of fire . there are who reckon the elements amongst the gods which the chaldaeans worshipt : that they had a particular devotion to the fire , is certain ; by it as some conceive they represented the supreme god ; as others , the sun ; the ground of which analogy we delivered formerly . concerning this pyrolatry of the chaldaeans there is a memorable passage related by a ruffinus ; the chaldaeans in the time of constantine the great travelled all over the earth to shew all men that their god excell'd all other gods , for they destroyed all the statues of other gods by their fire ; at length coming into aegypt , and making this challenge , the aegyptian priests brought forth a large statute of nilus , filling it ( for it was hollow ) with store of water , and stopping up the holes it had ( which were many ) with wax so artificially , that it kept in the water , but could not hold out against the fire . [ b suidas relates this something differently , as performed by a priest of canopus , who taking off the head of an old statue , put it upon a water-pot , which ( stopping the holes with wax ) he painted over , and set up in the room of canopus . ] the chaldaean began the contest with much rejoycing , and put fire round about the statue ; the wax melted , the holes opened , the water gushing forth put out the fire , and the chaldaeans were laugh'd at for their god. chap. ix . of the air , and earth . of the air thus a iulius firmicus , the assyrians ascribed the principality of the elements to the air , the image whereof they worshipped , stiling it by the name venus the virgin ; whom the quires of their priests worshipped with effeminate voices and gestures ; their skin smoothed , and their habit after the fashion of women . as for the earth , b macrobius saith , they worshipped the superiour hemispear of it , in part whereof we dwell , by the name of venus ; the inferiour hemisphear of the earth they called proserpina ; more of this mythology , rather phoenician than assyrian , and perhaps more graecian than either , see in macrobius . thus much concerning the doctrine of the chal●aeans . the second book . of the persians . beyond chaldaea , to the south , on one hand lies persia , on the other , arabia . philosophy ( or learning ) was communicated to both these countries by their neighbours , the chaldaeans . zoroaster , saith a plutarch , instituted magi amongst the chaldaeans , in imitation of whom , the persians had theirs also . persia is the most considerable kingdom of asia ; bounded , on the north , by media ; on the east , by cilicia ; on the west , by susiana ; on the south , by part of the persian gulf. the first part . the persian philosophers , their sects and institution . sect . i. of the persian philosophers . chap. i. of the persian zoroaster , institutor of philosophy amongst the persians . the persian learning is generally acknowledg'd to have been instituted by zarades , zaradussit , or zoroaster : but this name , ( as we observ'd formerly , ) seems to have been commonly attributed to such persons as were eminently learned . who therefore this zoroaster was , or a about what time he lived , is uncertain . b laertius stiles him a persian ; c clemens alexandrinus , a mede ; d suidas , a perso-mede : whence it may be argued , that he was not of so great antiquity , as most authors conceive . for we find the word persian no where used before the prophet ezekiel ; neither did it come to be of any note , until the time of cyrus . the later persians , saith e agathias , affirm , he lived under hystaspes , but simply , without any addition , so as it is much to be doubted , nor can it be certainly known , whether this hystaspes were the father of darius , or some other . hystaspes the father of darius was contemporary with cyrus , neither doth it appear , that the persian zoroaster liv'd much earlier . but at what time soever he liv'd , saith f agathias , he was the author , and introducer , of magical religion , amongst the persians , and changing their old form of sacred rites , he introduced several opinions . so likewise g the arabick historiographer , zaradussit not first instituted , but reform'd the religion of the persians and magi , it being divided into many sects . a fabulous tradition of the occasion and manner thereof related by the persians themselves , receive from h dion chrysostome , they say , that through love of wisdom , and iustice , he withdrew him from men , and lived alone in a certain mountain ; that afterwards leaving the mountain , a great fire coming from above , did continually burn about him ; that hereupon the king , together with the noblest of the persians , came nigh him intending to pray to god ; that he came out of the fire unharmed , appeared propitiously , bidding them to be of good cheer , and offered certain sacrifices , as if god had come along with him into that place ; that from thenceforward he conversed not with all men , but with such only as were naturally most addicted to truth , and capable of the knowledge of the gods , whom the persians called magi. to this persian zoroaster i suidas ascribes , of nature , four books ; of precious stones , one ; astroscopick apotelesmes , five ; k eusebius , a sacred collection of persicks , which , by the fragments he cites , seems to have treated of the persian religion . these some attribute to the chaldaean zoroaster ; others , to some other , not any with greater certainty than the rest . chap. ii. of hystaspes , a great improver of the persian learning . the doctrine of the persian magi was much augmented by hystaspes . he was ( according to a herodotus ) of achaemenia , a region of persia , son of arsames , or , ( as other editions ) arsaces ; he lived in the time of cyrus , whose dream concerning darius , the eldest son of hystaspes , prognosticating his being king of persia , together with the discourse betwixt cyrus and hystaspes concerning it , is related by b herodotus . darius the son of this hystaspes was born in the 4165. year of the iulian period , and was almost 20. years old a little before cyrus died . about the same time also , c hystaspes and adusius joyning together conquer'd all phrygia bordering upon the hellespont , and taking the king thereof , brought him prisoner to cyrus . hystaspes was , ( as d ammianus marcellinus affirms ) a most wise person , who adds , that boldly penetrating into the inner parts of upper india , he came to a woody desert , whose calm silence was possess'd by those high wits the brachmanes . of these he learnt the discordant concord of the motions of the stars , and of heaven , and of pure rites of sacrifice , which , returning into persia , he contributed as an addition and complement to magick . chap. iii. of osthanes , who first introduced the persian learning into greece . the persian learning , ( as a pliny affirms , ) was first communicated to the grecians by osthanes . the first , saith he , that i find to have commented upon this art ( magick ) is osthanes , who accompany'd xerxes king of the persians in the war which he made upon greece . zerxes set out from susa upon this expedition in the beginning of the fourth year of the 74. olympiad , though diodorus siculus , confounding the transactions of two years in one , relates this done in the first year of the olympiad following . b herodotus affirms , that this provision was in making the three whole years before this year ; but with a note premised in the precedent chapter , which cannot consist with the exact course of the times . for , saith he ; from the subduing of aegypt , he was full four years in gathering an army , and in making his preparations , and in the beginning of the fifth year , he began to march with a huge army ; for indeed he set out from susa , in the beginning of the fifth year , not from his subduing of aegypt , but from his coming to the crown . so that both c iustine out trogus , and orosius following him do unadvisedly attribute five years : but most absurdly , doth iulianus , in his first oration of the praises of constantine , say , that he was ten years in making this preparation . but more ingenuous than all those , ( yet not over exquisite in his accompt ) is d libanius , where he saith , that , between darius and xerxes there was ten years time spent in making this preparation against greece , since we have formerly shew'd out of plato , that from the fight at marathon , to the fight ▪ of salamis , which was fought in the first year of the 75. olympiad ( almost a full year after xerxes his setting out from susa ) there were only ten years run out . hence it appears that pythagoras and plato , who where precedent in time to osthan●s , and in their travels conversed with the persian magi , were not fully acquainted with the depth of their sciences , or else being more res●rv'd forbore to communicate them , otherwise than as intermingled with those which they appropriated to themselves . e pliny adds , that osthanes , whilst be accompany'd xerxes into greece , scatter'd the seeds as it were of this portentuous art ( magick ) wherewith he infected the world , all the world whither soever he went ; and it is cer●ain , that this osthanes chiefly made the grecians not desirous , but mad after his art. thus pliny , alluding to goetick magick , of which the author of the f treatise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , asserts the magi to have been wholly ignorant . and g arnobius affords him a bett●r character , that he was chief of the magi , both for eloquence and action ; that he made address to the true god with due veneration ; that he knew the angels did wait upon the true god , and the like . by osthanes ( as we said ) the persian learning was brought into greece , and therefore we shall not proceed further in our inquiry after the professors of it amongst the persians . sect . ii. the institution , and sects of the persians . chap. i. the persian magi their institution . all professors of learning amongst the persians were termed magi. a laertius , it is said , that philosophy and its original from the barbarians , since among the persians were magi ; amongst the babylonians , or assyrians , the chaldaeans ; and gym●osophists amongst the indians ; amongst the celtae and gallatae , were those who were called the druides , or seninothei , as aristotle , in his trea●ise magicum , and sotion , in the 23. chap. of his succession , affirms . hence b suidas , magi amongst the persians were philosophi and philothei . but , their principal study and employment consisting in theology and religious rite , magus is more frequently interpreted a priest. amongst the persians , saithc porphyrius , those wise persons who were employ'd about the divinity , and served him , were called magi ; this is the signification of magus in their dialect . and d apuleius , magus in the persian language , signifieth the same as priest in ours . hesychius , a worshipper of god and a theologist , and a priest , is by the persians stiled magus . some conceive they were so termed by zoroaster , at their first institution . e suidas , zoroaster the perso-mede , who first began the name of magi celebrious amongst them . f others derive the word from mog a sirname of zoroaster , or from g mije gush , one that hath short ears , affirming that zoroaster was such . the author of the arabick history relates , that theh religion of the persians being before zoroaster's time divided into many sects , he reformed it ; i agathias , that he changed their old form of sacred rites , and introduced many new opinions , and was the author and introducer of magical religion among the persians . k the magi delivered their learning successively in their families from one age to another , whence after the succession of many ages , at this present , saith ammianus marcellinus , a multitude sprung from one and the same race , is dedicated to the rites and worship of the gods. for , increasing by degrees , they grew at last to the largeness and name of a compleat nation dwelling in towns not fortify'd with any walls , and , being permitted to use their own laws , they were honoured in respect of their religion . the country of the magi in persia , is mentioned by l clemens alexandrinus , who takes notice of three wonderful mountains in it . and m solinus mentions , as belonging to them , the city pasagarda . n suidas and o cedrenus call them magussaeans , and affirm , that they were called magog by those of their own country . so great was the esteem which the magi had among the persians , thatp cicero saith , the kings of persia , before they undertook the government , were alwayes initiated in the sacred mysteries of the magi , which q plato describes thus : at fourteen years old they whom they call the royal paedagogues take charge of the youth . these are four men chosen out of the most excellent of the persians , in the prime of their age . the most wise , the most just , the most temperate , and the most valiant . the first of these teacheth him the magick of zoroaster the son of horomases ( this is the service of the gods ) and teacheth him also the royal institutions . dion chrysostome saith , that the magi were admitted to the kings counsels , and were assessors with him in iudicature , as being well acquainted with the natures of things , and knowing after what manner the gods are to be served . all publick affairs ( saithr agathias ) were managed by their direction and advice . they adjudged rewards or punishments . dion elsewhere relates , that cambyses , upon his expedition into aegypt , resigned the government of the persians into the hands of the magi. s constantius manasses styles them the guardians of the royal palaces , and t pliny , speaking of magick , saith , it grew up at last to so great height , that even at this day it is exceeding prevalent with many nations , and in the east it beareth sway over the king of kings : king of kings was the proper title of the persian monarch . chap. ii. the sects , discipline and manners of the magi. eubulus , a who wrote the history of mythra in many volumes , affirms , that amongst the persians t●ere were three kind of magi : the first , who were the most learned and eloquent of them , did eat no other food but meal and oil. thus eubulus cited by s. hierome . more of the distinction of the magi into three sects w● m●●t not elsewhere ; but , probably , it had reference ( as amongst the chaldaeans ) to their several studies , of which hereafter . b dinon and aristotle , or rather the author of the treatise of magick cited by laertius , relate of the mag● , that they renounce rich attire , and to wear gold. their rayment is white upon occasion , their beds , the ground , their food , nothing but herbs , cheese , and bread ; instead of a staff they carry a ca●e , in the top whereof they put their cheese , which as occasion served they did eat . they had one in their society chief amongst them , called by c sozomene , the prince of the ma●i . d their chief employment was religious worship , they being conceived to be the only persons w●ose prayers the gods would hear . e they made discourses concerning iustice , and esteemed it impious to burn the bodies of the dead , and lawful to ●y with a mother or a daughter , as solion in his 23. book . f herodotus saith , they differ , as from ot●ers , so from the aegyptian priests , in this , that these pollu●e themselves with the death of nothing but their sacrifices , whereas the magi , with their o●n hands , kill any thing , except a man and a dog ; yea they esteem it a great exploi● , if they have kill'd very many ants , or serpen●s , or other creeping or flying things . the second part . the doctrine of the persians . that which is delivered to us of the persian doctrine and opinions is so little and so imperfect as it will not easily admit of being knit together by any method ; yet , in regard of the near affinity their learning is conceived to have had with the chaldaeans , we shall observe the same course in collecting and digesting the few remains of it : first to allege what concerns their theology and physick ; next , their arts of divination ; thirdly , their religious worship and rites , particularly termed magick ; and lastly , to give a catalogue of all their gods. chap. i. theologie and physick . that the persian magi were not unacquainted with theology and physick is confirmed by a suidas . magi , saith he , among the persians are philosophers and lovers of god. b laertius affirms , they discoursed concerning the substance and generation of the gods ; andc dion chrysostome , that they were skilful in natures . d zoroaster the magus , in his sacred collection of physicks , saith expressely thus . god hath the head of a hawk : he is the first incorruptible , aeternal , unbegotten , indivisible , most like himself , the charioteer of every good , one that cannot be bribed : the best of things good ; the wisest of things wise : moreover he is the father of equity and iustice : self-taught , natural and perfect and wise , and the sole inventor of sacred nature . e plutarch relates of zoroaster , that he divided all things into three kinds . over the first kind he conceived horomazes to be president , the same whom the oracles call the father . over the last , arimanes ; over the middle kind , mithra , whom the oracles call the second mind . and that horomazes made himself three times as big as the sun ( who in the persian language is called cyrus . ) mithra made himself twice as big ( as the sun ) who was next to horomazes . to which these platonick assertions are correspondent , that all things are about the king of all , and that all things are for him , that he is the cause of all good things , the second is employed about the secondary things , the third is employed about the third kind of things . the three parts into which zoroaster and plato divided all things , are these , the first is aeternal ; the second had a beginning in time , but is aeternal ; the third is corruptible . thus plitho citing plutarch whos 's own words are these . f some are of opinion that there are two gods , one opposite in operation to the other ; one , working good , the other , ill . others call him who is the good , god , the bad , daemon : of this opinion was zoroaster the magus , whom they report to have preceded the trojan war 5000. years . this zoroaster declared the names of the good , to be oromazes , of the bad , arimanius , adding , that , of sensible things , the one did most resemble light , and knowledge , the other , darkness , and ignorance . wherefore the persians call mithra the mediator . he further taught , that , to one , we ought to offer votives and gratulatory sacrifices , to the other , averruncative and dismal oblations . for , pounding a certain herb called omomi in a morter they invoke hades and darkness , then , mixing it with the blood of a slain wolf , they carry it forth and throw it into a place , where the beams of the sun come not , for , of plants , they hold , that some belong to the good god , others , to the ill daemon , and that , of animals , some , as dogs , birds , and porcupines belong to the good , the aquatile , to the bad , for which reason they esteem him blessed who hath kill'd most of that kind . g they likewise relate many fabulous things concerning the gods , of which kind is this i will allege , that oromazes was produced of purest light , arimanes of darkness , and that these two war against one another ; that oromazes made six gods , the first , of benevolence ; the second , of truth ; the third , of aequity ; the rest of wisedom , riches , and pleasure , which good things are attendant upon the maker ; that then horomazes tripled himself , and removed himself so far from the sun , as the sun is distant from the earth , and that they adorned the heaven with stars , appointed one the dog-star as guardian and watch for the rest ; that he made 24. other gods , and put them in an egge , and that arimanius having made as many more , they broke the egge : whence it comes , that good is intermingled with ill . that the fatal time approacheth , in which these shall be destroyed by famine and pestilence , and arimanius utterly destroyed , and the earth made even and smooth ; there shall be one life and one city ( or common society ) of all men living , and one language . chap ii. arts of divination . amongst the other parts of the persian learning , are to be reckoned their arts of divination and prediction , which a laertius affirms were practised by the magi. b cicero adds , that they assembled ( in fana ) in temples or consecrated places , to consult about divination . hence c strabo saith , that , by the antients , diviners were much esteemed , such as , amongst the persians , were the magi , and necromancers , and lecanomancers , and hydromancers : d aelian , that the wisdom of the persian magi , besides all other things which it was lawful for them to know , did consist also in divination ; and e lucian stiles the magi a kind of persons skilful in divination , and dedicated to the gods. of their divination f cicero giveth an instance concerning cyrus ; g aelian , another concerning ochus . amongst other kinds of divination , h velleius paterculus affirms , that they foretold by the marks of the body . they seem to have been skilful likewise in astrology , for i suidas ascribeth to the persian zoroaster five books of astroscopick apotelesmes . that they were also consulted concerning the presignification of prodigies , is manifest from the relation of k valerius maximus , concerning that which happened to xerxes . chap. iii. of the religious rites , or magick of the persians . the chief science and employment of the persian magi , was termed magick , from the professors , magi , and is defined by plato , a the service of the gods , called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the magi , saith b laertius , are employed in the service of the gods , and about sacrificing and praying , as being the only persons , whom the gods will hear . so c dion chrysostome , the persians call them magi , who are skilful in the worship of the gods , not like the greeks , who , ignorant of the meaning of the word , call them so who were skilful in goetick magick ; of which that the persian magi were ignorant , d laertius allegeth the testimonies of aristotle , in his treatise entituled magick , and dinon , in the first book of his histories . as concerning their religious rites , e herodotus and f strabo affirm , that they had no temples , altars , or images , but did impute it to madness in such as had ; the reason whereof g herodotus conceives to have been , for that they did not believe as the grecians , that the gods were h of humane form ; or as i cicero , for that they conceived the gods , to whom the whole world was but a temple or house , could not be shut up within walls ; upon which ground the magi perswaded xerxes to burn the grecian temples . but k strabo frequently elsewhere mentions their temples , altars and images ; whence it may be argued , either that in the time of herodotus they had not any , and that strabo , in affirming the same , with herodotus , is to be understood onely of their primitive institution , which when the macedonians afterwards conquer'd them , became corrupted with graecian rites ; or that there were different sects among them from the beginning : whereof some allow'd altars , images , and temples , others disallow'd them . l herodotus and strabo further add , that they sacrifised in high places ; their rites and sacrifices herodotus describes thus ▪ when they go about to sacrifise , they neither erect an altar , nor kindle fire , nor use libation , nor flutes , nor garlands , nor cakes , but when any man intends to sacrifise to some one of these gods , he drives the victime to a clean place , and invoc●tes that god ; his tyara being crown'd with myrtle ; it is not lawful for him who sacrifiseth to pray for good things for himself alone , but he must pray for all the persians in general , and in particular for the king : for in praying for all the persians he includes himself . having cut the victime into little pieces he boiles the flesh ▪ and strewing soft herbs , especially trifoly , he laies the flesh upon them ; the magus standing by sings a theogonial hymn ; for this they conceive to be a powerful incantation . without a magus it is not lawful for them to sacrifise ; soon after , he who sacrifiseth takes away the flesh and disposeth of it as he pleaseth . m strabo adds , that when the magus who declares the sacrifice hath distributed the pieces of the flesh , every one taking his piece they all depart home : leaving no part for the gods ; for they say the gods require nothing but the soul of the victime : yet some ( it is said ) lay part of the sat upon the fire . chap. iv. the gods of the persians . herodotus a and b strabo reckon the gods of the persians thus , iupiter ; the sun ; the moon ; venus ; the fire ; the earth ; the winds ; the water . c laertius not so fully , the fire , the earth , and the water . by iupiter , as d herodotus and strabo affirm , they understood the whole circuit of heaven : agathius adds , that they worshipped iupiter under the name of bel , which sufficiently argues they derived this god from the chaldaens . to the sun ( as both e herodotus and strabo witness ) they sacrifised : strabo adds , that they called him mithra . this was the greatest of their gods , as cyrus ( introduced by f xenophon ) acknowledgeth ; swearing by him : h●sychius likewise affirms it was the greatest of their gods , and that the greatest oath which the king himself took was by mithra . they represented him with the face of a lion , in a persian habit , with a tiara , holding with both hands a bull by the horns , which seemed to strive to get from him ; signifying , that the moon begins to receive her light from him when she leaves him . g zoroaster first amongst the persians ( as eubulus affirms , who wrote many volumes of the history of mithra ) did consecrate a natural cave in the mountains next persia , in honour of mithra , the king and father of all : signifying by this cave the world framed by mithra ; by the other things disposed within it , in fit distances , the elements and quarters of the world. the cave of mythra is mentioned by many others . in the mythraean rites ( for so lampridius terms them ) celsus ( cited by h origen ) saith , the twofold motion of the stars , fixt and erratick , was represented ; and the passage of the soul through them : in sign whereof there was set up a high pair of stairs , having seven gates , the first of lead , the second of tin , the third of brass , the fourth of iron , the fift of leather , the sixt of silver , the seventh of gold : the first belongs to saturn , the lead signifying the slowness of that planet ; the second to venus , to whom they compare tin , for its brightness and softness ; the third to jupiter , as being most solid with brasen steps ; the fourth to mercury , for they hold him to be the stoutest undertaker of all businesse , cunning and eloquent . the fift to mars , in regard of its unequal and various commixture ; the sixth to the moon , of silver ; the seventh to the sun , whose colour as also that of the stars resembles gold. he who was initiated into these rites proceeded , as suidas relates , through several degrees of contumely , ( i nonnus upon gregory nazianzen saith twelve ) k and of pain , as burning , blows , and the like , by which trial he was to give testimony of his sanctity and of his being void of passion . of the rites of the moon there is nothing said in particular . concerning those of venus , l herodotus saith , they sacrifise also to urania which they learnt of the assyrians and arabians ; the assyrians call venus , militta , the arabians alilat , the persians metra . and as milidtha in syriack signifieth generative , prolifick , ( venus genetrix ) so mader , or mater , with the persians signifies ( as raphelengius observes ) a mother . this perhaps was that mother of the gods , whichm cicero affirms to have been worshipt by the persians , syrians , and all the kings of europe and asia , with great devotion . the fire , n iulius firmicus saith , they preferred before all the other elements ; o agathias affirms , they learnt to worship it of the chaldaeans : p strabo relates , that in cappadocia there was a great number of magi , called pyrethi , and many temples of the persian gods ; they kill not the victime with a kni●e , but strike it down with a club : here also there are pyretheia chapels , in the midst of which is an altar , covered with great store of ashes ; where the magi preserve a fire that never goes out ; and coming in every day sing almost the space of an hour , holding a bundle of rods before the fire , [ with which , as q mr selden observes , they stirred it up whilst they sung , ] their heads are covered with woollen tiaras , which being tied on both sides hide their lips and cheeks : thus strabo , an eye-witness . these pyratheia ( or as suidas terms them pyreia , ) were those sempiternal fires of the magi mentioned by r ammianus marcellinus : neither in temples only did they use th●se rites , but in private caves , where s iulius firmicus reports they worshipped the fire with many extraordinary ceremonies , as amongst other things using to pronounce these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nor did this worship extend to fire only , but t to all things that resembled it , as dionysius reports , whereof u strabo instanceth the pyropus . w iulius firmicus addes , that they called the fire mithra , by which , as also by their worshipping it in caves , it is manifest that ( sometimes at least ) they took it for the sun , their greatest deity . concerning the worship of the earth and winds nothing particular is delivered ; that of the water was performed in this manner , x they go to a lake , river , or spring , where they make a trench and kill a victime ; taking care that none of the blood come at the water ; then laying myrtle and lawrel upon it they burn it with rods , and making some prayers , sprinkle oil mixed with milk and honey , not in the fire or water , but on the earth . other gods the persians had , though not reckoned amongst these , whether as lesse principal , or of later date ; of th●se are mentioned by the same author ( strabo , ) and by others , anaitis ( venus ) amandatus , sacaea , sandes and na●naea ( diana ) . hitherto of the doctrine of the persians . the third book . of the sabaeans . arabia the noblest peninsula ( if we may so term it ) of asia , is terminated by the persian , the indian , and the red sea , except that on one side it is conterminous to syria , by which vicinity was occasioned so neer a correspondence betwixt those nations , that as the chaldaean learning overspreading all mesopotamia , syria , and assyria , did on one side extend to their neighbours the persians , so on the other it ●eached to the arabians . from which neernesse perhaps it was ( not only of situation but religion and opinions , ) that pliny useth their names promiscuously , calling a great part of mesopotamia , arabia , and the arabians themselves syrians . and the later eastern writers ( especially the arabians ) under the appellation of chasdim or chaldanin ( chaldaeans , ) comprehended not only the babylonians but the nabathaeans , charaneans , and sabaeans , as ( amongst others ) muhamed isacides takes chasdanin and nabathaea to be synonimous , and ahmedus , to his book concerning the religion of the sabaeans , gives this title , of the rites of the charanean chaldaeans commonly known by the name of sabaeans , he adds , commonly known by the name of sabaeans , because the sabaeans being the most considerable of these , they likewise under the appellation of sabaeans included all the rest ; even the chaldaeans of mesopotamia : using the terms of chaldaea and sabaea no less promiscuously than pliny those of arabia , mesopotamia , and syria : for which r. maimonides ( who doth so throughout all his writings ) gives this reason , because the doctrine of the chaldaeans extended thither , and that the religion of all these nations was the same . now whereas arabia is commonly distinguish'd into the stony , the desert , and the happy , we here mean not that part which is stiled the desert , lying on the north of sabaea , and first planted by ismael , whose posterity afterwards , having learned the language of the sabaeans ( arabick ) were called arabians also , or more properly , hagarens , as descended from hagar , and aarab mastiaarabah , the made arabians , ( that is , made such by cohabitation and conversation with the true arabs , ) but those other true arabs the inhabitants of the desert and the happy , whereof the former came from nebaiothus , son of ismael , and are by pliny , strabo , and ptolomy called nabataeans , as the country it self nabataea , the later from saba , son of chus , the son of cham , after whom stiled sabaeans ( as the countrey sabaea ) and ( in distinction from the made arabians of arabia the desert ) the native arabians . the charanaeans mentioned together with these , were the inhabitants of cara , a city of arabia , mentioned by pomponius mela , whose inhabitants the carraeans , pliny placeth next the sabaeans , distinct from hara or caran in mesopotamia . the first part . the sabaean philosophers . chap. i. of the institutors of the sabaean sect. concerning the first institutor of learning and religion amongst the sabaeans , there is not any certain agreement of authors . patricides , an arabian writer , attributes this invention to a certain persian , named zerodast , contemporary with terah father to abraham ; zerodast and zoroaster are the same ; whereby it appears , that patricides means one of those two zoroasters , whereof one was the first author of sciences amongst the chaldaeans , the other introduced the same sciences amongst the persians ; and though he calls this zerodast a persian , yet by the antiquity of the time in which he conceives him to have liv'd , it is probable he rather intended the chaldaean . others ( adds patricides , ) are of opinion that tachmurat king of persia gave beginning to this religion . the same perhaps whom elmacinus ( another arabian historian , ) calls tachurith : others ( saith he ) conceive that the religion of the sabaeans was manifested by a certain king of the persians , whose name was tachurith . elmacinus mentions another persian , to whom the same invention was attributed , in those dayes , saith he , came forth nazarib a persian , who , as is reported , was author of the religion of the sabaeans . others ( continues patricides ) derive the infancy of the sabaeans from a certain grecian named juvan or javan , son of berkley , and him they will have to be of the city zaittuna , which was built in attica . thus he : where hottinger for berkley reads mercolim , mercury , confirmed by elmacinus upon the same subject . others saith he , affirm , that the religion of the sabaeans was brought forth by a man whose name was juvan , son of markoli , a grecian , who first found out the science of the stars . to these patricides adds the opinions of some others , who held that the authors of this sect were some of those who were at the building of the tower of babel . thus the arabians . some attribute the institution of the sabaeans to cham , son of noah , who being banish'd from his fathers sight , fled thither , and ( to use the words of lactantius ) settled in that part of the earth which is now called arabia . this was the first nation that knew not god , because the principal founder thereof had not received the worship of god by tradition from his father : thus lactantius , with whom many agree in attributing the original of idolatry to cham , and to his son chus the first planter of chaldaea , from whose son saba the sabaeans were so named , and , upon this ground , some have laboured to prove cham and chus , to be same with the first and second zoroasters , of which formerly . others ( as damascen ) ascribe the original of idolatry to serug . epiphanius , and the author of the chronicon alexandrinum , affirm that hellenism began in the time of serug , this hellenism some conceive the same with the sabaean superstition ; what the greek fathers call hellenism , the rabbins term goth , the arabians , algiaheleiton , the time of ignorance and paganism . and though to determine any thing of those early and obscure times be very difficult , yet we cannot doubt , but that the idolatrous worship of fire and of the sun ( ascribed to the sabaeans ) was of great antiquity among them , since mentioned by the most antient of authors , iob , who lived neer them , as appears by the inroad which the a sabaeans made upon him . b if i beheld ( saith he ) the c sun when it shined , and the moon walking in brightness , and my heart hath been secretly enticed , or my mouth hath kissed my hand , this also were an iniquity to be punish'd by the iudge , for i should have denyed the god that is above ; where by kissing of the hand is imply'd the antient manner of veneration . chap. ii. others of the sabaean sect. that terah father of abraham was bred up in this doctrine might be conjectur'd from iosuah 24. 2. where he is reckoned among those that served strange gods. a philo terms him an astronomer , one of those that are v●rst in mathematicks . of abraham son of terah , b r. maimonides expressely saith , it is well known that our father abraham was educated in the faith of the zabians , who held there is no god but the stars ; indeed c berosus acknowledgeth he was skilful in the celestials , and eupolemus , cited by eusebius , ascribes to him the invention of astrology and chaldaick . the zabians themselves in their annals give this accompt of his departure out of chaldaea . d abraham , say they , being educated in ur , but dissenting from the vulgar , and asserting that there was another creator besides the sun , they began thus and objected against him , and amongst other objections , they alleged the evident and manifest operations of the sun in the world ; but a●raham answered them , you are right , which sun is like the ax which is in the hand of him that striketh therewith : then they recite some of the objections which he brought against them , and at last they say , that the king cast him in prison , but neverthelesse he persisted in prison to oppugn them , whereupon the king fearing lest he might do some hurt to his kingdom , and seduce men from their religion , confiscated all his estate , and banish'd him to the utmost borders of the east . ●hus the zabians : from which relation iosephus differs not much , who saith , that e abraham first undertook to convince the received erronious opinion of men , concerning the deity , and that he first taught and proved that there is but one god , but seeing the chaldaeans and mesopotamians began to mutiny against him for it , he thought it expedient to forsake the country . the rabbinical traditions are more particular herein : r. solomon hiarki reports from an antient commentary , that terah fell out with his son abraham , in the presence of nimrod , for breaking his idols , and that abraham was thereupon cast into a fiery furnace . moses gerundensis confirms the same story , but r. chain relates it otherwise : abraham , saith he , met with a woman holding a dish in her hand , and the woman asking him whether he would offer any thing to the gods , he took a staff , and broke the images which the woman had , and threw away the staff ; his father coming thither at the same time , demanded what was the matter , abraham answer'd , that she had asked him , whether he would make an offering , and that upon his answering that he would first eat something , there arose a dispute betwixt them : but his father urged that the businesse was otherwise , and that he was heard to say many reproachful things of nimrod . the controversy was brought before nimrod the king of babel : he commanded abraham to worship the fire that was set before him ; abraham answered , if so , then adore you the water , water which quencheth fire . nimrod said to him , vvorship the water ; abraham answered , if so , worship the clouds which distil the water . nimrod said , then worship the clouds ; whereupon abraham , if it be so , then the wind is to be worshipped which agitates and scatters the clouds . again nimrod , vvorship the wind ; but abraham , if so , then is man much more to be worshipped who understands the wind. at length nimrod growing angry , you talk , saith he , idlely , i worship none but the fire , into the midst of which i will cast thee . let the god whom thou worshipest come and free thee by his right hand . aran stood by and talked ; they asked of which opinion he was ; he answer'd , if abraham get the better , i will be for him , if nimrod , for nimrod . after abraham had gone into the fiery furnace and was freed , they said to aran , of which side art thou ? he said of abraham's ; then they took him , and cast him into the fire , and all his bowels were burned , and he was taken out dead in the presence of his father . thus r. chain ; but cedrenus affirms , that abraham throwing his fathers idols into the fire , his brother aran endeavouring to rescue them , was burned . the arabians who imitate the jews in relations of this kind , and fancy superstructures of their own upon fables of the rabbies , give a further accompt of what happened unto abraham after his departure from nimrod , as appears by a fragment of a mahometan writer , of which i shall cite only so much as most particularly concerns the sabaeans . edris , on whom be peace , was the first who after enoch , the son of seth , the son of adam , on whom peace , wrote with a pen. this thing afterwards edris taught his sons , and said to them , o sons , know that you are sabaeans , learn therefore to read books in your youth . now sabaeans are writers , of whom the high ( he means mahomed ) said ( alk. sur. 2. ) the sabaeans and the nazarenes . the author adds , that they ceased not to possess the books of s●th and edris by hereditary right among themselves , until the times of noah , and of abraham , after that the high god aided him against nimrod , on whom be malediction . but in that day wherein abraham went out of the land of irack , and would go into syria , into t●e la●d of his fore-fathers , he went to the land of charan and ghesira , and there he found a people of the zabaeans who read old books , and believed such things as were contained in them . but abraham said , o my god , i did not think that besides my self and those that are with me , there had been any of the faithful who believed thee to be one ; and god breathed to abraham this answer . o abraham , the earth is never destitute , but that there are some in it that dispute for god : but god commanded him to call them to his religion , and he called them , but they would not , saying , how shall we believe thee , when thou readest not a book ? and god sent among them a forgetfulness of these things whicb they knew of sciences and books , for they conceived the books which they used to be from god , and some of them believed , others not . afterwards the zabaeans were divided , and some of them believed , viz. the barhameans , who did not separate themselves from abraham of blessed memory , but the rest followed their own religion very eagerly , viz. those who are in the land of charan , who went not with abraham into syria , and said , we follow the religion of seth , edris , and noah ; thus according to kissaeus , the religion of the sabaeans was the same with that of the haranaeans , or mesopotamians . what he relates of abraham ' s being sent to the sabaeans , is all borrow'd from the rabbinical traditions . but that there were antiently learned persons in arabia , skilful in natural philosophy , astronomy , and other sciences , is manifest from testimonies far more authentick ; as ( particularly ) from the discourses betwixt iob and his friends : of the arabian philosophers is it understood , that salomon's wisdom is said to have excelled the wisdom of all the sons of the east . tacitus , describing iudaea , the land and bounds to the east are terminated by arabia . and that the jews called arabia the east country is evident from several places in scripture , as gen. 10. 30. and 25. 6. 18. iob 1. 3. iudg. 6. 3. 1. &c. pliny also mentions the magi of arabia , ( of whom he instanceth hippocus . ) ptolomy , the gulf of the magi , in arabia , and porphyrius ( citing diogenes ) relates that pythagoras ( amongst other countries to which he travelled for learning ) went also to arabia , and liv'd with the king there . chap. iii. their writings . the sabaeans pretended ( as was lately shew'd out of kisseus , ) to have had the books of seth , and edris , and not only those , but some also written by adam ; for the same author continuing the story of abraham ' s coming amongst the sabaeans , adds , that afterwards abraham opened the chest of adam , and behold , in it were the books of adam ; likewise the books of seth , and of edris ; as also the names of all the prophets that were to be sent after abraham ; but abraham said , happy indeed are the loins out of which all tbese prophets shall come : and god breathed to him ( this answer ) thou , o abraham , art the father of them all , and they thy children ; and for this reason abraham deserv'd to be called the father of the prophets , upon whom be peace . of the same allay a maimonides conceives the book of healings to have been , which was hid by ezekiel . the same b maimonides cites many other books of the sabaeans , translated into arabick , of which the chiefest is entituled , of the agriculture of the c nabateans , translated by aben vachaschijah : full of idololatrical extravagancies ; it treats of the making of tsilmenaias , of the descent of familiar spirits , of conjurations of daemons , of devils , of such as dwell in deserts ( as satyrs were thought to do ) many other things it contained very ridiculous , by which nevertheless they conceived that they could confute the manifest miracles ( of moses , and the prophets . ) another entituled , the worship , or of the worship of the nabateans , out of which d maimonides cites a story concerning abraham related formerly . e the book haistamchus , ascribed to aristotle , but falsly . f the book hattelesmaoth , of tsilmenaias ; buxtor●ius renders it , of speaking images ; the reason we have given formerly . the book ●amtam . the book of hassearabh . the book of the degrees of the celestial orbs and the figures that are ascendent in every degree . another book concerning tsilmenaias , which also is attributed to aristotle . another book ascribed to hermes . the book of isaak the zabian , wherein he argues in defence of the law of the zabians . a great book of the customes and particularities of the law of the zabians , as of their feasts , sacrifices , prayers , and other things concerning their belief : all these ( saith maimonides ) are books which treat of idolatrical things , and are translated into the arabick tongue . besides these , ( as maimonides acknowledgeth , ) there are many others , g hottinger cites ( in his own possession ) a treatise of mahomet the elder , son of isaak , who is otherwise called abulfark , the son of abi iakub . the second part . the doctrine of the sabaeans . what is left to us of the doctrine of the sabaeans is delivered upon later authorities than those from which we have the chaldaick : and therefore perhaps is but an accompt of what it was in later times , degenerated from their primitive doctrine , which was immediately derived from the chaldaick . nor is it improbable , but that this corruption might be somewhat aggravated by the eager opposition of the talmudists , and some arabick writers that follow them , from whose hands only we receive it . however , we conceive it necessary to be annexed to the former , of which , though depraved , it pretends at least to be the continued succession . chap i. of the gods and rites of the sabaeans . tthe a sabaeans held ( as the chaldaeans ) that the stars are gods , but the sun the greatest god ; for they plainly assert , that the sun governs the superiou● and inferiour worlds ; b and call him , the great lord , the lord of good . what they relate concerning abraham , refusing to worship the sun , is delivered elsewhere ; what they further fable of the patriarchs , that adam , ( not being the first man , but begotten by a man and woman ) was a prophet of the moon , and , by preaching , perswaded men to worship the moon , and composed books of husbandry ; that noah was a husbandman likewise , but believed not in idols , for which they discommended him in all their writings ; that seth also dissented from adam as to worshipping the moon ; see delivered more fully by c maimonides . their forms of worshipping these gods was twofold , dayly , and monethly ; the dayly , is by said vahed described thus : they make the first day sacred to the sun , the second , to the moon ; the third , to mars ; the fourth , to mercury ; the fift , to iupiter ; the sixt , to beltha venus ; the seventh , to saturn . the description of their monethly worship receive from a ms. of mahumed ben isaac , cited by hottinger ; they begin the year from the moneth nisan , of which they keep holy the first , second , and third dayes ; adoring and praying to their goddess beltha : they go to her temples , sacrifising sacrifices , and burning living creatures : on the sixt day of the same moneth they kill a bull to their goddesse the moon ; and towards the evening of the same day eat it : on the eighth day they a keep fast , and likewise celebrate ( at night ) a feast in honour of the seven gods and of the daemons ; offering a lamb to the god of the blind ( mars ) : on the fifteenth day is the festival of sammael , ( by this name the talmudists understand the devil ) celebrated with many sacrifices , holocausts , and offerings : on the twentieth they visit a coenobium of the harranaeans , called cadi , where they kill three oxen , one to saturn ; another to mars , the blind god ; the third to the moon : they kill likewise nine lambs , seven to their seven gods ( the planets ) one to the god of the geniusses , and one to the god of the houres . they likewise burn many lambs and cocks . on the 28. day , they go into the temple which they have in the city saba , at a certain gate of charran , called the gate assarah ; and kill to hermes their god a great bull ; as also seven lambs to their seven gods ; one to the god of the daemons , and to the god of the houres , eating and drinking ; but they burnt nothing of any beast that day . the second moneth which is iiar , they begin also with sacrifices , celebrating the consecration of sammael , and feasting : the second day they keep in honour of aben salem ; drinking , and filling their hands with tamarisk and other fruits . the 23. day of the third moneth they keep in honour of sammael , whom they affirm to be the god that maketh the arrows fly ; the cumar , or priest , makes an arrow take fire twelve times , by rubbing another stick against it : the last time he creeps upon the ground , and puts flax to it ; if their flax kindle , they conceive their rites well accepted of the gods , otherwise not . the fourth moneth thammus , had a peculiar solemnity about the middle of it , called the festival albukal , of the weeping vvomen : the original of which is thus related by r. maimonides : in the same book , saith he , they tell a story of a certain idolatrous pseudo-prophet , named thammuz : who calling upon the king to worship the seven planets , and the twelve signs of the zodiack , and being by the king put to an ignominious death , the same night in which he was slain , all the images from all parts of the earth met in the palace which was erected at babylon to the great golden image of the sun , suspended betwixt heaven and earth : there this image of the sun fell down prostrate in the midst , and ( all the rest of the images standing round about it ) bewailed thammuz , and began to relate what had happened to him ; whereupon the rest of the images fell a-weeping , and lamented all that night : but assoon as the morning appeared they all flew away and returned home to their several temples . hence came the custome , that on the first day of the moneth thammuz ( iune ) they weep , lament , and bewail thammuz . this custome of vvomen weeping for tammuz is mentioned also by the prophet e ezekiel , as imitated by the jews . t●e 27. day of this moneth they consecrate to sammael , and to other gods and daemons ; sacrificing nine lambs to hanan . in the fift moneth , which , as the syrians , they call ab , they presse new win● to their gods , and give it several names , this they do the eight first dayes . they likewise kill a new born infant to their gods , which they beat all to pieces ; then they take the flesh and mix it with ry-meal , saffron , ears of corn , mace and little cakes like figs ; they bake this in a new oven , and give it to the people of the congregation of sammael all the year long ; no woman eats of this , nor servant , nor son of a bond-woman , nor man that is possessed , or mad . the rites of the sixt moneth , named eil●ul , are thus described by the same author ; three dayes they boil water to wash themselves , that they may perform the rites of sammael , who is the prince of the daemons and the greatest god ; into this water they cast some tamarisk , wax , olives , spice , &c. and when it is hot , take it before sun-rise , and powre it upon their bodies , as an amulet : the same day also they kill eight lambs , seven to their gods , and one to the god sammael ; they eat also in their congregations , and drink every man seven cups of wine ; the prince exacts of every one of them two drachmes to be paid into his exchecquer . on the 26. day on the same moneth , they go forth to a mountain , celebrating the rites of the sun , saturn and venus ; burning eight hen-chickens , eight cocks , and as many hens ; he who made a prayer and request to fortune takes an old cock , or a cock-chicken , to the wings of which he ties two strings ; and sets their ends on fire , and gives up the chickens to the goddesse fortune ; if the chickens are quite consumed by the fire , his prayer is heard ; but if the fire of those strings goes out before the chickens be quite burnt , the lord of fortune accepts not his prayer , nor offerings , nor sacrifices . on the 27. and 28. they have their mysteries , sacrifices , offerings , and holocausts to sammael , ( who is the greatest lord : ) to the daemons and genuisses , which compasse them about , defend them , and bestow good fortune on them . the seventh moneth , which the syrians and sabaeans call the first tischri , hath peculiar rites , thus described by the same author : about the middle of this moneth , they burn meat to the dead , in this manner : every one buys of every sort of meat that is in the market ; of all kind of flesh , fruits , green and dry ; they likewise dresse it several wayes ; all which they burn in the night-time to the dead , and wish it the thigh-bone of a camel ; they also pour mixed wine upon the fire , for the dead to drink . in the eighth moneth , which is called the later tischri , they fast on the 21. day , and so on , for nine dayes , the last of which is the 29. this day they do in honour of the lord of fortunes , &c. the ninth moneth , called the first canun , is chiefly sacred to venus ; on the fourth day they set up a tabernacle , which they call the bed of beltha ; adorning it with several leaves , fruits , roses , &c. before they offer their sacrifices of beasts and birds , they say , let these sacrifices be destined to our goddesse beltha ; this they do for seven dayes : all wich time they burn many beasts to their gods and goddesses . on the 30. day of the same moneth , the priest sits in a high chair , to which he gets up by nine steps ; and , taking in his hand a stick of tamarisk , stretcheth it out to them all , and striketh every one of them with it three or five or seven times . afterwards he makes a discourse to them , wherein he declareth to the congregation their continuance , multitude , places , and excellency above all other nations ; he likewise tells them the largenesse of their empire , and the dayes of their reign : after which he comes down from the chair , and they eat of the things offered to the idols , and drink : and the prince exacts of every one of them this day two drachmes to the exchecquer . the tenth moneth , called the other canun , seems particularly devoted to the moon ; for on the 24. day thereof is the nativity of the lord , that is , the moon , at what time they celebrate the rites of sammael , sacrificing , and burning fourscore living creatures four-footed beasts and fowl ; they also eat and drink , and burn badi , sticks or canes of palm slender at the bottom , to their gods and goddesses . in the eleventh moneth , sijubat , they fast seven dayes together , beginning from the ninth day , upon which they proclame a fast to the sun , who is the great lord , the lord of good : they eat not in all this time any thing of milk ; nor drink wine ; nor pray during this moaeth to any but sammael , the gen●i , and daemons . in the mon●th adar , which is the tw●lfth and last , they fast also to t●e moon , especially on the 28. day ; the president di●●ributes a barley loaf to the congregation , in honour of mars ; the prince exacts of every one of them towards his exchecquer two drachmes . chap. ii. other rites of the sabaeans contrary to the levitical law. a rmaimonides mentioneth several other rites of the sabaeans , which were expressely repugnant to the levitical law , adding , that he was acquainted with the reasons and causes of many of the l●ws of moses , by means of knowing the faith , rites and worship of the sabaeans . the examples alleged by him and others are these . th●y 〈◊〉 leavened bread only , and , for their offerings , made choice of sweet things only , and anointed their sacrifices with honey ; prohibited , levit. 2. 11. they used on a certain day to feed on swines flesh ; prohibited , levit . 11. 7. they held it unlawful to kill and feed on some beasts permitted to the jews ; as the ox , which maimonides saith , they much honoured for the great profit he brings by agriculture , and therefore held it unlawful to kill him , as also the sheep ; neither of which they kill'd . some of the sabaeans worshipped devils , believing they had the shapes of goats , and therefore called them seirim ; on the contrary , the levitical law prohibits to offer sacrifices le seirim , unto goats , that is to say , devils appearing in the forms of goats . levit. 17. 7. though they did abhominate blo●d , as a thing exceeding detestable , yet they did eat it , believing it to be the food of the daemons , and that he that did eat of it should become a brother or intimate acquaintance of the daemons , insomuch that they would come to him and tell him future events ; prohibited , levit. 17. 10. 23. they worshipped the sun at his rising , for which reason , as our rabbins expressely teach in gemara , saith maimonides , abraham our father designed the vvest for the place of the sanctum sanctorum , when he worshipped in the mountain moria . of this idolatry they interpret what the prophet b ezekiel saith , of the men with their backs towards the temple of the lord , and their faces towards the east , worshipping the sun towards the east . mahummed be●-isaac relates , that they shaved themselves with razors , and br●●d●d themselves with fire ; there were also married women amongst them who shaved themselves in the same manner ; forbidden , levit. 21. 5. c they had a custome of passing their children , as soon as they were born , through the fire , which they worshipped , affirming that such children as were not so passed would dy . this was also expresly forbidden by the levitical law. another most obscene custome they had of engrafting , described by d maimonides , to which he conceives the levitical prohibition to allude . others there are of the same kind cited by the same author , e who concludes , that as concerning those particular laws , the reasons whereof are conceal'd , and the benefit unknown to me , it proceeds from hence , that the things which we hear are not such as those which we see and perceive with our eyes . for this cause , those things concerning the rites of the sabaeans , which i have learnt by hearing , and from their writings , are not so solid and certain , as with those who have seen them practised , especially seeing that their opinions and sects perished 1000. years since , and their names were abolished . with the sabaeans , we conclude the chaldaick philosophy . the chaldaick oracles of zoroaster and his followers . with the expositions of pletho and psellus . london , printed for thomas dring , 1661. the chaldaick oracles of zoroaster and his followers . the most considerable remains of the chaldaick philosophy are those oracles which goe under the name of zoroaster ; some indeed condemn them as supposititious , a forged by some pseudo-christian greek ; ( perhaps the rather , because b the followers of prodicus the heretick , boasted that they had the secret books of zoroaster . ) but this seems lesse probable , in regard they lye dispersed amongst several authors ; nor are they to be neglected , in that they have been held in great veneration by the platonick philosophers . which sufficiently also argues that they are none of the writings charged by c porphyrius upon the gnosticks , as forged by them under the name of zoroaster , since those ( as he acknowledgeth ) were by the platonick philosophers , ( of whom he instanceth plotinus and amelius ) rejected and demonstrated to be spurious and suppositions . some argue that they are not chaldaick , because many times accommodated to the greek style ; but there are in them many so harsh and exotick expressions , as discover them to be originally forein ; and where they agree in terms with that which is proper to the greek philosophy , we may say of them as d iamblichus upon another occasion , ( on the writings that go under the name of hermes trismegistus ) as they are published under the name of zoroaster , so also they contain the doctrine of zoroaster , though they frequently speak in the style of the greeks ; for they were translated out of chaldee into greek by persons skilfull in the greek philosophy . to perswade us that they are genuine , and not of greekish invention , e mirandula professeth to ficinus , that he had the chaldee original in his possession , i was ( saith he ) forcibly taken off from other things , and instigated to the arabick and chaldaick learning by certain books in both those languages , which came to my hands , not accidentally , but doubtlesse by the disposall of god in favour of my studies . hear the inscriptions , and you will believe it . the chaldaick books , ( if they are books and not rather treasures ) are , the oracles of aben esra , zoroaster and melchior , magi : in which those things which are faulty and defective in the greek , are read perfect and entire . there is also , ( adds he ) an exposition by the chaldaean wise-men upon these oracles , short and knotty , but full of mysteries ; there is also a book of the doctrines of the chaldaick theology , and upon it a divine and copious discourse of the persians , graecians , and chaldaeans ; thus mirandula , after whose death these books were found by ficinus , but so worn and illegible that nothing could be made out of them ; further , to confirm that these oracles were ( as we said ) translated into greek by persons skilfull in the greek philosophy , let us call to mind that berosus f introduced the writings of the chaldeans concerning astronomy and philosophy amongst the graecians ; and that iulian the son , a chaldean philosopher , g wrote iheurgick oracles in verse , and other secrets of that science : and probably , if these were no part of that chaldaick learning which berosus first render'd in greek , they yet might be some of the thëurgick oracles ( for such the title speaks them ) of iulian ; for some of them are cited by proclus as such . from the accompt which mirandula gives of those in his possession , to which were added a comment , and a discourse of the doctrines of the chaldaick theology , it might be conj●ctur'd , that what is deliver'd to us by pletho and psellus , who besides the oracles , give us a comment on them , together with a chaldaick summary , was extracted out of that author which mirandula describes to have been of the same kind and method , but much more perfect and copious . this title of oracles was perhaps not given to them only metaphorically to expresse the divine excellence of their doctrine , but as conceived indeed to have been deliver'd by the oracle it self ; for h stephanus testifies that the chaldaeans had an oracle which they held in no lesse veneration than the greeks did theirs at delphi : this opinion may be confirmed by the high testimonies which the platonick philosophers give of them , calling them i the assyrian theology revealed by god , and the theology deliver'd by god. and proclus elsewhere having cited as from the gods , one of these oracles which speaks of the ideas , ( a platonick doctrine ) adds , that hereby the gods declared the subsistence of ideas , and acquiesceth as satisfied in that the gods themselves ratifie the contemplations of plato . some of these oracles which escaped the injuries of time , were first publish'd by ludovicus tileanus , anno 1563. at paris ; together with the commentaries of gemistus pletho , under the title of the magical oracles of the magi descended , from zoroaster , the same were afterwards translated and put forth by iacobus marthanus , and lastly together with the comment of psellus also , by iohannes opsopaeus at paris . 1607. these by franciscus patricius were enlarged with a plentifull addition out of proclus , hermias , simplicius , damascius , synesius , olympiodorus , nicephorus , and arnobius : encreasing them k by his own accompt , to 324. and reducing them for the better perspicuity to certain general heads , put them forth and translated them into latine anno 1593. they were afterwards put forth in latin by l ottho heurnius , anno 1619. under the title of the sincere magical oracles of zoroaster king of bactria , and prince of the magi ; but heurnius under the pretence of m putting them into good latin , ( as he calls it ) and polishing them with a rougher file , hath patch'd up and corrupted what patricius deliver'd faithfully and sincerely , endeavouring to put these fragments into a continued discourse , which in themselves are nothing coherent but dispersed amongst several authors . patricius indeed hath taken much learned pains in the collection of them ; but with lesse regard to their measures and numbers , and ( as from thence may be shown ) sometimes of the words themselves : nor is there any certain means to redresse this omission , by comparing them with the authors out of which he took them , since few of those are extant , neither doth he ( as he professeth to have done ) affix the names of the authors to the several fragments , except to some few at the beginning ; however , we shall give them here according to his edition , that being the most perfect ; together with such additions as we meet withall else where , and some conjectures to supply the defect we mention'd . and whereas many of these oracles are so broken and obscure , that they may at first sight seem rather ridiculous than weighty , yet he who shall consider , that as many of them as are explain'd by pletho , psellus , and others , would without those explications seem no lesse absurd than the rest , but being explain'd disclose the learning of the chaldaeans in a profound and extraordinary manner , will easily believe all the rest ( even those which appear least intelligible ) to be of the same kind , and consequently ought no more to have been omitted than any of the rest . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 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〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . francisci patricii zoroastri oracula . monas , dyas , et trias . ubi paterna monâs est . ampliata est monâs , quae duo generat . duitas enim apud hunc sedet , & intellectualibus fulget sectionibus . et gubernare cuncta , & ordinare quodcumque non ordinatum . toto enim in mundo lucet triâs , cujus monâs est princeps . principium omnis sectionis hic est ordo . in tria namque mens dixit patris secari omnia , cujus voluntas annuit , & jam omnia secta fuere . in tria namque dixit mens patris aeterni , mente omnia gubernans . et apparuerunt in ipsâ virtus & sapientia , et multiscia veritas . hinc fluit triadis vultus ante essentiam , non primam , sed eam quae mensuratur . principiis tribus hisce capias servire cuncta . ***** et fons fontium , & fontium cunctorum . matrix continens cuncta . indè affatim exilit generatio multivariae materiae . indè tractus praester exilis ignis flos , mundorum indens cavitatibus . omnia namque indé . incipit deorsum tendere radios admirandos . pater et mens . seipsum rapuit pater , neque suae potentiae mentali claudens proprium ignem . non enim à paterno principio imperfectum quid rotatur . cuncta namque perfecit pater , et menti tradidit secundae , quam primam vocat omne genus hominum . patrogenia lux : multum namque sola e patris robore decerpens mentis florem . opera enim intelligens paterna mens è se genita , cunctis inseminavit vinculum igni gravis amoris ; quo omnia maneant , tempus in interminatum amantia . neque omnibus quae patri mentaliter contexta monstret . ut in amore maneant mundi elementa manentia . habet ipsa intelligentia paternam mentem indere omnibus fontibus & principatibus . est enim finis paterni profundi , & fons mentalium . neque progressus est , sed man●it in paterno profundo , et in adyto , per deo-nutriens silentium . non enim in materiam , ignis trans primus suam potentiam claudit operibus , sed mente . symbola enim paterna mens seminavit per mundum . quae intelligibilia intelligit , & ineffabilia exornat . tota partitio , & impartibilis . mente quidem continet intelligibilia , sensum verò inducit mundis . mens , intelligibilia , & mentalia . et unius mentis intelligibilis . non enim sine intelligibili mens est : non seorsum existit . quaedam sanè sunt mentalia & intelligibilia , quaecunque dum intelligunt intelliguntur . cibus verò intelligenti est intelligibile . disce intelligibile , quandoquidem extra mentem existit . et mentis , quae empyreum mundum ducit . mentis enim mens est quae mundi est artifex ignei . qui supermundanum paternum profundum estis intelligentes . intelligibilis omnis sectionis princeps est . est enim quoddam intelligibile , quod oportet te intelligere mentis flore . vel enim inclines , ut mentem , & illud intellexeris . ut aliquid intelligens , non illud intelliges . est enim roboris circumquaque lucidi potentia , mentalibus fulgens sectionibus . non sanè oportet vehementiâ intelligere intelligibile illud , sed mentis amplae amplâ flammâ omnia metiente , praeterquam intelligibile illud . opus ergò est hoc intelligere ; nam si inclinaveris mentem tuam , etiam illud intelliges non parúm . sed purum converte oculum , ferentem tuae animae tendere vacuam mentem in intelligibile ; ut discas intelligibile , quandoquidem extra mentem existit . deum hunc intelligit omnis mens , non enim sine mente est intelligibili , & intelligibile non sine mente existit . ignis mentalis mentalibus praesteribus cuncta cedunt servientia , patris persuasorio consilio . et intelligere , sempérque manere impigrâ vertigine . fonte & principii . vertere sempérque manere impigrâ vertigine . sed nomen venerandum insomni vertigini mundis indens , terribiles ob patris minas . sub duabus mentibus vitigenius fons continetur animarum . et facta , qui per se operans fabrefecit mundum . qui ex mente exiliit primus . indutus igne ignem , vinculorum ut temperet fontanos crateras , sui ignis florem sustinens . mentalibus fulget sectionibus , amoréque implevit omnia . infigurata figurans . examinibus similes feruntur , perrumpentes per mundi corpora . quae mens dicit , intelligendo sanè dicit . potentia quidem cum illis , mens vero ab illâ . iynges , ideae , principia . multae quidem hae scandunt lucidos mundos . insilientes , & in quibus summitates sunt tres . subjectum ipsis est principale pratum . principia ; quae patris opera intelligentes intelligibilia sensibilibus operibus , & corporibus revelârunt . transvectrices stantes dicere patri & materiae . et manifesta imitamina latentium operantes . et latentia in manifestam cosmopoeiam inscribentes . mens patris striduit , intelligens vigente consilio omniformes ideas , fonte verò ab uno evolantes exilierunt . a patre enim erat consilium & finis . per quae conjunguntur patri , per aliam atque aliam vitam , à compartitis canalibus . sed partitae sunt , men●ali igne dispositae , in alias mentales : mundo namque rex multiformi proposuit mentalem typum incorruptibilem , non per mundum vestigium promovens formae per quae mundus apparuit . omnifariam ideis gratiosus , quarum unus fons . ex quo strident dispertitae aliae , immensae , perrumpentes mundi circa corpora : quae per sinus immensos , examinibus similes , feruntur conversae : circúmque alibi alia . conceptiones mentales fonte à paterno multum decerpentes ignis florem insomnis temporis . vigor principigeniae ideae prima . è patris missa est ; cujus per se florens fons ▪ intellectae iynges à patre intelligunt & ipsae ; consiliis ineffabilibus moventur ut intelligant ▪ hecate , synoches , et teletarchae . ex ipso enim omnes exiliunt amilictíque fulmines , & presterocapaces sinus omnilucidae vigoris patrogenii hecates . et hypezocus ignis flos , & fortis spiritus polorum , igneos trans . custodire presteribus suis summitates dedit . immiscens vigoris proprium robur in synochis . quo mundus habeat mentales sustentatores inflexiles ▪ quia operatrix , quia largitrix est ignis vitiferi . quia & vitigenium implet hecates sinum . et influit synochis vigorem , vitidonum ignis magni potentis . sed & custodes operum sunt patris . assimilat enim se ipsum ; ille urgens typum induere idolorum . teletarchae comprehensi sunt cum synochis . his verò ignis mentalis mentalibus presteribus omnia parent servientia . sed & quaecumque materialibus serviunt synochis . induti armorum vigorem luminis resonantis . vigore triglicho , mentem animámque armantem . pervarium synthema jacere ratiocinio . neque super incedere empyreis sparsim canalibus , sed collectim . hi verò individua , & sensibilia efficiunt , et corporiformia , & destinata in materiam . anima , natura . quoniam anima ignis potentiâ patris existens lucidus , immortalísque manet , & vitae domina est : et tenet mundi multas plenitudines sinuum . mentis enim imitamen est , partum verò habet quid corporis . mistis verò canalibus , ignis incorruptibilis opera efficiens . post verò paternas conceptiones anima , ego , habito ; calida , animans omnia . reposuit enim mentem sanè in animâ , animam verò in corpore inerti . nostri imposuit pater hominúmque deûmque . affatim animans lucem , ignem , aethera , mundos . coexistunt namque naturalia opera mentali splendori patris . anima enim est quae ornavit magnum coelum , & quae ornat simul cum patre . cornua & ipsius firmata sunt sursum . humeros verò circa deae natura immensa attollitur . imperat rursus natura infatigabilis mundísque operibúsque ; coelum ut currat sursum aeternum trahens ; et celer sol circa centrum , ut assuetus veniat . non naturae inspicias fatale nomen ejus . mundus . factor qui per se operans fabrefacit mundum . etenim quaedam ignis moles erat altera : haec omnia per se efficiens , ut corpus mundanum . ... mundus ut manifestus , & non videatur membraneus . totum mundum ex igne , & aquâ , & terrâ , et omni-alente aëre . ineffabilia , & fabilia synthemata mundi . aliam per aliam vitam , à partitis canalibus . desuper permeantis in oppositum per centrum terrae . & quintum medium , alium igneum , ubi descendit usque ad materiales canales . vi●ifer ignis . centro incitans seipsum lumine resonante . fontanum alium . qui empyreum mundum ducit . centrum à quo omnes usquequo fortè aequales fuerint . symbola enim paterna mens seminavit per mundum . medium inter patres singulae centrum fertur . mentis enim imitamen est ; quod verò partum est habet quid corporis . coelum . septem enim in moles formavit pater firmamenta mundorum : coelum rotundâ figurâ circumcludens . fixítque multum coetum astrorum inerrantium , animaliúmque errantium constituit septenarium . terram in medio posuit , aquámque in terrae sinibus , aërémque supra haec . fixítque multum coetum astrorum inerrantium , tensione , non laboriosâ malâ . sed fixione errorem non habente in motu . fixítque multum coetum astrorum inerrantium . ignem ad ignem cogens . fixione errorem non habente in motu . sex eos constituit , septimum solis , in medium jaciens ignem . inordinationem eorum bene-ordinatis suspendens zonis . parturit enim dea solémque magnum , & splendidam lunam . aether , sol , spiritus lunae , aëris ductores , solariúmque circulorum , & lunarium est repituum , sinuúmque aëreorum . aetheris cantus , solísque , & lunae canalium , & aëris . et latus aër , lunarísque cursus , & polus solis . colligit ipsum , accipiens aetheris harmoniam , solísque , lunaeque , & quaecumque aëre continentur . ignis ignis derivatio , & ignis penu . crines enim in acutum nato lumini conspiciuntur , ubi saturnus . sol assessor intuens polum purum . aetheriúsque cursus , & lunae ingens impetus , aëriíque fluxus . solémque magnum , & splendidam lunam . tempus . deum mundanum , aeternum , infinitum . juvenem , & senem ... et fontanum aliud , quod empyreum mundum ducit . anima , corpus , homo . oportet te festinare ad lucem & patris lumina , unde missa est tibi anima , multam induta mentem . hae pater mente concepit , mortalísque ei est animatus . symbola enim paterna mens seminavit in animis . amore profundo replens animam . reposuit enim mentem in anima , in corpore verò vos reposuit pater hominúmque deûmque . incorporea quidem sunt divina omnia . corpora verò in ipsis vestrî causâ sunt alligata non potentes continere incorporeos corpora , ob corpoream , in quam concentrati estis , naturam . inque deo jacent faces trahentes validas . a patre descendentes , à quibus anima descendentibus empyreos carpit fructus , animam-alentem florem . ideóque mente concipientes opera patris parcae fatalis alam fugiunt inverecundam . et si hanc animam videris redeuntem , at aliam immittit pater , ut in numero sit . certè valde illae sunt beatissimae supra omnes animas , ad terram à coelo profusae . illaeque divites , & ineffabilia stamina habentes . quaecunque à lucente , ô rex , à te , vel ipso jove sunt progenitae . miti validâ à necessitate ducatur animae profunditas immortalis , oculósque affatim omnes sursum extende . nec deorsum pronus sis in nigricantem mundum . cui profunditas semper infida substrata est , & ades circumquaque caligans , squalidus , idolis gaudens , amens , praecipitosus , tortuosus , caecum profundum semper involvens , semper desponsus obscuram faciem , inertem , spiritu-carentem . et osor luminis mundus , & tortuosi fluxus a quibus vulgus attrahitur . quaere paradisum . quaere tu animae canalem , unde , aut quo ordine corpori inservieris , in ordinem , à quo effluxisti rursus restituas , sacro sermoni operam uniens . neque deorsum sis pronus , praecipitium in terrâ subest , septemvios trahens per gradus : quo sub horribile necessitatis thronus est . nè tu augeas fatum . anima hominū deum coget quodammodo in seipsam : nihil mortale habens , tota à deo est ebria facta : harmoniam resonat namque , sub quâ est corpus mortale . extendens igneam mentem ad opus pietatis , et fluxile corpus servabis . est & idolo portio in loco circumlucente . undique infictâ animâ ignis habenas tende . igne calens cogitatio primissimum habet ordinem . igni namque mortalis propinquans à deo lumen habebit . immoranti enim mortali praestò dii aderunt . poenae hominum sunt angores . et malae materiae germina utilia sunt , & bona . spes nutriat te ignea angelicâ in regione . sed non recipit illius velle paterna mens , donec non exeat ex oblivione , & verbum loquatur memoriam indens paterni synthematis puri . his quidem discibile lucis dedit notitiam suscipere . hos verò & somnolentos sui fructum dedit roboris . nè spiritum macules , neque profundum fac superficiem . neque materiae quisquilias praecipitio relinquas . nè educas , nè exiens habeat quidpiam . vi corpus relinquentium animae sunt purissimae . animae expulsores , respiratores & faciles solutu sunt . sinistris in lumbis hecates virtutis est fons , intùs tota manens , virgineum non abjiciens . o audacissimae naturae , homo , artificium ! neque ingentes mensuras terrae in tuam mentem pone , non enim veritatis planta est in terrâ . neque in mensuris mensuras solis regulas congregans , aeterno consilio fertur , non gratiâ tui . lunarem quidem cursum , & astreum progress●m lunae strepitum dimitte . semper currit operâ necessitatis astreus progressus , tui gratiâ non est partus . aethereus avium pes latus nunquam verus est . non sacrificia visceráque cupio : haec sunt omnia ludi , mercatoriae deceptionis firmamenta ; fuge tu haec si vis pietatis sacrum paradisum aperire . ubi virtus , sapientiáque , & bona lex congregantur . tuum enim vas bestiae terrae habitabunt . ipsas autem terra sepeliit ad filios usque . daemones , sacrificia . natura suadet esse daemonas puros . et mala materiae germina , utilia , & bona . sed haec in abditis septis mentis evolvo . ignis simulacrum saltatim in aëre in tumorem extendens , vel etiam ignem infiguratum , unde vocem currentem , vel lumen abundans radians , streperum , convolutum : sed & equum videre , luce magìs fulgurantem , vel etiam puerum suis humeris inequitantem equo , ignitum , vel auro distinctum , vel spoliatum , vel etiam sagittantem , & stantem super humeris . multoties si dixeris mihi , cernes omnia leonem , neque enim coelestis curvitas tunc apparet moles . astra non lucent , lunae lux opertum est , terra non stat , cernuntur verò cuncta fulminibus . neque naturae voces per se visile simulacrum , non enim oportet illos te spectare antequam corpus sacris purgetur . quando animas mulcentes semper à sacris abducunt . ergo ex sinibus terrae exiliunt terrestres canes , nunquam verum corpus mortali homini monstrantes . operare circa hecaticum turbinem . nomina barbara nunquam mutaveris , sunt enim nomina apud singulos à deo data potentiam in sacris ineffabilem habentia . quando videris formâ sine sacrum ignem , collucentem saltatim totius per profundum mundi , audi ignis vocem . the oracles of zoroaster ; collected by franciscus patricius . monad . duad . triad . where the paternal monad is . the monad is enlarged , which generates two . for the duad sits by him , and glitters with intellectual sections . and to govern all things , and to order every thing not ordered . for in the whole world shineth the triad , over which the monad rules . this order is the beginning of all section . for the mind of the father said , that all things be cut into three , whose will assented , and then all things were divided . for the mind of the eternal father said into three , governing all things by mind . and there appeared in it [ the triad ] virtue and wisdome , and multiscient verity . this way floweth the shape of the triad , being prae-existent . not the first ▪ [ essence ] but where they are measured . for thou must conceive that all things serve these three principles . the first course is sacred , but in the middle , another the third , aërial ; which cherisheth the earth in fire . and fountain of fountains , and of all fountains . the matrix containing all things . thence abundantly springs forth the generation of multivarious matter . thence extracted a prester the flower of glowing fire , flashing into the cavities of the worlds : for all things from thence begin to extend downwards their admirable beams . father . mind . the father hath snatched away himself : neither hath he shut up his own fire in his intellectual power . for the father perfected all things , and deliver'd them over to the second mind , which the whole race of men calls the first . light begotten of the father ; for he alone having cropt the flower of the mind from the fathers vigour . for the paternal self-begotten mind understanding [ his ] work , sowed in all , the fiery bond of love , that all things might continue loving for ever . neither those things which are intellectually context in the light of the father in all things . that being the elements of the world they might persist in love. for it is the bound of the paternal depth , and the fountain of the intellectualls . neither went he forth , but abided in the paternal depth , and in the adytum according to divinely-nourished silence . for the fire once above , shutteth not his power into matter by actions , but by the mind . for the paternal mind hath sowed symbols through the world which understandeth intelligibles , and beautifieth ineffables . wholly division and indivisible . by mind he contains the intelligibles , but introduceth sense into the worlds . by mind he contains the intelligibles , but introduceth soul into the worlds . mind . intelligibles . intellectuals . and of the one mind , the intelligible [ mind ] for the mind is not without the intelligible ; it exists not without it . these are intellectuals , and intelligibles , which being understood , understand . for the intelligible is the aliment of the intelligent , learn the intelligible , since it exists beyond the mind . and of the mind which moves the empyraeal heaven . for the framer of the fiery world is the mind of the mind . you who know certainly the supermundane paternal depth . the intelligible is predominant over all section . there is something intelligible , which it behooves thee to understand with the flower of the mind . for if thou enclinest thy mind , thou shalt understand this also ; yet understanding something [ of it ] thou shalt not understand this wholly ; for it is a power of circumlucid strength , glittering with intellectual sections . [ raies . ] but it behooves not to consider this intelligible with vehemence of intellection , but with the ample flame of the ample mind , which measureth all things except this intelligible : but it behooves to understand this . for if thou enclinest thy mind , thou shalt understand this also , not fixedly , but having a pure turning eye [ thou must ] extend the empty mind of thy soul towards the intelligible , that thou mayst learn the intelligible , for it exists beyond the mind . but every mind understands this god ; for the mind is not without the intelligible , neither is the intelligible without the mind . to the intellectual presters of the intellectual fire , all things by yielding are subservient to the perswasive counsel of the father . and to understand , and alwayes to remain in a restlesse whirling fountains and principles ; to turn and alwayes to remain in a restlesse whirling . but insinuating into worlds the venerable name in a sleeplesse whirling , by reason of the terrible menace of the father . under two minds the life-generating fountain of souls is contained ; and the maker , who self-operating framed the world. who sprung first out of the mind . cloathing fire with fire , binding them together to mingle the fountainous craters preserves the flower of his own fire . he glittereth with intellectual sections , and filled all things with love , like swarms they are carried , being broken , about the bodies of the world. that things unfashioned may be fashioned , what the mind speaks , it speaks by understanding . power is with them , mind is from her. jynges . idaea's . principles . these being many ascend into the lucid worlds . springing into them , and in which there are three tops . beneath them lies the chief of immaterialls , principles which have understood the intelligible works of the father . disclosed them in sensible works as in bodies ; being ( as it were ) the ferry-men betwixt the father and matter . and producing manifest images of unmanifest things , and inscribing unmanifest things in the manifest frame of the world. the mind of the father made a jarring noise , understanding by vigorous counsel , omniform idaea's ; and flying out of one fountain they sprung forth ; for from the father was the counsel and end , by which they are connected to the father , by alternate life from several vehicles . but they were divided , being by intellectual fire distributed into other intellectuals : for the king did set before the multiform world an intellectual incorruptible pattern ; this print through the world he promoting , of whose form according to which the world appeared beautified with all kind of idaea's ; of which there is one fountain , out of which come rushing forth others undistributed , being broken about the bodies of the world , which through the vast recesses , like swarms are carried round about every way . intellectual notions from the paternal fountain cropping the flower of fire . in the point of sleeplesse time , of this primigenious idea . the first self-budding fountain of the father budded . intelligent jynges do ( themselves ) also understand from the father : by unspeakable councels being moved so as to understand . hecate . synoches . teletarchs . for out of him spring all implacable thunders , and the prester-receiving cavities of the intirely-lucid strength of father-begotten hecate . and he who beguirds ( viz. ) the flower of fire , and the strong spirit of the poles fiery above . he gave to his presters that they should guard the tops . mingling the power of his own strength in the synoches , oh how the world hath intellectual guides inflexible ! because she is the operatrix , because she is the dispensatrix of life-giving fire . because also it fills the life producing bosome of hecate . and instills in the synoches the enliving strength of potent fire . but they are gardians of the works of the father . for he disguises himself , possessing to be cloathed with the print of the images . the teletarchs are comprehended with the synoches . to these intellectual presters of intellectual fire , all things are subservient . but as many as serve the material synoches having put on the compleatly-armed vigour of resounding light. with triple strength fortifying the soul and the mind . to put into the mind the symbol of variety . and not to walk dispersedly on the empyraeal channels ; but stiffely these frame indivisibles , and sensibles , and corporiformes , and things destin'd to matter . soul . nature . for the soule being a bright fire , by the power of the father remaines immortall , and is mistris of life ; and possesseth many complections of the cavities of the world : for it is in imitation of the mind ; but that which is born hath something of the body . the channels being intermix'd , she performs the works of incorruptible fire next the paternal conceptions i ( the soul ) dwell ; warm , heating , all things ; for he did put the mind in the soul , the soul in the dull body . of us the father of gods and men imposed , abundantly animating light , fire , aether , worlds . for natural works co-exist with the intellectual light of the father , for the soul which adorn'd the great heaven , and adorning with the father . but her horns are fixed above , but about the shoulders of the goddesse , immense nature is exalted . again indefatigable nature commands the worlds and works . that heaven drawing an eternal course may run . and the swift sun might come about the center as he useth . look not into the fatal name of this nature . the world . the maker who operating by himself framed the world. and there was another bulk of fire , by it self operating all things that the body of the world might be perfected that the world might be manifest , and not seem membranous . the whole world of fire , and water , and earth , and all-nourishing aether the unexpressible and expressible watch-words of the world. one life by another from the distributed channels . passing from above to the opposite part , through the center of the earth ; and another fifth middle : fiery channel , where it descends to the material channels . life-bringing fire . stirring himself up with the goad of resounding light. another fountainous , which guides the empyraeal world. the center from which all ( lines ) which way soever are equal . for the paternal mind sowed symbols through the world. for the center of every one is carried betwixt the fathers . for it is in imitation of the mind , but that which is born hath something of the body . heaven . for the father congregated seven firmaments of the world ; circumscribing heaven in a round figure . he fixed a great company of inerratick stars . and he constituted a septenary of erratick animals . placing earth in the middle , and the water in the middle of the earth , the air above these . he fixed a great company of inerratick stars , to be carried not by laborious and troublesome tension , but by a settlement which hath not error , he fixed a great company of inerratick stars , forcing fire to fire . to be carried by a settlement which hath not error . he constituted them six ; casting into the midd'st , the fire of the sun. suspending their disorder in well-ordered lones . for the goddesse brings forth the great sun , and the bright moon . o aether , son , spirit , guides of the moon and of the air ; and of the solar circles , and of the monethly clashings , and of the aerial recesses . the melody of the aether , and of the passages of the sun , and moon , and of the air and the wide air , and the lunar course , and the pole of the sun. collecting it , and receiving the melody of the aether , and of the sun , and of the moon , and of all that are contained in the air. fire , the derivation of fire , and the dispenser of fire ; his hair pointed is seen by his native light ; hence comes saturn . the sun assessor beholding the pure pole ; and the aetherial course , and the vast motion of the moon and the aerial fluxions . and the great sun , and the bright moon . time . the mundane god , aeternal , infinite . young , and old , of a spiral form . and another fountainous , who guides the empyraeal heaven . soul . body . man. it behooves thee to hasten to the light , and to the beams of the father ; from whence was sent to thee a soul cloathed with much mind . these things the father conceived , and so the mortal was animated . for the paternal mind sowed symbols in souls ; replenishing the soul with profound love. for the father of gods and men placed the mind in the soul ; and in the body he established you. for all divine things are incorporeal . but bodies are bound in them for your sakes . incorporeals not being able to contain the bodies . by reason of the corporeal nature in which you are concentrated . and they are in god , attracting strong flames . descending from the father , from which descending , the soul crops of empyreal fruits the soul-nourishing flower . and therefore conceiving the words of the father they avoid the audacious wing of fatal destiny ; and though you see this soul manumitted , yet the father sends another to make up the number . certainly , these are superlatively blessed above all souls ; they are sent forth from heaven to earth , and those rich souls which have unexpressible fates ; as many of them ( o king ) as proceed from shining thee , or from jove himself , under the strong power of ( his ) thread . let the immortal depth of thy soul be predominant ; but all thy eyes extend upward . stoop not down to the dark world , beneath which continually lies a faithlesse depth , and hades dark all over , squallid , delighting in images , unintelligible , praecipitious , craggy , a depth ; alwayes rolling , alwayes espousing an opacous idle breathlesse body . and the light-hating world , and the winding currents , by which many things are swallowed up . seek paradise ; seek thou the way of the soul , whence or by what order having served the body , to the same place from which thou didst flow . thou mayst rise up again , joy●ing action to sacred speech , stoop not down , for a precipice lies below on the earth ; drawing through the ladder which hath seven steps , beneath which is the throne of necessity , enlarge not thou thy destiny . the soul of men will in a manner clasp god to her self ; having nothing mortal , she is wholly inebriated from god : for she boasts harmony , in which the mortal body exists . if thou extend the fiery mind to the work of piety , thou shalt preserve the fluxible body . there is a room for the image also in the circumlucid place . every way to the unfashioned soul stretch the rains of fire . the fire-glowing cogitation hath the first rank . for the mortal approaching to the fire , shall have light from god. for to the slow mortal the gods are swift . the furies are stranglers of men. the bourgeons , even of ill matter , are profitable and good . let hope nourish thee in the fiery angelical region . but the paternal mind accepts not her will , untill she go out of oblivion , and pronounce a word , inserting the remembrance of the pure paternal symbol . to these he gave the docible character of life to be comprehended . those that were asleep he made fruitful by his own strength . defile not the spirit , nor deepen a superficies . leave not the drosse of matter on a praecipice . bring her not forth , lest going forth she have something . the souls of those who quit the body violently , are most pure . the unguirders of the soul , which give her breathing , are easie to be loosed . in the side of sinister hecate , there is a fountain of virtue ; which remains entire within , not omitting her virginity . o man the machine of boldest nature ! subject not to thy mind the vast measures of the earth ; for the plant of truth is not upon earth . nor measure the measures of the sun gathering together canons ; he is moved by the eternal will of the father , not for thy sake . let alone the swift course of the moon ; she runs ever by the impulse of necessity . the progression of the stars was not brought forth for thy sake . the aetherial wide flight of birds is not veracious . and the dissections of entrails and victims , all these are toyes , the supports of gainfull cheats ; fly thou these , if thou intend to open the sacred paradise of piety where virtue , wisdome , and aequity are assembled . for thy vessel the beasts of the earth shall inhabit . these the earth bewails , even to their children . daemons . rites . nature perswades that there are pure daemons ; the bourgeons , even of ill matter , are profitable and good . but these things i revolve in the recluse temples of my mind , extending the like fire sparklingly into the spacious air or fire unfigured , a voice issuing forth . or fire abundant , whizzing and winding about the earth , but also to see a horse more glittering than light or a boy on [ thy ] shoulders riding on a horse , fiery or adorned with gold , or devested , or shooting and standing on [ thy ] shoulders , if thou speak often to me , thou shalt see absolutely that which is spoken : for then neither appears the coelestial concave bulk , nor do the stars shine ; the light of the moon is cover'd , the earth stands not still , but all things appear thunder . invoke not the self-conspicuous image of nature ; for thou must not behold these before thy body be initiated . when soothing souls they alwayes seduce them from these mysteries . certainly out of the cavities of the earth spring terrestrial dogs , which show no true signe to mortal man. labour about the hecatick strophalus never change barbarous names ; for there are names in every nation given from god , which have an unspeakable power in rites . when thou seest a sacred fire without form , shining flashingly through the depths of the world , hear the voice of fire . pletho his exposition of the more obscure passages in these oracles . seek thou the way of the soul , whence or by what order . having served the body , to the same order from which thou didst flow . thou mayst rise up againe ; joyning action to sacred speech . ] the magi that are followers of zoroaster , as also many others , hold that the human soul is immortal ; and descended from above to serve the mortal body , that is , to operate therein for a certain time ; and to animate , and adorn it to her power ; and then returns to the place from which she came . and whereas there are many mansions there for the soul , one wholly-bright , another wholly-dark ; others betwixt both , partly-bright , partly-dark : the soul , being descended from that which is wholly-bright , into the body , if she perform her office well , runs back into the same place ; but if not well , she retires into worse mansions , according to the things which she hath done in life . the oracle therefore sayeth , seek thou the souls path , or the way by which the soul flowed into thee ; or by what course ( viz of life ) having performed thy charge toward the body , thou mayst mount up to the same place from which thou didst flow down , viz. the same track of the soul , joyning action to sacred speech . by sacred speech , he understands that which concerns divine worship ; by action , divine rites . the oracle therefore sayeth , that to this exaltation of the soul , both speech concerning divine worship ( prayers , ) and religious rites ( sacrifices ) are requisite . stoop not down , for a praecipice lies below on the earth , drawing through the ladder which hath seven steps ; beneath which is the ●hrone of necessity . ] he calls the descention into wickednesse , and misery , a precipice ; the terrestrial and mortal body , the earth : for by the earth he understands mortal nature , as by the fire frequently the divine ; by the place with seven wayes , he means fate dependant on the planets , beneath which there is seated a certain dire and unalterable necessity : the oracle therefore adviseth , that thou stoop not down towards the mortal body , which being subject only to the fat● , which proceeds from the planets , may be reckon'd amongst those things which are at our arbitrement : for thou wilt be unhappy if thou stoop down wholly to the body , and unfortunate and continually failing of thy desires , in regard of the necessity which is annex'd to the body . for thy vessel the beasts of the earth shall inhabit . ] the vessel of thy soul , that is this mortal body , shall be inhabited by worms and other vile creatures . enlarge not thou thy destiny . ] endeavour not to encrease thy fate , or to do more then is given thee in charge , for thou wilt not be able . for nothing proceeds from the paternal principality imperfect . ] for from the paternal power , which is , that of the supream god , nothing proceedeth imperfect , so as thou thy self mightest compleat it ; for all things proceeding from thence are perfect ; as appears , in that they tend to the perfection of the universe . but the paternal mind accepts not her will , untill she go out of oblivion , and pronounce a word , inserting the remembrance of the pure paternal symbol . ] the paternal mind , ( viz. the second god and ready maker of the soul ) admits not her will or desire untill she come out of the oblivion , which she contracted by connexion with the body ; and untill she speak a certain word , or conceive in her thoughts a certain speech , calling to remembrance the paternal divine symbol or watch-word , this is the pursuit of the good which the soul calling to remembrance , hereby becomes most acceptable to her maker . it behooves thee to hasten to the light , and to the beams of the father : from whence there was sent to thee a soul endued with much mind . ] the light and splendour of the father is that mansion of the soul which is circumlucid , from whence the soul array'd with much of mind was sent hither , wherefore we must hasten to return to the same light. these the earth bewails , even to their children . ] those who hasten not to the light , from which their soul was sent to them , the earth or mortal nature bewails , for that they being sent hither to adorn her , not only not adorn her , but also blemish themselves by living wickedly ; moreover the wickednesse of the parents is transm●tted to the children , corrupted by them through ill education . the unguirders of the soul , which give her breathing , are easie to be loosed . ] the reasons which expell the soul from wickednesse , and give her breathing , are easie to be untied ; and the oblivion which keeps them in , is easily put off . in the side of the sinister bed there is a fountain of virtue : which remains entire within ; not emitting her virginity ] in the left side of thy bed , there is the power or fountain of virtue , residing wholly within , and never casting off her virginity , or nature void of passion : for there is alwayes in us the power of virtue without passion which cannot be put off ; although her energy or activity may be interrupted : he saith the power of virtue is placed on the left side , because her activity is seated on the right : by the bed is meant the seat of the soul , subject to her several habits . the soul of man will , in a manner , clasp god to her self . having nothing mortal , she is wholly inebriated from god ; for she boasts harmony , in which the mortal body consists . ] the human soul will in a manner clasp god , and joyn him strictly to her self , ( who is her continual defence ) by resembling him as much as she can possibly ; having nothing mortal within her , she is wholly drench'd in divinity , or replenished with divine goods , for though she is fetter'd to this mortal body , yet she glories in the harmony or union in which the mortal body exists ; that is , she is not ashamed of it , but thinks well of her self for it ; as being a cause , and affording to the universe , that , as mortals are united with immortals in man , so the universe is adorned with one harmony . because the soul being a bright fire by the power of the father ; remains immortal , and is mistresse of life , and possesseth many completions of the cavities of the world. ] the second god , who first before all other things proceeded from the father and supream god , these oracles call all along , the power of the father , and his intellectual power , and the paternal mind . he sayeth therefore , that the soul procreated by this power of the father , is a bright fire , that is , a divine and intellectual essence , and persisteth immortal through the divinity of its essence , and is mistresse of life , viz. of her self , possessing life which cannot be taken away from her ; for , how can we be said to be masters of such things , as may be taken from us , seeing the use of them is only allowed us ? but of those things which cannot be taken from us , we are absolute masters : the soul according to her own eternity , possesseth many rooms in the receptacles of the world , or divers places in the world , which according as she hath led her life past is allotted to every one. seek paradise . ] the circumlucid mansion of the soul. defile not the spirit nor deepen a superficies . ] the followers of pythagoras and plato conceive the soul to be a substance not wholly separate from all body , nor wholly inseparate ; but partly separate , partly inseparate ; separable potentially , but ever inseparate actually . for they assert three kinds of forms , one wholly separate from matter , the supercelestial intelligences ; another wholly inseparable from matter , having a substance not subsistent by it self but dependant on matter ; together with which matter , which is somtime dissolved by reason of its nature subject to mutation , this kind of soul is dissolved also and perisheth : this kind they hold to be wholly irrational . betwixt these they place a middle kind , the rational soul , differing from the supercelestiall intelligences , for that it alwayes co-exists which matter ; and from the irrational kind , for that it is not dependant on matter ; but , on the contrary , matter it is dependant on it , and it hath a proper substance potentially subsistent by it self ; it is also indivisible , as well as the supercelestial intelligences , and performing some works in some manner allyed to theirs , being it self also busied in the knowledge and contemplation of beings even unto the supreme god , and for this reason is incorruptible . this kind of soul is alwayes co-existent with an aetherial body as it 's vehiculum , which she by continual approximation maketh also immortal : neither is this her vehiculum inanimate in it selfe , but is it self animated with the other species of the soul the irrational , ( which the wise call the image of the rational soul ) adorned with fantasie and sense which seeth and hears it self whole through whole , and is furnished with all the senses and with all the rest of the irrational faculties of the soul. thus by the principal faculty of this body , phantasie , the rational soul , is continually joyned to such a body and by such a body sometimes the humane soul is joyned with a mortal body by a certain affinity of nature , the whole being infolded in the whole enlivening spirit of the embryon . this vehiculum it selfe being of the nature of a spirit . the daemons souls differ not much from the humane , onely they are more noble and use more noble vehicles : moreover , they cannot be mingled with corruptible nature : likewise the souls of the starres are much better than the daemons , and use better vehicules ; are bodies splendid by reason of the greatnesse of the operative faculty : these doctrines concerning the soul the magi , followers of zoroastres , seem to have used long before . defile not this kind of spirit of the soul , sayeth the oracle , no● deepen it being a superficies ; he calls it superficies , not as if it had not a triple dimension for it is a body ; but to signifie its extraordinary rarity : nor make it become grosse by accession of more matter to its bulk : for this spirit of the soul becomes grosse , if it declines too much towards the mortal body . there is a room for the image also in the circumlucid place . ] he calls the image of the soul that part which being it self voyd of irrational , is joyned to the rational part , and depends upon the vehicle thereof : now he saith that this kind of image hath a part in the circumlucid region ; for the soul never layeth down the vehicle adherent to her . leave not the drosse of matter on a precipice . ] he calls the mortal body the drosse of matter , and exhorteth that we neglect it not being ill affected , but take care of it whilst it is in this life , to preserve it in health as much as possible , and that it may be pure , and in all things else correspond with the soul. carry not forth , lest going forth she have something . ] carry not forth , meaning the soul , out of the mortal body lest by going forth thou incurre some danger , implying as much as to carry her forth beyond the lawes of nature . if thou extend the fiery mind to the work of piety , thou shalt preserve the fluxible body . ] extending up thy divine mind to the exercise of piety or to religious rites , and thou shalt preserve the mortal body more sound by performing these rites . certainly out of the cavities of the earth spring terrestrial dogs ; which show no true signe to mortal man. ] sometimes to many initiated persons there appear , whilst they are sacrificing , some apparitions in the shape of doggs and several other figures . now the oracle saith , that these issue out of the receptacles of the earth , that is , out of the terrestial and mortal body , and the irrational passions planted in it which are not yet sufficiently adorned with reason , these are apparitions of the passions of the soul in performing divine rites ; meer appearances having no substance , and therefore not signifying any thing true . nature perswadeth that daemons are pure ; the bourgeons even of ill matter , are profitable and good . ] nature or natural reason perswadeth that daemons are sacred , and that all things proceeding from god who is in himself good are beneficial ; and the very bloomings of ill matter , or the forms dependant upon matter are such : also he calls matter ill , not as to it's substance , for how can the substance be bad the bloomings whereof are beneficial and good ? but for that it is ranked last among the substances and is the least participant of good , which littlenesse of good is here exprest by the word ill : now the oracle meanes that if the bloomings of ill matter viz. of the last of substances are good , much more are the daemons such , who are in an excellent rank as partakeing of rational nature and being not mixed with mortal nature . the furies are stranglers of men. ] the furies or the vindictive daemons clasp men close , or restrain and drive them from vice and excite them to vertue . let the immortal depth of the soul be praedominant ; but all thy eyes extend quite upward ▪ ] let the divine depth of thy soul governe , and lift thou all thy eyes or all thy knowing faculties upward . o man , the machine of boldest nature . ] he calls man the machine of boldest nature , because he attempts great things . if thou speak often to me , thou shalt see absolutely that which is spoken ; for there neither appears the caelestial concave bulk ; nor do the stars shine : the light of the moon is covered , the earth stands not still , but all things appear thunder . ] the oracle speakes as from god to an initiated person , if thou often speak to me or call me , thou sha●t see that which thou speakest , viz. me whom thou callest every where : for then thou shalt perceive nothing but thunder all about fire gliding up and down all over the world. call not on the self-conspicuous image of nature . ] seek not to behold the self-seeing image of nature , viz. of the nature of god , which is not visible to our eyes : but those things which appear to initiated persons , as thunder , lightning , and all else whatsoever , are only symbols or signes , not the nature of god. every way to the unfashioned soul stretch out the reins of fire . ] draw unto thy selfe every way the reines of fire which appear to thee when thou art sacr●ficing with a sincere soul ; viz. a simple and not of various habits . when thou seest a sacred fire , without form , shining flashingly through the depths of the world. hear the voice of fire . ] when thou be holdest the divine fire voyd of figure brightly gliding up and down the world and graciously smiling , listen to this voice as bringing a most perfect praescence . the paternal mind hath implanted symbols in souls . ] the paternal mind viz. the sedulous maker of the substance of the soul , hath ingrafted symbols or the images of intelligibles in souls , by which every soul possesseth in her self the reasons of beings . learn the intelligible , for as much as it exists beyond thy mind . ] learn the intelligible , because it exists beyond thy mind , viz. actually ; for , though the images of intellectual things are planted in thee by the maker of all , yet they are but potentially in thy soul ; but it behooves thee to have actually the knowledge of the intelligible . there is a certain intelligible which it behooves thee to comprehend with the flower of thy mind . ] the supream god , who is perfectly one , is not conceived after the same manner as other things , but by the flower of the mind , that is , the supream and singular part of our understanding . for the father perfected all things and delivered them over to the second mind , which the nations of men call the first . ] the father perfected all things , viz. the intelligible spe●ies , ( for they are absolute and perfect ) and delivered them over to the second god next him to rule and guide them : whence if anything be brought forth by this god , and formed after the likenesse of him , and the other intelligible substance , it proceeds from the supream father ; this other god men esteem the first , that is they who think him the maker of the world , to whom there is none superiour . intelligent iynges do themselves also understand from the father ; by unspeakable counsels being mooved so as to understand . ] he calls iynges the intellectual species which are conceived by the father ; they themselves also being conceptive , and exciting conceptions or notions , by unspeakable or unutterable counsells : by motion here is understood intellection not transition , but simply the habitude to notions so as unspeakable counsels is as much as 〈◊〉 for speaking consists in motion : the meaning is this , that these species are immoveable and have a habitude to notions not transiently as the soul. oh how the world hath intellectual guides inflexible ? ] the most excellent of the intelligible species , and of those which are brought down by the immortals in this heaven , he calls the intellectual guides of the world ; the coryphaeus of whom he conceives to be a god , which is the second from the father . the oracle saying that the world hath inflexible guides , meanes that it is incorruptible . the father hath snatched away himself ; neither hath he shut up his own fire in his intellectual power . ] the father hath made himself exempt from all others ; not including himself neither in his own intellectuall power , not in the second god who is next him ; or limiting his own fire his own divinity ; for it is absolutely ungenerate , and it self existing by it self ; so that his divinity is exempt from all others ; neither is it communicable to any other , although it be loved of all : that he communicates not himself , is not out of envy , but only by reason of the inpossibility of the thing . the father infuseth not fear but perswasion . ] the father makes no impression of fear , but infuseth perswasion or love ; for he being extreamly good , is not the cause of ill to any , so as to be dreadful ; but is the cause of all good to all ; whence he is loved of all . these oracles of zoroaster many eminent persons have confirmed by following the like opinions ; especially the pythagoreans and platonists . psellus his exposition of the oracles . there is a room for the image also in the circumlucid place . ] images , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the philosophers , are those things which are connatural to things more excellent then themselves , and are worse then they ; as the mind is connatural to god , and the rational soul to the mind , and nature to the rational soul , and the body to nature , and matter to the body : the image of god is the mind ; of the mind , the rat●onal soul ; of the rational soul , the irrational ; of the irrational , nature ; of nature , the body ; of the body , matter . here the chaldaick oracle calleth the irrational soul the image of the rational , for it is connatural to it in man , and yet worse then it . it sayeth , moreover , that there is a part assigned to the image in the circumlucid region , that is to say , the irrational soul , which is the image of the rational soul , being purified by vertues in this life , after the dissolution of the human life , ascends to the place above the moon , and receives its lot in the circumlucid place , that is , which shineth on every side , and is splendid throughout ; for the place beneath the moon is circumnebulous , that is , dark on every side : but the lunary , partly lucid , and partly dark , that is , one half bright , the other half dark ; but the place above the moon is circumlucid or bright throughout . now the oracle saith , that the circumlucid place , is not design'd only for the rational soul , but for its image also , or the irrational soul is destin'd to the circumlucid place , when as it cometh out of the body bright and pure , for the graecian doctrine asserting the irrational soul to be immortal , also exalts it up to the elements under the moon : but the chaldaick oracle , it being pure and unanimous with the rational soul , seats it in this circumlucid region above the moon . these are the doctrines of the chald●ans . le●ve not the dregs of matter on a precipice . ] by the dregs of matter , the oracle understands the body of man consisting of the four elements , it speaks to the disciple by way of instruction and exhortation , thus ▪ not only raise up thy soul to god , and procure that it may rise above the confusion of life , but , if it be possible , leave not the body wherewith thou art cloathed , ( and which is dregs of ma●ter , that is , a thing neglected and rejected , the sport of matter ) in the inferiour world : for this place , the oracle calls a praecipice . our soul being dart●d down hither from heaven , as from a sublime place . it exhorteth therefore , that we refine the body ( which he understands by the dregs of matter ) by divine fire , or that , being stripped , we raise it up to the aether ; or that we be exalted by god to a place immaterial and incorporeal , or corporeal but aetherial or caelestial , which elias the this bite attained ; and , before him , enoch , being translated from this life into a more divine condition , not leaving the dregs of matter , or their body , in a precipice ; the precipice is , as we said , the terrestrial region . bring not forth , lest going forth she have something . ] this oracle is recited by plotinus in his book of the eduction of the irrational soul ; it is an excellent and transcendent exhortation . it adviseth , that a man busie not himself about the going forth of the soul , nor take care how it shall go out of the body ; but remit the businesse of its dissolution to the course of nature ; for , anxiety and solicitude about the solution of the body , and the eduction of the soul out of it , draws away the soul from better cogitations , and busieth it in such cares that the soul cannot be perfectly purifyed ; for if death come upon us at such time as we are busied about this dissolution , the soul goeth forth not quite free , but retaining something of a passionate life . passion the chaldaean defines , a mans sollicitous thinking of death ; for we ought not to think of any thing , but of the more excellent illuminations ; neither concerning these ought we to be sollicitous , but resigning our selves to the angelical and diviner powers , which raise us up , and shutting up all the organs of sense in the body and in the soul also without distractive cares and sollicitudes , we must follow god , who calls us . some interpret this oracle more simply ; bring it not out lest it go forth , having something : that is , anticipate not thy natural death , although thou be wholly given up to philosophy ; for as yet thou hast not a compleat expiation ; so that if the soul passe out of the body by that way of educting , it will go forth retaining something of mortal life : for if we men are ●n the body , as in a prison , ( as plato saith , ) certainly no man can kill himself , but must expect till god shall send a necessity . subject not to thy mind the vast measures of the earth : for the plant of truth is not upon the earth . nor measure the measures of the sun , gathering together canons : he is moved by the eternal will of the father , not for thy sake . let alone the swift course of the moon : she runs ever by the impulse of necessity . the progression of the stars was not brought forth for thy sake . the aetherial broad-footed flight of birds is not veracious : and the dissections of entrails and victims , all these are toyes , the supports of gainful cheats . fly thou those , if thou intend to open the sacred paradise of piety , where virtue , wisdome , and equity are assembled . the chaldaean withdraws the disciple from all graecian wisdome , and teacheth him to adhere only to god , subject not ( saith he ) to thy mind the vast measures of the earth ; for the plant of truth is not upon earth ; that is , enquire not sollicitously the vast measures of the earth , a geographers use to do , measuring the earth ; for the seed of truth is not in the earth . nor measure the measures of the sun , gathering together canons ; he is moved by the aeternal will of the father , not for thy sake , that is , busie not thy self about the motion and doctrine of the stars , for they move not for thy sake , but are perp●tually moved according to the will of god ; let alo●e the swift course of the moon , she runs ever by the impulse of necessity , that is , enquire not anxiously the rolling motion of the moon , for she runs not for thy sake , but is impelled by a greater nec●ssity . the progression of the stars was not brought forth for t●y sake ; that is , the leaders of the fixed stars and the planets received not 〈◊〉 essence for thy sake . the aetherial broad-footed flight of birds is not veracious ; that is , the art concerning birds flying in the air , called augury , observing their flight , no●es , and p●a●ching , is not true . by , broad-feet , he means the walking or pace of the foot , in respect of the extension of the toes in the skin . and the dissections o● entrails and victims , all these are toyes : that is , the art of sacrificing , which enquireth after future events , as well by victims , as by inspection into the entrails of sacrificed beasts , are meerly toyes . the supports of gainfull cheats : fly thou those , that is , fraudulent acquisitions of gain . if thou intend to open the sacred paradise of piety , where virtue , wisdome , and equity are assembled . thou ( saith he ) who art under my discipline , enquire not curiously after these things , if thou would'st that the sacred paradise of piety be open to thee . the sacred paradise of piety , according to the chaldaeans , is not that which the book of moses describes , but the meadow of sublimest contemplations , in which there are several trees of virtues ; and the wood , ( or trunk ) of knowledge , of good and evil , that is , dijudicative prudence which distinguisheth good from evil ; likewise the tree of life , that is , the plant of divine illumination , which bringeth forth to the soul , the fruit of a more holy and better life ; in this paradise , therefore , grow vertue , wisdome , and aequity ; vertue is one in general , but hath many species ; wisdome comprehendeth within it self all the vertues , which the divine mind pronounceth , as only unspeakable . seek thou the way of the soul , whence or by what order having served the body , to the same order from which thou didst flow , thou mayst rise up again : joyning action to sacred speech . ] that is , seek the origine of the soul , from whence it was produced and served the body , and how men cherishing and raising it up by the exercise of divine rites , may reduce it to the place whence it came . uniting action to sacred reason , is to be understood thus . sacred reason ( or discourse ) in us is the intellectual life , or rather the supreme faculty of the soul , which the oracle elsewhere styles the flower of the mind ; but this sacred reason cannot by its own guidance aspire to the more sublime institution , and to the comprehension of divinity ; the work of piety leads it by the hand to god , by assistance of illuminations from thence : but the chaldaean , by the telestick science , perfects ( or initiates ) the soul by the power of materials here on earth . to this sacred reason , saith he , when thou hast united action , that is , joyn'd the work of initiation to the sacred reason , or better faculty of the soul. our theologist gregory raiseth the soul to the more divine things by reason and contemplation : by reason which is in us the best and most intellectual faculty ; by contemplation , which is an illumination comming from above : but plato affirms , that we may comprehend the ●ngenerate essence by reason and intellect . but the chaldaean saith , that there is no other means for us to arrive at god , but by strengthning the vehiculum of the soul by material rites ; for it supposeth that the soul is purifyed by stones and herbs and charmes and is rendred expedit for assent . stoop not down ; for a precipice lies below on the earth . drawing through the ladder which hath seaven steps , beneath which is the throne of necessity . ] the oracle adviseth the soul which is next to god , that she adhere onely to him with her whole mind , and bend not downwards ; for there is a great pr●cipice betwixt god and the earth which draweth souls down the ladder which hath seven steps : the ladder of seven steps signifies the orbs of the seven planets ; if therefore the soul decline , she is carried to the earth through the seven orbs : but that passage through the seven circles leads her as by so many steps to the throne of necessity , whither when the soul arriveth , she is necessitated to suffer the terrestial world. never change barbarous names . ] that is , there are certain names amongst all nations delivered to them by god , which have an unspeakable power in divine ●ites : change not these into the greek dial●ct ; as seraphim and cherubin , and michael and gabriel : these in the hebrew dialect have an unspeakable efficacy in divine rites ; but changed into greek names , are in effectual . the world hath intellectual guides inflexible , ] the chaldaeans assert powers in the world , and call them ( cosmogogi ) guides of the world , for that they guide the world by provident motions : these powers the oracles call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sustainers , as sustaining the whole world. unmoveable implies their settled power ; sustentive , their gaurdianship ; these powers they design only by the cause and immobility of the worlds : there are also other powers ( amilicte ) unplacable as being firm and not to be converted towards these inferiour things , and cause that souls be never allured with affections . labour about the hecatine strophalus . ] the hecatine strophalus is a golden ball , in the midst whereof is a saphire , they fold about it a leather thong : it is beset all over with characters : thus whipping it about , they made their invocations : these they use to call iynges , whether it be round or triangular or any other figure ; and whilst they are doing thus they make insignificant or brutish cries , and lash the air with their whips . the oracle adviseth to the performance of these rites or such a motion of the strophalus , as having an expressible power . it is called hecatine , as being dedicated to hecate : hecate is a goddesse amongst the chaldaeans , having at her right side the fountain of vertues . if thou speak often to me , thou shalt see absolutely that which is spoken . for then neither appears the coelestial concave bulk , nor do the stars shine ; the light of the moon is covered , the earth stands not still , but all things appear thunder . the lion is one of the twelf signes of the zodiack , and is called the house of the sun , whose fountain or the cause of his lion-formed constellation the chaldaeans calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : now he saith , that amidst the sacred rites thou call this fountain by its name , thou shalt see nothing else in heaven but the apparition of a lion , neither will the concave bulk , or the circumference of heaven , appear to thee , neither shall the stars shine , even the moon herself shall be covered , and all things shall be shaken ; but this lion having fountain takes not away the essence of those , but their own praedominating existence hides their view . every way to the unfashioned soul , extend the reins of fire . ] the oracle calls the soul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , without form and figure , or most simple , and most pure . rains of fire of such a soul are the expeditious activity of the theurgick life , which raiseth up the fiery mind to the divine light : therefore by stretching the rains of fire to the inform soul , he means , endeavour that all the faculties consisting both in the intellect , cogitat●on , & opinion , may receive divine illuminations sutable to themselves . this is the meaning of stretch the rains of fire ; but nature useth to fail , and busie it self in the second or worse life . oh man , the machine of boldest nature . man is called a machine as being framed by god with unspeakable art : the oracle likewise calleth him audacious nature , as being busied about excellent things , sometimes measuring the course of the starrs , sometimes enquiring into the orders of the supernatural powers ; contemplating also the things which are far above the celestial orb , and extending to discourse something of god. for these endeavours of the mind in disquisition proceed from an audacious nature : he calls it boldness , not by way of reproach , but to express the forwardness of nature . in the side of the sinister hecate is a fountain of much vertue ; which remains intire within , not emitting her virginity . ] the chaldaeans esteem hecate a goddess , seated in the middle rank , and possessing as it were the center of all the powers ; in her right parts they place the fountain of souls , in her left , the fountain of goods or of vertues ; and they say , that the fountain of souls is prompt to propagations , but the fountain of vertues continues within the bounds of it's own essence , and is as a virgin uncorrupted : this settledness and immobility it receives from the power of the amilicti , the implacables , is girt with a virgin-zone . when thou seest a sacred fire without form shining flashingly through the depths of the whole world , hear the voice of fire . ] the oracle speaks of a divine light , seen by many men , and adviseth , that if any one see such a light in some figure and form , he apply not his mind to it , nor esteem the voice proceeding from thence to be true ; but if he see this without any figure or form he shall not be deceived : and whatsoever question he shall propose , the answer will be most true , he call this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sacrosanct , for that it is seen with a beauty by sacred persons ; and glides up and down pleasantly and graciously through the depths of the world. invoke not the self-conspicuous image of nature . ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , self-i●spection , is , when the initiated person ( or he who performs divine rites ) seeth the divine lights : but if he who orders the rites seeth an apparition , this in respect of the initiated person is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ superinspection . the image which is evocated at sacred rites , must be intelligible and wholly separate from bodies : but the form or image of nature is not every way intelligible : for nature is for the most part an administrative faculty . call not , saith he , in the rites the self-conspicuous image of nature ; for it will bring thee nothing along with it but onely a crowd of the four natural elements . nature perswades that daemons are pure . the bourgeons even of ill matter are profitable and good . not that nature her self perswades this , but that being called before her presence there floweth in a great company of daemons , and many daemonious forms of several shapes appear raised up out of all the elements , compounded and shaped from all the parts of the lunar course , and many times appearing pleasant & gracious they make shew of an apparition of some good to the initiated person . the soul of man will in a manner clasp god to her self ▪ having nothing mortal , she is wholly inebriated from god. for she boast● harmony , in which the mortal body exists . ] he saith that the soul forceth , for that is the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the divine fire into herself through immortality and purity , for then she is w●olly inebriated , that is , she is replenished with the more excellent life and illumination , and exists as it were out of herself : then the oracle saith to her boast of harmony ; that is , glory in the obscure and intelligible harmony by which thou art tied together in arithmetical and musical proportions : for under this intelligible harmony even the mortal and compounded body is composed , having it's compositions derived from thence . let the immortal depth of the soul be predominant , but all thy eyes extend upward . ] the depth of the soul is her threefold powers ; the intellectual , the intelligent , the opiniative . her eyes are the threefold cognoscitive operations of these ; for the eye is the symbol of knowledg , as life is of appetite . open therefore , saith he , the immortal depth of the soul , and extend thy cognoscitive powers upwards , and even thy own self ( to use our own expression ) transfer to the lord. defile not the spirit , nor deep not a superficies . the chaldaeans cloath the soul with two garments : one they call spiritual , woven for it by the sensible world ; the other luciform , tenuious and intangible , which is here termed superficies : defile not , saith he , the spiritual garment of thy soul with impurity ; neither cause it 's superficies to grow deep by certain material additions : but preserve both in their own natures , one pure , the other undipt . seek paradise . ] the chaldaick paradise is the whole chorus of divine powers about the father , and the fiery beauties of the creative fountains : the opening thereof by piety is the participation of the goods : the flaming sword is the implacable power which withs●ands those that approach it unworthily ; to such persons it is shut , for they are not capable of it's felicity . to the pious it is open : to this place tend all the theurgick vertues . this vessel the beasts of the earth shall inhabit . ] the vessel is the compounded mixture of the soul , the beasts of the earth are the daemons which rove about the earth : our life therefore being ful of passions shall be inhabited by such bea●s ; for such kinds are essentiated in passions , and have a material seat and order . wherefore such as are addicted to passions are glued to them by assimulation , for they attract what is like them , having a motive-faculty from the passions . if thou extend the fiery mind to the work of piety , thou shalt preserve the fluxible body . ] that is , if thou extend thy illuminated mind upwards , and the work of fire to the works of piety , ( the works of piety , with the chaldaeans , are the methods of rites ) , thou shalt not only render the soul unvanquishable by passions , but shalt also preserve thy body ●he more healthfull ; for this ordinarily is the effect of divine illuminations , viz. to consume the matter of the body , and to es●ablish health , that it be not seized either by passion or diseases . certainly , out of the cavities of the earth spring terrestrial dogs , which shew no true signe to mortal man ▪ ] the speech is of material daemons : these he calls dogs , for that they are executioners of souls ; terrestrial , for that they fall from heaven , and are rolled about the earth . these , saith he , being removed far from the beatitude of divine life , and destitute of intellectual contemplation , cannot praesignifie futures ; whence all that they say or show is false , and not solid : for they know beings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by their out-sides ; but , that which knoweth figures 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , particularly , useth notions indivisible and not figured . for the father perfected all things , and delivered them over to the second mind , which all nations of men call the first . ] the first father of the triad , having made the universal frame , deliver'd it over to the mind ; which mind the whole race of mankind ( being ignorant of the paternal excellency ) call the first god : but our doctrine holds the contrary , viz. that the first mind , the son of the great father , made and perfected every creature ; for the father , in the book of moses , declareth to the son the idaea of the production of creatures , but the son himself is the maker of the work. the furies are stranglers of men. ] ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the reductive angels reduce souls to them , drawing them from general things ; but the furies ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) being the tormentors of the natures which are dispersed , and envious of human souls , entangle them in material passions ; and as it were strangle them ; and not only torture such as are full of passions , but even those that are converted towards the immaterial essence , for these also coming into matter and into generation , stand in need of such purification : for we see many persons even of those who live holily and purely , fall into unexpected miseries . the paternal mind hath implanted symbols in souls . ] as the mosaick book saith , that man was formed after the image of god ; so the chaldaean saith , that the maker and father of the world sowed symbols of his essence in the souls thereof . for out of the paternal seed , not only souls , but all superiour orders sprung . but in incorporeal substances , there is one kind of signs , viz. incorporeal , and individual ; in the world , there are other signs and symbols , the unspeakable properties of god , which are far more excellent then the vertues themselves . the souls of those who quit the body violently are most pure . whosoever shall take this saying rightly , will find that it contradicts not our doctrine ; for the crowned martyrs who in time of persecution leave their bodies by a violent end , purifie and perfect their souls : but this is not that which the chaldaean means . he praiseth all violent death , because the soul , which leaveth the body with trouble , abhorrs this life , and hateth conversation with the body , and , rejoycing , flyeth up to the things above : but those souls which forsake this life , their bodies being naturally dissolved by sicknesse , do regret it's propension and inclination to the body . because the soul being a bright fire by the power of the father remains immortal , and is mistresse of life , and possesseth many completions of the cavities of the world. ] the soul being an immaterial and incorporeal fire , exempt from all compounds , and from the material body , is immortal : for nothing material or dark is commixed with her , neither is she compounded , ●o as that she may be resolved into those things of which she consists ; but she is the mistresse of life , enlightning the dead with life , she hath the complements of many recesses , that is , susceptive of the government of matter , for she is enab●ed according to her different vertues to dwell in different zones of the world. the father infuseth not fear , but instead of perswasion ] that is , the divine nature is not stern and full of indignation , but sweet and calm ; whence it doth not cause fear in the natures subjected to it , but attracts all things by perswasion and graciousnesse ; for if it were formidable and minacious , every order of beings would have been dissolved ; none of them being able to endure his power . and this doctrine , is in part esteemed true amongst us ; for god is a light , and a fire consuming the wicked : the menaces and affrightings of god are the intermission of the divine goodnesse towards us , by reason of our ill management of our affairs . the father hath snatched away himself : neither hath he shut up his own fire in his intellectual fire . ] the meaning of which oracle , is this , the god of all things , who is also termed father , hath made himself incomprehensible , not only to the first and second natures , and to our souls , but even to his own power ; for the father , saith he , hath snatch'd himself away from every nature : but this doctrine is not orthodox ; for with us the father is known in the son , as the son in the father , and the son is the definition of the father , and the divine supernatural world. for the intelligible is something , which it behooves thee to comprehend with the flower of the mind . ] the soul hath a power correspondent to every thing that is conceivable by the mind ; as to sensibles , sense ; to cogitables , cogitation ; to intelligibles , mind . now the chaldaean saith , that , although god is an intelligible , yet he is not comprehensible by the mind , but only by the flower of the mind . the flower of the mind is the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) singular power of the soul ; since , therefore , god is properly one , endeavour not to comprehend him by the mind , but by the singular power : for that which is first one , can only be apprehended by that which is one in us , and not either by cogitation or mind . the unguirders of the soul which give her breathing are easie to be loosed . ] lest any one should say , i would free my soul from my body , but i cannot ; the oracle tells us , that the powers , which thrust the soul out of the natural body , and give her breathing , as it were , from the toyle and trouble of the body , are easily loosed ; that is , these faculties are free , and not restrained by any nature , and able to set the body at liberty , generously from corporeal bonds . it behooves thee to hasten to the light , and to the beams of the father , from whence was sent to thee a soul cloathed with much mind . ] seeing that the soul hath not it's being from seed , neither consists of corporeal mixtures , but had its essence from god above ; therefore she ought to turn towards him , and to make her return to the divine light : for she came down cloathed with much mind ; that is , she was furnished by the maker and father with many remembrances of the divine sayings , when she came hither , whence she should endeavour to return by the same remembrances . all things are produced out of one fire ▪ ] this is a true doctrine , conformable to our religion ; for all beings , as well intelligible , as sensible , received their essence from god above , and are converted to god alone ; those which have being only , essentially ; those which have being and life , essentially and vitally ; those which have being and life and mind , essentially and vitally and intellectually . from one therefore all things came , and to one is their return : this oracle is not to be condemned , but is full of our doctrine . what the mind speaks , it speaks by intellection . ] when ( saith he ) thou shalt hear an articulate voice , thundering from above out of heaven , think not that the angel or god who sends forth that voice , did articulate it after our manner enunciatively ; but that he , according to his own nature , conceived it only inarticulately : but thou , according to thy own impotence , hearest the not on syllabically and enuntiatively . for as god heareth our voice not vocally , so man receiveth the notions of god vocally , every one according to the operation of his nature . these the earth bewails even to their children . ] it is meant of atheists , that god extends his vengeance even to their posterity : for the oracle , to express the torments which they shall receive under the earth , saith , it howles beneath for them : that is , the place under the earth bellows to them , and roareth like a lion. whence proclus also saith , the composition of souls that are of affinity with one another , is of like nature ; and those which are not yet loosed from the bands of nature , are entangled and detained by like passions . these therefore must fulfil all punishments , and since by natural affinity they are infected with pollutions , must again be cleansed from them . enlarge not thy destiny . ] the wisest of the greeks call nature or rather the completion of the illuminat●ons which the nature of beings receiveth ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) fate . providence is an immediate beneficence from god. but fate is that which governs all our affairs , by the concatenation of beings . we are subjects to providence , when we act intellectually ; to fate , when corporeally . encrease not therefore , saith he , thy fate , no● endeavour to surmount it , but commit thy self wholly to the government of god. for nothing proceeds from the paternal principality imperfect . ] the father ( saith he ) produceth all things perfect and self-sufficient according to their order , but the imbecillity and remission of the things produced sometimes causeth a defect and imperfection , but the father calleth back again that defect to perfection ; and converts it to it self-sufficience . like this , is that which iames the brother of our lord pronounceth in the beginning of his epistle , every perfect guift cometh down from above from the father of lights . for nothing proceeds imperfect from the perfect , and especially when we chance to be ready to receive that which is primarily distilled from him . but the paternal mind accepts her not untill she come forth . the paternal mind doth not admit the impulsions of the desires of the soul , before she hath excluded the forgetfulness of the riches which she received from the most bountiful father , and called back to her memory the sacred watch-words which she received from him , and pronounce the good speech imprinting in her remembrance the symbols of the father who begot her . for the soul consists of sacred words and divine symbols , of which those proceed from the sacred species , these from the divine monads ; and we are ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) images of the sacred essences , but ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) statues of the unknown symbols . moreover we must know that every soul differs from another soul specifically , and that there are as several species of souls as there are souls . when thou seest the terrestrial daemon approach , sacrifice the stone mnizuris , using invocation . ] the daemons that are near the earth are by nature lying , as being farre off from the divine knowledge , and filled with dark matter . now if you would have any true discourse from these , prepare an altar , and sacrifice the stone mnisuris : this stone hath the power of evocating the other greater daemon , who , invisibly approaching to the material daemon , will pronounce the true solution of demands , which he transmits to the demandant . the oracle joyneth the evocative name with the sacrificing of the stone . the chaldaean asserts some daemons good , others ill ; but our religion defines them to be all ill , as having by a premedi●ated defection exchanged good for ill . learn the intelligible , forasmuch as it exists beyond the mind . ] for though all things are comprehended by the mind , yet god the first intelligible exists without or beyond the mind . this without you must not understand distantially , nor according to intellectual alterity , but according to the intelligible excess alone , and the propriety of the existence , it being without or beyond all mind , whereby the superessential is manifested . for the first intelligible mind is essence , beyond which is the self-intelligible . besides these is god , who is beyond the intelligible , and self-intelligible : for we assert the divinity to be neither intelligible nor self-intelligible , it being more excellent then all speech and notion , so as that it is wholly unintelligible , and unexpressible , and more to be honoured by silence , then reverenc'd by wonderful expressions . for it is more sublime then to be reverenced , spoken , and conceived . intelligent iynges doe themselves also understand from the father , by unspeakable counsels being moved so as to understand . ] iynges are certain ( vertues or ) powers , next the paternal depth , consisting of three triads . these understand according to the paternal mind , which containeth their cause solely in himself . now the counsels of the father , in regard of their intelligible sublimity , are not vocal ; but the intellectual marks of abstract things , though understood by secondaries ( or inferiours ) are understood as without speaking , and as it were abstracted from intelligible prolations . for as the conceptions of souls , they understand intellectual orders , yet understand them as immutable : so the acts of the intellectuals understanding the intellectual signs , understand them as not a vocal subsisting in unknown existences . conjectures upon the greek text of the oracles . who it was that rendred these oracles in greek is ( as we said ) uncertain ; much more certain is it that they were all composed in hexameter verse : though they are sometimes cited indistinctly and abruptly by patricius , seeming wholly irreconcileable with poetick numbers ; yet that the greater part of them are hexameters , none can deny ; and whosoever shall look more cautiously upon the rest , will find prints enough by which they may be traced and demonstrated to have been of the same kind , though confounded in the manner of citations , sometimes by the authors out of which patricius took them , sometimes by patricius himself , who was farre more diligent to collect and digest , then curious to distinguish them , or to regard their numbers : which defect we shall endeavour , in some measure , to supply . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] the latter part of the hexameter , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as is that also which immediately follows , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and the next , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that which follows is cited again by it self afterward . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] this seems to be a loose citation of two several hemistichs , with reference to the phrase ( infinitively ) not to the verse . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] read , perhaps , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the verse requires — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] before , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] perhaps [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] perhaps , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the rest being a gloss . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] proclus reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in theolog. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] pletho reads , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] pletho , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and afterwards , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] perhaps , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] perhaps , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] afterwards cited thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] afterwards , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] read and distinguish , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and presently after , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] cited elswhere by patricius clearly , without [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which belong to some other place . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] distinguish , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] distinguish , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] distinguish , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] pletho , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] proclus in theolog. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . what follows under the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is very confused , the same fragments being often repeated . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . most of these are perfect , being put forth by pletho and psellus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( so pletho ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the rest may be corrected by the edition of pletho and psellus . the table . the first book , of the chaldaeans . pag. 1. the first part . the chaldaean philosophers , institution and sects . 2 sect . i. of the chaldaean philosophers . ibid. chap. i. the antiquity of the chaldaick learning . ibid. ii. that there were several zoroasters . 3 iii. of the chaldaean zoroaster , institutor of the chaldaick philosophy . 6 iv. of belus , another reputed inventor of sciences amongst the chaldaeans . 8 v. other chaldaean philosophers . 9 vi. of berosus , who first introduced the chaldaick learning into greece . 10 sect . ii. the chaldaick institution and sects . 13 chap. i. that all professors of learning were more peculiarly termed chaldaeans . ibid. ii. their institution . 14 iii. sects of the chaldaeans distinguished according to their several habitations . ibid. iv. sects of the chaldaeans distinguished according to their several sciences . 15 the second part . the chaldaick doctrine . 17 sect . i. theology and physick . ibid. chap. i. of the eternal being , god. 18 ii. the ema●ation of light or fire from god. ibid. iii. of things eviternal or incorporeal . 19 iv. the first order . ibid. v. the second order . 21 vi. the third order . 22 vii . fountains and principles . 23 viii . unzoned gods and zoned gods. 24 ix . angels and immaterial daemons . 25 x. souls . ibid. xi . the supramundane light. 27 xii . of things temporal or corporeal . 28 xiii . the empyreal vvorld . 29 xiv . the aethereal vvorlds . 30 xv. the material vvorlds . ibid. xvi . of material daemons . 31 sect . ii. astrology and other arts of divination . 36 chap. i. of the stars , fixed and erratick ▪ and of their presignification . 37 ii. of the planets . 38 iii. the divisions of the zodiack . ibid. iv. of the planets considered in respect of the zodiack . 41 v. aspects of the signs and planets . 43 vi. schemes . 44 vii . other arts of divination . 45 sect . iii. magick natural and theurgick . 47 chap. i. natural magick . ibid. ii. magical operations , their kinds . 48 iii. of the tsilmenaia ( or telesmes ) used for averruncation . 49 iv. of the tsilmenaia used for prediction . 50 v. theurgick magick . 51 vi. theurgick rites . 52 vii . apparitions . 53 viii . material daemons how to be repuls'd . 54 sect . iv. of the gods , and religious worship of the chaldaeans . 56 chap. i. of their idolatrous worship of the true god. ibid. ii. worship of other gods , angels , and daemons . 58 iii. worship of the celestial bodies . ibid. iv. of the sun. 59 v. of the moon . 61 vi. of the planets . 62 vii . of the other stars . 64 viii . of fire . 65 ix . of the air and earth . 66 the second book . of the persians . the first part . the persian philosophers , their sects , and institution . 67 sect . i. of the persian philosophers . ibid. chap. i. of the persian zoroaster , institutor of philosophy amongst the persians . ibid. ii. of hystaspes a great improver of the persian learning . 68 iii. of osthanes , who first introduced the persian learning into greece . 69 sect . ii. the institution and sects of the persians . chap. i. the persian magi their institution . 70 ii. the sects , discipline , and manners of the magi. 72 the second part . the doctrine of the persians . chap. i. theology and physick . 73 ii. arts of divination . 74 iii. of the religious rites or magick of the persians . 75 iv. the gods of the persians . 76 the third book . of the sabaeans . the first part . the sabaean philosophers . chap. i. of the institutors of the sabaean sect. 80 ii. others of the sabaean sect. 82 iii. their writings . 84 the second part . the doctrine of the sabaeans . 86 chap. i. of the gods and rites of the sabaeans . ibid. ii. other rites of the sabaeans contrary to the levitical law. 90 a table of the principal matters of the chaldaick philosophy . a aarab mastiaarabah . 79 ada. 61 adad . 59 adonis . 59 aether , what . 30 air , worshipped by the chaldaeans . 66 algia●eleiton . 81 amandatus . 78 amilicti . 23 anaitis . 87 angels . 25 apotelesmes . 75 arabians , skilful in natural philosophy , astronomy , and other sciences . 84 arimaspêan verses , their subject . 6 arts of divination practised by the chaldaeans . 45 aristeas the proconnesian zoroaster . 5 ashaphim , a chaldaick sect. 15 aspects of signs and planets . 43 astrology , how far the chaldaeans skilful in it . 36 azizus . 63 azonaces , master of zoroaster . 9 b. babylonians , a chaldaick sect. 14 oppose astrology , contrary to the chaldaeans . 15 bel. 57 , 58 , 61 , 62 belus . 8 beltha . 61 , 63 , 87 berosus . 10 , 11 borsippenes , a chaldaick sect. 14 c. chaldaean zoroaster . 4 chaldaeans , their institution . 14 chaldaeans , a peculiar sect of astronomers . 16 chaldaick learning , how antient . 2 chaldaean zoroaster , his time . 7 cham. 81 characters of the signs antient . 39 chiun . 62 cidenas , a chaldaean mathematician . 9 circumlucid place . 26 , 27 conciliary stars . 37 cosmagogues . 23 ●tesias his history , of what subject and time . 4 d. daemons material . 31 daemons immaterial . 25 daemons material how to be repuls'd . 54 the apparitions of daemons . 25 decanates , of planets . 41 decanates . 41 delephat . 63 duad . 20 e. earth worshipped by the chaldaeans . 66 its figure . 31 edris . 83 empyreum , what according to the ●hald●ans . 29 er●s armemus , called zoroaster . 5 exaltations and depressions of planets . 41 f. father . 20 fire worshipped by the chaldaeans . 65 fire , why worshipped . 18 fire worshipped by the sabaeans . 81 fountains . 23 forms , their kinds . 25 g. god , how described by zoroaster the magus . 73 god , a fire . 18 god , one . 18 god , how worshipped by the chaldaeans . 56 gods , how many , according to the persians . 74 h. hades . 31 haistamchus . 85 hartumim , a chaldaick sect. 15 hecate . 22 , 23 , 24 hecatine strophalus . 53 hellenism . 81 hipparenes , a chaldaick sect. 14 houses of planets . 41 hypezocos . 23 hystaspes . 68 i. idaeas . 21 idolatry , how antient with the chaldaeans . 58 intelligibles . 19 intellectuals . 22 intelligibles , and intellectuals . 21 interpreters , stars . 37 iulian's two chaldaick philosophers . 51 iupiter heliopolites . 60 iuvan . 81 iynges . 21 l. light , how it emanates from god. 18 light supramundane . 27 m. magi , chaldaeans so called . 47 magi , who , and whence so called . 70 , 71 magick natural . 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 magi wherein differ from the aegyptian priests . 72 markoli . 81 marmaridius , a chaldaean philosopher . 9 material world. 30 mazaloth . 64 mecashephim , a chaldaick sect. 15 mind , first , paternal . 20 moon worshipped by the chaldaeans . 61 monad . 20 monimus . 63 myleta . 63 n. na●●rianus , a chaldaean mathematician . 9 nan●●a . 78 nararib . 80 n●rgal . 63 nizur●● . 53 o orchenes , a chaldaick sect. 14 osthanes . 68 p. pamphilian zoroaster . 5 persian zoroaster , his time . 68 persian zoroaster . 5 persian magi. 70 , 71 , 72 persians sacrifize to the sun , and the other planets . 76 , 77 planets worshipped by the chaldaeans . 62 planets . 38 polytheism chaldaick , its ground . 65 power of the father . 20 principles . 23 prince of the magi. 72 proconnesian zoroaster . 5 professors of learning . 13 r. remphan . 62 s. sabaeans what they sacrifiz'd . 87 their gods. 86 their books 85 sacaea . 78 sacrifice , its use according to the chaldaeans . 52 sandes . 78 schemes , who first erected . 44 self-inspection , what . 54 seleucus , a chaldaean mathematician . 9 serug . 81 seth and edris , their books possess'd by the sabaeans . 83 signes , dignoscitive of daemons by whom invented . 52 soul , what . 25 stars 24. next the zodiack . 37 succoth-benoth . 64 sudinus , a chaldaean mathematician . 9 sun worshipped by the chaldaeans . 59 by the sabaeans . 82 super-inspection , what . 53 synoches . 21 t. tachurith , king of the persians , first author of the sabaean religion . 80 tamtam . 85 telesmes for prediction . 50 telesmes , of two sorts . 49 telesmes for aver●uncation not invented by apollonius tyanaeus . 49 teletarchs . 21 telestick science . 51 teucer , a chaldaean philosoper . 9 teraphim , what . 50 terms of planets . 41 termes . 40 theurgy , what . 15 triad triple . 20 triplicities of planets . 41 triplicities . 40 v. vehicle of the soul. 26 unzoned gods. 24 w winds worshipped . 78 z. zarmocenidas , a chaldaean philosopher . 9 zerodast , first institutor of learnning amongst the sabaeans . 80 zodiack , how first divided . 38 zodiack , gods ascribed to the signs . 39 zoned gods. 24 zoromasdres , a chaldaean philosopher . 9 zoroasters how many . 3 zoroaster the name whence derived . 3 zoroaster , master to pythagoras 6 zoroaster , why several persons so called . 6 a table of philosophers mentioned in the history of the chaldaick and greek philosophy . abavis , pyth. ch . 23. 24. abroteles , ch . 24. acmonides , ibid. arousiladas , ibid. acusilaus , preface . adicus , pyth. ch . 24. adras●us , arist. ch . 14. 17. aegeas , pyth. ch . 24. aegon , ibid. aemon , ibid. aeneas , ibid. aenesidemus , ibid. aeschines . aeschrion , arist. ch . 14. aethiops , aristip. ch . 9. aëtius , pyth. ch . 24. agelas , ibid. agesarchus , ibid. agesidemus , ibid. agylas , ibid. alcias , ibid. alcimachus , ibid. alcimus , stilp . ch . 3. alcuneion , pyth. ch . 24. alexander aprodisaeus , arist. ch . 17. alexinus . aliochus , pyth. ch . 24. al●meon . alopecus , pyth. ch . 24. ammonius , arist. ch . 17. amoëtus , pyth. ch . 24. amyclus , pla. ch . 13. anacharsis . anaxagoras . anaxarchus . anaximander . anaximenes . anchypillus , mened . ch . 1. andronicus , arist. ch . 17. animenes , pyth. ch . 24. anniceris . anthocharides , pyth. ch . 24. antimedon , ibid. antiochus , tim. ch . 3. antipater , aristip. ch . 9. antipater , the sidonian . antisthenes . apellico , arist. ch . 16. apollonius cronus . apollodorus cepotyrannus , epic. ch . 16. arcesila●s . arc●elaus . archippus , of samus , pyth. ch . 24. archippus , of tarentum , ibid. arestades , ibid. arete , aristip. ch . 8. arignote , pyth. ch . 21. arimnestus , pyth. ch . 21. aristaeus , pyth. ch . 24. aristagoras , socr. ch . 3. aristangelus , pyth. ch . 24. aristeas , chal. lib. 1. p. sect . ch . 2. aristides , stilp . ch . 3. aristides , pyth. ch . 24. aristides , a locrian , plat. ch . 13. ▪ aristippus . aristippus , the younger , aristip. ch . 9. aristippus , of tarentum , pyth. ch . 24. aristo , arist. ch . 17. aristoclides , pyth. ch . 24. aristocrates , ibid. aristodemus , preface , thal. ch . 5. aristomenes , pyth. ch . 24. aristonymus , pla. ch . 13. aristotle . aristotle , the cyrenaean . aristoxemus , arist. ch . 14. arytus , pyth. ch . 24. asclepiades , pyth. mened . aspasia , socr. ch . 3. aspasius , arist. ch . 17. asteas , pyth. ch . 24. astraeus , pyth. ch . 21. astylus , pyth. ch . 24. athamas , pyth. athenodorus , of soli , zen. ch . 9. athenodorus , of tharsis , arist. ch . 17. athosion , pyth. ch . 24. attlcus , arist. ch . 17. averroes , ibid. avicenna , ibid. axiothea , pla. ch . 13. spe●s . ch . 2. azonaces , chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. c. 5. b. balielyma , pyth. ch . 24. basilides , epic. ch . 16. bathilaus , pyth. ch . 24. belus , chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 4. berosus , chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . ch . 6. bias. bio , pyth. ch . 24. bion. boethus , arist. ch . 17. brias , pyth. ch . 24. bruthius , ibid. bryas , ibid. brontinus , ibid. bryso , socr. ch . 3. bulagoras , pyth. ch . 24. butherus , ibid. c. caenias , pyth. ch . 24. calibrotus , ibid. caliphon , pyth. ch . 23. callippus , an athenian , pla. ch . 13. arist. ch . 14. callippus , a corinthian , zen. ch . 9. callisthenes , arist. ch . 14. carneades . carophantidas , pyth. ch . 24. cebes . cerambus , pyth. ch . 24. chaerephon , socr. ch . 17. chaeron , pla. ch . 13. charondas , pyth. ch . 24. chilas , ibid. chilon . chilonis , pyth. ch . 24. chrysippus . chrysippus , a tyrrhene , pyth. c. 24. cleaechma , ibid. cleanor , ibid. cleanthes . clearatus , pyth. ch . 24. clearchus , of soli , arist. ch . 14. cleobulina , cleob. ch . 1. cleobulus . cleon , pyth. ch . 24. cleophron , ibid. cleosthenes , ibid. clinagoras , ibid. clinias , ibid. clinomachus . clitarchus , stilp . ch . 3. clitomachus . clitus , arist. ch . 14. colaes , pyth. ch . 24. colotes , epic. coriscus , pla. ch . 13. cranius , pyth. ch . 24. crantor . crates . crito . crito , the aegean , pyth. ch . 24. critolaus . d. dacydes , pyth. ch . 24. damarmenus , ibid. damascenus jo. arist. c. 17. damascenus , nicho. ibid. damascius , ibib . damocles , pyth. ch . 24. damon , ibid. damotages , ibid. dardanius , ibid. demetrius of amphipolis , pla. c. 13. demetrius lacon , epic. ch . 16. demetrius phalereus . democritus . demon , pyth. ch . 24. demosthenes , ibid. deonax , ibid. dexippus , arist. ch . 17. dexitheus , pyth. ch . 24. dicaearchus , arist. ch . 14. dicaearchus , pyth. ch . 24. dicon , ibid. dinarchus , ibid. dinocrates , ibid. diocles , a phliasian , ibid. diocles , a sybarite , ibid. dioclides , stilp . ch . 1. diogenes . diogenes , of seleucia , epic. ch . 16. diogenes , of tharsus , ibid. diodorus , the aspendian , pyth. c. 24. diodorus cronus . diodorus , the peripatetick . dion , pla. ch . 13. dionysius , epic. ch . 16. dionysius , a colophonian , menip . dioscorides , timon ch . 3. dioteles , arist. ch . 14. diotyma , socr. ch . 3. diphylus , stilp . ch . 3. drymon , pyth. ch . 24. dymas , ibid. e. eccelo , pyth. ch . 24 echecrates , a phlyasian , ibid. echecrates , a tarentine , ibid. echecrates , a woman , ib●d . echecratides , arist. c. 14. egesinus . eiriscus , pyth. ch . 24. elicaon , ibid. empedocles . empedus , pyth. ch . 24. epicurus . epimenides . epiphron , pyth. ch . 24. episylus , ibid. epitimides , aristip. ch . 9. erastus , pla. ch . 13. eratus , pyth. ch . 24. erus armenius , chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. estiaeus , pyth. ch . 24. euaemon , pla. ch . 13. euaeus , pyth. ch . 24. euagon , pla. ch . 13. euander . euander , of crotona , pyth. ch . 24. euander , of metapontum , ibid. euander , of tarentum , ibid. euanor , ibid. eubulides . eubulus , timon ▪ ch . 3. euclid . eucratides , epic. ch . 16. eudemus , of cyprus , arist. ch . 14. eudemus , of rhodes , ibid. eudoxus . euelthon , pyth. c. 24. euetes , ibid. eumeridias ibid. euphantus . eu●hemus , ibid. euphranor , timon ch . 3. euphratus , pla. ch . 13. eurymedon , pyth. ch . 24. euriphamus , ibid. eurycrates , ibid. eurytus , ibid. eustathius , arist. ch . 17. euthenus , pyth. ch . 24. euthycles , ibid. euthymus , ibid. euxithi●s , arist. ch . 14. g. glauco . glorippus , pyth. ch . 24. glycinus , ibid. gyptius , ibid. h. hegesias . hegesilaus , see egesin●s . heloris , pyth. ch . 24. heracleodorus , pla. ch . 13. hera●lides , an aenian , pla. ch . 13. heraclides , the peripatetick . heraclides , of pontus , pla. ch . 13. arist. ch . 14. heraclides , the sceptick , timon ch . 3. heraclitus . hermachus , epic. ch . 12. herminus , arist. ch . 17. hermodamas , pyth. c. 2. hermodorus , pla. ch . 13. herodotus , timon ch . 3. hestiaeus , pla. ch . 13. hieronymus , of rhodes , arist. ch . 14. hipparchia . hipparchides , pyth. ch . 24. hipparchus , arist. ch . 14. hippasus . hippochus , chald. l. 4. p. ch . 2. hippomedon , pyth. ch . 24. hippocrates , democr . ch . hippon , pyth. ch . 24. hippostatus , ibid. hipposthenes , of crotona , ibid. hipposthenes , of cyzicus , ibid. hippothales , pla. ch . 13. hystaspes , chald. l. 2. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. i. jamblicus , arist. ch . 17. iccus , pyth. ch . 24. ichthyas . itanaeas , pyth. ch . 24. l. lacon , pyth. ch . 24. lacrates , ibid. lacydes . laphaon , pyth. ch . 24. lasthenia , pla. ch . 13. speus . ch . 2. lasthenia , a pythagorean , pyth. ch . 24. lasus , preface . leocritus , pyth. ch . 24. leocydes , ibid. leon , arist. ch . 14. leon , a pythagorean , pyth. ch . 24. leophantus , preface . leophron , pyth. ch . 24. leptines , ibid. leucippus . lyco . lyco , a pythagorean , pyth. ch . 24. lysides , ibid. lysias , epic. ch . 16. lysibius , pyth. ch . 24. lysiphanes , epic. ch . 1. lysis , pyth. ch . 24. lytamnus , ibid. m. magentinus , arist. ch . 17. malias , pyth. ch . 24. marinus , arist. ch . 17. marmaridius , chal. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 5. maximus , aristot. ch . 17. mededimus , pla. ch . 13. megistias , pyth. ch . 24. melanippus , ibid. melisies , ibid. melissus . menedemus , the cynick . menedemus , the eretrian . menestius , pyth. ch . 24. menippus . menodorus , epic. ch . 10. menodotus , timon ch . 3. menon , pyth. ch . 24. meton , ibid. metopus , ibid. metrocles . metrodorus , sirnamed the theoretick , stilp . ch . 3. metrodorus , the chian , epic. ch . 4. milias , pyth. ch . 24. milo , ibid. miltiades , ibid. mimnomachus , ibid. mnason , arist. ch . 14. mnesarchus , pyth. ch . 21. 24. mnesibulus , pyth. ch . 24. mnesistratus , pla. ch . 13. moschus , mened . ch . 1. muya , pyth. ch . 21. muyes , pyth. ch . 24. myrmex , stilpo ch . 3. n. nastas , pyth. ch . 24. nausiphanes , a pythagorean , epic. ch . 4. nausitheus , pyth. ch . 24. neocritus , ibid. nicanor , arist. ch . 14. nicephorus blemmydes , arist. c. 17. niolochus , tim. ch . 3. o. occelo , pyth. ch . 24. occlo , ibid. ocylus , ibid. odius , ibid. olympiodorus , arist. ch . 17. onatus , pyth. ch . 24. opsimus , ibid. oresandrus , ibid. osthanes , chald. lib. 2. p. 1. sect . 1. chap. 3. p. pachymerius georg. arist. ch . 17. paction , pyth. paeonius , stil . ch . 3. palaephatus , arist. ch . 14. pamphilius , epic. ch . 4. panaetius . parmenides . parmiscus , pyth. pasciles , stilp . ch . 1. pasicrates , arist. ch . 14. periander . phaedo . phaedo , a pythagorean , pyth. ch . 24. phaesidemus , stilp . ch . 3. phancelus , pyth. ch . 24. phanias , arist. ch . 14. phanton , pyth. ch . 24. pherecydes . philippus , an opuntian , pla. ch . 13. philo , a theban , zen. ch . 9. philo , the peripatetick , arist. ch . 14. philodemus , pyth. ch . 24. philolaus . philolaus , of tarentum , pyth. ch . 24. philonides , ibid. philoponus , arist. ch . 17. philtes , pyth. ch . 24. phiatias , ibid. phormio , pla. ch . 13. phrasidemus , arist. ch . 14. phrinychus , pyth. ch . 24. phrontides , ibid. phyacyades , ibid. phytius , ibid. piserrydus , ibid. pisicrates , ibid. pithon , pla. ch . 13. pittacus . plato . plato the yourger , arist. ch . 14. plisthenes . plutarch the younger , arist. ch . 17. polemaeus , pythag. ch . 24. polemarchus , ibid. polemo . poliades , pyth. ch . 24. polymnestus , ibid. polystratus , epic. ch . 17. posidonius . praxiphanes , epic. ch . 4. praytus , tim. ch . 3. proclus , arist. ch . 17. proclus , a pythagorean , pyth. ch . 24. prorus , ibid. protagoras . protarchus , epic. ch . 16. proxenus , a posidonian , pyth. ch . 24. proxenus , a sybarite , ibid. psellus , arist. ch . 17. ptolemaeus , a cyrenaean , tim. ch . 3. ptolemaeus the black , epic. ch . 16. ptolemaeus the white , ibid , ptolemaeus , of cyrene , tim. ch . 3. pylyctor , pyth. ch . 24. pyrrho . pyrrho the younger , tim. ch . 3. pyrrho , a pythagorean , pyth. ch . 24. pysirronde , ibid. pythagoras . pythodotus . r. rhexibius , pyth. ch . 24. rhodippus , ibid. s. salaccra , pyth. ch . sara , pyth. ch . 21. sarpedon , tim. ch . 3. saturninus , ibid. satyrus , arist. ch . 14. sextus , tim. ch . 3. sycas , pyth. ch . 24. silius , ibid. simichus , pyth. ch . 23. simmias . simmias , the megarick , stilp . ch . 3. simon . simplicius , aristot. ch . 17. simus , pyth. ch . 24. smichaeas , ibid. socrates . socrates , a bythinian , arist. ch . 14. solon . sosistratus , pyth. ch . 24. sosthenes , ibid. sostratius , ibid. sotion , arist. ch . 17. speusippus . sphaerus , zeno ch . 9. sthenonides , pyth. ch . 24. stilpo . strato . syrianus , aristot. ch . 17. t. taurus , arist. ch . 17. telauges , pyth. ch . 21. terpsion , socr. ch . 17. teucer , chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 5. thales . theano , wife of brontino , pyth. ch . 24. theano , wife of pythagoras , c. 21. 24. themistius , arist. ch . 17. theodas , tim. ch . 3. theodectus , arist. ch . 14. theodorus the atheist . theodorus metochita , arist. ch . theodorus , of cyrene , pyth. ch . 24. theodorus , of tarentum , ibid. theophrastus . theoridas , pyth. ch . 24. thrascus , ibid. thrasydemus , ibid. thrasymachus , stilp . ch . 1. thrasymedes , pyth. ch . 24. timaeus , the crotonian , ibid. timaeus , the cyzicene , pla. ch . 13. timaeus , the locrian , pyth. ch . 24. timaeus , the parian , ibid. timagoras , stilp . ch . 3. timaras , pyth. ch . 24. timarchus , arist. ch . 14. timesianax , pyth. ch . 24. timolaus , pla. ch . 13. timosthenes , pyth. ch . 24. tydas , ibid. tymasius , ibid. tymicha , ibid. tyrsenes , ibid. tyrsenus , ibid. x. xanthus , tim. ch . 3. xenocides , pyth. ch . 24. xenon , ibid. xenocrates . xenophanes . xenophantes , pyth. ch . 24. xenophilus , ibid. xentas , ibid. z. zabratus , pyth. ch . 5. zaleucus , pyth. c. 24. zamoxis , pyth. ch . 21. zarmocenidas , chal. l. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. c. 5. zeno. zeno eleates . zeno , the epicurean , stilp . ch . 3. zen. ch . 9. epic. ch . 16. zeno , of tarsis . zeuxes , tim. ch . 3. zeuxippus , ibid. zopyrus , a colophronian , menipp . zopyrus , a tarentine , pyth. ch . 24. zoroaster , the chaldaean , chald. l. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. 3. zoroaster , the babylonian , chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. zoroaster , the bactrian , ibid. zoroaster , the pamphilian , ibid. zoroaster , the persian , ibid. lib. 2. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 1. zoroaster , the proconnesian , chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. zoromasdres , chal. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . c. 5. a table of the principal matters in the doctrines of the chaldaick and greek philosophers . a. abduction , arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. abstinence , pyth. doct . p. 1. ch . 5. p. 3. sect . 1. ch . 1. accident , arist. doct . p. 1. c. 6. p. 4. c. 3. doubted . sext. lib. 2. ch . 21. achilles , an argument , parmenid . ch . 2. zeno eleat . ch . 2. acme , arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 25. acousmata , pyth. doct . p. 1. ch . 8. act , arist. doctr . p. 4. ch . 4. action , plat. doctr . ch . 2. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 12. p. 2. ch . 10. active life , plat. doct . ch . 2. addition , see augmentation ; doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 10. adjurative axioms , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. adnexe axioms , sto. doct . p. 1. c. 21. adverse axioms , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 22. aequinox , thal. ch . 8. sect . 1. anaximand . ch . 1. aestimation , sto. doctr . p. 2. ch . 12. aether , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 14. anaximand . ch . 2. sect . 3. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 2. pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. aetna , epic. p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 2. affections or passions , socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. epic. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. affirmative propositions , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. age , arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 25. agent , democr . ch . 9. sect . 1. agent intellect , arist. doct . p. 2. c. 23. air , anaxim . ch . 2. sect . 1. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. 4. timaeus , emped . chap. 7. worshipped , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 9. alteration , arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 9. doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 13. alterity . amber , thal. ch . 6. sect . 4. amphiboly , sto. doct . p. 1. chap. 9. slighted , sext. lib. 2. ch . 23. analogy , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. 9. analysis , plat. doct . ch . 5. analytical method , plat. ch . 7. angels , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. c. 9. anger , plat. doct . ch . 32. animals , anaximand . ch . 2. sect . 3. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 14. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 5. timaeus . anomaly of words , sto. doct . p. 1. c. 9. antidivision , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 11. appellations , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. appetite , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 24. sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. 3. 4. argument , plat. doctr . ch . 6. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. aristocracy , plat. doct . ch . 33. arithmetick , socr. ch . 5. plat. ch . 7. pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. arithmomancy , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 15. articles , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. art , plat. ch . 8. art about life , sext. lib. 3. ch . 24. doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 25. 26. 27. 31. aspects , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 5. assimilation , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 6. assumption , eucl. ch . 2. sto. doct . astrology judiciary , chal. lib. 1. p. 2. ch . 2. thal. ch . 8. sect . 5. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 4. deny'd , epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 7. astronomy , thal. ch . 8. plat. ch . 7. pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. atomes , leucippus ; democr . ch . 9. sect . 1. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. c. 4. &c. avernal places , epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 16. augmentation , what . arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 9. augury , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 7. pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. c. 15. autumn , sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 4. axioms , or propositions , clinom . sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. b. bald , an argument . sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 34. barbarism , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. bear lesser , thal. ch . 8. sect . 2. beatitude , aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. pla. doct . ch . 27. beauty , pla. doct . ch . 8. beneficence , pla. ch . 8. epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 29. bodies , arcesil . ch . 2. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 2. timaeus . are passible ; thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. divisible into infinite ; thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 1. continuous ; thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. incomprehensible ; sext. lib. 3. c. 5. body of man , pla. doct . ch . 17. 23. breath , plat. anaximen , ch . 2. sect . 3. broad iron , why it swims , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 8. democr . ch . 9. sect . 1. c. canonick musick , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. dialectick , so called ; epic. doct . p. 1. cases , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. categoremes , clinom . sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. deny'd , stilpo ch . 2. categorical syllogism , pla. doct . c. 6. categories ten , pl. doct . ch . 6. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. p. 4. ch . cause , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 3. doubted ; sext. lib. 3. ch . 3. cause first ; pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. chance , what . arist. doct . p. 11. ch . 3. charms , pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 5. ch . 2. chasmes ( meteors ) ari. doct . p. 2. c. 12. circumcurrent phantasy , carnea . c. 2. clemency , heges . c. 2. pla. doct . c. 23. clouds , anaximen . ch . 2. sect . 3. xenophan . c. 2. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. c. 9. coaequals , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. cold , anaximen . ch . 2. sect . 3. pla. doct . ch . 19. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 15. cogitation , pla. doct . ch . 4. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 19. democr . ch . 9. sect . 8. epic. doct . p. colour , sto. doct . p. 3. c. 16. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. c. 7. epic. doct . p. 〈◊〉 sect . 1. c. 15. comets , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 2. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. democr . ch . 9. sect . 5. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. commonwealth , pla. doctr . ch . 33. compellative proposition , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. composition , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. p. 3. chap. 13. compositum , arist. doct . p. 4. ch . comprehension , aristip. ch . 4. sect . 1. sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. 6. denied , arcesil . ch . 2. lacydes . carnead . ch . 2. philo. comprehensive phantasy , arcesil . ch . 2. sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. denied ; philo. concoction , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 13. concupiscible part of the soul ; pla. doctr . ch . 17. 23. confusion , sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 13. congruities and less than congruities ; sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. conjunct axioms , sto. doct . p. 1. c. 21. conjunct syllogismes , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 28. conjunctions , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. connex , what ; diod. ch . 2. philo. which true ; which false ; ibid. cons●ctation , or aequipollence of propositions , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. consultation , pla. ch . 8. contact , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 10. contemplation , pla. doct . ch . 2. continence , pyth. doctr . p. 3. ch . 3. socr. c. 5. sect . 2. epic. doct . p. 3. c. 14. contingent proposition , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. contingents , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 13. contradictories , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. contraries , pla. ch . 8. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 6. contrary axioms , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 22. conversation , soc● . ch . 5. sect . 2. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 1. conversion of propositions , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. conversion of terms , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 14. corruption , arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 9. country , the world is our country ; theod. ch . 2. criteries , aristip. ch . 4. sect . 1. pla. doct . ch . 4. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. parmenid . ch . 2. epic. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. doubted ; sext. l. 2. c. 3. &c. denied , carn . c. 12. crocodilite , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. d. daemons , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 9. 16. sect . 3. ch . 6. 7. 8. thal. ch . 6. sect . 3. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 2. plato , ch . 15. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 6. darkness , sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. death , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. socr. ch . 12. heges . c. 1. 2. euclid . c. 3. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 25. pyth. doct . p. ● ch . 5. epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 23. decad , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 14. decanate , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 3. 4. declarative axiom of the more and of the lesse , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 21. defective reason , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. definition , pla. doct . ch . 5. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 11. doubted , sext. lib. 2. ch . 16. democracy , plat. doct . ch . 33. demonstration , arist. d●ct . p. 1. ch . 5. s. 0. doct . doubted , sext. lib. 2. ch . 13. detraction or substraction ; see diminution . dew , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 15. diaetetick , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 5. ch . 1. dialectick , euclid . ch . 2. pla. ch . 6. pla. doct . ch . 3. 4. 5. clitom . arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. 6. sto doct . p. 1. ch . 1. zeno eleat . ch . 2. taken away ; antisth . ch . 2. epic. doct . dialogue , pla. ch . 15. diapason , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. c. 4. 5. diapente , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 4. diatetessaron , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 4. dicibles , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 18. p. 3. ch . 20. diminution , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. sto. doct . p. 1. c. 6. doubted ; sext. l. 3. c. 10. diseases of the body , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. pla. doct . ch . 22. timaeus ; of the mind ; sto. doct . dispositions . sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 5. disputation , arcesil . ch . 2. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 16. epic. doct . p. distinctions , pla. ch . 8. diverse , arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 6. see alterity . divination , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . c. 7. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 2. division , pla. doct . ch . 5. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. doubted , sext. lib. 2. ch . 18. 19. 20. dogmatize , pla. ch . 15. deny'd ; arcesil . ch . 2. sext. lib. 1. ch . 6. dominative reason , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. dreams , pla. doct . ch . 15. 18. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 22. democr . ch . 9. sect . 8. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 2● . duad , xenocr . ch . 2. pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 6. p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. dubitative axiom , sto. doct . p. 1. c. 18. e. earth , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 15. thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. ch . 6. sect . 1. pla. doct . ch . arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 7. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 12. pyth. doct . timaeus ; empedocles ch . 7. hippasus , xenophanes , ch . 2. parmenides ch . 2. democrit . ch . 9. sect . 6. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. worshipped , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 9. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 4. earthquakes , thal. ch . 6. sect . 1. anaximen . ch . 2. sect . 3. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. archelaus . arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. democr . ch . 9. sect . 6. epic. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 2. echo , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. epic. doct . eclipse , thal. ch . 8. sect . 3. anaximander ch . 2. sect . 2. anaximenes ch . 2. sect . 2. sto. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 5. p. 3. ch . 9. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 5. e●nephias , arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 11. efficient cause , arist. doct . p. 2. c. 3. electrum , eubulides . sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. element , thal. ch . 6. sect . 1. pla. c. 7. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 7. 8. 12. elements , pla. doct . ch . 12. 13. 15. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 8. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 6. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 4. timaeus . empedocles ch . 7. xenophanes ch . 2. parmedides ch . 2. empyreal world , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 13. end , or chief good ; socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. stilpo c. 2. pl. doct . ch . 27. carneades , ch . 2. arist. doct . sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 10. democr . ch . 9. sect . 9. epic. doctrine p. elench , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. ennead , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. c. 13. envy , what . socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. enthymeme , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. eristick , euclid , ch . 2. stilpo , ch . 2. essence , pla. ch . 2. ethick , socr. ch . pla. ch . 6. pla. doct . ch . arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. sto. doctr . p. 1. chap. 1. p. 2. ch . 1. epic. doct . p. 3. doubted , sext. etymology , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. even and odd , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 3. evidence of sense , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 3. evident incursion , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 6. eupathies , sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 6. examination of our selves , pyth. doct . p. 1. ch . 10. example , aristot , doctrine , p. 1. ch . 4. eyes , pla. doct . ch . 18. f. faculties , or powers of the soul , pla. doct . ch . 23. faith , pla. doct . ch . 7. falling stars , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 8. false , arist. doct . p. 4. c. false phantasy , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. fate , pla. doct . ch . 26. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 19. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 3. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 2. felicity , heges . ch . 2. pla. ch . 8. epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. figure , how it causeth motion , arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 8. democr . chap. 9. sect . 1. figures geometrical suit with the elements , pla. doct . ch . 13. figures of syllogismes , arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. of hypothetical syllogismes , pla. doctr . chap. 6. sto. doct . final cause , arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 3. fire , arcesil . ch . 2. arist. doct . p. 4. ch . pyth. doct . p. timaeus . empedocles , ch . 7. hippasus . heraclitus , ch . 8. sect . 1. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 5. 7. worshipped , chald. lib. 1. p ▪ 2. sect . 4. ch . 8. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 4. lib. 3. p. 1. ch . 2. firebrands , meteors , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. flesh , pla. doct . ch . 17. form , arist. doctr . p. 4. ch . sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 15. form of syllogismes , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. formal cause , aristot. doctr . p. 2. ch . 3. fortitude , socr. chap. 5. sect . 2. pla. doct . ch . 28. arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 1. ch . 2. epic. doct . p. 3. c. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. fortune , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 3. pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 3. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 2. fountains , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 7. arist. doct . p. 2. ● epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 6. how caused , thal. ch . 6. sect . 1. freewill , pla. doct . ch . 26. epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 6. friendship , socr. ch . 3. sect . 2. hegesias , ch . 2. annice●is , ch . 2. theodorus , ch . 2. pla. doct . ch . 21. arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 2. epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 30. its kinds , plato , ch . 8. frost , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 11. epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 14. g. galaxie , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 2. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. parmenides , ch . 2. generation and corruption , archelaus . arist. doct . p. 2. c. 9. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 14. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 4. democr . ch . 9. sect . 1. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 17. doubted ; sext. lib. 3. ch . 14. deny'd ; empedocles , ch . 7. parmenides , ch . 2. melissus , ch . 2. generation of living creatures , sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 6. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 9. genus , what ; arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 12. geometry , thal. ch . 6. sect . 7. socr. chap. 5. pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 2. geometrical propositions , thales , ch . 5. sect . 1. 2. euclid . ch . 3. pla. ch . 7. pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. c. 2. 3. god , chald. l. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 1. sect . 4. ch . 1. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 1. thal. ch . 6. sect . 2. anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 2. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 1. socrat. c. 5. sect . 1. stilpo ch . 1. theodorus , c. 1. plat. doct . ch . 10. arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 8. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 17. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. chap. 1. timaeus , xenophanes , ch . 2. melissus , ch . 2. zeno eleat . ch . 3. democr . chap. 9. sect . 8. protagoras . sext. lib. 3. c. 1. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 3. gods , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 2. euclid , ch . 3. xenocrat . ch . 2. pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 3. chap. 2. gods younger , makers of men , pla. doct . ch . 16. good , euclid . ch . 2. menedemus , ch . l2 . plat. ch . 8. plat. doct . chap. 27. clitomachus . arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. sto. doctr . p. 2. ch . 5. doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 23. government , plat. ch . 8. gratitude , epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 29. gravity , arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. grief , aristip. chap. 5. sect . 2. pla. ch . 32. gulfs , ( meteors ) arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. h. habit , a category ; arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. hail , anaximenes , chap. 2. sect . 3. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 14. halos , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 15. hand , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. harmony , pyth. doctr . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 6. hate , hegesias . health , al●maeon . hearing , plat. doct . ch . 19. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. pyth. doct . p. 2. chap. 17. emped . ch . 7. alcmaeon , epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 13. heat , epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 15 : hegemonick , plat. doct . ch . 23. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. alcmaeon . democrit . ch . 9. sect . 8. heaven , anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. anaximenes , c. 2. sect . 2. anaxag . chap. 2. sect . 2. plat. doct . arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 7. emped . ch . 7. heavy and light , plat. doct . ch . 20. heptad , pythag. doctr . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 11. heros , thal. ch . ● . sect . 3. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 2. sto. doct . hesper , pyth. doct . ● timaeus . hexad , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 10. hieroscopy , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 7. homoiomeras , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 1. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. honest and profitable the same , socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. sto. doct . horned reason , diodorus , ch . 2. eubulides , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. hot , pl. doct . ch . 19. humanity , plato , ch . 8. hydromancy , pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 4. hypate , pythag. doctr . p. 2. sect . 2. c. 2. 4. hypothetical proposition , pla. doct . ch . 5. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 15. hypothetical syllogism , pl. doct . ch . 6. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 28. i. ice , arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 4. idea , plat● , ch . 4. pl. doct . ch . 9. timaeus ; parmenides ch . 3. identity , timaeus . idolatry , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 3. lib. 3. p. 1. ch . 1. 2. ignorance , arcesilaus , ch . 2. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 5. theod. ch . 2. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. ill , aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. theodor. ch . 2. sto. doctr . doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 23. denyed , euclid ch . 2. image of the soul , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 10. imagination , pla. doctr . ch . 7. immortal , aeternal substances , arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 7. imperative proposition , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. imperfect syllogysm , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. impossible proposition , arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 3. sto. doct . imprecative proposition , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. incomprehensible , all things , xenophan . ch . 2. inconcoction , aristot. doctr . p. 2. ch . 13. indefinite proposition , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. indemonstrables , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 29. indifference , theod. ch . 2. indifferents , sto. doctr . p. 2. ch . 11. doubted ; sext. lib. 3. ch . 23. denyed ; antisthenes , ch . 2. indignation , arist. doct . p. 3. chap. 1. indolence , aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. epic. doct . induction , socr. ch . 4. theodor. ch . 2. plat. chap. 7. 15. pl. doct . chap. 5. arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. doubted ; sext. lib. 2. ch . 15. inexplicable reason , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 32. infant , alcmaeon , democr . chap. 9. sect . 7. inference , euclid . ch . 2. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 26. infinite , arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 4. infinity , anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 1. insects , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 24. instance , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 4. intellect , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 23. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 17. intellection , democr . ch . 9. sect . 8. intellection of primaries and secondaries , pla. doct . ch . 4. intellectual number , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 1. intellectuals , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 6. intelligences , arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 9. intelligibles , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 2. intelligibles and intellectuals , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . ● . ch . 5. interrogation , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. interrogation , or argument , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 26. irascible part of the soul , pla. doct . 17. 23. irony , socr. ch . 4. irrational creatures have reason , sext. lib. 1. ch . 13. irrational soul , plat. doct . ch . 25. judgment , aristip. ch . 4. sect . 1. plat. doct . ch . 4. c●rneades , ch . 2. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. jus , right ; epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 25. &c. just , archelaus , aristip. ch . 2. sect . 3. theodor. ch . 2. justice , socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. plato , ch . 8. pl. doct . ch . 28. arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. sto. doctr . p. 2. ch . 9. epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 24. k. knowledge , socr. ch . 5. sect . 1. denied , arcesil . ch . 2. l. law , solon , ch . 5. 6. 7. plat. ch . 8. law-making , pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 6. least things , heraclitus , chap. 7. sect . 1. letters , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. liberal sciences taken away , antisth . ch . 2. liberality , socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 17. lichanus , pyth. doct . p. 2. ch . 25. life , hegesias . pla. doct . ch . 2. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 25. light , pla. doct . ch . 18. light emanating from god , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 2. light supramundane , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 11. lightning , anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 3. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 12. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 12. like to , or transcending , an axiom , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. line , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. liquidity and concretion , democrit . ch . 9. sect . 3. liver , plat. doct . ch . 23. living creatures , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. ch . 4. sect . 5. ch . 3. sect . 5. archelaus , sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 5. timaeus , heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 4. load-stone , thal. ch . 6. sect . 4. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 6. logick , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. looking-glass , plat. doct . p. 3. sect . 1. ch . 7. empeaocles , ch . 7. lying reason , eubulides , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 32. m. magick , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 3. magick natural , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. 2. magnanimity , socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 18. magnificence , arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 3. man , heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 4. mankind without beginning , pythag. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 6. marrow , pla. doct . ch . 17. mathematick , plat. doct . ch . 7. speusippus , chap. 2. pyth. doctrin . p. 2. ch . 2. matter , thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. plat. doct . ch . 8. arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 2. p. 4. ch . sto. doctr . p. 3. chap. 4. timaeus . matter fluid , thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. protagoras . matter of syllogismes , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. mean affection , plat. doct . ch . 29. mean state , aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. medicine , plat. ch . 8. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 5. mediocrity , arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. medium of a syllogism , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. meeknesse , arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. epic . doct . p. 3. ch . 15. memory , what ; plat. doct . c. 4. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 20. men , how first generated , parmenides ch . 2. mese , pyth. doctr . p. 2. sect . 2. chap. 2. 4. metaphysick , aristot. doctr . part 4. ch . 1. meteors , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. epic . doct . p. 2. sect . 4. method , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 33. metalls , arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 12. epic . doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 5. mind , thal. ch . 6. sect . 4. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 1. speusippus , chap. 2. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 8. democritus , ch . 9. sect . 8. timaeus . archelaus . minerals , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. epic . doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 5. misling , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. mist , ibid. mistion , thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 1. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 11. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 13. mixt syllogism , pla. doct . ch . 6. modal proposition , aristot. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. modesty , pla. doct . ch . 32. arist. p. 3. ch . 1. epic. doctr . p. 3. chap. 16. monad , xenocrat . chap. 2. pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 5. p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. monochord , its canon , pyth. doct ▪ p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 6. monsters , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. moods of hypothetick syllogismes , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 29. moon , thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. anaximand . ch . 2. sect . 2. anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 2. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 2. pla. doct . ch . 14. sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 10. pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. timaeus . empedocles , ch . 7. alcmaeon . hipp●sus . heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 2. xenophanes , ch . 2. leucippus . democrit . ch . 9. sect . 5. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 5. worshipped ; chald. l. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 5. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 4. moral philosophy , socr. ch . 5. motion , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 4. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. 5. p. 2. ch . 4. 5. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 15. pythag. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 4. doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 8. d●ny'd , diodorus , ch . 2. melissus , ch . 2. zeno eleat . ch . 2. motive faculty , arist. doctrine , p. 2. ch . 24. motive qualities , arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 8. mover first , proved , arist. doct . p. 11. ch . 6. mower , a reas●n , sto. doctrine p. 1. musick , plato , ch . 7. pla. doct . ch . 8. pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. musick of the planets , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. musick of the sphears , pyth. doct . p. 4. sect . 4. ch . 3. taken away , antisth . ch . 2. institution by musick , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 7. medicine by musick , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 8. n. names , pla. doct . ch . 6. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 10. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 2. nature , arist. d●ctr . p. 2. ch . 2. 3. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 18. empedocles , ch . 7. necessary axi●m , sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 23. nec●ssary proposition , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. necessity , arist. doct . p. ● . ch . 3. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 19. timaeus . necessity , or providence , thal. c. 6. sect . 2. the negative , a reason , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. negative proposition , plat. doctr . ch . 5. arist. doct . p. 1. 〈◊〉 . 3. deny'd , menedem . ch . 2. neither preferred nor rejected , arcesilaus ch . 2. sto. doctrine , p. 2. ch . 12. neuter categoremes , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. nete , pythag. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. 4. night , thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. nilus , ibid. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 4. democr . ch . 9. 〈◊〉 6. epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 3. nobility , pla. ch . 8. the nobody ( a reason ) sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. not-bodies , sto. doctrine , part 3. ch . 20. not-conclusive reasons , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 30. not-syllogistick conclusive reasons , sto. doctr . p. 1. chap. 31. notion , what , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. number , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 1. 2. 3. 4. p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 18. nutrition , plat. doctr . ch . 17. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. nutrition of the world , philolaus . nutritive faculty , aristot. doct . p. 2. ch . 16. o. obedience , socrat. ch . 5. sect . 2. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 5. oblique cases , sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 19. observance , epicur . doctrine , p. 3. ch . 29. the occult , ( a reason ) eubulides . sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. odd and even , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 3. odor , arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 17. oeconomick , socr. ch . 5. sect . 3. arist . doctrine , p. 3. ch . 1. offences why to be pardoned , hegesias . o●sices , arcesil . ch . 2. sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 13. ogdoad , pyth. doctr . p. 4. ch . 6. xenophanes , ch . 2. parmenides , ch . 2. melissus , ch . 2. oneiromancy , chald. l. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 7. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 4. onomancy , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. c. 15. opinion , pla. doct . ch . 4. parmenid . ch . 2. epic. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. opposites , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. opposition of propositions , arist. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 3. optative proposition , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. p. paedeutick , pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 1. pain , aristip. c. 4. sect . 2. theod. ch . 2. paradox , sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 15. paradoxal axiom , sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 23. paramese , pyth. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. parelies , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. paronymous terms , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. particular proposition , plat. doctr . ch . 5. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. partition , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 11. parypate , pythag. doctr . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. passion , plato , doctr . ch . 32. a category , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. p. 2. ch . 10. sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 7. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 19. passion of the mind , socr. c. 5. sect . 2. aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. epic. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. patience , socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. patient intellect , arist. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 9. percontation , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. perfect syllogism , arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. pestilence , epic. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 17. phantasm , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. phantaston , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. phantasy , pla. doct . ch . 4. arcesil . c. 2. carneades , ch . 2. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 19. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. phasmes ( meteors ) arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. philosopher , pla. doct . ch . 1. 2. philosophy , socrat. ch . 5. sect . 1. pla. doct . ch . 1. philo. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. pythag. ch . pyth. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. parmeneids , ch . 2. epic. doct . ch . 1. plegm , pla. doct . ch . 22. physick , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 1. socrat. ch . 5. aristip. ch . 4. pla. c. 6. ●pla . doct . ch . 7. arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 1. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 4. epic. doct . p. 2. rejected , antisthenes , chap. 2. sext. lib. physiognomy , pythag. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. piety , socrat. ch . 5. sect . 2. epicur . doctrine p. 3. ch . 29. piety to the dead , pythag. doctr . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 4. place , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 4. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 21. doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 16. deny'd , zeno eleat . ch . 3. planets , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. c. 1. pla. doct . ch . 14. pyth. doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 2. timaeus . alcmaeon . their musick ; pythag. doctr . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. 4. worshipped ; chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 6. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 4. lib. 3. p. 2. ch . 1. plants , arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 14. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 12. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 5. pleasant , whether any thing or not ; hegesias . pleasure , aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. heges . antisthen . plat. doctr . ch . 32. annicer . ch . 2. theod. ch . 2. epic. doctr . p. 3. ch . 2. 3. 4. point , pyth. doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. politick , thal. ch . 10. solon , ch . 4. 5. 7. socr. ch . 5. sect . 4. pla. doct . ch . 33. arist. doctr . p. 3. chap. 3. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. pores , pla. doct . ch . 21. position , a category , arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 2. possession , arist. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 2. possible , arist. doct . p. 4. ch . possible axioms , s●o . doct . p. 1. c. 23. possible propositions , arist doct . p. 1. ch . 23. power , pla. ch . 8. arist. doct . p. 4. ch . sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 15. practick intellect , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 23. practick knowledge preferred , socr. ch . 5. practick philosophy , pla. doct . ch . 3. arist. doctr . p. 1. c. 1. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 1. praecedents , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. praedicates , see categoremes ; deny'd , stilpo , ch . 2. praenotions , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 8. epic. doct . 1. ch . 3. praeter-offices , arcesil . ch . 2. sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 14. prayers , socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. prayer , not delightful to the gods , stilpo , ch . 1. preferred , arcesilaus , ch . 2. sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. prester , anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 10. primum mobile , aristot. doctr . p. 2. ch . 7. principle , thal. ch . 6. sect . 1. principles , that . ch . 6. sect . 1. anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 1. anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 1. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 1. archelaus . socr. ch . 5. sect . 1. diodorus , ch . 2. pla. doctr . arist. doct . p. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 3. pythag. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. ●imaeus . hippasus . heraclitus , ch . 8. sect . 1. parmenides , c. 2. melissus , ch . 2. democr . ch . 9. sect . 1. principle complex , arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 2. principles ( an order of spirits ) chal. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 7. private prudence , epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 9. privatives , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. probable axiom , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. 23. probable phantasy , carneades , ch . 2. clitomachus . sto. doctrine p. 1. chap. 4. probleme , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. dialectick probleme , arist. doct . ibid. proposition , arist. doct . ibid. proprium , arist. doct . ibid. providence , thal. ch . 6. sect . 2. socr. chap. 5. sect . 1. plat. ch . sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 17. pyth. doct . doubted ; sext. deny'd ; epic. doct . p. prudence , aristip. ch . 4. sect . 3. prudence , plat. doctr . ch . 28. arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. sto. doct . p. 2. c. 9. epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 8. pure proposition , arist. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 3. putrefaction , arist. doctr . p. 2. chap. 13. q. qualitatives , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 15. quality , plat. doctr . chap. 11. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 15. epicur . doctrine , p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 12. &c. quantity , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. qu●escent reason , sto. doctrine p. 1. ch . 32. quintessence , arist. doct . disallow'd , arcesil . ch . 2. quodammodotatives , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 16. quodammodotatives , as to others , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 17. r. rain , anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 3. arist. doct . p. 2. chap. 12. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 13. rain-bow , anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 3. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. pythag. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. epic . doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 15. rational phantasy , sto. doctrine , p. 1. chap. 18. rational soul , plat. doct . ch . 25. reason , heges . ch . 2. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. plat. doctr . ch . 4. alcmaeon . sext. emp. lib. 1. ch . 13. reason , or argument , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 26. reasonable axioms , sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 23. reciprocal axioms , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 23. reciprocal reasons , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 32. reciprocally active and passive categoremes , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. rectitudes , arcesilaus , ch . 2. sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 13. rejected , sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. relatives , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. relative opposites , aristot. doct . p. 1. chap. 2. reminiscence , socr. chap. 5. sect . 1. pla. doctr . ch . 4. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 20. reputation , sto. doctrine , part 2. ch . 12. resisting bodies , pla. doct . ch . 19. respiration , pla. doctr . chap. 21. timaeus . rest , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 5. doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 15. reverence of parents , pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 1. rhetorical method , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 23. rhetorical syllogism , plat. doctrine , ch . 3. rhetorick , plat. doctr . ch . 8. ●litomach . arist. doct . p. ● c. 1. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. riches , aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. hegesias , ch . 2. sto. doct . right case , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. right categorems , sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 19. right reason , epicur . doctr . p. 3. ch . 6. right-speaking , plat. chap. 8. rigour , pla. doct . ch . 19. rivers , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 3. rough , plat. doct . ch . 19. s. same , arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 6. sapours , pla. doctr . ch . 19. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 15. scepticism , sext. emp. sceptick phrases , sext. lib. 1. ch . 26. schemes , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 6. science , pla. ch . 8. pla. doct . ch . 4. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. denyed , arcesil . ch . 2. sciential number , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 2. sea , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 4. archelaus . empedocles , ch . 7. democr . ch . 9. sect . 6. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. c. 3. heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 3. secrecy , pyth. doct . p. ch . 11. seeing , pla. doct . ch . arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. selas , sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. sensation , democr . ch . 9. sect . 8. aristip . ch . 4. sect . 1. sext. sense , ●la . doctr . ch . 4. arcesil . ch . 2. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. 16. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 7. timaeus . parmenid . ch . 2. democr . ch . 9. sect . 8. epic. doct . p. l. c. 2. p. 2. sect . 3. c. 10. sense conduceth nothing to reason ; hegesias . sensitive faculty , aristot. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. sensible phantasy arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 24. separate state of the soul , socr. ch . 5. sect . 1. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 9. timaeus , deny'd , anaxagoras chap. 2. sect . 5. sexes , democrit . c. 9. sect . 7. anaxag . ch . 3. sect . 5. sickness , pyth. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. pla. doct . ch . 22. timaeus . alcmaeon . sickness and infirmity of mind , sto. doctr . p. 2. ch . 8. sight , pla. ch . 18. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 7. epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. chap. 11. 12. signs , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. c. 3. sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 25. doubted , sext. lib. 2. ch . 11. signs of summer and winter , anaximen . ch . 2. sect . 2. significants and significates , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. silence , pyth. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. p. 3. sect . 1. ch . 1. similitude , euclid . ch . 2. simple axioms , sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 3. simple propositions , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. singular propositions , aristot. doctr . p. 1. ch . 3. skin , pla. doct . ch . 17. sleep , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. euclid . ch . 3. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 20. epic . doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 21. sluggish reason , sto. doct . p. 1. c. 32. p. 3. ch . 19. smelling , plat. doct . ch . 19. arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 17. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 7. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 14. snow , anaximen . ch . 2. sect . 3. arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 14. that it is black , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. sobriety , epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 13. solaecism , sto. 〈◊〉 , part 1. ch . 9. sophismes , pla. doctr . ch . 6. aristot. doctr . p. 1. ch . 6. sto. doctr . p. 1. chap. 32. rejected , sext. lib. 2. ch . 22. sophist , pla. doct . ch . 34. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. sorites , eubulides , sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 32. soul , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 10. thal. ch . 6. sect . 4. socrat. ch . 5. sect . 1. pla. ch . 8. pla. doct . ch . 24. 25. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 15. p. 3. ch . 1. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 7. timaeus . empedocl . ch . 7. alcmaeon . heraclitus ch . 7. sect . 4. xenophan . ch . 2. democrit . ch . 9. sect . 8. protagoras . epicur . doctrine , p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 9. soul of the world , thal. pla. doct . ch . 14. timaeus . heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 1. sound , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 15. species , arist. doct . sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 12. doubted , sext. deny'd , stilpo , ch . 2. speaking , epicur . doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. chap. 20. speculative science , rejected , socrat. ch . 5. speech , pla. doct . ch . 4. arist. doctr . p. 1. chap. 3. sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 10. sphears , anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 9. pythag. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 3. spleen , pla. doct . ch . 23. spring , sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 2. pythag. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 4. springs , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. see fountains . square , pythag. doctrine p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. stars , chald , lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. c. 1. thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. anaximand . ch . 2. sect . 2. anaximen . ch . 2. sect . 2. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 2. archelaus , pla. doct . ch . 14. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 8. arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 7. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. empedocles , ch . 7. alcmaeon . heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 2. xenophanes , ch . 2. leucippus . democritus , ch . 9. sect . 5. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. worshipped , chald. l. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 7. falling stars , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. stereometry , pla. doct . ch . 7. stones , epic. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 5. streaks , ( meteors ) arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 12. subdivision , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 11. subjects , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 14. substance , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. p. 4. ch . summer , sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 2. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 4. empedocl . ch . 7. heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 2. sumption , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 26. sun , thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. ch . 8. sect . 2. anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 2. anaxag . c. 2. sect . 2. archelaus . pla. doct . ch . 14. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 9. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. timaeus . hippasus . heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 2. xenophanes , ch . 2. leucippus . democritus , ch . 9. sect . 5. epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 4. worshipped , chal. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 4. lib. 2. p. 2. c. 4. lib. 3. p. 1. ch . 1. superficies , pla. ch . 7. pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. supine categoremes , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. suspension , sext. lib. 1. syllogism , arist. doct . p. 1. c. 4. 5. 6. doubted , sext. lib. 2. ch . 14. symbols , pyth. doct . p. 4. symbolical number , pyth. doct . p ▪ 2 ▪ sect . 1. ch . 4. synonymous terms , arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 2. syntax , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. t. tasting , plat. doct . ch . 19. arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 17. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 7. alcmaeon . epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 16. teaching , and learning , sext. doubted , sect . lib. 3. ch . 28. 29. 30. telesmes , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 3. 4. temperament , arist. doct . p. 2. c. 2. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 13. pyth. doct . p. 1. chap. 5. doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 6. temperance , socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. pla. doct . ch . 28. sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 1. ch . 3. archytas . epicur . doctrine , p. 3. ch . 12. terms , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. terms of planets , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 3. 4. tetractys , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. c. 8. p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. tetrad , pyth. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 8. theology , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. lib. 2. p. 2. chap. 1. plat. doctr . ch . 7. theoretick intellect , arist. doct . arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 23. theoretick knowledge limited , socr. ch . 5. theoretick philosophy , plat. doct . ch . 3. 7. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. therapeutick , pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 5. ch . 2. thesis , arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. theurgy , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 5. 6. things , plat. ch . 8. sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 13. thinking , epicur . doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 18. thunder , anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 3. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. arist. doct . p. 2. c. 12. sto. doct . p. 3. c. 2. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 10. thunderbolt , arist. doct . p. 2. c. 12. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . time , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 22. protagoras . epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 10. doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 17. timocracy , plat. doct . ch . 33. tone in musick , pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. touching , plat. doctr . ch . 19. arist. p. 2. ch . 17. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 7. epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 16. transition , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. transference , sto. doct . ibid. transmigration of the soul , pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 9. empedocles , ch . 7. transposition , doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 11. triad , pythag. doctr . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 7. triangle , pythag. doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. triplicities , chal. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 3. 4. tropicks , thal. ch . 8. sect . 1. empedocl . ch . 7. true and truth , arist. doctr . p. 4. ch . 5. sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 5. parmenides , ch . 2. epic. doct . p. 1. c. 1. doubted , sext. lib. 2. ch . 8. 9. truth , or sincerity , arist. doctr . p. 3. ch . 1. typho , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. sto. doct . p. 3. chap. 11. tyranny , pla. doct . ch . 33. v. vacuum , arist. doctr . p. 2. c. 4. sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 21. leucippus . democr . ch . 9. sect . 1. deny'd , thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. zeno eleat . ch . 3. vailed reason , diodorus , ch . 2. eubulides , sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. vehicle of the soul , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 10. veracity , socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. venus , pythag. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 4. verb , aristot. doctr . p. 1. ch . 3. sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. vesper , parmenides , ch . 2. virtue , socrat. ch . 5. sect . 2. annicer . ch . 2. menedemus , ch . 2. pla. ch . 8. plat. doctr . ch . 27. 28. 29. arcesil . ch . 2. arist. doct . p. 3. c. 1. antisthenes , ch . 2. sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 1. p. 2. ch . 9. epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 5. 7. undistracted phantasy , carneades , ch . 2. universe , archelaus . sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 5. melissus , ch . 2. leucippus . epic. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 1. chap. 1. 2. universals , deny'd , stilpo , ch . 2. universal proposition , pla. doct . c. 5. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. unzoned gods , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 8. voice , anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. archelaus . plat. ch . 8. arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. p. 2. ch . 16. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. p. 3. ch . 16. pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 1. voluntary motion , epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 20. urbanity , socrat. ch . 5. sect . 2. arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. vtility , pla. doctr . ch . 27. w. waking , arist. doctrine , p. 2. ch . 21. water , thal. ch . 6. sect . 1. archelaus . aristot. doctr . p. 2. chap. 12. sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 12. timaeus . emped . ch . 7. worshipped , chald. l. 2. p. 2. ch . 4. wealth , confers nothing to pleasure , hegesias . when , a category , aristot. doctr . p. 1. ch . 2. where , a category , aristot. doctr . ibid. whole and part , arist. doctr . doubted , sext. lib. 3. ch . 12. will , aristot. doct . p. 2. ch . 24. wind , anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 3. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. aristot ▪ doct . p. 2. ch . 12. sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 11. democric . ch . 9. sect . 6. epicur . doctrine , part 2. sect . 4. ch . 10. winter , sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. 4. empedocl . chap. 7. heraclitus , chap. 7. sect . 2. wisdom , aristot. doctrine , p. 3. chap. 1. sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. pyth. doct . p. 3. ch . 4. wise man , aristip. chap. 4. sect . 3. hegesias , ch . 2. anniceris , ch . 2. theodorus , ch . 2. antisthenes , c. 2. sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 15. words , their use , epic. p. 1. ch . 5. world , thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 1. 2. anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 4. pla. doct . ch . 12. 13. 14. 15. polemo . arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 7. sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 5. pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 2. timaeus . empedocl . ch . 7. heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 1. xenophanes , ch . 2. democr . ch . 9. sect . 4. zeno eleat . ch . 3. epicur . doctrine , part 2. sect . 2. worship of the gods , stilpo , ch . 1. pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 3. y. year , thal. ch . 8. sect . 4. plato , doct . ch . 14. yielding bodies , plat. doctrine , ch . 19. youth , arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 25. z. zodiack , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 3. thal. chap. 8. sect . 1. anaximander , ch . 1. zoned gods , chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 8. zones , thal. ch . 8. sect . 1. sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 12. a table of authors restor'd , explain'd , and noted ( or censur'd ) in the history of the chaldaick and greek philosophy . anonymous summarist of the chaldaick doctrine , frequently in the chaldaick philosophy . aristotle , thal. ch . 6. sect . 1. democr . ch . 9. sect . 6 , 7 , 8. arnobius , chald. p. 1. ch . 1. sect . 2. basil , plat. ch . 1. pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 1. ch . 3. cicero , speusip . ch . 2. zeno eleat . ch . 2. clemens alexand●inus , chald. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. pyth. ch . 24. heracl . ch . 1. democr . ch . 4. curtius , chald. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 1. diodorus siculus , chal. p. 1. sect . 2. ch . 7. socr. ch . 1. pyth. doctr . p 1. ch . 10. diogenes laertius , frequently in the greek philosophy . dionysius halycarnassaeus , socr. ch . 16. epicharmus , pla. ch . 4. etymologicum magnum , solon , ch . 11. eustathius , pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 4. gregor . nazianzenus , pyth. ch . 22. herodotus , thales , ch . 10. anachars . ch . 1. hierocles , euclid . ch . 3. higi●●● , thal. ch . 1. iambli●hus , frequently in the life and doctrine of pythagoras . marmora arundeliana , chilon , ch . 1. xenoph. ch . 2. nicomachus , frequently , pyth. doctr . p. 2. pliny , pyth. ch . 20. plutarch , pyth. ch . 19. porphyrius , pyth. ch . 2. 7. doctr . p. 4. ch . 1. preclu● , chald. doctr . p. 1. sect . 2. ch . 7. thal. ch . 7. ibid. sect . 1. euclid . ch . 3. pyth. doctr . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. sect . 3. ch . 2. sextus empiricus , his pyrrhonian hypotyposes , in the scepticism . socratick epistles , socr. epist. 1 , 5 , 6 , 7. simon . aristip. ch . 6. stobaeus , sto. doctr . strabo , chald. p. 1. sect . 2. ch . 4. pyth. ch . 10. themistius , pyth. ch . 19. timaeus , after the life of pythagoras . zoroastraean oracles , after the chaldaick philosophy . noted . aldobrandinus , thal. ch . 6. sect . 4. and frequently elsewhere . anonymous author of aristotle's life , aristot. ch . 3 , 6 , 8. apuleius , pyth. ch . 2. casaubon , thal. ch . 1. chilo , ch . 1. an●ximander , sect . 2. ch . 2. xenoph. ch . 1. eugubinus , pla. ch . 4. gassendu● , democr . ch . 9. s●ct . 3. epic. ch . 2. kircher , chald. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. and frequently in the chaldaick doctrine . leo allatius , socrat. ch . 1. 12. epist. 1. 6. xenoph. epist. 5. 8. simon . aristip. ch . 8. lipsius , zeno eleat . ch . 2. lucas holstenius , pyth. ch . 19. lucian , tha● . ch . 13. magneaus , democr . ch . 2. 7 , 8 , 9. sect . 1. 2 , 4. ch . 1● . meibomius , pythag. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 3 , 4. meursius , thal. ch . 2. socr. ch . 1. 12. naudaeus , chald. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. nunnesius , arist. ch . 8. olympiodorus , aristot. ch . 3. patricius , chald. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. petavius , thal. ch . 2. 13. carnead . ch . 5. pliny , pyth. ch . 10. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 4. ramus , thal. ch . 7. sect . 1. salmasius , thal. ch . 5. pla. ch . 1. pyth. ch . 2. scaliger , chald. p. 1. sect . 2. thal. ch . 2. socr. ch . 1. 12. selden , 〈◊〉 , ch . 1. xenoph. ch . 2. sigo●ius , thal. ch . simplicius , ●yth . doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 1. stephanus , thal. ch . 10. suidas , thal. ch . 2. zeno , ch . 6. valertus maximus , plat. ch . 7. valla , thales chap. 10. vossius , thal. ch . 2. ursinus , chald. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. zoroastraean oracles , after the chaldaick phylosophy . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a61291-e830 a the author of the treatis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cited by laertius in pooem . b joseph . 1. 8. c cic. a in lib. 2. de coelo , p. 123. lin . 18. b prol. lib. 4. cap. 6 , 7. c ezek. d lib. 5. p. 125 a in prooem . b obelisc , pamphil. l. 1. c. 2. §. 1. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 k geogr. sacr. l. 1. c. 1. l cont . gent. m mag. phil. n apol. mag. 8. o obelisc . pamphil. p plin. exercit . q in zor . r in zor . s orat. boristh . t lib. 36. c. 1. u lib. 1. x cont . gent. y loc . cit . z biblioth . a lib. 36. c. 1. b lib. c in zor . d in prooem . e obel . pamphil. lib. 1. cap. 2. sect . 1. f de isid. & osirid . g set forth by erpenius . h strom. lib. i reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k loc . cit . l lib. 1. c. 8. m in somn . scip. n lib. 36. c. 1. o in aristeas . p lib. q strom. lib. r flor. s porphyr . ●it . pythag. a laert. in p●o●em . b lib 36. c. 1. c r. levi in ge● . r. ●●muel . in fo●tali●●● fidei . d rassi . e aben es●a in gen. f r. hanasse in s●uto fo●tium . g simpli● . h lib. 36. c. 1. i plin. lib. 36. c. 1. a lib. b lib. 1. c var. hist. d diod. l. 2. a lib. 36. b loc . cit . c suid. d lib. a jos. scal. in euseb. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c voss. de hist. graec. lib. 1. c. 31. d adversar . 51. 7. e praepat . evang. l. 10. f lib. de sibyl . g in tatian . h lib. 6. c. 55. i lib. 9. c. 7. k contra apion . lib. 1. l lib. 7. c. 37. m in apologet . c. 19. n p. 48. o deipn. l. 14. p strom. 1. q lib. 2. r antiquit. jud. 1. 5. contra apion . lib. 1. s paraen . t lib. de sibyl . a lib. 1. d lib. e in prooem . a lib. 1. a lib. 6. c. 26. b lib. 16. p. 739. c lib. d supra citat . e loc . cit . f loc . cit . g lib. a cap. 2. v. ● . b in dan. p. 34. c lib. 16. p. 739. a part . 1. sect. 2. chap. 4. a psell. in orac. p. 51. b praep . evang. lib. 4. cap. 3. a porph. vit . pythag. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c agath . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 orac. a euseb. b plut. c plut. a epist. psell. in orac. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in orac. a reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c psell. d anon. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in prooem . parmenid . * read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . psel . in orac. a psel . in orac. b euseb. a pletho in orac. b ibid. c psel . in orat. d in ora● . e epit. f psel . in orac. g psel . epi● . h pletho in orac. i loc . cit . k in orac. l pletho in orac. m psel . in epit. epitom . 1. * psel . lib. 1. * arnob. a proleg : in manil : b lib. 1. sext. emp : censor . * sext. emp. loco cir . * diod. lib. 1. diod. lib. 1. diod. loc . cit . diod. loc . cit . * ibid. diod. loc . cit . diod. lib. 1. sext. emp. sext. emp. loc . cit . sext. emp. loc . cit . sext. emp. * contra astrol. lib. diod. lib. 1. 2. kings 23. 5. in iliad . 1. in iliad : 1. sext. emp. sext. loc . cit . * sext. emp. censorin . de dienatali . ptol. * ptol. in manil. sext. emp. sext. emp. loc . cit . sext. emp. ibid. sext. loc . cit . * ptol. sext. emp. * ptol. censor . * sext. emp. censor . sext. emp. sext. emp. loc . cit . sex. loc . cit . sext. loc . cit . a lib. 1. b mor. nov. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d suid. e dan. 2. f u●sin . zo● . g chap. 21. v. 21. h chap. 2. i 1 sam. 28. v. 8. k fran. mirand . de ●er . praenot . lib. 4. p. 328. a salmas . b suid. c lib. 30. cap. 1. d loc . cit . a psel . b maimon . mor. ne. c mor. ne. a mor. ne. b loc . cit . c loc . cit . d maim . mor. ne. a curios . inoyez . b centiloq . a mor. ne. b gen. 3. c ch . 21. 21. d gen. 31. in gen. quaest . 94. * gen. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de diis syris . * judg. 17. a alcibiad . 1. b psell. in orac. c psell. in orac. * psell. in orac. a de myster . aegypt . b in synes . a psel . in orac . 15. b psel . in orac . 14. c psel . in orac . 19. d psel . in orac . 15. e loc . cit . f loc . cit . g psel . in orac . 21. h psel in orac . 25. a psel . de . daemon . b de . daemon . * psel . de . daemon . * psel . in orac . 23. a praepar . evang . a rom. 1. 21. b ver . 23. c hos. 2. 16. act. 17. 28. strom. 6. lib. 1. mor. ne. deut. 4. 19. 2 king. 23. 5 cap. 31. v. 26. mor. ne. mor. ne. saturn . 1. cap. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 66. v. 17. saturn . 1. 21 ▪ sat. 1. 17. in aeneid . 1 ▪ p. 18. a in ada. b in belthes ▪ c de diis syr. lib. 1. a mor. ne. b in aeneid . lib. c ●d antolic . lib. 3. ch . 5. d ac. 6. 43. 2 kings 17. 30. * aristoph . scol . aristoph . * kircher . lib. 1. 2 kings 17. 30. radak . 2 kings . lib. 1. lib. 1. a hist. ecclesiast . l. 2. b in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a de error . p●ofan . relig . b saturn . lib. 1. c. 21. a de isid ▪ a agath . b in prooem . c strom. lib. d zor . e lib. 2. f loc . citat . g elm. h boristhen . i in zor . k praepar . evang. l. 1. c. 7. a lib. 1. b loc . ci● . c xenoph. instit. cyr. lib. 7. d lib. 23. a lib ▪ 30. 1 ▪ b lib. 7. c. 21. c lib. 2. c. 20. d in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e loc . cit . f laertius prooem . g cont . gent. a prooem . b in voce magus . d apolog. 1. e in zor . f salmas . k ammian . marcellin . l strom. 6. q alcib . t 30. 1. a d. hieron . advers . jovin . lib. 2. b laert. in prooem . d laert. e laert. prooem . f lib. a voc. mag. b in prooem ▪ d euseb. praep. evang . e plith ▪ in orac. ad . fin . f isid. & osirid . g loc . cit . a in prooem . b de divi. nat . c lib. d var. hist. e macrob. f de divinat . lib. 1. g var. hist. 2. 17. h lib. 2. i in zo● . k lib. 1. c. 6. a alcibiad . b prooem . c bo●isthen . d prooem . e lib. f lib. g loc . cit . h de leg . 2. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m lib. 15. a lib. 1. b lib. 15. c prooem . d loc . cit . e loc . cit . f oeconom . g porphyr . in antr . nymph . h lib. 6. contra cels. i in stelicut . k gregor . naz. l lib. 1. n deerror . prof . relig. p lib. 15. q de diis syr. synt . 2. c. 7. r lib. s lib. t perieg . u lib. x lib. a chap. 1. v. 15. b chap. c the word is ur , which signifieth as well fire . a de nobilit . b m●r. nev. c joseph . antiquit. 1. 8. d mor. nev. e lib. 1. c. 3. 30. 1. a mor. nev. lib. b mor. nev. lib. d lib. e maim . mor. nev. lib. f ibid. g histor. oriental . lib. 1. cap. 8. a maimon . b idem . c mor. nev. e ch . 8. v. 14. a mor. nev. b ch . 8. 16. c maimon . mor. nev. 3. d mo. nev. 3. 37. e mor. nev. 3. 44. notes for div a61291-e39450 a beza . b clam . strom. c vit . plotin . d de myst. aegypt . e epist. f joseph contra apion . ● . g suid. in voce sulianus . h de u●b . i procl . ●n tint . k zo● . pag. 4 b. l philos. barbar . m pag. notes for div a61291-e40350 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes for div a61291-e47840 psel . dam. pro. da. dam. proc. dam. proc. psel . psel . proc. dam. dam. proc. dam. the philosphical and physical opinions written by her excellency the lady marchionesse of newcastle. newcastle, margaret cavendish, duchess of, 1624?-1674. 1655 approx. 506 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 101 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a53055 wing n863 estc r31084 11771476 ocm 11771476 48875 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53055) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48875) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1489:37) the philosphical and physical opinions written by her excellency the lady marchionesse of newcastle. newcastle, margaret cavendish, duchess of, 1624?-1674. [26], 174 p. printed for j. martin and j. allestrye ..., london : 1655. errata on p. 174. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy -early works to 1800. science -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 allison liefer sampled and proofread 2002-06 allison liefer text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the philosophical and physical opinions , written by her excellency , the lady marchionesse of newcastle . london printed for j. martin and j. allestrye at the bell in st. pauls church-yard 1655. collegium sive aula s.s. t trinitatis in academiâ cantabrigiensi , 1700 to the lady marqvesse of nevvcastle , on her book intitled her philosophicall , and physicall opinions . were the old grave philophers alive , how they would envy you , and all would strive who first should burn their books ; since they so long thus have abus'd the world , and taught us wrong , with hard words that mean nothing ; which non-sense . when we have conn'd by heart , then we commence masters and doctors , with grave looks ; and then proud , because think , thus we are learned men , and know not that we do know nothing right , like blinde men now , led onely by your sight . and for diseases , let the doctors look those worthy learned men but in your book , they 'le finde such news in their art , and so true as old hippocrates he never knew , nor yet vast gallen ; so you need not seek farther then english , to know lesse in greek ; if you read this and study it , you may out of dark ignorance see brighter day . w. newcastle . an epistle to justifie the lady new castle , and truth against falshood , laying those false , and malicious aspersions of her , that she was not authour of her books . i would willingly begin with the common , and dunstable rode of epistles , gentle readers , but finding you much otherwise , i will fall to our discourse in hand . first 't is but your envious supposition that this lady must have converst with many scholers of all kindes in learning , when 't is well known the contrary , that she never convert with any profest shooler in learning , for to learn , neither did she need it , since she had the conversation of her honorable , and most learned brother from her cradle ; and since she was married , with my worthy and learned brother ; and for my self i have lived in the great world a great while , and have thought of what has been brought to me by the senses , more then was put into me by learned discourse ; for i do not love to be led by the nose , by authority and old authours , ipse dixit will not serve my turn , were aristotle made a more philosophical bible then he is , and all scholers to have a lively faith in him , doth not move me to be of their philosophical churche at all . and i assure you her conversation with her brother , and brother-in-law , were enough without a miracle or an impossibility to get the language of the arts , and learned professions , which are their terms , without taking any degrees in schooles . it is not so difficult a thing though they make mountains of mole-hills , & say they , thatthis lady useth many termes of the schooles ; but truly she did never impe her high-flying phancies , with any old broken fethers out of any university ; and if you read well , which is to understand , and look on her poems , you will 〈◊〉 they are all new born phansies , never toucht of heretofore . but for the rarity of the terms , or nests of divines , philosophers , physicians , geometricians , astrono mers , and the rest of the gown-tribe , as one tearms them , how is it possible she should know them ; and first for divinity , when she speaks of predestination , free-will , 〈◊〉 , and consubstantiation ; truly these termes are not so hard to be got by heart as to be understood , since i beleeve it puzzels the learned to make sense of them . but i beseech you give this lady so much capacity , as to get them by heart , since every tub-preacher discourses of them , and every sanctified wife gossips them in wafers , and hipocris at every christening . next are the termes of the philosophers , certainly 't is no conjuration to conceive atomes , invisible , and indivisible bodies , elements , earth , air , water and fire , whereof your elementary fire under the moon is much doubted of , and then you have but three elements . motion is a difficult thing indeed , to understand the varietes of it , but certainly not of a body moved , that 's no such transcendent thing . dilation a spreading , contraction a gathering together rarificationthinning , and condensation thickning ; i confesse in the latine it seems very learned , but in the english very vulgar , there-fore i beseech you give this lady leave to have the wit , and the judgement to understand these great no mysteries . and put the case now that this lady should name materia prima , and understand the english of it to be first matter , and ask her friend again what they mean by it , and he tells her they say they mean matter without form , and she should answer , there is no matter without some form , so materia prima are two latine words that mean nothing . an incorporeal substance is too learned to be understood , so that is waved . now for the termes of physicians , when she speaks of choler , phlegme , melancholy and blood , and of ventricles in the heart and brain , of veines , arteries and nerves , and discourses of fevers , apoplexies , convulsions , dropsies , and divers other diseases with their particular causes , symptoms and cures ; how should this lady understand these terms say some ? truly a good farmers wife in the country , by seeing one of her sheep opened , may well understand the tearms of most of these , and a constables wife of a hundred in essex that useth physick and surgery may well talk of the diseases , without any great learned mystery , they are so plain and so common , as none needsto construe greek in hippocrates or galen for them . but would you know how we know the great mystery of these physical terms , i am almost ashamed to tell you ; not that we have been ever sickly , but by melancholy often supposed our selves to bave such diseases as we had not , and learned physitians were too wise to put us out of that humour , and so these tearms cost us much more then they are worth , and i hope there is no body so malicious , as to envie our bargain , neither truly do i repent my bargain , since physitians are the most rational men i have converst with all , and my worthy and very good friends , and truly this lady never converst with any physitian of any disease , but what she thought she had her self , neither hath she converst with many of that profession . now for the great learning of knowing the terms of geometricians , when this lady touches upon triangles , squares , circles , diameters , circumferences , centers , lines straight and crooked &c. i will not dissect these great mysteries , because they are so very common , as the meanest understands all these termes , even to joyners and carpenters , therefore surely this lady is capable of them . then of astronomers , say they , when she speak's of the horizon , meridian , equator , zodiack , eclyptick , tropicks , poles of the world &c. when these termes are understood thats their meaning , they are no such subtilties , since every boy may be taught them , with an apple for the globe , and the parings for the sphears , it is so ridiculous then to think that this lady cannot understand these tearms , as it is rather to be laught at , then to trouble ones self to answer . and that invincible problem , the quadrature of the circle , as they call it , which makes me doubt that they think themselves wiser , for naming the quadrature , then squaring the circle , who lives that hath not heard of it , and who lives that can do it , and who is dead that hath done it , and put the case it were done , what then ? why then 't is squared , and that 's all , and that all is nothing , much ado about nothing . but we will leave these impertinent , malicious , and most false exceptions to the lady , and her books , and will now begin with her book of poems , examining first her philosophy there . that 's an old opinion of atomes , say some , witnesse democrates and many others ; t is very true they have talkt of atomes , but did they ever dispose of them as they are there , or tell you what several sorts there are of them , and what figure they bear , and being joyned , what forms they produce of all kindes , in all things , if you have read any such things before , i 'le be bold to burn the book . why then all these are new opinions , and grounded upon reason , i say some , but they are paradoxes , what then ? i hope a paradox may be as true as an old opinion , and an old opinion as false as a paradox , for neither the one nor the other makes a truth , either the new or the old , for what is most reason & reasonable ; for in natural philosophy , one opinion may be as true as another , since no body knows the first cause in nature of any thing . then this ladies philosophy is excellent , and will be thought so hereafter , and the truth is that it was wholy , and onely wrought out of her own brain , as there are many witnesses , by the several sheets that she sent daily to be writ fair for the presse . as for her poems , where are the exceptions to these ? marry they misse sometimes in the numbers and in the rimes . it is well known by the copies , that those faults lie most upon the corrector , and the printer ; but put the case there might be some slips in that kinde , is all the book damned for it , no mercy gentlemen ? when for the numbers , every schoole-boy can make them on his fingers , and for rimes fenner would have put down ben. johnson , and yet neither the boy or fenner so good poets . no , it is neither of those either makes , or condemns a poet , it is new born and creating phansies that glorifies a poet , and in her book of poems , i am sure there is excellent , and new phancies , as have not been writ by any , and that it was onely writ by her is the greatest truth in the world . now for her book called the worlds olio , say some , how is it possible that she showld have such experience , to write of such things so ; i answer , that i living long in the great world , and having the various fortunes of what they call good and bad , 〈◊〉 the reading of men might bring me to as much experience as the reading of books , and this i have now and then discourst unto this lady , who hath wisely and elegantly drest it in her own way , and sumptuously cloathed it , at the charge of her own phancies and expressions ; i say some of them she hath heard from me , but not the fortieth part of her book , all the rest are absolutely her own in all kindes , this is an ingenious truth , therefore beleeve it . as for the book of her philosophical opinions , there is not any one thing in the whole book , that is not absolutely spun out by her own studious phancy , and if you will lay by a little passion against writers , you will like it , and the best , of any thing she has writ , therefore read it once or twice , not with malice to finde a little fault , but with judgement to like what is good . truly i cannot beleeve so unworthily of any scholer , honouring them so much as we both do , that they should envie this lady , or should have so much malice or emulation , to cast such false aspersions on her , that she did not write those books that go forth in her name , they will hardly finde out who else writ them , and i protest none ever writ them but her self ; you should rather incourage her , then by false suppositions to let her see the world is so ill natured , as to beleeve falshoods before truths . but here 's the crime , a lady writes them , and to intrench so much upon the male prerogative , is not to be forgiven ; but i know gown-men will be more civil to her , because she is of the gown too , and therefore i am confident you will defend her and truth , and thus be undeceived . i had not troubled you with this , but that a learned doctor , our very noble friend , writ is word of the infidelity of some people in this kinde ; whatsoever i have write is absolutly truth , which i here as a man of honour set my hand to . w. newcastle . to the reader . in my book called the worlds olio , there are such grosse mistakes in misplacing of chapters , and so many literall faults , as my book is much disadvantaged thereby . as for chapters , there are many misplaced , for some chapters that belong to that part of diseases , are misplaced among those of natural philosophy , as one that belongs to sleep , and three chapters that are of the temper of aire ; likewise another chapter of the strength of the soul and body is placed between the first and last part of the common-wealth , which nothing belongs to it : for though there is a soul and body belonging to every common-wealth , yet not such a soul and body as i have discourst of there . for the soul of a common-wealth is actuall justice , and industry . the soul of a man is contemplation , reason , and imagination . and the body of a common-wealth , is the citizens therein , and magistrates thereof . and the body of a man is the senses therein , and the members thereof . likewise the strength of a common-wealth is the laws . and the strength of a mans body is the nerves . likewise a short copie of verses which is at the latter end of the book , is what i intended for this book , as being my beloved of all my works , prefering it as my master-piece , although i do beleeve it will not please my readers , because as i have said in some of my epistles , few take delight in the study of natural philosophy , yet those that delight not , or slight the study , or dispraise the work , make it not the lesse rational , for reason will be reason in the despite of the most malicious detractors or sophsterian censurers , but for the faults and mistakes in my other works , and perchance the like mischance may come to these , and although i know a passion cannot recal an injury past : yet i cannnot but grieve at the misfortune , as for a friend that should be hurt or lamed by some unhappy accident , but if there be any other faults of indiscretions in it , i the author am to be pardoned by reason somwhat of it was writ in the dawning of my knowledge , and experience , and not having a clear light i might chance to stamble in dark ignorance on molehills of errors ; not that i accuse my book of faults ; but arm my self with truth against crabbed censurers . likewise i do not lay all the faults in my book to the printers or correctors charge , for that would be so great an injustce , as i could never forgive my self for the crime , for the chapters that are misplaced are through my fault , by reason i sent some part of it after the book was in the presse , and it seems that the printer or corrector not understanding where to place them , put them in a wrong place . but the literate faults i lay to their charge , whereof i cannot choose but complain , for in some places it is so falsly printed , as one word alters the sense of many lines ; whereby my book is much prejudiced , and not onely by putting in false words , as a costements , for accoutraments , ungrateful for ungraceful , muster for mufler , and the like ; but the significancy of words , to expresse a singular for a plural ; yet i must confesse that this book is much truer printed then my book of poems , for where this book hath one fault , that hath ten ; for which i can forgive the printer , and corrector ten times easier then i did for the other , but setting aside the faults of my book , and complaining thereof , i must take the liberty in my own behalf to complain of this ill natured , and unbeleeving age , in not allowing me to be the right authour thereof ; and though it were an endlesse work to answer every idle and impertinent question , or malicious objection ; for i am assured that rational , wise , learned , and just persons will never make a doubt , knowing that nature hath power to temper a brain as she pleaseth both to receive , retain , discuss , and create , yet for truths sake i am willing to satisfie my worthy readers ( if i can ) although i had thought i had answerd it in my former writings . but to answer those objections that are made against me , as first , how should i come by so much experience , as i have expressed in my several books to have ? i answer , i have had by relation , the long and much experience of my lord , who hath lived to see and be in many changes of fortunes , and to converse with many men of sundry nations , ages , qualities , tempers , capacities , abilities , wits , humors , fashions and customes . and as many others , especially wives go from church to church , from ball to ball , from collation to collation , gossiping from house to house , so when my lord admits me to his company , i listen with attention to his edifying discourse , and i govern my self by his doctrine ; i dance a measure with the muses , feast with the sciences , or sit and discourse with the arts . the second is , that since i am no scholer , i cannot know the names and terms of art , and the divers and several opinions of several authors , i answer , that i must have been a natural fool if i had not known and learnt them , for they are customarily taught all children from their nurses brest being ordinarily discoursed of in every family that is of quality , and the family from whence i sprung are neither natural idiots , nor ignorant fools , but the contrary , for they were rational , learned , understanding and wittie . and when i said i never converst an hour with professed philosophers , for indeed in this age , i have not heard of many which do professe it , or an intimate acquaintance or familiar conversation with profest scholers , nor so much discourse as to learn from them , for three or four visits do not make an intimacy , nor familiarity , nor can much be learnd therefrom , for visiting and entertaining discourse , for the most part are either cautionary , frivolous , vain , idle , or at least but common and ordinary matter , and most commonly all visiting discourses , are after one and the same manner , although the company be several ; but i did not think my readers would have been so rigid as to think i excluded my husband , brothers , and the rest of my family , neither are they profest philosophers nor scholers , although they are learned therein , or to beleeve i was so ridiculously foolish , or so foolishly vain , or so basely false as that i strive to make the world to beleeve , i had all my experience and knowledge before i was born , and that my native language came by instinct , and that i was never taught my a , b , c ; or the marks and names of several things ; but i hope my book hath more spiteful enemies then faults ; for i have said in an epistle before the second part of my olio , that if i had never seen nor heard so much as i have done , should never have been able to have writ a book . thirdly , that i had taken feathers out of the universities to enlarge the wings , of my fancy ; i answer , no more then david took the wooll from his sheeps backs to cloath his poetical phancies of devotion , or as i may say his devout poetry which is drest with simulising . but it hath been known in several ages , that even poor peasents that hear nothing but the blating of sheep : the lowing of herds , the crowing of cocks , and the like , and their ordinary discourses of nothing but of their market , or the like , have been high flying poets , politick states men , wise governours , prudent souldiers , subtle philosophers , excellent physitians , and what not , even to be eloquent orators , and divine preachers , as the holy writ will make manifest to us , and i beleeve many more are mentioned in other histories of lesse authority ; thus we may observe that nature is prevalent in all qualities and conditions ; and since nature is so generous to distribute to those that fortune hath cast out , and education hath neglected , why should my readers mistrust nature should be sparing to me , who have been honourably born , carefully bred , and nobly married to a wise man , from whom , as i have said in some of my epistles , in my book called the worlds olio , and do here say again , and again , if it will satisfie the readers that i am my lords scholer , and as i have learnt , so i do daily learn knowledge and understanding , wit , and the purity of my language ; and let me intre at my readers to be so just to me , as not to condemn me for an ideot by their objections and doubts , as not beleeving i am capable of learning , but let me tell my readers that what i have learned since i was married , it is from my lord , and what i had learned before it was from wy own familie , as from my own brothers , for my father died when i was young , and not from strangers ; for though i have seen much company , yet i have converst with few , and i take conversation to be in talking , which i have not practised very much , unlesse it be to particular friends , for naturally i am so wedded to contemplations , that many times when i have been in company , i had not known one word they have said , by reason my busie thoughts have stopped the sense of my hearing ; and though i prefer the delight of contemplation , before the pleasure of the senses , yet when the neerest and dearest of my friends speak , as my husband , brothers , sisters , or their children , my affection is such that i give such an atention to them , as if i had no other thoughts but of what they say , or any other sense but hearing ; but as i have said of the names and tearms of art , and the several opinions of the antients , and the distinguishment of the sciences , and the like , i learned them from my neerest and dearest friends as from my own brothers , my lords brother , and my lord ( but having the words and termes of art makes me not a philosopher ) nor a poet ; and if every one in justice ought to have a due , then nature must have a share , and truly i will never be so ingrateful as not to acknowledge her favours , or to belie her in saying she hath not been bountiful to me , for she hath given me such materials , as i hope to build me a monumental fame therewith ; but to satisfie my readers , i will tell them as well as i can how i came to know , and understand passages , all though i never practised , or were a spectator therein , or thereof ; as put the case my husband , or brothers should tell me of an army of horse and foot , and that two armies encountred , and fought a battle , and expresse the forms and figures , rancks and fiels , the flanck , the wings the vans , the rears , and the like , by which relation to my conceit i see it in my brain as perfectly , as if the battle was pitcht , and fought there , and my fancy will build discourse therefrom . likewise if they should tell me all the parts of an animal body , and how they are formed and composed , i conceive it as perfectly to my understanding as if i had seen it dissected although i never did and therefore may be deceived in my understanding , for truly i have gathered more by piece-meals , then from a full relation , or a methodical education for knowledge ; but my fancy will build thereupon , and make discourse therefrom , and so of every thing they discourse of , ( i say they ) that is my husband and brothers ; for the singularity of my affections are such , that though i have an ill memory , and could not if it were for my life relate word for word of any discourse , if it be any thing long that i shall hear from strangers , for i am the worst repeater of a story from strangers , or out of a book in the world , when from my neer friends ( especially my lord ) whose discourses are lively discriptions , i cannot forget any thing they say , such deep impressions their words print in my brain , when i cannot remember one discourse perfectly from others , were they holy sermons to save my soul. but as i have said from a bare relation , i can conceive to my thinking every particular part , and passage , as if i were a witnesse thereof , or an actor therein ; but many things , although i should never have heard of any such thing , yet my natural reason will guide and discover to me , the right and the truth . for put the case i see a watch , or any other invention , and none should tell me how it was made , yet my natural reason would conceive how it was made , so in natural things my natural reason will conceive them without being any wayes instructed ; and so working a brain i have that many times on small objects or subjects will raise up many several phancies , and opinions therein , from which my discourse betwixt reason and those opinions will be produced ; but the truth is , i have more materials to build with , then ground to build on , wherby they become uselesse , but i beleeve time will moulder them to dust , or accidents , as sicknesse may destroy them , as dropsies may drown them , fevers may burn them , consumptions may waste them , or griefs may wither them , or other imployments like usurpers may throw it out of my head , but as yet my head is fully populated with divers opinions , and so many phancies are therein , as sometimes they lie like a swarm of bees in a round heap , and sometimes they flie abroad to gather honey from the sweet flowry rhetorick of my lords discourse , and wax from his wise judgement which they work into a comb making chapters therein . but those that make these and the like idle objections against me either have not read all my epistles , and the rest of my books or understands them not , but that is not my fault , but their unjust natures , to censure and condemn before they examine or understand ; nay they do in somethings faulsely , ac cuse , and maliciously break out of some of my epistles some parts to throw against me , which is most base and cruel to dismember my book tormenting it with spiteful objections , misforming the truth with falshood : but those that have noble and generous souls will beleeve me , and those that have base and mechannick souls , i care not what they say , and truly i would not have troubled my self in striving to satisfie this present age which is very censorious ; but fear the future age wherein i hope to live , may be deceived , and i by false constructions wronged ; for i have observed that the ignorant , and malicious , do strive to disturb , and obstruct all probable opinions , wittie ingenuities , honest industry , vertuous indeavours , harmlesse phancies , innocent pleasures , and honourable fames although they become infamous thereby . readers i had forgotten to mention the objection , that there is no distinction between a scholer , and a philosopher , if they mean as being vulgarly called both scholers i answer a scholer is to be learnd in other mens opinions , inventions and actions , and a philosopher is to teach other men his opinions of nature , and to demostrate the works of nature , so that a scholer is to learn a philosopher to teach , and if they say there is no distinction between a profest scholer , and a profest philosopher , i am not of their opinion ; for a profest scholer in theologie , is not a profest philosopher ; for divines leave nature on the left hand , and walk on the right to things supernatural and if they mean profest scholers , as being bred at universities ( i answer ) that i take not all those that are bred at an vniversity , and those that are learned to be profest scholers , or those that are great philosophers to be profest , unlesse they make it their profession , as a profest divine that hath taken orders , or a profest physitian that hath commenced doctor , or profest pleaders , or lawyers that are made barresters , or philosophers , that teach scholers ; but certainly there are many that are very learned that are not profest , as being of that profession by which they live . likewise an objection for my saying i have not read many books ; but i answer , for not reading of many authors , had i understood several languages , as i do not , , i have not had so much time ; had i indeavoured to have been learned threin , for learning requires close studies , long time , and labour . besides , our sex takes so much delight in dressing and adorning themselves , as we for the most part make our gowns our books , our laces our lines , our imbroderies our letters , and our dressings are the time of our studie ; and instead of turning over solid leaves , we turn our hair into curles , and our sex is as ambitious to shew themselves to the eyes of the world , when finely drest , as scholers do to expresse their learning to the ears of the world , when fully fraught with authors . but as i have said my head was so full of my own naturai phancies , as it had not roome for strangers to boord therein , and certainly natural reason is a better tutor then education ; for though education doth help natural reason to a more sudden maturity , yet natural reason was the first educator ; for natural reason did first compose common-wealths , invented arts , and sciences , and if natural reason have composed , invented and discoverd , i know no reason , but natural reason may finde out what natural reason hath composed , invented , and discovered , without the help of education ; but some may say that education is like mony n put to use , which begets increase ; i say it is true , but natural reason is the principal , which without increase could not be , but in truth natural reason , is both the principal and the increase , for natural reason produceth beneficial effects , and findes out the right and the truth , the wrong and the falshood of things , or causes ; but to conclude , what education hath not instructed me , natural reason hath infor med me of many things . to the two universities . most famously learned , i here present the sum of my works , not that i think wise school-men , and industrious , laborious students should value my book for any worth , but to receive it without a scorn , for the good incouragement of our sex , lest in time we should grow irrational as idiots , by the 〈◊〉 of our spirits , through the carelesse neglects , and despisements of the masculine sex to the effeminate , thinking it impossible we should have either learning or understanding , wit or judgement , as if we had not rational souls as well as men , and we out of a custom of dejectednesse think so too , which makes us quit all all industry towards profitable knowledge being imployed onely in looe , and pettie imployments , which takes away not onely our abilities towards arts , but higher capacities in speculations , so as we are become like worms that onely live in the dull earth of ignorance , winding our selves sometimes out , by the help of some refreshing rain of good educations which seldom is given us ; for we are kept like birds in cages to hop up and down in our houses , not sufferd to fly abroad to see the several changes of fortune , and the various humors , ordained and created by nature ; thus wanting the experiences of nature , we must needs want the understanding and knowledge and so consequently prudence , a nd invention of men : thus by an opinion , which i hope is but an erronious one in men , we are shut out of all power , and authority by reason we are never imployed either in civil nor marshall affaires , our counsels are despised , and laught at , the best of our actions are troden down with scorn , by the over-weaning conceit men have of themselves and through a dispisement of us . but i considering with my self , that if a right judgement , and a true understanding , & a respectful civility live any where , it must be in learned universities , where nature is best known , where truth is oftenest found , where civility is most practised , and if i finde not a resentment here , i am very confident i shall finde it no where , neither shall i think i deserve it , if you approve not of me , but if i desserve not praise , i am sure to receive so much courtship from this sage society , as to bury me in silence ; thus i may have a quiet grave , since not worthy a famous memory ; but to lie intombed under the dust of an university will be honour enough for me , and more then if i were worshipped by the vulgar as a deity . wherefore if your wisdoms cannot give me the bayes , let your charity strow me with cypres ; and who knows but after my honourable burial , i may have a glorious resurrection in following ages , since time brings strange and unusual things to passe , i mean unusual to men , though not in nature : and i hope this action of mine , is not unnatural , though unusual for a woman to present a book to the university , nor impudence , for the action is honest , although it seem vain-glorious , but if it be , i am to be pardoned , since there is little difference between man and beast , but what ambition and glory makes . an epiloge to my philosophical opinions . some say that my book of philosophy , it seems as if i had converst with des-cartes or master hobbes , or both , or have frequented their studies , by reading their works , but i cannot say but i have seen them both , but upon my conscience i never spake to monsieur de cartes in my lise , nor ever understood what he said , for he spake no english , and i understand no other language , and those times i saw him , which was twice at dinner with my lord at paris , he did appear to me a man of the fewest words i ever heard . and for master hobbes , it is true i have had the like good fortune to see him , and that very often with my lord at dinner , for i conversing seldom with any strangers , had no other time to see those two famous philosophers ; yet i never heard master hobbes to my best remembrance treat , or discourse of philosophy , nor i never spake to master hobbes twenty words in my life , i cannot say i did not ask him a question , for when i was in london i meet him , and told him as truly i was very glad to see him , and asked him if he would please to do me that honour to stay at dinner , but he with great civility refused me , as having some businesse , which i suppose required his absence . and for their works , my own foolish fancies do so imploy my time , as they will not give me leave to read their books , for upon my conscience i never read more of mounsieur des-cartes then half his book of passion , and for master hobbes , i never read more then a little book called de cive , and that but once , nor never had any body to read to me , as for their opinions , i cannot say i have not heard of many of them . as the like of others , but upon my conscience not throughly discoursed of , for i have heard the opinions of most philosophers in general , yet no otherw aies then if i should see a man , but neither know his estate , quality , capacity , or natural disposition , thus upon my conscience is a truth , not onely in these two philosophers , but all philosophers , and not onely philosophers , but all their learned men , so that i am no otherwayes learned in writers works , or other opinions then those that onely learned the tearms of arts , and sciences , but know no more . the like they may say of physitians , as of philosophers , when they read my opinions of diseases ; it is true i have converst with physitians more then any other learned profession , yet not so much as to increase my understanding , although more then was advantagious for my health , indeed i have been the worst physitian to my self ; besides wise learned men think it a discredit to discourse learnedly to ignorant women , and many learned men speak most commonly to women , as women do to children nonsense , as thinking they understand not any thing , or else like those that are of another language speak such gibbrish , to those they would have understood that they understand not themselves yet think those they speak to do conceive them , as if ignorance was bound to understand nonsense , that is not to be understood ; but i desire my readers , or censurers ; for some will censure that have not read , or at least not understood me , that i did never take nor steal any opinion , or argument from any other as my own , nor never will , and if i hit or light upon the same , it is meer chance . t is true , i have mentioned many opinions , but not as my own opinions or arguments , but rather , 〈◊〉 civilly i have been opposite to those opinions i have heard of , and i make no question but if my readers will take the paines to compare my writings to others , and throughly examine them , they will i make no question , finde great difference ; for though other philosophy have treated of matter , form , and motion , being the fundamental ground , of all all natural philosophical discourse , yet i believe not my way , nor i never read any book of diseases , or medicines but gerrards herball , which no question is a very rare book , and cetainly discribes the tempers of herbs , fruits , and drugs very learnedly , but i do verily 〈◊〉 the learning lies more in the tempers then in the applications ; for i beleeve where one is rightly applied , forty are falsly applied , and how shall it be otherwaies , unlesse he had studied the motions and tempers of diseases ; for one and the same diseases may be of several tempers , and motions , wherefore one and the same simple will not cure one and the same kinde , or rather sort of disease ; wherefore i beseech my readers to be so charitable , and just , as not to bury my works in the monuments of other writers , but if they will bury them , let it be in their own dust , or oblivion , for i had rather be forgotten , then scrape acquaintance , or insinuate my self into others company , or brag of received favours , or take undeserved gifts , or belie noble benefactors , or to steal , although i were sure the theft would never be discovered , and would make me live eternally . but i have no acquaintance with old authors , nor no familiarity with the moderns , i have received no instructions by learning , and i never owned that which was not justly my own , nor never stole that which was justly anothers , neither have i retained , but plain truth to defend , and conscience towitnesse for me . besides , i have heard that learning spoiles the natural wit , and the fancies , of others , drive the fancies out of our own braines , as enemies to the nature , or at least troublesome guests that fill up all the rooms of the house . this opinion , or rather a known truth , was a sufficient cause for me , neither to read many books , or hear arguments , or to dispute opinions , had i ever been edicted to one , or accustomed to the other , by reason i found a naturall inclination , or motion in my own brain to fancies , and truly i am as all the world is , partial , although perchance , or at least i hope not so much as many are , yet enough to desire that my own fancies , and opinions might live in the world , rather then the fancies and opinions of other mens in my brain . an epistle to my honourable readers . most noble reader , let not partialitie , or obstinacie weigh judgments scales , but truth ; wherefore if you weigh my philosophical , and physical opinions with the ancient philosophers , lay by the weaknesse , and incapacity of our sex ; my unexperienced age , my unpractised time , my ignorant studies , my faint knowledge , and dim understanding to help to pair my discourse , with theirs , in which scale there are learned studies , long experience , practised time , high arguments , and school-disputations ; besides , they draw and make the large river of their discourse from many several springs ; mine onely flows in little rivolets , from the natural spring in my own brain . an epistle to the reader , for my book of philosophy . perchance many that read this book , will hardly understand it , not but it may be as rational , and as probable , as any that have writ before , but unlesse they be contemplary persons , which are not many in our nation , especially in the protestant opinion , which live not monastical lives , are not so curious , nor so inquisitive , after nature , as to study that science ; besides , they think it unprofitable , bringing no advantage ; but they are much mistaken , for that it is a great insight to the knowledge of all vegetables , minerals , and animals , their constitutions , their sympathies , and antipathies , their extractions , and applications which they apply , for health , and prolonging of life ; besides , the study in this science , brings them acquainted with the course of the stars and planets , and the several tempers of the climats , and the nature of the several soyls , which is profitable in husbandry ; then it is advantagious for the art of navigation , and plantations , and many other things ; but above all , this study is a great delight , and pleases the curiosity of mens minds , it carries their thoughts above vulgar and common objects , it elevates their spirits to an aspiring pitch ; it gives room for the untired appetites of man , to walk or run in , for so spatious it is , that it is beyond the compasse of time ; besides , it gives pleasure in varieties , for infinite wayes are sirawed with infinite varieties , neither doth it binde up man to those strickt rules as other sciances do , it gives them an honest liberty , and proves temperance is the greatest pleasure in nature . t is true , moral philosophy is an excellent study , but the doctrine is too strict for the practise , for it teaches more then can be followed , and theologie is a glorious study , but the way is difficult and dangerous , for though there are many pathes , yet there is but one that leads to heaven , and those that step awrie fall into the gulph of damnation , and the deep study in this many times blindes the eyes , both of faith and reason , and instead of uniting mankind with love , to live in peace , it makes discords with controversies , raises up faction to uphold each-side , whose endlesse quarrels are followed with such hatred , and fought with such malice and envie , and the zeal spits so much blood , as if not onely several parties would be rased out , but the bulk of mankinde ; and to study law , is to study dissention , to study logick is to study deceit , to make falshood appear like truth ; to study rhetorick is to study words more then sense , and many the like studies are more painful then useful , more time lost then profit got , more tedious then pleasant , more sophistry then truth . indeed the mathematicks brings both profit and pleasure to the life of man , it gives just measure and equal weight , it makes all odd reckonings even , it sets all musical notes , it brings concord out of discord , it gives diminution and extention ; but as i said before , few or none but monastical men , which live contemplary lives , despising the vanities of the world , next to the service of god , seek to be acquainted with nature , and to observe the course of her works , yet in an humble and respectful manner , as to admire her curiosity , and to glorifie and adore the god of nature , for the wonders they finde by her works , and workings : for this reason , if i had been so learned , i would have put my book into latine , which is a general language through all europe , and not have writ it in my native language , which goeth no further then the kingdom of england , wherein i fear my book will finde but little applause ; because few therein study natural philosophy , and what they understand not , they cannot judge of , yet i beleeve all that read will take upon them to give a censure , and what their weak braines is not capable to reach at , their active tongues are capable to pull down , so that i fear me my book will be lost in oblivion , or condemned by ignorance , unlesse some generous disposition which hath a genius in natural philosophy , and learned and eloquent in the latine tongue will translate my work ; yet i had rather my book should die in oblivion , then to be divulged to disadvantage , and instead of cloathing it in a new garment , they will dismember the body of sense , as to put out the natural eyes , and put in glasse eyes in the place , or to cut off the legs , and then set the body upon wooden stumps , but unlesse the translator hath a genius sutable to the author of the original , the original will be disfigured with mistakes ; yet it is easier to translate prose then verse , for rimes , number , and sense , are hard to match in several languages , it is double labour , and requires double capacitie ; for although ovid and dubartus were so happy as to meet a sylvester and a sands , yet very few or no other had the like good fortune in our language : for this reason i would have turned my atomes out of verse into prose , and joyned it to this book , but i finding my brain would be like a river that is turned from its natural course , which will neither run so smooth , swift , easie , nor free , when it is forced from its natural motion and course , both which made me desist &c. an epistle to my readers . i must advertise my readers that though i have writ difserent wayes of one and the same subject , yet not to obstruct , crosse , or contradict ; but i have used the freedom , or taken the liberty to draw several works upon one ground , or like as to build several rooms upon one foundation , likewise my desire was , to expresse the several works that several motions make in printed figures , that the sense of my opinions might be explained to the eye , as well as to the ear , or conceivements of my readers ; but by reason the painters and cutters in this country cannot speak , nor understand english , nor i any other language ; which reason perswaded me to let my book be printed without them , for though i might have had such an interpreter that could expresse grosse material subjects , yet none that were so learned in both languages , as to expresse , and instruct them to expresse by their art the figures of the fine , curious , subtil , and obscure motions in nature , and to have them all done would have rather puzled my readers , and confounded the sense of my opinions , then any wayes have advantaged the one , or informed the other . wherefore i must intreat my readers to take a little more paines , and care in the reading , and considering part . an epistle to my readers . i desire my readers to give me the same priviledge to discourse in natural philosophy , as scholers have in schooles , which i have heard speak freely , and boldly , without being condemned for atheisme ; for they speak as natural philosophers , not as divines : and since it is natural philosophy , and not theologie , i treat on , pray account me not an atheist , but beleeve as i do in god almighty . a condemning treatise of atomes . i cannot think that the substance of infinite matter is onely a body of dust , such as small atoms , and that there is no solidity , but what they make , nor no degrees , but what they compose , nor no change and variety , but as they move , as onely by fleeing about as dust and ashes , that are blown about with winde , which me thinks should make such uncertainties , such disproportioned figures , and confused creations , as there would be an infinite and eternal disorder . but surely such wandring and confused figures could never produce such infinite effects ; such rare compositions , such various figures , such several kindes , such constant continuance of each kinde , such exact rules , such undissolvable laws , such fixt decrees , such order , such method , such life , such sense , such faculties , such reason , such knowledge , such power , which makes me condemn the general opinions of atoms , though not my particular opinions of the figures , that the long atoms make air , the round water , the flat square earth ; also that all the other figures are partly severed from those ; also the measure , and the weight of atoms , of slime , flame , of burning , of quenching of fire , and of the several motions , compositions , and composers in their creating and dissolving of figures ; also their wars and peace , their sympathies and antipathies , and many the like ; but this opinion of mine is , if the infinite , and eternal matter are atoms , but i have considered that if the onely matter were atoms , and that every atome is of the same degree , and the same quantity , as well as of the same matter ; then every atom must be of a living substance , that is innate matter , for else they could not move , but would be an infinite dull and immoving body , for figures cannot make motion , unlesse motion be in the matter , and it cannot be a motion that sets them at work without substance , for motion cannot be without substance or produced therefrom , and if motion proceeds from substance , that substance is moving innately , but if motion is nothing , then every several nothings , which are called several motions , are gods to infinite matter , and our stronger nothing , which is every stronger motion , is god to every weaker nothing , which is every weaker motion ; for if motion depend upon nothing , every particular motion is absolute ; but the old opinions of atoms seems not so clear to my reason , as my own , and absolutly new opinions , which i hear call my philosophical opinions , which opinions seem to me to be most probable , and these opinions are like chymistrie , that from a grosse substance , extract the substance and essence , and spirits of life , or knowledge which i call the innated matter . the opinion , or religion of the old philosophers . natural philosophers in their opinions make three gods , the causer , the worker , and the matter , as god , nature , and the chaos , all three being eternal , as the causer god was , is , and shall be , the worker , nature was , is , and shall be , the matter , chaos was , is , and shal be , was ever , is present , and shall be eternally , and whatsoever was in its self from all eternity , and shall be to all eternity , is a god , but if they make them all but one thing , then they may say there is but one god ; but if they make them three distinct things , then they make three gods , for though they make them all one in unity , yet not in property , but god is like a center , from whom all infinites flow , as from him , and through him , and to him , his infinite knowledg knowes all past , present , and what is to come , and is a fixt instant . the text to my natural sermon . i as the preacher of nature , do take my text out of natural observance , and contemplation , i begin from the first chapter , which is the onely , and infinite matter , and conclude in the last which is eternity . but i desire my noble readers to hear me with so much patience , or be so just to me as to observe , that though my text is common , for who hath not heard of the first matter ? and my application old , for what is older then eternity ? yet that my arguments , and proofs are new ; for what ancient philosophers have preached after my way ? wherefore most industrious and ingenious students , cast me not out of your schools , nor condemn my opinions , out of a dispisement of my sex ; for though nature hath made the active strength of the effeminat sex weaker then the masculine , yet perchance she may elevate some fancies , and create some opinions , as sublime , and probable in effeminate brains as in masculine . wherefore it were unjust to condemn the probable particulars for the errours of the generality ; and if you speak or think me too vainglorious in pleading in my own cause , it may be thought you are irregular , and if i should not plead for my self in a just cause , it may be thought i were not a right begotten daughter of nature , but a monster produced by her escapes , or defects ; for every true childe of nature will require its just inheritance . the first cause is matter . the second is motion . the third is figure which produceth all natural effects . nature is matter , form , and motion , all these being as it were but one thing ; matter is the body of nature , form is the shape of nature and motion . the spirits of nature , which is the life of nature , and the several motions are the several actions of nature . the several figures are the several postures of nature , and the several parts , the several members of nature . of matter and motion . chap. i. there is no first matter , nor first motion ; for matter and motion are infinite , and being infinite , must consequently be eternal ; and though but one matter , yet there is no such thing , as the whole matter , that is , as one should say , all. and though there is but one kinde of matter , yet there are infinite degrees of matter , as thinner and thicker , softer and harder , weightier , and lighter ; and as there is but one matter , so there is but one motion , yet there are infinite degrees of motion , as swifter and slower ; and infinite changes of motion ; and although there is but one matter , yet there are infinite of parts in that matter , and so infinits of figures : if infinite figures , infinite sizes ; if infinite sizes , infinite degrees of bignesse , and infinite degrees of smalnesse , infinite thicknesse , infinite thinnesle , infinite lightnesse , infinite weightinesse ; if infinite degrees of motion , infinite degrees of strengths ; if infinite degrees of strengths , infinite degrees of power , and infinite degrees of knowledge , and infinite degrees of sense . chap. 2. of the form and the minde . as i said , there is but one matter , thinner and thicker which is the form , and the minde , that is , matter moving , or matter moved ; likewise there is but one motion , though flower or swifter moving several wayes ; but the slower or weaker motions are no lesse motion , then the stronger or swifter . so matter that is is thinnest or thickest , softest or hardest , yet is but one matter ; for if it were divided by digrees , untill it came to an atome , that atome would still be the same matter , as well as the greatest bulk . but we cannot say smallest , or biggest , , thinnest , softest or hardest it infinite . chap. 3. eternal matter . that matter which was solid , and weighty from all eternity , may be so eternally ; and what was spungie , and light from all eternity , may be so eternally ; and what had innate motion from eternity , may be so eternally ; and what was dull without innate motion from eternity , may be so eternally : for if the degrees could change , then there might be all thin , and no thick , or all thick , and no 〈◊〉 all hard , no soft , and fluid , or all fluid , and no solidity . for 〈◊〉 contracting and dilating may bring and joyn parts together , or separate parts asunder , yet those parts shall not be any other wayes , then by nature they were . chap. 4. of infinite matter . infinite matter cannot have exact form , or figure , because it hath no limits : but being divided by motion into several parts , those parts may have perfect figures , so long as those figures last ; yet these parts cannot be taken from the infinite body . and though parts may be divided in the body infinite , and joyned several wayes , yet infinite can neither be added , nor diminished ; yet division is as infinite as the matter divided . chap. 5. no proportion in nature . in nature there is no such thing , as number or quantity ; for number , and quantity have onely reference to division : neither is there any such thing as time in eternity ; for time hath no reference but to the present , if there be any such thing as present . chap. 6. of one kinde of matter . although there may be infinite degrees of matter , yet the nature , and kinde of matter is finite : for infinite of severall kindes of matter would make a confusion . chap. 7. of infinite knowledge . there can be no absolute knowledge , if infinite degrees of knowledge ; nor no absolute power , if there be infinite degrees of strength : nor present , if infinite degrees of motion . chap. 8. no judge in nature . no intreaty , nor petition can perswade nature , nor any bribes can corrupt , or alter the course of nature . justly there can be no complaints made against nature , nor to nature . nature can give no redresse . there are no appeals can be made , nor causes determined , because nature is infinite , and eternal : for infinite cannot be confined , or prescribed , setled , rul'd , or dispos'd , because the effects are sa infinite as the causes : and what is infinite , hath no absolute power : for what is absolute , is finite . finite cannot tell how infinite doth flow , nor how infinite matter moveth to and fro . for infinite of knowledge cannot guess of infinite of matter , more , or lesse : nor infinite of causes cannot finde the infinite effects of every kinde . chap. 9. of perfection . in infinite can no perfection be , for why ? perfection is in unity . in infinite no union can combine , for that has neither number , point nor line ; though infinite can have no figure , yet not lie all confus'd in heaps together chap. 10. of inequalities . if infinites have infinite degrees , and none alike to make equalities . as if a haire be cut with curious arts , innumerable but unequal parts , and that not any part alike shall be , how shall we joyn , to make them well agree ? if every one is like it self alone , three cannot be , unlesse three equal one. if one , and one make two ; and two , and two make four yet there must be two equal ones to make two , and two equal two's to to make four . and as two and one make three , yet there must be two equal ones joyned to a single one , to make three , or three equal single ones to joyn in three . the like is in weight , and measure , motion and strength . chap. 11. of unities . in infinite if infinite degrees , then those degrees may meet in unities . and if one man should have the 〈◊〉 of four , then four to equal him will be no more . as if one line should be in four parts cut , shall equal the same line together put ; so two and one , though odd is theer ; yet three and three shall equal be . like those that equal spaces backwards go , to those that 's forward , equals them we know . like buckets in a well if empty be , as one descends , the other ascends , we see ; so motions , though their crosse , may well agree , as oft in musick make a harmony . chap. 12. there is no vacuity . in nature if degrees may equal be , all may be full , and no vacuity . as boxes small , and smaller may contain , so bigger , and bigger must there be again . infinite may run contracting , and dilating , still , still , by degrees without a separating . chap. 13. of thin , and thick matter . thus may thin matter into solid run , and by its motion ; , make thick matter turn in several wayes , and fashions , as it will , although dull matter of it self lie still : t is not , that solid matter moves in thin , for that is dull , but thin which moves therein . like marrow in the bones , or blood in veins ; or thinner matter which the blood contains . like heat in fire , the effect is straight to burn , so matter thin makes solid matter run . chap. 14. of vacuum . if infinite inequalitie doth run , then must there be in infinite vacuum . for what 's unequal , cannot joyned be so close , but there will be vacuity . chap. 15. the unity of nature . nature tends to unity , being but of a kinde of matter , but the degrees of this matter being thinner , and thicker , softer , and harder , weightier , and lighter , makes it , as it were , of different kinde , when t is but different degrees : like several extractions , as it were out of one and the same thing ; and when it comes to such an extract , it turns to spirits , that is , to have an innate motion . chap. 16. of division . the several degrees of matter cause division by different motion , making several figures , erecting , and dissolving them , according as their matter moves . this makes motion and figure alwayes to be in war , but not the matter ; for it is the several effects that disagree , but not the causes : for the eternal matter is alwayes in peace , as being not subject to change ; but motion and figure , being subject to change , strive for superiority : which can never be , because subject to change. chap. 17. the order of nature . the reason , that there is not a confusion in nature , but an orderly course therein , is , the eternal matter is alwayes one , and the same : for though there are infinite degrees , yet the nature of that matter never alters . but all variety is made according to the several degrees , and the several degrees do palliate and in some sense make an equality in infinite ; so as it is not the several degrees of matter , that strive against each other , but several motions drive them against one another . chap. 18. of war , and no absolute power . the reason that all things make war upon one another , is , the several * degrees of matter , the contradiction of motion , and the degrees , and the advantage of the shapes of ( * ) figures alwayes striving . chap. 19. of power . there is no absolute power , because power is infinite , and the infinitenesse hinders the absolutenesse : for if there were an absolute power , there would be no dispute : but because there is no absolute power , there would be no dispute ; but because there is no absolute power , therefore there be disputes , and will be eternally : for the several degrees of matter , motion , and figure strive for the superiority , making faction by ( * ) sympathy , and fraction , by ( * ) antipathy . chap. 20. similizing the spirits , or innate matter . the spirits , or essences in nature are like quick-silver : for say it be fluid , it will part into little sphaerical bodies , running about , though it be nere so small a quantity : and though they are sphaerical , yet those figures they make by several , and subtle motion , may differ variously , and infinitely . this innate matter is a kinde of god or gods to the dull part of matter , having power to form it , as it please , and why may not every degree of innate matter be as several gods , and so a strong motion be a god to the weaker , and so have an infinite , and eternal government ? as we will compare motions to officers , or magistrates . the constable rules the parish , the mayor , the constable , the king the mayor , and some higher power the king : thus infinite powers rule eternity . or again thus , the constable rules the hundred , the major rules the city , the king the kingdom , and caesar the world . thus may dull matter over others rule , according as ' tis* shap'd by motions tool . so innate matter governs by degree , according as the stronger motions be . chap. 21. of operation . all things in the world have an operative power ; which operation is made by sympathetical motions & antipathetical motions , in several figures . for the assisting operation is caused by one , the destructive operation by another ; like poyson and cordials , the one kills , the other cures : but operations are infinite , as motions . chap. 22. natural , or sensivtie war. all natural war is caused either by a sympathetical motion , or an antepathetical motion . for natural war , and peace proceed from self-preservation , which belongs only to the figure ; for nothing is annihilated in nature , but the particular prints , or several shapes that motion makes of matter ; which motion in every figure strives to maintain what they have created : for when some figures destroyothers , it is for the maintenance or security ofthemselves : and when the destruction is for , food it is sympathetical motion , which makes a particular appetite , or nourishment from some creatures to others ; but an antipathetical motion that makes the destruction . chap. 23. of annihilation . there can be no annihilation in nature : nor particular motions , and figures , because the matter remains that was the cause of those motions and figures . as for particular figures , although every part is separated that made such a figure , yet it is not annihilated ; because those parts remain that made it . so as it is not impossible but the same particular figures may be erected by the same motions , that joyned those parts , and in the matter may repeat the same motion eternally so by succession : and the same matter in a figure may be erected and dispersed eternally . thus the dispersing of the matter into particular figures by an alteration of motion , we call death ; and the joyning of parts to create a figure , we call life . death is a separation , life is a contraction . chap. 24. life . life is the extract , or spirit of common matter : ( * ) this extract is agile , being alwayes in motion ; for the thinnesse of this matter causes the subtilty of the quality , or property , which quality , or preporty is to work upon all dull matter . this essence , or life , which are spirits of sense , move of themselves : for the dull part of matter moves not , but as it is moved thereby . their common motions are four . atractive . retentive . digestive . expulsive . attractive is that which we call growth , or youth . retentive , is that we call strength . digestive is that we call health , that is an equal distribution of parts to parts , and agreeing of those spirits . expulsive is that which we call death , or decay . the attractive spirits gather , and draw the materials together . the digestive spirits do cut and carve out every thing . the retentive do fit , and lay them in their proper places . the expulsive do pul down , and scatter them about . those spirits most commonly move according to the matter they work on . for in spung and porous light matter , their motion is quick ; in solid , and weighty , their motion is slower . for the solid parts are not onely dull , and immoveable of themselves , but they hinder and * obstruct those spirits of sence , and though they cut and pierce through all , yet it is with more labour , and slower motion ; for their motions change according to the quantity and quality of that matter they meet with ; for that which is porous and spungy , the figures that they form that matter in , are sooner made , and sudenlier destroyed , then that which is more combustible . this is the reason , minerals last longer then vegetables , and animals , because that matter is both tougher and harder to work on , then vegetables and animals are . these sensitive spirits we may similize to several workmen , being alwayes busily imployed , removing , lifting , carrying , driving , drawing , digging , and the like . and although these spirits are of substance thinner then dull matter , yet they are stronger by reason of their subtility , and motion , which motion gives them power : for they are of an acute quality , being the vitriol , as it were , of nature , cut and divide all that opposeth their way . now these spirts , though they be infinite , yet we cannot think them so grosse an infinite , as combustible matter , yet those thinner infinites may cut , and carve the thicker infinites all into several figures : like as aqua-fortis will eat into the hardest iron , and divide it into small parts . as i have said before , the spirits of life works according as the matter is , for every thing is shap'd according to the solidity of the matter ; like as a man which builds a house of such wood , which is tough , and strong , because he knows otherwise it will break , by reason of the great weight they are to bear , but to make laths , he takes his wood and cuts it thin , that the nails may the easier passe through , so joyning and fitting several sorts to proper uses to build his house . or like a cook , when he 's to raise a pie , must take stiff dough ; for otherwise it will not onely fall before it be finished , but it cannot be raised , and to make the lids to cover his pye , he must use a softer paste , otherwise it will not rowl thin ; thus a stiff paste is not fit for a lid , nor a thinner paste for to raise a pye ; it may make a cake , or so . so the spirits of life must make figures , as the matter is fit : and proper therto , for the figure of man or the like ; the spirits of life take the solid and hard matter for the * bones : the glutinous matter for the sinews , nerves , muscles , and the like ; and the oyly matter , for flesh , fat , marrow . so the fluid for blood , and such like matter . and the spirits themselves do give this dull matter , motion , not onely in the building of the figure , but to make the figure move when it is built . now the spirits of life , or lively spirits do not onely move dull and immoving matter , but makes that matter to move and work upon others ; for some kinde of figures shall make * another to resemble it self , though not just be as it self is made , but as the shadow like the substance ; for it works as a hand that is guided by another , and not of its own strength : that is the reason , arts have not so much perfection as nature . the copy is not so lively as the original ; for the spirits of life move , and work of their own strength , and the dul matter by the strength of the spirits . chap. 25. of change . the change of motion in several figures makes all change and difference in the world , and their several properties and effects thereto . and that which we call death , or corruption , is not * an absence of life , but an expulsive motion which doth annihilate those figures , that erecting motion hath made . so death is an annihilation of the print , not of the mould of figures ; for the moulds of those figures of mankinde , beast , or plant , of all kindes whatsoever , shall never be annihilated so long as motion and matter last , which may alwayes be ; for the mould of all figures is in the power of motion , and the substance of matter . chap. 26. of youth , or growth . thus spirits of sense work according to the substance of the matter : for if the matter be porous and light , they form those figures quicker , and dissolve them suddenly : but if their matter be solid and hard , they work slower , which makes some figures longer ere they come to perfection , and not so easily undone . and if their strength be too weak for the matter they work upon , as wanting help , then the figure is imperfect , and mishapen , as we say . this is the reason animals and vegetables , which are yong , have not so great strength as when they are full grown ; because there are fewer spirits , and the materials are loose and unsetled , not knockt close : but by degrees more spirits gather together , which help to forward their work , bring in materials by food , setling them by nourishment , carrying out by evacuations that matter that is unuseful , and that rubbish and chips , as i may say , which would hinder their motion . if they bring in unuseful matter , their figure increases not , as we say , thrives not . and if they carry out the principal materials , the figure decayes , and falls down . but those parts of matter which are not spirits , do not carry that part of matter which is spirit , but these spirits carry the dull matter . thus the spirits , the innated matter , move in dull matter , and dull matter moveth by the spirits ; and if the matter be fine , and not gross , which they build withal , and their motion be regular , then the figure is beautiful and well proportioned . chap. 27. of increasing . the reason that the corruption of one figure is the cause of making of another of the same kinde , is , not onely , that it is of such a tempered matter that can onely make such a kinde of figure ; but that the spirits make figures according to their strength : so that the spirits that are in the seed , when they have undone the figure they are in , by a general expulsion , which we call corruption , they begin to create again another figure of the same kinde , if no greater power hinder it . for the matter that is proper , to make such like figures , is fitted , or temper'd to their strengths . so as the temper of the matter , and the strength of the spirits , are the erectors of those figures eternally . and the reason , that from one seed , less , or more numbers are increased and rais'd , is , that though few begin the work , more will come to their help ; and as their numbers are increased , their figures are more , or less , weaker , or stronger . chap. 28. of decay . when spirit of life have created a figure , and brought it to perfection ; if they did not pull it down again , they would be idle , having no work to do ; and idleness is against the nature of life , being a perpetual motion . for as soon as a figure is perfected , the spirits generally move to an expulsive motion . this is the reason , that age hath not that strength as full-growth : but like an old house falling down by degrees , shed their haires , or leaves , instead of tiles , the windows broke down , and stopped with rubbish . so eyes in animals grow hollow and dim . and when the foundation of a house is loose , every little winde shakes it . so when the nerves being slack , and the muscles untied , and the joynts unhing'd , the whole body is weak , and tottering , which we call palsies : which palsies , as the winde , shakes . the bloud , as the springe dries up , rhumes , as rain falls down , and vapours , as dust , flie up . chap. 29. of dead , and death . dead is , where there is a general alteration of such motion , as is proper to such figures . but death is an annihilation of that print , or figure , by an expulsive motion : and as that figure dissolves , the spirits disperse about , carrying their several burdens to the making of other figures . like as a house that is ruin'd by time , or spoyled by accident ; the several materials are imployed to other uses ; sometimes to the building of an house again . but a house is longer a building then a pulling down , by reason of the cutting , carving , laying , carrying , placing , and fitting every part to make them joyn together ; so all the works of nature are sooner dissolv'd then created . chap. 30. of local shapes . some shapes have power over others , but 't is not alwayes in the size , or bulk of the figure , but in the manner of their formes that give advantage , or disadvantage . a little mouse will run through the snowt of a great elephant : a little flye will sting a great figure to death ; a worm will wind through a thick body ; the lions force lies in his claws ; the horses in his hoof ; the dogs in his teeth ; the bulls in his horns ; and man 's in his armes , and hands ; birds in their bills , and talons : and the manner of their shapes gives them several properties , or faculties . as the shape of a bird causes them to 〈◊〉 , a worm to creep , the shape of a beast to run , the shape of fish to swim ; yet some flie swifter , and higher then others , as their wings are made : so some run nimbler then others , according as their limbs are made ; and some swim glider then others , according as their fins are made . but man surpasses the shape of all other creatures ; because he hath a part , as it were , of every shape . but the same motion , and the same matter without the shape , could not give such external properties ; since all internal properties are wrought out of dull matter . so as it is their shapes , joyned with such motions proper thereunto , that giveth strength , and agileness . but the internal qualities may be alike in every figure ; because rational spirits work not upon dull matter , but figures themselves . chap. 31. the visible motion in animals , vegetables , and minerals . the external motions of animals are , running , turning , winding , tumbling , leaping , jumping , shoving , throwing , darting , climbing , creeping , drawing , heaving , lifting , carrying , holding , or staying , piercing , digging , flying , swimming , diving . the internal motion , is , contriving , directing , examining , comparing , or judging , contemplating , or reasoning , approving or disapproving , resolving . from whence arise all the passions , and several dispositions . these , and the like , are the visible internal motions in animals . the internal motions of vegetables , and minerals , are in operation ; as , contracting , dilating ; which is attractive , retentive , digestive , expulsive . the vegetables external motion , is , increasing , decreasing , that is , enlarging , or lasting ; although there may be matter not moving , yet there is no matter , which is not moved . chap. 32. of the working of several motions of nature . motions do work according as they finde matter , that 's fit , and proper for each kinde . sensitive spirits work not all one way , but as the matter is , they cut , carve , lay . joyning together matter , solid light , and build and form some figures streight upright ; or make them bending , and so jutting out : and some are large , and strong , and big about . and some are thick , and hard , and close unite ; others are flat , and low , and loose , and light . but when they meet with matter , fine , and thin , then they do weave , as spiders when they spin : all that is woven is soft , smooth , thin things , as flowry vegetables , and animal skins . observe the grain of every thing , you 'l see , like inter-woven threads lye evenly . and like to diaper , and damask wrought , in several works , that for our table 's bought . or like to carpets which the persian made , or sattin smooth , which is the florence trade . some matter they ingrave , like ring , and seal , which is the stamp of natures common-weal . 't is natures armes , where she doth print on all her works , as coin that 's in the mint . some several sorts they joyn together glu'd . as matter solid , with some that 's fluid . like to the earthly ball , where some are mixt of several sorts , although not fixt . for though the figure of the earth may last longer then others ; yet at last may waste . and so the sun , and moon , and planets all , like other figures , at the last may fall . the matter 's still the same , but motion may alter it into figures every way : yet keep the property , to make such kinde of figures fit , which motion out can finde . thus may the fgures change , if motion hurls that matter of her wayes , for other worlds . of the minde . there is a degree of stronger spirits then the sensitive spirits : as it were the essence of spirits ; as the spirit of spirits , this is the minde , or soul of animals . for as the sensitive spirits are a weak knowledg , so this is a stronger knowledge . as to similize them , i may say , there is as much difference betwixt them , as aqua fortis , to ordinary vitriol . these rational spirits , as i may call them , work not upon dull matter , as the sensitive spirits do ; but onely move in measure , and number , which make figures ; which figures are thoughts , as memory , understanding , imaginations , or fancy , and remembrance and will. thus these spirits moving in measure , casting , and placing themselves into figures make a consort , and harmony by numbers . where the greater quantity , or number , are together of those rational spirits , the more variety of figure is made by their several motions , they dance several dances according to their company . chap. 34. of their several dances , or figures . what object soever is presented unto them by the senses , they strait dance themselves into that figure ; this is memory . and when they dance the same figure without the help of the outward object , this is remembrance , when they dance the figures of their own invention , ( as i may say ) then that is imagination or fancie . understanding is , when they dance perfectly ( as i may say ) not to misse the least part of those figures that are brought through the senses . will is to choose a dance , that is to move as they please , and not as they are perswaded by the sensitive spirits . but when their motion and measures be not regular , or their quantity or numbers sufficient to make the figures perfect , then is the minde weak and infirme , ( as i may say ) they dance out of time and measure . but where the greatest number of these , or quantity of these essences are met , and joyn'd in the most regular motion , there is the clearest understanding , the deepest iudgement , the perfectest knowledge , the finest fancies , the more imagination , the stronger memory , the obstinatest will. but somtimes their motions may be regular ; but society is so small , so as they cannot change into so many several figures : then we say he hath a weak minde , or a poor soul. but be their quantity or numbers few or great , yet if they move confusedly , and out of order , we say the minde is distracted . and the reason the minde , or soul is improveable , or decayable , is , that the quantity or numbers are increaseable , or decreaseable , and their motions regular , and irregular , a feaver in the body is the same motion among the sensitive spirits , as madnesse is in the minde amongst the rational spirits . so likewise pain in the body is like those motions , that make grief in the minde . so pleasure in the body is the like motions , as make delight , and joy in the minde , all convulsive motions in the body , are like the motions that cause fear in the minde . all expulsive motions amongst the rational spirits , are a dispersing their society ; as expulsity in the body , is the dispersing of dull matter by the sensitive spirits . all drugs have an opposite motion to the matter they work on , working by an expulsive motion ; and if they move strongly , having great quantity of spirits together in a little dull matter , they do not onely cast out superfluous matter , but pull down the very materials of a figure . but all cordials have a sympathetical motion to the matter they meet , giving strength by their help to those spirits they finde tired : ( as one may say ) that it is to be over-power'd by opposite motions in dull matter . chap. 35. the sympathy , and antipathy of spirits . pleasure , and delight , discontent , and sorrow , which is love , and hate , is like light , and darknesse ; the one is a quick , equal , and free motion ; the other is a slow , irregular , and obstructed motion . when there is the like motion of rational spirits in opposite figures , then there is a like understanding , and disposition . just as when there is the like motion in the sensitive spirits ; then there is the like constitution of body . so when there is the like quantity laid in the same symmetry , then the figures agree in the same proportions , and lineaments of figures . the reason , that the rational spirits in one figure , are delighted with the outward form of another figure , is , that the motions of those sensitive spirits , which move in that figure , agree with the motion of the rational spirits in the other . this is love of beauty ; and when the sensitive motions alter in the figure of the body , and the beauty decayes , then the motion of rational spirits alter , and the love of godlinesse ceases . if the motion of the rational spirits are crosse to the motion of the sensitive spirits , in opposite figures , then it is dislike . so if the motion be just crosse and contrary , of the rational spirits in opposite figures , it is hate ; but if they agree , it is love . but these sympathies , which are made only by a likenesse of motions without an intermixture , last not long ; because those spirits are at a distance , changing their motion without the knowledge , or consent of either side . but the way that the rational spirits intermix , is , through the organs of the body , especially the eyes , and eares , which are the common doors , which let the spirits out , and in . for the vocal , and verbal motion from the mouth , carry the spirits through the eares down to heart , where love and hate is lodged . and the spirits from the eyes issue out in beams , and raies ; as from the sun , which heat , or scorch * the heart , which either raise a fruitful crop of love , making the ground fertile , or dries it so much , as makes it insipid , that nothing of good will grow there , unlesse stinking weeds of hate : but if the ground be fertile , although every crop is not so rich , as some , yet it never grows barren , unlesse they take out the strength with too much kindnesse ; as the old proverb , they kill with too much kindnesse ; which murther is seldom committed . but the rational spirits * are apt to take surfet , as well as sensitive spirits , which makes love , and good-will , so often to be ill rewarded , neglected , and disdain'd . chap. 36. the sympathy of sensitive , and rational spirits in one figure . there is a strong sympathy , and agreement , or affection ( as i may say ) betwixt the rational spirits , and the sensitive spirits joyned in one figure : like fellow-labourers that assist one another , to help to finish their work . for when they disagree , as the rational spirits will move one way sometimes , and the sensitive spirits another ; that is , when reason strives to abate the appetite of the senses ; yet it is by a loving direction , rather to admonish them by a gentle contrary motion for them to imitate , and follow in the like motions ; yet it is , as they alwayes agree at last ; like the father and the son. for though the father rules by command , and the son obeies through obedience , yet the father out of love to his son , as willing to please him , submits to his delight , although it is against his liking ; * so the rational spirits oftimes agree with the motions of the sensitive spirits , although they would move another way . chap. 37. the sympathy of the rational and sensitive spirits , to the fgure they make , and inhabit . all the external motion in a figure , is , by the sensitive spirits ; and all the internal , by the rational spirits : and and when the rational and sensitive spirits , disagree in opposite figures , by contrary motion , they oft war upon one another ; which to defend , the sensitive spirits and rational spirits , use all their force , and power in either figure ; to defend , or to assault , to succour , or to destroy , through an aversion made by contrary motions in each other . now the rational spirits do not onely choose the materials for their defence , or assault , but do direct the sensitive spirits in the management thereof ; and according to the strength of the spirits of either side , the victory is gain'd , or lost . if the body be weak , there is like sensitive spirit , if the direction be not advantagious , there is lesse rational spirit . but many times the alacrity of the rational and sensitive spirits , made by moving in a regular motion , overcoms the greater numbers , being in a disordered motion . thus what is lost by scarcity , is regain'd by conformity and vnity . chap. 38. pleasure , and pain . all evacuations have an expulsive motion ; if the expulsive motion is regular , 't is pleasure , if irregular , 't is pain . indeed , all irregular and crosse motion , is pain ; all regular motion is pleasure , and delight , being harmony of motion , or a discord of motion . chap. 39. of the minde . imagine the rational essence , or spirits , like little spherical bobdies of quick-silver several ways * placing themselves in several figures , sometimes moving in measure , and in order : and sometimes out of order this quick-silver to be the minde , and their several postures made by motion , the passions and affections ; or all that is moving in a minde , to expresse those several motions , is onely to be done by guesse , not by knowledge , as some few will i guesse at love is , when they move in equal number , and even measure . hate is an opposite motion : fear is , when those small bodies tumble on a heap together without order . anger is , when they move without measure , and in no uniform figure . inconstancy is , when they move swiftly several wayes . constancy is a circular motion , doubt , and suspicion , and jealousie , are when those small bodies move with the odd numbers . hope is when those small bodies move like wilde-geese , one after another . admiration is , when those spherical bodies gather close together , knitting so , as to make such a circular figure ; and one is to stand for a center or point in the midst . humility is a creeping motion . joy is a hopping , skipping motion . ambition is a lofty motion , as to move upwards , or * higher then other motions . coveting , or ambition is like a flying motion , moving in several figures like that which they covet for ; if they covet for fame , they put themselves into such figures , as letters do , that expresse words , which words are such praises as they would have , or such figure as they would have statues cut , or pictures drawn : but all their motion which they make , is according to those figures with which they sympathize and agree : besides , their motion and figures are like the sound of musick ; though the notes differ , the cords agree to make a harmony : so several symmetries make a perfect figure , several figures make a just number , and several quantities or proportions make a just weight , and several lines make an even measure : thus equal may be made out of divisions eternally , and infinitely . and because the figures and motions of the infinite spirits which they move and make are infinite , i cannot give a final description : besides , their motion is so subtle , curious , and intricate , as they are past finding out . some natural motions worke so curious fine , none can perceive , unlesse an eie divine . chap. 40. of thinking , or the minde , and thoughts . one may think , and yet not of any particular thing ; that is , one may have sense , and not thoughts : for thoughts are when the minde takes a particular notice of some outward object , or inward idea ; but thinking is onely a sense without any particular notice . as for example ; those that are in a great fear , and are amazed , the minde is in confus'd sense , without any particular thoughts : but when the minde is out of that amaze , it fixes it self on particulars , and then have thoughts of past danger ; but the minde can have no particular thought of the amaze ; for the minde cannot call to minde that which was not . likewise when we are asleep , the minde is not out of the body , nor the motion that makes the sense of the minde ceast , which is thinking ; but the motion that makes the thoughts therein work upon particulars . thus the minde may be without thoughts , but thoughts cannot be without the minde : yet thoughts go out of the minde very oft , that is , such a motion to such a thing is ceast ; and when that motion is made again , it returns . thus thinking is the minde , and thoughts the effect thereof : thinking is an equal motion without a figure , or , as when we feel heat , and see no fire . chap. 41. of the motions of the spirits . if it be , as probably it is , that all sensitive spirits live in dul matter ; so rational spirits live in sensitive spirits , according to the shape of those figures that the sencitive spirits form them . the rational spirits by moving several ways , may make several kindes of knowledge , and according to the motions of the sensitive spirits in their several figures they make , though the spirits may be the same , yet their several motions may be unknown to each other . like as a point , that writes upon a table-book , which when the letter that was 〈◊〉 thereon , is rub'd out , the table is as plain , as if there were never any letter thereon ; but though the letters are out , yet the table-book , and in pen remain . so although this motion is gone , the spirit , and matter remain ; but if those spirits make other kindes of motions , like other kinds of letters , or language , those motions understand not the first , nor the first understands not them , being as several languages . even so it may be in a sound ; for that kinde of knowledge the figure had in the sound , which is an alteration of the motion of the rational spirits , caus'd by an alteration of the motion of the sensitive spirits in dull matter : and by these disorderly motions , other motions are rub'd out of the table-book , which is the matter that was moved . but if the same kinde of letters be writ in the same place again ; that is , when the spirits move in the same motion , then the same knowledg is in that figure , as it was before ; the other kinde of knowledge , which was made by other kinde of motion , is rub'd out , which several knowledge is no more known to each other , then several languages by unlearned men . and as language is still language , though not understood , so knowledge is still knowledge , although not general ; but if they be that we call dead , then those letters that were rubbed out , were never writ again ; which is , the same knowledge never returns into the same figures . thus the spirits of knowledge , or the knowledge of spirits , which is their several motions , may be ignorant and unacquainted with each other : that is , that some motion may not know how other motions move , not onely in several spirits , but in one and the same spirit ; no more then in every effect can know their cause : and motion is but the effect of the spirits , which spirits are a thin subtle matter : for there would be no motion if there were no matter ; for no thing can move : but there may be matter without self-motion ; but not self-motion without matter . matter prime knowes not what effects shall be , or how their several motions will agree . because * t is infinite , and so doth move eternally , in which no thing can prove . for infinite doth not in compasse lye , nor hath eternal lines to measure by . knowledge is there none , to comprehend that which hath no beginning , nor no end . perfect knowledge comprises all can be , but nothing can comprise eternity . destiny and fates , or what the like we call , in infinites they no power have at all . nature hath generosity enough to give all figures ease , whilst in that form they live ; but motion which innated matter is , by running crosse , each several pains it gives . chap. 42. of the creation of the animal figure . the reason , * that the sensitive spirits , when they begin to create an animal figure , the figure that is created feels it not , untill the model befinished , that is , it cannot have an animal motion , until it hath an animal figure ; for it is the shape which gives it local motion ? and after the fabrick is built , they begin to furnish it with * strength , and enlarge it with growth , and the rational spirit which inhabits it chooseth his room , which is the head ; and although some rational spirits were from the first creating it , yet had not such motions , as when created : besides , at first they have not so much company , as to make so much change , as to take parts , like instruments of musick , which cannot make such division upon few strings as upon more . the next , the figure being weak , their motions cannot be strong ; besides , before the figure is inlarged by growth , they want room to move in . this is the reason , that new-born animals seem to have no knowledge , especially man ; because the spirits do neither move so strong , nor have such variety of change , for want of company to make a consort . yet some animals have more knowledge then others , by reason of their strength , as all beasts know their dams , and run to their dugs , and know how to suck as soon as they are born ; and birds and children , and the like weak creatures , such do not . but the spirits of sense give them strength , and the spirits of reason do direct them to their food , * and the spirits of sense gave them taste , and 〈◊〉 , and the spirits of reason choose their meat : for all animal creatures are not of one dyet , for that which will nourish one , will destroy another . chap. 43. the gathering of spirits . if the rational spirits should enter into a figure newly created , altogether , and not by degrees , a childe ( for example ) would have as much understanding , and knowledge in the womb , or when it is new-born , as when it is inlarged and fully grown . but we finde by experience there are several sorts and degrees of knowledge and understanding , by the recourse of spirits : which is the reason , some figures have greater proportion of understanding and knowledge , and sooner then others ; yet it is increased by degrees , according as rational spirits increase . like as children , they must get strength before they can go . so learning and experience increase rational spirits , as food the sensitive : but experience and learning is not alwayes tyed to the eare ; for every organ and pore of the body is as several doors to let them in and out : for the rational spirits living with the sensitive spirits , come in , and go out with them , but not in equal proportion , but sometimes more , sometimes fewer : this makes understanding more perfect in health then in sicknesse , and in our middle age , more then in the latter age : for in age and sicknesse there is more carried out , then brought in . this is the reason , children have not such understanding , but their reason increaseth with their years . but the resional spirits may be similized * to a company of good-fellows , which have pointed a meeting ; and the company coming from several places , makes their time the longer ere their numbers are compleated , though many a brain is disappointed ; but in some figures the rooms are not commodious to move in , made in their creation , for want of help : those are changelings , innocents , or natural fools . the rational spirits seem most to delight in spungie soft and liquid matter ; as in the blood , brain , nerves , and in vegetables ; as not onely being neerest to their own nature , but having more room to move in . this makes the rational spirits to choose the head in animals , for their chief room to dance their figures in : * for the head is the biggest place that hath the spungy materials ; thus as soon as a figure is created , those rational spirits choose a room . chap. 44. the moving of innate matter . though motion makes knowledge , yet the spirits give motion : for those spirits , or essences , are the guiders , governours , directers ; the motions are but their instruments , the spirits are the cause , motion but an effect therefrom : for that thin matter which is spirits , can alter the motion , but motion cannot alter the matter , or nature of those essences , or spirits ; so as the same spirits may be in a body , but not one and the same knowledge , because not the same motion , that made that knowledge . as for example ; how many several touches belong to the body ? for every part of the body hath a several touch , which is a several knowledge belonging to every several part ; for every several part doth not know , and feel every several touch . for when the head akes , the heel feels it not , but onely the rational spirits which are free from the incumbrance of dull matter , they are agile , and quick to take notice of every particular touch , in , or on every part of the figure . the like motions of a pain in the body . the like motions of the rational spirits , we call grief in the minde ; and to prove it is the like motion of the rational spirits to the sensitive , which makes the knowledge of it , is , when the rational spirits are busily moved with some fantasmes , if any thing touches the body , it is not known to the rational spirits , because the rational spirits move not in such motion , as to make a thought in the head , of the touch in the heel , which makes the thoughts to be as senselesse of that touch , as any other part of the body , that hath not such paines made by such motions . and shall we say , there is no sense in the heel , because no knowledge of it in the head ? we may as well say , that when an object stands just before an eye that is blinde , either by a contrary motion of the thoughts inward , by some deep contemplation , or otherwise : we may as well say there is no outward object , because the rational spirits take no notice of that object ; t is not , that the stronger motion stops the lesse , or the swifter , the slower ; for then the motions of the planets wold stop one anothers course . some will say , what sense hath man , or any other animal when they are dead ? it may be answered , that the fignre , which is a body , may have sense , but not the animal ; for that we call animal , is such a temper'd matter , joyn'd in such a figure , moving with such kinde of motions ; but when those motions do generally alter , that are proper to an animal , although the matter , and figure remain , yet it is no longer an animal , because those motions that help it to make an animal are ceas'd so as the animal can have no more knowledge of what kind of sense the figure hath ( because it is no more an animal ) then an animal , what sense dust hath . and that there is the reason , that when any part is dead in an animal , if that those motions that belonged to the animal , are ceas'd in that part , which alter it from being a part of the animal , and knowes no more what sense it hath , then if a living man should carry a dead man upon his shoulders , what sense the dead man feels , whether any , or no. chap. 45. of matter , motion , and knowledge , or understanding . vvhatsoever hath an innate motion , hath knowledge ; and what matter soever hath this innate motion , is knowing , : but according to the several motions , are several knowledges made ; for knowledge lives in motion , as motion lives in matter : for though the kind of matter never alters , yet the manner of motions alters in that matter : and as motions alter , so knowledge differs , which makes the several motions in several figures to give several knowledge . and where there is a likenesse of motion , there is a likenesse of knowledge : as the appetite of sensitive spirits , and the desire of rational spirits are alike motions in several degrees of matter . and the touch in the heel , or any part of the body else , is the like motion , as the thought thereof in the head ; the one is the motion of the sensitive spirits , the other in the rational spirits , as touch from the sensitive spirits , for thought is onely a strong touch , and touch a weak thought . so sense is a weak knowledge , and knowledge a strong sense , made by the degrees of the spirits : for animal spirits are stronger ( as i said before ) being of an higher extract ( as i may say ) in the chymistry of nature , which makes the different degrees in knowledge , by the difference in strengths and finenesse , or subtlety of matter . chap. 46. of the animal figure . whatsoever hath motion hath sensitive spirits ; and what is there on earth that is not wrought , or made into figures , and then undone again by these spirits ? so that all matter is moving , or moved by the movers ; if so , all things have sense , because all things have of these spirits in them ; and if sensitive spirits , why not rational spirits ? for there is as much infinite of every several degree of matter , as if there were but one matter : for there is no quantity in infinite ; for . infinite is a continued thing . if so , who knows , but vegetables and minerals may have some of those rational spirits , which is a minde or soul in in them , as well as man ? onely they want that figure ( with such kinde of motion proper thereunto ) to expresse knowledge that way . for had vegetables and minerals the same shape , made by such motions , as the sensitive spirits create ; then there might be wooden men , and iron beasts ; for though marks do not come in the same way , yet the same marks may come in , and be made by the same motion ; for the spirits are so subtle , as they can pass and repass through the solidest matter . thus there may be as many several and various motions in vegetables and minerals , as in animals ; and as many internal figures made by the rational spirits ; onely they want the animal , to expresse it the animal way . and if their knowledge be not the same knowledge , but different from the knowledge of animals , by reason of their different figures , made by other kinde of motion on other tempered matter , yet it is knowledge . for shall we say , a man doth not know , because he doth not know what another man knows , or some higher power ? chap. 47. what an animal is . an animal is that which we call sensitive spirit ; that is , a figure that hath local motion ; that is , such a kinde of figure with such kinde of motions proper thereunto . but when there is a general alteration of those motions in it , then it is no more that we call animal ; because the local motion is altered ; yet we cannot knowingly say , it is not a sensitive creature , so long as the figure lasts : besides , when the figure is dissolved , yet every scattered part may have sense , as long as any kinde of motion is in it ; and whatsoever hath an innate motion , hath sense , either increasing or decreasing motion ; but the sense is as different as the motions therein , because those properties belonging to such a figure are altered by other motions . chap. 48. of the dispersing of the rational spirits . some think , that the rational spirits flye out of animals , ( or that animal we call man ) like a swarm of bees , when they like not their hives , finding some inconvenience , seek about for another habitation , or leave the body , like rats , when they find the house rotten , and ready to fall ; or scar'd away like birds from their nest. but where should this swarm , or troop , or flight , or essences go , unlesse they think this thin matter is an essence , evaporates to nothing ? as i have said before , the difference of rational spirits , and sensitive spirits , is , that the sensitive spirits make figures out of dull matter : the rational spirits put themselves into figure , placing themselves with number , and measure ; this is the reason when animals die , the external form of that animal may be perfect , and the internal motion of the spirits quite alter'd ; yet not absent , not dispers'd untill the annihilating of the external figure : thus it is not the matter that alters , but the motion and form. some figures are stronger built then others , which makes them last longer : for some , their building is so weak , as they fall as soon as finished ; like houses that are built with stone , or timber , although it might be a stone-house , or timber-house , yet it may be built , not of such a sort of stone , or such a sort of timber . chap. 49. of the senses . the pores of the skin receive touch , as the eye light , the eare sound , the nose scent , the tongue tast . thus the spirits passe , and repasse by the holes , they peirce through the dull matter , carrying their several burthens out , and in , yet it is neither the burthen , nor the passage that makes the different sense , but the different motion ; ( * ) for if the motion that coms through the pores of the skin , were as the motions which come from the eye , ear , nose , mouth , then the body might receive sound , light , scent , tast , all other as it doth touch . chap. 50. of motion that makes light. if the same motion that is made in the head did move the heel , there would appear a light to the sense of that part of the figure ; unlesse they will make such matter as the brain to be infinite , and onely in the head of an animal . chap. 51. opticks . there may be such motion in the brain , as to make light , although the sun never came there to give the first motion : for two opposite motions may give a light by reflection , unlesse the sun , and the eye have a particular motion from all eternity : as we say an eternal monopolor of such a kinde of motion as makes light. chap. 52. of motion , and matter . vvhy may not vegetables have light , sound , taste , touch , as well as animals , if the same kinde of motion moves the same kinde of matter in them ? for who knows , but the sap in vegetables may be of the same substance , and degree of the brain : and why may not all the senses be inherent in a figure , if the same motion moves the same matter within the figure , as such motion without the figure ? chap. 53. of the brain . the brain in animals is like clouds , which are sometimes swell'd full with vapour , and sometimes rarified with heat , and mov'd by the sensitive spirits to several objects , as the clouds are mov'd by the wind to several places . the winds seem to be all spirits , because they are so agile , and quick . chap. 54. of darknesse . to prove that darknesse hath particular motions which make it , as well as motion makes light , is that when some have used to have a light by them while they sleep , will , as soon as the light goeth out , awake ; for if darknesse had no motion , it would not strike upon the opick nerve . but as an equal motion makes light , and a perturb'd motion makes colour , which is between light and darknesse : so darknesse is an opposite motion to those motions that make light ; for though light is an equal motion , yet it is such a kinde , or sort of motion . chap. 55. of the sun. vvhy may not the sun be of an higher extract then the rational spirits , and be like glasse , which is a high extract in chymistry , and so become a ( * ) shining body ? if so sure it hath a great knowledge ; for the sun seems to be composed of pure spirits , without the mixture of dull matter ; for the motion is quick , and subtle , as we may finde by the effect of the light , and heat . chap. 56. os the clouds . the clouds seem to be of such spungy , and porous matter , as the rain , and aire , like the sensitive spirits that form , and move it , and the sun the rational spirit to give them knowledge ; and as moist vapours from the stomack rise , and gathering in the brain , flow through the eyes : so do the clouds send forth , as from the brain , the vapours which do rise in showres . chap. 57. of the motion of the planets . the earth , sun , moon , the rest of planets all are mov'd by that , we vital spirits cal . and like to animals , some move more slow , and other some by quicker motion go . and as some creatures by their shapes do flye , some swim , some run , some creep , some riseth high so planets by their shapes about do winde , all being made , like circles , round we finde . chap. 58. the motion of the sea. the sea 's more quick , then fresher waters are , the reason is , more vital spirits are there . and as the planets move still round about , so seas do ebb and flow both in and out . as arrows flye up , far as strength them lend , and then for want of strength do back descend : so do the seas in ebbes run back again , for want of strength , their length for to maintain but when they ebb , and flow , at certain times , is like the lungs that draw , and breath out wind . just so do seas draw back and then do flow , as constant as the lungs do to and fro : alwayes in motion never lying still , the empty place they leave , turn back to fill . we may as well inquire of nature , why animals breath in such a space of time , as the seas ebb and flow in such a space of time. an epistle to condemning readers . many perchance will laugh in scorn at my opinion , and ask what reason i have to think those things i have described should be made with such a kinde of motion , my answer is , that i guess by the forms , i mean the figures , or shapes , what the motion may be to produce them ; for i see the figure of a four leg'd creature hath other motions then two legged creatures , or then those creatures that have no legs ; and i see some shape creatures that can flee , by reason of their figures , which is made proper to produce that kinde of motion ; for those that are not made so , cannot do so . by this i think it probable that internal motions , are after the manner of external motions ; for we may guess at the cause by the effects , so by the figures of snow , frost , hail , rain , vapor , and the like , we may guesse at other internal , or external motions , that produced their external figures , or alterations , and by the effects of light , darknesse , heat , cold , moisture , what manner of motions produced them ; wherefore i know no reason why any should condemn my opinions . but the custom of their breeding in the schools of aristotle , and socrates , and the rest of ancient authors , or else they consider not my opinions enough ; for if they did , they might see as much probability for mine , as any of their opinions ; for though in natural philosophy there may be many touches found out by experiences , and experiments , yet the study is onely conjecturally , and built upon probabilities , and until probabilities be condemned by absolute and known truth , let them have a place amongst the rest of probabilities , and be not so partial to contradict , as to be unjust to me , take not away the right of my place because young ; for though age ought to have respect , yet not so as to do youth wrong , but i hope my new born opinions will be nourished in noble and learned schools , and bred up with industrious students ; but howsoever , i delight my self , for next to the finding out of truthes , the greatest pleasure in study , is , to finde out probabilities . i make no question but after ages will esteem this work of mine , but what soever is new , is not received at the first with that good acceptation , by reason it is utterly unknown unto them , and a newnesse , and an unacquaintednesse makes the ignorance , but when time hath made acquaintance , and a right understanding , and a right understanding will make a friendship betwixt fame and my book . of fortune . part ii. chap. 59. matter , figure , and motions , are the gods that create fortune ; for fortune is nothing in it self but various motions gathered , or drawn to a point , which point man onely thinks it fixt upon him , but he is deceived , for it fixes upon all other things ; for if any thing comes , and rubs off the bark of a tree , or breaks the tree , it is a miss-fortune to that tree , and if a house be built in such a place , as to shelter a tree from great storms , or cold weather , it were good fortune to that tree , and if a beast be hurt it is a miss-fortune to that beast , or bird , and when a beast , or bird , is brought up for pleasure , or delight , and not to work or be imprisoned , it is a good fortune to that beast , or bird ; but as i said before fortune is onely various motions , drawn to a point , and that point that comes from crosse motions , we call bad fortune , and those that come from sympathetical motions we call good fortune , and there must needs be antipathetical motions as well as sympathetical motions , since motions are so various . but man , and for all that i know , all other things , are governed by outward objects , they rule , and we obey ; for we do not rule and they obey , but every thing is led like dogs in a string , by a stronger power , * but the outward power being invisible , makes us think , we set the rules , and not the outward causes , so that we are governed by that which is without us , not that which is within us ; for man hath no power over himself . chap. 60. of time and nature . no question but there is a time in nature , for time is the variation of nature , and nature is a producing motion a multiplying figure , an endlesse measure , a quantilesse substance , an indefaisable matter . chap. 61. of matter , motion , and figure . as i said before in my first part of my book , that there is no first matter , nor no first motion , because eternal , and infinite , yet there could be no motion , without matter ; for matter is the cause , motion but the effect of matter , for there could be no motion unlesse there were matter to be moved ; but there might be matter , and figure , without motion , as an infinite , and eternal dull lump ; for i see no reason , but infinite might be without running forward , or circle-wayes , if there were not several degrees of the onely matter , wherein motion is an infinite eternal effect of such a degree . neither is it nonsense to say , figure is the effect of matter ; for though there is no matter without figure , yet there could be no figure without matter , wherefore matter is the prime cause of figure , yet there could be no figure without matter , wherefore matter is the prime cause of figure , but not figure of matter , for figure doth not make matter , but matter figure , no more then the creature can make the creator ; but a creature may make a figure . thus although there is no first matter , yet matter is the first cause of motion and figure , and all effects . although they are as infinite and eternal , as matter it self , and when i say matter prime , i speak for distinction sake , which is the onely matter ? the innated matter , is the soul of nature . the dull part of matter , the body . and the infinite figures , are the infinite form of nature . and the several motions are the several actions of nature . chap. 62. of causes , and effects . as i have said before the effects are infinite , and eternal as the causes , because all effects lie in matter and motion , indeed in matter onely ; for motion is but the effect of matter . wherefore all particular figures although dssiolvable yet is inherent in the matter , and motion , as for example , if a man can draw the picture of a man , or any thing else , although he never draws it , yet the art is inherent in the man , and the picture in the art as long as the man lives , so as long as there is matter , and motion , which was from all eternity , and shall be eternally ; the effect will be so . chap. 63. whether motion is a thing , or nothing , or can be annihilated some have opinion that motion is nothing , but to my reason it is a thing ; for if matter , is a substance , a substance is a thing , and the motion , and matter being unseparablely , united , makes it but one thing . for as there could be no motion without such a degree , or extract of matter so there could be no such degree or extract of matter without motion , thus motion is a thing . but by reason particular motions leave moving in such matters and figures , shall we say they are deceased , dead , or become nothing ; but say some , motions are accidents , and accidents are nothing ; but i say , all accidents live in substance , as all effects in the causes , say some , when a man for example shakes his hand , and when he leaves shaking , whether is that motion gone ( say others ) no where , for that particular motion ceaseth to be , say they . i answer , that my reason tells me , it is neither fled away , nor ceased to be , for it remains in the hand , and in that matter that created the hand , that is in that , and the like innated matter , that is in the hand . but some will say , the hand never moves so again , but i say the motion is never the lesse there , they may as well say , when they have seen a chest full of gold , or the like , and when their eyes are shut , or that they never see it more , that the gold doth not lie in the chest , although the gold may lie there eternally , or if they should see it again , say it is not the same gold. so likewise particular motions are , but shewed , not lost , or annihilated : or say one should handle a vessel often , that every time you handle the vessel , it is not the same touch , vessel , or hand , and if you never touch the vessel again , that the hand , vessel , or touch is annihilated . but particular motion , as the vessels , or hand is but used , not annihilated , for particular motions can be no more annihilated , then particular figures that are dissolved and how , in reason can we say in reason particular figures are annihilated , when every part and parcel , grain , and atome , remains in infinite matter , but some will say , when a house : for example , is pull'd down , by taking asunder the materials , that very figure of that house is annihilated ; but my opinion is , that it is not , for that very figure of that house remains in those materials , and shal do eternally although those materials were dissolved into atoms , and every ato me in a several place , part , or figure & though infinite figures should be made by those materials by several dissolutions and creations , yet those infinites would remain in those particular materials eternally , and was there from all eternity ; and if any of those figures be rebuilt , or created again , it is the same figure it was . so likewise the motion of the hand which i said for example , if the same hand moves after the same manner , it is the same motion that moved the hand before ; so it may make infinite repetitions ; thus one and the same motion may move eternally , and rest from moving , and yet have a being . chap. 64. of motions . there are millions of several motions which agree to the making of each figure , and millions of several motions are knit together ; for the general motion of that are figure , as if every figure had a common-weale of several motions working to the subsistence of the figure , and several sorts of motions , like several sorts of trades hold up each other ; some as magistrates , and rulers ; others as train-bands , as souldiers ; some make forts , and dig trenches ; some as merchants that traffick ; some as sea-men , and ship-masters ; some that labour and and work , as some cut and carve ; others paint , and ingrave ; some mix , and temper , joyn , and inlay , and glue together ; some form , and build ; some cast in moulds , and some makes moulds to cast ; some work rough-casts ; some pollish and refine ; some bear burthens , some take off burthens , some digg , some sowe , some plough , some set , some graft , some plant , some gather , some reap , some sift , some thrash , some grind , some knead , some bake , some beat , some spin , some weave , some sewe together , some wind and twist , some create , and others dissolve , and millions of millions of motions , but as we see external , so we may imagine are internal motions . chap. 65. many motions go to the producing of one thing , or to one end . for there are millions of several motions go to the making of one figure , or in mixing , as i may say , of several degrees of the dull part of matter , as i will give one for example in grosse external motions , where i will describe it by digestive motions , which is to fit parts , and to distribute parts to several places proper to the work . for digestive motions , there are many several sorts , or kinds of motions mixt together , as for example , a piece of meat is to be boyled , or the like , some motions cut fuel , and others take it up , others carrie , other lay down in a chimnie , or the like place , others put fire , others kindle it , and make it burn , others take mettle and melt it , others cast such a figure as a pot , others bring the pot , others set it over the fire , others take up water , others carry that water to the pot , others put that water into the pot , others kill a sheep , others divide it into parts , others put it a part into the pot . thus a piece of meat cannot be boyled without all these motions , and many more , which would be too tedious to relate , for i could have inlarged in three times as many more , only to boyl a piece of meat , and if there be so many several motions in our grosse sense in such things as these , then what is there in infinite nature , yet for all these infinite varieties of motions , as i said before , i cannot perceive but six ground-motions , or fundamental motions , from whence all changes come , which are these attractive motions , contracting motions , retentive motions , dilative motions digestive motions , and expulsive motions ; likewise , although there be infinite kindes , and different figures , yet the ground-work , from whence ariseth all the veriety , is but from four figures ; as circular , triangular , cupe , and paralels . and as there are infinite changes of motions , amongst the sensitive innated matter , working on the dull parts of matter , so there are infinite changes of motions in the rational innated matter , making infinite kinds of knowledge , and degrees of knowledge , and understanding , and as there are infinite changes of motion , so there are infinite effects , and every produced effect , is a producing effect , and effects which effect produce effects , and the onely matter is the cause of all effects , for the several degrees of onely matter , is the effect of onely matter , and motion is the effect of some sorts of the degrees of onely matter , and varieties are the the effects of matter and motion , and life is the effect of innate matter ; and knowledge the effect of life . chap. 66. of the six principal motions . as i have said , there are infinite contractions , atractions , retentions , dilations , digestions , and expulsions , and to explain my self to my readers as well as i can , unlesse they should mistake me , i will here describe , although after a grosse way ; yet according to my capacity . a few of the infinite variety of motions , first there are five , or six principal motions , from whence infinite changes are made , or produced , as from contractions , attractions , retentions ; these three principal motions do in some kinde simpathize to each other ; and dilations , and expulsions do also sympathize to each other , but digestions is a mixt motion taking part of all , but i divide them into six parts , for distinction ; now to treat of them severally , we must make an imaginary circumference , and center . then first for attracting motions , which is to draw towards the center , that is , to draw to a lesse compasse , as to draw towards a point , yet atractions draw not alwayes after one and the same manner , for some motions draw after them , as horses do coaches , carts , sleds and the like , but after several fashions , forms , and biasses and several motions , in those motions some slow , some quick , some crosse , some even . again , some times attractive motions draw , as if one should pull in a line , or draw in a net , some slope-wayes , some straight wayes ; some square wayes , some round wayes ; and millions of the like varieties , in this sort of motion , yet all attracting motion . secondly , contracting motions which move after another manner ; for though both these sorts of motions , are to bring towards a point , yet contraction me thinks , strives more against vacuum , then attraction , gathering all into a firm body , stopping up all porous passages , shutting out space , and gathering in matter , as close as it can ; indeed attractions are but in the way to contractions , as dilations to expulsions ; but this sort of motions is , surfling , pleating , folding , binding , knitting , twisting , griping , pressing , tying , and many the like , and after several manners , or fashions . thirdly , retention is to hold , or to stay from wandring , to fix , as i may 〈◊〉 , the matter to one place , as if one should stick , or glue parts together . fourthly , dilations are to inlarge , as to spend , or extend , striving for space , or compasse ; it is an incroaching motion , which will extend its bounds as far as it can , this sort of motion is melting , flowing , streaming , spreading , smoothing , stretching , and millions of the like . fiftly , expulsive , is a motion that shuns all unity , it strives against solidity , and uniformity , it disperses every thing it hath power on ; this sort of motion , is , breaking , dissolving , throwing about . sixthly , digestive motions , are the creating motions , carrying about parts to parts , and fitting , and matching , and joyning parts together , mixing and tempering the matter for proper uses . chap. 67. of exterior motions produced from the six principle motions . i will here repeat some of the varieties of grosse exterior motions , such as are visible to our grosser senses , to cleer my readers imaginary motion ; some motions draw , as horses draw coaches , carts , sleds , harrows , or the like ; others , as horses , and dogs , are led in a bridle , or string . some , as beasts draw their prey to the den moving backwards . some draw up lines shorter , and thicker , and some draw in circular lines , sloping lines , and square lines . other sorts of drawing , some straight lines ; some square lines , round lines , slope lines , some motions draw up ; some draw down , some draw side-wayes ; some crosse , some regular ; other motions do , as if one should drive , or shove a solid substance before them , the varieties of these motions . some are , as if a man should drive a wheel-barrow , or rowling of barrels , or driving a plough , or a rowler , and millions the like . others are , as if beasts and men were to carry burthens , some bearing burthens on their back ; some on their head ; some in in their mouth ; some in their arms ; some in their hands ; some under their armes ; some on their thighs ; some on their stings , as bees do , and millions the like , and every one of those burthens , have several motions thereto , and yet all but bearing motions . other sorts of motions , as throwing the bar , pitching the bar , throwing a ball , striking a ball , throwing a bowl , flinging a dart , darting a dart , throwing upward , downward , straight-out , side-wayes , and all these several manners , is but a throwing motion . leaping , running , hopping , trotting , gallopping , climing , clamering , flying , and infinite others , yet all is but a lofty motion . diving , dipping , mowing , reaping , or shearing , rowling , creeping , crawling , tumbling , traveling , running , and infinite the like examples may be given of the varieties of one and the same kinde of motion . chap. 68. of double motions at one and the same time , on the same matter . as for example ; spinning flax , or the like is drawn long , and small , twisted hard , and round , and at one time . again , a bowl runs round-way , and yet straight-out at one time . a shuttle-cock spins about in a straight line . the winde spreads , and yet blows straight-out at one and the same time . flame ascends circular , and many the like examples may be given . chap. 69. of the several strengths . although there be infinite strengths of motion , yet not to all sorts of figures , nor to all degrees of matter ; for some figures move slow , others move swift , according to the nature of the shape , or the interior strengths , or the degree , or quantity of innated matter , that created them ; for though every degree of innated matter , is of one and the same strength , yet there are different degrees ; but onely two degrees are subject to our weak sense , as the innate minde , and the innated body , which we call sense and reason , which sense and reason , may be in every thing , though after different manners , but we have confined sense , onely to animal kinde , and reason onely to mankinde ; but if the innated matter is in the dull parts of matter , as the life of the body , then there is no part that hath not sense and reason whether creating or created , dissolving , or dissolved , though i will not say that every creature enjoys life alike , so every figure is not innated alike , for some is weaker innated , and some stronger , either by quantity or degree , yet every figure is innated ; for it is innated matter that creates , and dissolves figures , yet the innated matter works according to the several degrees , and tempers , of the dull part of matter , and to such properties , and figures , and figures properties , and proper figures , that is , motion doth form the onely matter , into figures , yet motion cannot alter the entity of only matter , but motion can , and doth alter the interior , and exterior figures , and though the several degrees of matter may be placed , and replaced in figures , yet the nature of the matter cannot be altered . chap. 70. the creations of figures , and difference of motions . those motions that are proper to create figures , are different from those motions that dissolve them , so that sympathetical internal motions , do not onely assist one another , but sympathetical external motions , and sympathetical figures ; this is the reason that from two figures , a third , or more is created , by the way of procreation ; yet all figures are created , after one and the same kinde of way ; yet not after one and the same manner of way , as vegetables , minerals , and some sorts of animals , as such as are bred from that we call corruption , as some sorts of worms , and some sorts of flies , and the like ; yet are they created by the procreation of the heat , and moisture , the same way are plants that grow wilde produced , but those that are sown or set , although they are after one and the same kinde of way , yet not after the same manner ; for the young vegetables , were produced from the seeds , and the earth , which were sowed , or set together , and in grafts is when two different plants produce seed of mixt nature , as a mule is produced , or the like creature , from two different animals , which make them of mixt nature ; for as there is a sympathetical conjunction in one , and the same kinde of figure , so there is a sympathetical conjunction in some sorts of figures ; but not in all , nor to all , for that would make such a confusion in nature , as there would be no distinction , of kindes ; besides , it were impossible for some kinde of figures , to make a conjunction with other kindes , being such a difference betwixt them , some from the nature of the figures , others from the shape of the figures . and minerals are produced by the conjunction of such elements , which were begot by such motions , as make heat , and drought , and cold and dry . thus all figures are created from different motions , and different degrees , of infinite onely matter ; for onely matter joyns , and divides it self by self motions , and hath done so , and will do so , or must do so eternally , being its nature , yet the divisions , and substractions , joynings , and creations , are not alike , nor do they continue , or dissolve , with the like measure of time , which time is onely as in a reference to several motions . but as i have said , there can be nothing lost in nature , although there be infinite changes , and their changes never repeated . for say a man dies , and his figure dissolves into dust , as smal as atoms , and is disperst so , as never to meet , and every atome goeth to the making of several figures , and so changes infinitely , from figure , to figure , yet the figures of all these changes lie in those parts , and those parts in onely matter ; so likewise several motions may cease as figures dissolve , but still those motions lies in innated matter , and each particular figure , in the generality of matter and motion , which is on the dull part , and innated part of onely matter . chap. 71. the agilenesse of innated matter : innated matter seems much nimbler in some works , then in other , as making elements , and their several changes , being more porous then animals , vegetables , and minerals , which are more contracted , and not so easily metamorphosed , and on the thin part of dull matter , they seem much nimbler , and agil , then when they work on the grosse part of dull matter ; for though the innated matter can work , but according to the strength , yet not alwayes according to that strength ; for their burthens are not alwayes equal to their strength ; for we see in light thin dull matter , their motions to be more swift , having lesse incumbrances , and lighter burthens , unlesse it be oposed , and stopped by the innated matter , that works in the more solid , or thicker part of dull matter , or move solid and united figures , yet many times the innated matter , that works on the thin part of dull matter , or in more porous figures , will make way through solid and thick bodies , and have the power on those that work on more grosse matter , for the innate matter that works on grosse matter , cannot resist so well , having greater burthens , nor act with that facility as the others can , whose matter is lighter , or figures more pourous ; for we see many times water to passe through great rocks , and mountains , piercing and dividing their strengths , by the frequent assaults thereon , or to ; yet many times the passe is kept or lost , according to the quantity of the innated 〈◊〉 of either side . chap. 72. of external , and internal figures and motions . for the motions of heat and drought begets the sun the motions of heat and moisture begets the aire . the motions of cold and dry , begets the earth , and the rest of the planets , and as other motions begot them , so they begot others , and as these elemental planets beget in gener all figures , which we call creatures in the world ; so these figures , as they are matched , beget each particular figures of several sorts ; for external figures , are made by internal motions ; for though vegetables , minerals , and animals be internal figures , as to the globe of the world , which is the external figures to them , yet they are external figures to those which are created in them , untill such time as they are cast forth of that mould , as i may say , which they were made in , which is the womb , and the several wombs of several kinds , are several moulds , but indeed all moulds differ in their points . perchance this subject might be better explained , but my modest thoughts will not give my inquisitive thoughts leave to trace natures creations by procreation ; although i beleeve nature , and her works are pure of themselves , but 't is the abuse of her works , and not the knowledge that corrupts man-kinde . chap. 73. of repeating one and the same work , and of varieties . nature may repeat one and the same creature if she pleaseth , that is , the same motions , on the same matter , may create the same creature , by reason the same motions , and the same matter , is eternally in the body infinite : thus the original cause of producing one and the same is eternal , by reason nothing in nature can be annihilated , and though the infinite matter is but one and the same , yet the infinite part of innated matter , moves infinite several wayes , and by reason of the diversity of motion , there is such varietie , as seldom any two creatures are alike , for motion delights in variety , not so much in the different kindes , as in the particular creatures , which makes me think that motion is bound by the nature of the matter , to make such kindes ; although it be at liberty for particulars , and yet the several kindes may be as infinite as the particulars ; as for example , although motion is bound to animal kinde , vegetable kinde , mineral kinde , and also to make such kinde of worlds as this is ; yet motion may make infinite particular worlds , as infinite particular animals , vegetables , minerals , and those infinite worlds may differ , as those kindes of creaturs ; for worlds may differ from other worlds , not onely as man from man , but as man from beast , beasts from birds , birds from fish , and so as vegetables do ; for an oak is not like a tulip , or roses ; for trees are not like flowers , nor flowers like roots , nor roots like fruit , nor all flowers alike , nor all roots alike , nor all fruits alike , nor all trees , and the rest , and so for minerals ; gold is not like lead , nor a diamond like a pibble stone ; so there may be infinite worlds , and infinite variety of worlds , and be all of that kinde we call worlds , yet be nothing alike , but as different , as if it were of another kinde , and may be infinite several kinds of creatures , as several sorts , that we can never imagine , nor guesse at ; for we can guesse , nor imagine at no other wayes , but what our senses brought in , or our imaginations raised up , and though imaginations in nature may be infinite , and move in every particular brain after an infinite manner ; yet it is but finite in every particular figure , because every particular figuse is finite , that is every particular figure comes by degrees from creation to a full growth , from a full growth to a decay , from a decay to a dissolution ; but not a annihilation , for every particular figure lies in the body infinite , as well as every particular kinde ; for unlesse eternalmatter , and infinite matter , and eternal and infinite motions could be annihilated , infinite figures wil eternally remain , although not in their whole bulk , yet in their parted pieces ; for though one and the same matter may be made into other figures : yet the former figures have as much a being as the present figures , by reason the matter that was the cause of those figures hath an eternal being , and as long as the cause lasts , the effects cannot be annihilated . chap. 74. of creation , and dissolving of nature . the divisions , and substractions , joynings , and creations , are not alike , nor do they continue , and dissolve with the like measures of time ; for some vegetables are old , and decrepit at a day old , others are but in their prime after a hundred yeers , and so some animals , as flies and the like , are old and decrepit at a yeer old ; others , as man is but at his prime at twenty yeers , and will live a hundred yeers , if he be healthy and sound ; so in the minerals , perchance lead , or tin , or the like , is but a flie , for continuance to gold , or like a flower to an oak , then it is probable , that the sun and the rest of the planets , stars , and millions more that we know not , may be at their full strength at ten hundred thousand yeers , nay million of millions of yeers , which is nothing to eternity , or perchance , as it is likely , other figures were at full strength when matter and motion created them , and shall last until matter dissolves them . again , it is to be observed that all spherical figures last longest , i think it is because that figure hath no ends to ravel out at . chap. 75. of gold. some say that gold is not to be altered from the figure that makes it gold , because chymists have tried and cannot do it , but certainly that innated motion that joyns those parts , and so made it in the figure of minerals can dissolve those parts , and make it into some figure else , to expresse an other thing ; but being a 〈◊〉 solid part of dull matter then that which makes other minerals , it is longer a creating , and dissolving , then the other figures are , that are of a light or softer substance , and may be the motions that make gold , are of slower nature , so as it is caused from the hardnesse of the matter , or the slownesse of the spirit , caused by the curiosity of the work , wherein they must use more different motions then in other figures ; so as it may be a thousand yeers uniting , or a thousand yeers a dispersing , a thousand , nay ten thousand ; for there is no account , nor time in nature infinite , and because we last not so song as to perceive it , shall we say that gold was eternal , and shall last eternally ; so we may as well say an oak , that is a hundred yeers , ere it comes to full maturity , and a hundred yeers , ere it comes to be dissoved , that it was an oak eternally , and shall be so eternally , because a flower , is created , and dissolved in two or three dayes , but the solidity of the matter , and the cūriosity in the several changes , and enterchanges of motions prolong the work , yet it is hastened , or retarded by the quantity of spirits that work therein ; for when there is more , it is sooner formed , when less , longer ere it come to its figurative perfection . chap. 76. of sympathies , and antipathies , which is to agree , or disagree , to joyn , or to crosse . there are infinite sorts of figures , or creatures , that have sympathy , and infinite sorts of figures , that have antipathies , both by their exterior , and interior motions , and some exterior sympathie with some interior , and some interior with some exteriors , and some exterior with exteriors , and interiors with interiors , both in one and the same figure , and with one and the same kinde , and with different kinds , and with several sorts , which works various effects : and here i will treat a little of vegetables , and minerals with antipathy , or sympathies , with animals of all animals . first , man thinks himself to have the supreme knowledge , but he can but think so , for he doth not absolutely know it , for thought is not an absolute knowledge but a suppositive knowledge , for there are as many several degrees of knowledge , as of innate matter which is infinite , and therefore not absolute , and as much variety of knowledge , as there is of motions , and though all innated matter is knowing , yet all innated matter is not known ; this makes figures to have of each others a suppositive , but not an absolute knowledge ; thus infinite makes innated matter in some kinde , a stranger to it self , yet being knowing , although not known , it makes an acquaintance with parts of it self , and being various by interchanging motions , it also loseth acquaintance ; the acquaintance we call learning , invention , experience , or memory , the unknown , or not acquainted we call stupidity , ignorance , forgetfulnesse , illiterate , but by the acquaintance of experience , we come to finde the use of many things , and by the use we come to learn , and from our learning we come to practise , and by our practise we come to produce many effects , from the hidden and mystical causes , which are the effects , from the onely cause which is the onely matter , thus we come to finde the use of earth , water , air , and fire , vegetables , minerals , and so animal with animal , and we do not onely get new acquaintance ; which is new experience , but we make use of our acquaintance to our own benefit , or at least we strive to do so ; for it is the nature of life , which life is innated matter , to strive for preheminency , and absolute power , that is , onely matter would rule it self , but being infinite it neither absolutely knows it self , nor can absolutely rule or govern it self , and though it be an endlesse work , yet motion which is the moving part of nature , cannot desist , because it is infinite , and eternal , thus moving matter running perpetually towards absolute power , makes a perpetual war ; for infinite , and onely matter is alwayes at strife for absolute power , for matter would have power over infinite , and infinite would have over matter , and eternity would have power over both . thus infinit and eternal matter joyned all , as to one is alwayes at strife in it self , yet the war is regular , not confused ; for there this is a natural order , and discipline is in nature as much as cruel tyrannie ; for there is a naturall order , and discipline often-times in cruel tyranny . chap. 77. of different knowledge in different figures . certainly there are infinite several kindes , as well as infinite several sorts , and particular creatures in nature , and certainly every several kinde , nay , every several sort in every kinde . knowledge works after a different manner ; in every different figure , which different manners we call particular knowledges which works according to the figure , so infinite knowledge lies in infinite figure , and infinite figure in infinite matter , and as there are infinite degrees of matter , so there are infinite degrees of knowledge , and as there are infinite degrees of knowledge , so there are infinite degrees of motions , so there are infinite degrees of figures , and as there are infinite degrees , so there are infinite kinds , and as there are infinite kindes , so there are infinite sorts , and so infinite particulars in every sort , yet no kinde can be said to have most , or least , though lesse or more ; for there is no such thing , as most or least in nature . for as i said before , there is onely different knowledge belonging to every kinde , as to animal kinde , vegetable kinde , mineral kinde ; and infinite more which we are not capable to know , but two particular sorts in every kinde ; as for example , man may have a different knowledge from beasts , birds , fish , worms , and the like , and yet be no wiser , or knowing then they ; for different wayes in knowledge makes not knowledge more or lesse , no more then different paths inlarge one compasse of ground ; nor no more then several words for one and the same thing , for the thing is the same , onely the words differ ; so if a man hath different knowledge from a fish , yet the fish may be as knowing as man , but man hath not a fishes knowledge , nor a fish a mans knowledge . likewise some creatures may have more , and some lesse knowledge then others ; yet none can be said to have most , or least ; for there is no such thing as most or least in nature , nor doth the weaknesse , or imperfection in particular creatures impaire the knowledge of the kinde , or impair the knowledge as i may say , belonging to any particular sort , nor can any one have such a supremacy of knowledge as to add to the knowledge of the kinde , or sort of kinde , as to have such a knowledge as is above the capacity of that kinde , or sort to understand . as for example , a man to know more then the nature of man is to know ; for what knowledge man hath had , or can have , is in the capacity of the kinde , though not to every particular man , for though nature may work within her self ; yet she cannot work beyond her self , and if there be mixe sorts of creatures , as partly man , and partly beast , partly man , and partly fish , or partly beast , and partly fish , and partly fish , and partly foul ; yet although they are mixt creatures , and may have mixt knowledges , yet they are particular sorts , and different knowledges , belonging to those sorts , and though different sorts have different knowledges , yet the kinde may be of one and the same degree ; that is , every several sort of creatures , in one and the same kinde , is as knowing and as wise , as another , and that which makes some creatures seem lesse perfect then others , or more knowing then others , is the advantage , or disadvantage of their 〈◊〉 , which gives one creature power over another ; but different knowledg in different creatures takes advantages by turns according as it turns to it . and as there is different knowledge , and different kinds , and several sorts , so there is different knowledge in different senses , in one and the same creature ; for what man hath seen the interior biting motion of gold , and burning motions of heat ? yet feels them we may imagine by the touch , the interior nature of fire to be composed of sharp points , yet our sight hath no knowledge thereof , so our sight hath the knowledge of light ; but the rest of our senses are utterly ignorant thereof ; our ears have the knowledge of sound , but our eyes are ignorant of the knowledge thereof ; thus , though our ears may be as knowing as our eyes , and our eyes as knowing as our ears , yet they may be ignorant of each other , i say knowledge , for sense is knowledg , as well as reason , onely reason is a degree above sense , or sense , a degree beneath reason . chap. 78. the advantages of some figures , some degrees of matter , and motions , over others . if we do but stricktly prie into the works of nature , we shall observe , that all internal motions , are much after the manner of external motions , i mean those motions that we can perceive , by those effects , as are subject to our senses , and although for the most part the strongest motions govern the weakest , yet it is not alwayes found that they conquer the weaker ; for there are infinite slights , or infinite advantages to be taken , or mist in infinite nature , some by the 〈◊〉 of their figures , and some in the degrees of matter , and some in the manner of moving ; for slights are just like the actions of juglers , vauters , or tumblers , wrastlers , or the like ; for shapes i will give one or two for example , as a little mouse which is but a weak creature , in comparison to an elephant , yet the small mouse shall overcome an elephant , by running up through the snout , and so get into the head , and so gnaw on his brain ; and a worm is a weak creature in comparison of a man , yet if he get into the guts , it will gnaw out his bowels , and destroy that figure . so for degrees of matter , what advantage hath the innated matter , or the dull part of matter , and for motions , most often the nimbler , and agile motions , get an advantage on the stronger , if more slower , and oftener by the manner of motions ; for many times a diving motion will have the better of a swimming motion , a jumping motion of a running motion , a creeping or crawling motion , of either , a darting motion of a flying motion , a crosse motion of a straight motion , a turning motion of a lifting motion , so an attractive motion of an expulsive motion , and infinite the like , and every motion may have their advantages by turns , and then the advantages of place , and of times , as i may call it , for distinction sake , some creatures will suppresse other creatures in the night , when the suppressers dare not appear to the supprssed in the light , a great army shall be destroyed by a little army , by standing in a lower patch of ground , oft by fighting at such a time of the day , when the sun shines on their faces , but it would be too long for methusalems life , to set down examples , being infinite , but this shall serve to expresse my opinions . chap. 79. of the figurative figures . most figures are lined , and enterlined , as i may say , for expression sake , some figures are like a set , or nest of boxes , as for example , half a dozen boxes one within another , so every of those figures hath the same figure , within one another , the outermost figure being the largest , the inmost figure the least ; as for example , a man builds a house , first he builds the figure of that house with wood , as beams , and rafters and lathes ; next he laies morter , then is the figure of that house in morter , then he laies bricks or stones , then there is the figure of the house in stone , and brick , then it is plaistered within the inside , then there is the figure of the house in plaister , if it be painted , then there is figure of the house in painting ; so likewise an animal , as a man , first there is the figure of a man in bones , as we may see in a anatomie , then there is the figure of a man in flesh ; thirdly there is the figure of a man in the skin , then there are many , different figures , belonging to one and the same figure , as every several part of an animal is of a different figure , and every part hath different figures belonging thereunto ; as man for example , to the hand there is the palm , the back , the fingers , the nailes , yet all makes but one hand . so the head , there is the brain , the pia mater , the dura mater , the scul , the nose , the eyes , the fore-head , the ears , the mouth , the lips , the tongue , the chin , yet all this is but a head ; likewise the head , the neck , the brest , the arms , the hands , the back , the hips , the bowels , the thighes , the legs , the feet ; besides , the bones , the nerves , the muscles , the veins , the arteries , the heart , the liver , the lights , the midrif , the bladder , the kidnies , the guts , the stomacke , the brain , the marrow , the blood , the flesh , the skin , yet all these different figurative parts make but the figure of one man. so for vegetables , the root , the sap , the peath , the bole , the bark , the branches , make but the figure of one tree ; likewise every figure is different , this man is not like that man , this tree is not like that tree , for some trees are larger , or lesser , higher , or lower , more or lesse branched , crooked , or straghter , so in animals , some are of one shape , some of another , as men , some are slender and tall ; some little and low ; some big and tall , others thick and low ; some high-nos'd ; some flat-nos'd ; some thick , some thin lipt ; some high fore-heads , some low , some broad , some narrow , and numbers of like examples may be given , not onely to man , but all other animal creatures according to their shapes , that every particular in one and the same kinde , hath different figures , yet every particular kinde hath but one and the same motion , which properly and naturally belong to that kinde of figure , as a horse to gallop , to amble , to trot , to runn , to leap , to kick , and the like ; and man to lift , to carry to walk , to run , to pitch , to dig , to shut , to chop , to pull back , to thrust forward ; likewise every particular part in one and the same kinde , hath but one and the same kinde of motions , local or otherwise , and ever particular bird , hath but one , and the same kinde of motion in their flights , and in their feeding ; so beasts , every particular kinde hath but one and the same manner of motion , and feeding ; so likewise all mankinde hath after one and the same kinde of motions belonging naturally to every particular part of his body , the onely difference is in the strength , or weaknesse , their restraints or facilities but not different in manner of the movings . but to return , to the figures , i say there are different figures belonging to one and the same kinde of figure , but the ground or fundamental figures in every particular figure , are there . ( as for example ) a tree at first is the figure of wood , the second is such a sort of wood , as a cedar , an oak , an elm , an ash , and the like ; also of such a nature of wood , some fitter to burn then to build , others that will grow but on such , or such soils , others to last longer , or die sooner , or bud and bear in such , and such seasons , some to bear fruit , others to bear none . likewise for animals , the first figure is to be an animal , that is , to have a local figure , the second figure is to be flesh , not wood . the third is to be such a kinde of flesh as mans flesh , not bears flesh , or dogs flesh , or horse flesh , or cows flesh , and more examples may be given , then i am able to repeat , or my book to infold , but animals and vegetables have more different figures , belonging to every particular , figure or kinde then minerals , especially metals , which are as it were composed of one piece . chap. 80. of the gloomy figures , and figures of parts , and of one piece . ayre is not a shining body of it self , but as the lines of light shine upon it , it is smooth , and may be aglossie body , but not a shining ; for though there are infinite several sorts of brightnesse and shining , yet two i will describe . as there are two sorts of shining figures ; some that cast forth beams of light , as bright shining fire , and likewise from some sorts of stones , bones , and wood , so there are some sorts of figures that onely retain a bright shining quality in themselves , but cast forth no beams there-from ; or else so weak and small , as not useful to our sight , but what is represented to us thereon , by other lights ; this sort is water , metal , and vulgar stones , which perchance ayre may have such a shining body . these shining bodies , as water , or metal , or the like , are not perceived in the dark , but when light is cast thereon , we do not onely perceive the light , but their own natural shining quality by that light . again , some figures have onely a glosse , which is a faint shining , like as a fained light , or an eclipsed shadow , as all the pores vegetables , and animals skins have ; and some figures are glossy through the thinnesse , or transparentnesse , not in the nature , for by reason the figure is thin , and transparent , the light shining , though transparent doth not onely shew the light , but the light gives those figures a glosse . some figures , as i have said , are as it were all of one piece , as some sorts of earth , water , vapor , and ayr , which may be metamorphosed , by contracting and dilation . others of divers pieces , and several works , as vegetables , and animals , wherein are joynts and knots , some parts soft , and some liquid , some firme , some hard , every part having a several figure , which varieties and contrarieties serve to the consistence , and preservation , but of one perfect figure ; but animals of all other figures have the most variety of works , and several motions . chap. 81. of the dull and innated matter . some may say , that if there were infinite dull and in-moving matter , some of it may lie unmoved eternally . i answer , that cannot be , for as there is infinite dulnesse and solidity ; so there is infinite acutenes and facility , by which i mean searching , and penetrating , which in some sense makes it equal , if there be equality in infinite , but the innating matter works not upon the dull matter , as upon a new material ; for the innate matter is mixt with the dull part of matter ; for the innated matter moves in the dull part of matter , and on the dull part of matter , as i have described in my first part , for the innated matter takes not fresh and new ( as i may say ) for distinction sake , to make a figure with ; but turns the dull matter into several figures , joyning each degree as the innate matter will , or as it is proper for such a kinde of figure , for some degrees of matter will not make , i do beleeve some kinde of figures , but the dull part of matter , is not mixed in the innate matter , although the innate matter is mixed in that , for the innate matter is pure in it self , without any gross mixture , for it is the infinite pure part of matter infinite , it is the spirits , or essence of nature . chap. 82. an answer to an old question , what becomes of the shape , or figure , or outward forms of the old figure , when the nature takes a new form . all created , or not created , or created , and dissolved again , figures or forms , lie in onely matter , either in by parts , or in the whole , for the materials of every figure is but of one matter , and the lump of all figures is the figure of eternal matter , for the infinite particular of figures , is the infinite form , shape , or figure of infinite and eternal matter , and the creation , disposals , and dissolvings of figures , are the several actions of that onely matter ; for infinite motions are the infinite life , of the infinite and eternal life , which life , is as eternal matter , being part of the matter it self , and the manner of moving is but the several actions of life ; for it is not an absence of life when the figure dissolves , but an alteration of life , that is , the matter ceaseth not from moving , for every part hath life in it , be the parts never so small , or disperst amongst other parts , and if life , there must be consequently sense , if sense , knowledge , then there can be no death , if every part hath life in it , so that which we call death , is onely an alteration of such motions , in such a figure , in onely matter . chap. 83. of transmigrations . transmigrations are not metamorphosed , for to metamorphose is to change the shape and interior form , but not the intellect , which cannot be without a new creation , nor then , but so as partly the intellect changes , with the shape and interior form , but all bodies are in the way of transmigrations perpetually . as for example , the nourishing food that is received into the stomack transmigrated into chylus , chylus into blood , blood into flesh , flesh into fat , and some of the chylus migrated into humors , as choler , flegme , and melancholy ; some into excrement , which transmigrats through the body , into dung , dung into earth , earth into vegetables , vegetables into animals ; again by the way of food , and likewise animals into animals , and vegetables into vegetables , and so likewise the elements . but indeed all creatures are created by the way of transmigration . as for example , hens , or other fouls lay eggs , and then sit on them , from whence a nourishing heat is transmigrated from the hen into the eggs , which transmigrates into a kinde of a chylus , then into blood , blood into flesh , flesh into sinews , sinews into bones , and some into veines , arteries , brains , and the like . for transmigration is onely the mixing sifting , searching , tempering faculty , of innated matter , which is self-motion , and motion is the onely transmigrater , otherwise infinite matter would lie idle eternally , though i cannot well conceive how infinite can be without motion ; but howsoever we perceive so much as there are proper motions , and mixtures of matter belonging to every particular figure ; and though figures doth produce figures ; yet figures do not order the creation , for it is not the figures that create , but creation that produceth by figures , which creation is motion , which motion is innated matter , which matter creates and dissolves by the way of transmigrations , all figures dissolving to create , and creates to dissolve , but dissolving , and creation , which is that we call life and death , hath onely a reference to the figures , but not of the nature of the matter . chap. 84. of metamorphosing of animals and vegetables . it is impossible for animals and vegetables to be metamorphosed , without a creation , as to transform a man into a tree , or a tree into a man , nor a man into the form of a beast , as to turn mans-flesh into horse-flesh , or horse-flesh into mans-flesh or one mans-flesh to turn into another mans-flesh , or an oak , into a cypres , or a cypres into an oak , and so the like in all vegetables , and animals ; thus transforming the interior forms , or rather changing the interior form , like garments , putting one , and another interior form , upon one and the same intellect nature , which is impossible , by reason the interior forms , and intellect natures , are inseparable , so that destroying the one , destroyes the other , and a change cannot be made of either , without the dissolution of the whole , no more then a man can change the whole building , without pulling down the house , for though they may make some alterations in the outward shape as to add something more , or take away , and make all lesse , or thicker , or thinner , or higher or lower ; but cannot alter the interior form , which is the foundations , but if they pull it down , the same materials may be put into another form , or into the same form it was at first , but it must first be new built again , before it can have those forms , and they must stay the time of building ; so for every vegetable creature , and animal creature , they cannot be metamorphosed , by the reason metamorphosing is to change their forms without a new creation , and they cannot change their forms without a dissolution , and then created anew , by reason the intellect , and the interior form is as one body , and not to be separated ; for the interior forms of these creatures , and the intellects depend upon one another , and without one the another cannot be . the intellect , and the interior form may be divided together into parts ; but not separated apart , though the several sorts of one and the same kinde , as animal kinde may be mixed in their creations , as to be some part a beast , some part a dog , or the like , and part a man , and some creature partly a bird , and partly a beast , or partly a beast and partly a fish ; yet the intellect is mixt with the interior form , and the exterior shape with the interior form . the like in vegetables , and if the interior forms , and intellects of each sort , nay of each creature , cannot be changed , much lesse of each kinde , thus the intellect natures , and interior forms of it , can never be without a new creation , and as for the exterior shapes of animals may be altered but not changed ; for animals of all other creatures have their shapes most unite to the interior form , and 〈◊〉 intellect nature of any other creature in nature . but i desire my readers not to mistake me , for want of terms , and words of art. for the interior or intellect nature i mean is such properties , disposition , constitution , capacity , and the like ; that makes it such a creature . the interior form is such a substance , and such a sort as flesh , or fish , or wood , or metal , and not onely so , but such a sort of flesh , as mans-flesh , horse-flesh , dogs-flesh , and the like . so the wood of oak , the wood of maple , the wood of ash ; and the like , so the gold metal , the iron metal , and the like . for horse-flesh is not mans-flesh , nor the wood of oak , the wood of ash , nor the metal of gold , the metal of iron . and as for the exterior form , i mean the outward shape . chap. 85. the metamorphosing of the exterior forms , of some figures . all figures that are of a united piece , as water and fire are , and not in parts , as not having several parts of different natures , as animals and vegetables have , may be metamorphosed out of one form into another , and rechange into the original form again , yet it is onely their exterior form , not their interior nature . as for example , water that is frozen , or turned to hail , or snow , the exterior is onely metamorphosed ; for the interior nature which is the circular line is unaltered , likewise when the circular line is extenuated into air , the interior circle line is not changed ; but when the interior nature is dissolved , and the matter it was composed of transmigrates into other figures . likewise metals when the interior nature is changed , it cannot be rechanged again without a new creation ; for if we can turn onemetal into another , yet it is not as the way of metamorphosing , but transmigrating , otherwayes we may say , we can turn animals and vegetables into water , when we distil them , but the magick of chymistry shall nor return them to their interior nature , nor exterior shape . again , although their desires make them beleeve it possible to be done , but substracting is not metamorphosing , but rather transmigrating , and substracting is one of the chiefest faculties of transmigration . and as for those creatures that are composed of parts of different natures ( as i have said ) their exterior form cannot be metamorphosed , 〈◊〉 those motions that metamorphose one part , cannot metamorphose another . and though every part is different , yet they generally unite to the consistence of the whole figure , whereby the several transforming motions on the several parts would make such a confusion , as upon necessity must dissolve the intellect nature , and interior form of that 〈◊〉 figure , thus striving to alter would destroy . an epistle to the unbeleeving readers in natural philosophy . many say that in natural philosophy , nothing is to be known , not the cause of any one thing , which i cannot perswade my self is truth ; for if we know effects , we must needs know some causes , by reason that effects are the causes of effects , and if we can knowbut one effect , it is an hundred to one , but we shall know how to produce more effects thereby . secondly , the natural philosophy is an endless study without any profitable advantage ; but i may answer , that there is no art nor science , but is produced thereby , if they will without partiality consider from whence they are derived . thirdly , that it is impossible that any thing should be known in natural philosophy , by reason it is obscure and hid from the knowledge of man-kinde . i answer , that it is impossible that nature should perfectly understand , and absolutly know her self , because she is infinite , much lesse can any of her works know her . yet it doth not follow , that nothing can be known , because all is not known . as for example , there are several parts of the world discovered , yet it is most likely not all , nor may be never shall be , yet most think that the whole world is found , because drake , and cavendish went in a circular line until they came to the place where they set out at first . and i am most confident that most of all thought all the world was known unto them before the west-indies were discovered , and the man which discovered it in his brain before he had travelled on the navigable sea , and offered it to king henry the seventh , who slighted him as a foolish fellow , not beleeving his intelligence , and no question there were many that laughed at him , as a vain fool , others pitied him , as thinking him mad , and others scorned him , as a cheating fellow , which would have couzened the king of england of a sum of money ; but the queen of portugal being wiser then 〈◊〉 rest imployed him , and adventured a great summe of money to set him forth on his way , which when the successe was according to the mans genius brain , and had brought the queen by the discovery , gold and silver mines for her coine , then all other nations envied the king of spain who was heir , and like a company of dogs which fight for a bone , went together by the ears , to be sharers with him . so the bishop , who declared his opinion , of the antipodes , was not onely cryed down , and exclaimed against by the vulgar which hates all ingenuity , but learned scholers stood up against him , and the great and grave magistrates condemned him as an atheist for that opinion , and for that reason put him from his bishoprick , and though he had favour to spare his life , which opinion hath since been found out by navigators , but the ignorant & unpractised brains , think all impossible that is unknown unto them . but put the case many went about to finde that which can never be found ( as they said natural philosophy is ) yet they might finde in the search that they did not expect , which might prove very beneficial to them ; or put the case ten thousand should go ten thousand wayes to seek for a cabinet of precious jewels , and all should misse of it but one , shall that one be scorned and laughed at for his good fortune , or industry ? this were a great injustice . but ignorance and envy strives to take off the glosse of truth , if they cannot wholy overthrow it ; and those that write must arm themselves with negligence against censure . for my part i do , for i verily beleeve , that ignorance and present envie will slight my book ; yet i make no question , when envy is worn out by time , but understanding will remember me in after ages , when i am changed from this life ; but i had rather live in a general remembrance , then in a particular life . earth metamorphosed into water , water metamorphosed to vapor , aire and fire , at least into heat . part iii. chap. 86. motion forms a round lump of earth , or such like matter , by extenuating swels it out , and as the swelling increases , the circumferent enlargeth , and when it s extended further then this solid form , it becomes pores , and the parts looser . this degree of extenuation , makes it mud , when it extends further then the degree of mud , it turns to a softer form , as that of slime ; the fourth extenuating degree shapes it into a perfect ring drawing all the loose parts into a compasse line , this becomes water , and the difference of a lump , or ball of earth to the watry circle , for a round lump is when there is no space , or distinct lines , and a circular ring is a distinct line with a hollow center , that is , an empty place , in the midst of a round line , so they may be a round ball , but not a ring , or a round circle line , and a circle line and not a ball , and as i said , when it comes to such a degree , of extenuating , it turns water , that is , to be wet , liquid and fluid , and according as the circles are , is the water more or lesse , and according as the lines are extenuated , or contracted , is the water thicker or thinner , colder or hotter , heavier or lighter , and according as the lines are round , or flat-edge , pointed , or smooth , is the water fresh , sharp , salt , or bitter , but these circles may not onely dilate , and contract several wayes , but after several fashions , as to make vapor , air , fire , snow , hail , ice , and frost , as i shall declare in my following chapters . chap. 87. of wetnesse . we may perceive that whatsoever is hot and dry , and cold and dry , shrinks inward as towards the center , and whatsoever is hot and moist , and cold and moist , dilates as towards the circumference , so that all moisture is wrought by extenuating motions , and drought , by contracting motions , and not onely extenuating motions , but such sorts of extenuating motions , and drought by contracting motions , and notonely extenuating motions , but such sorts of extenuating motions as in circular figures , which circular figures make water , so soft , smooth , and flowing , smooth , because circular ; for circles make it smooth , the figures having no end extenuating makes it softby spreading and loosing the parts , as flowing by reason dilations drive all outward as toward the circumference yet the degree of extenuating may out-run the degree of wet ; for wet is in such a degree of extenuating circles as i may say , the middle degree , yet there are many sorts of wet , as oylie , wet , and watry ; but i have described that in my chapter of oyl , but i take oyl rather to be liquid and moist , then wet ; for there is difference betwixt moist , liquid , and wet , for though moist and liquid is in a degree of wet , yet it is not an absolute wet , for dissolved gums are liquid , not wet , melted sugers are liquid , not wet , oyl is more liquid then wet , and smoak may be said to be liquid , as being of an oyly nature , and air rather to be moist then wet , and dust , ashes , flame , light , winde , may be said to be fluid , but not liquid nor wet . chap. 88. of circles . a circle is a round figure without ends , having a circumference , and a center , and the figure of a circle , may be many wayes contracted , but can be but in one way extenuated , which is by inlarging the compasse , of the line ; and the reason is , because it is a round piece , without ends ; for a straight line may be drawn out at either end ; but if a circle be drawn out of the compasse , it may stretch out of the one side , but it will pull in the other side after it , unlesse the line be broke , and then it is no longer a circle , thus we can extend no part out , but another part must contract to give way to that part that goeth out . chap. 89. of softnesse . all that is wett is soft , i mean that which is naturally wet ; but all that is soft is not wet , as hair , wool , feathers , and the like . likewise all that is soft or wet is made by extenuating motions ; now some may ask me , why extenuating motions should cause figures to be soft , more then any other ? i answer , first , that all extentions causeth porousnesse , or spunginesse , by spreading or loosing parts , and all that are porous tend to hollownesse , and all that is hollow tends to slacknesse , and all that are porous hollow , and slack tend to softnesse ; for we may perceive whatsoever figure is porous , is not so firm , strong , nor hard , as those which are close compact ; for that which hath no vacuum , or convenient distance , hath not so much liberty , as that which hath vacuum ; for vacuum is space and distance betwixt parts , which gives those parts liberty to move , and remove , and that which hath most liberty is most loose , and that which is most loose is least contracted , and that which is least contracted , is most pliant , and that which is most pliant is soft . but i desire my readers would not mistake me , for as there is hard , soft , light , heavy , thick , thin , quick , slow , belonging to the nature of the onely infinite matter , so there are belonging to such shapes , or figures made by the working of the infinite motions making infinite figures out of infinite matter ; but the difference is , that what is in the nature cannot be altered , but what is done by the working of motions may be undone again , for the effects may alter , but not the cause ; thus motion and figure , or figure by motion may alter , but not the nature of the matter ; for motion and figure are but the effects of the onely and infinite matter &c. chap. 90. of liquors . all liquors are wrought by extenuating motions , and all that is liquid and wet , are circles extenuated to such a degree , and after such a manner , and all that are liquid and wet , is either water or of the nature of water , as also of oyls , vitrals , strong-waters , all juices from fruits , herbs , or the like , or any thing that is liquid and wet ; but though all that is liquid and wet naturally agree in extenuating circles , yet their circle lines are different , which causeth the different effects , for some have different effects interiorly , others exteriorly , and some both interiorly , and exteriorly , for some have circular lines of points , others have circular lines pointed , others have circular lines of points pointed , others have circular lines of points edged , some have smooth circle lines onely edged ; as the sharp edge of a knife , or the like , others have circle lines edged of one side of the line , and pointed on the other side , some their circle lines are flat , others their circle lines are round , some their circle lines are twisted , others plain , some checkred , others smooth , some more sharpe-edged , or pointed then other ; some smoother , and some rougher then other ; and infinite more that i know not how to describe ; but these lines , nor circle points , nor edges , are not subject to our senses , although their effects may make them subject to our reason , for nature works beyond our sense , but reason is part of the sense of nature ; but of all wet liquors oyl is most different from the effects of water , for all other wet liquors do strive to quench fire , but oyl doth assist it , yet all vitrals have an exterior burning faculty , which oyl hath not , and although all strong wet liquors will flame when it is set on fire , yet they will quench out fire , if enough be cast thereon . chap. 91. the extention and contraction of circles . the nature of extention strives to get ground , that is , space , or compasse , and to disperse , or level parts as it were , and the nature of contraction strives to thrust out space and compasse , and to thrust up parts close together , and this is the reason that a circle may contract so many several wayes , because contraction flings out the compasse , and makes use of the line , laying the line into millions of several works . and yet the exterior form which is the circular line , be one and the same , that is , the circular line is not divided , but when those works are undone , and the line extended to the full compasse , it receives the original form , which is a round circle ; for as they were contracted without breaking the circle , so they may be extended into a circle again . likewise the circular forms may be wrought with mixt motions , as partly by contraction , and partly by extenuation , as when a round circle is wound about a staff , or pole , or the like ; for though the winding about the staff be a contracting motion , or at least one way , which is when it draws inward , as towards the center , yet by winding it length-wayes , or upward , is a kinde of an extenuation . likewise , a circle or smoak when it curls in rings , before the circle break , as we shall oft times see it doth contract , as folding and half curling , so it extenuates as it spreads and weares out . likewise take a round string , that is , joyn the two ends , and put this circular string double , and then winde it serpentine wayes , and the like , and though the winding , or twisting about is contracting , yet winding or twisting one ring before another is extenuating . here have i set down after what manner of wayes are contracted , or continuated circles , and thus millions of several works may by circles be wrought , and several figures made thereof ; likewise for circular lines , some may be broad , some narrow , some round , some flat , some edged , some twisted , but those that are flat are most apt to be edged . likewise there may be circle lines with smooth lines , some pointed , some checkred , some twisted , some braided , and the like . but although the circle compasse is perfect , yet the line is not a perfect circular compasse , because the roughnesse makes it uneven . thus as i have said before , milions of changes may be in circles , but perchance some will say , it is no longer a circle , when it is turned square , or triangular-wayes , or the like . i answer , it is a circle squared , but not a circle broke , for as long as the circle is whole , the interior nature is not dissolved , let the exterior figure be after what manner it will or can ; for still it is a natural circle , although it be put into a mathematical square , or the like ; so those exterior figures , are but changed shapes , not the natural form , but a natural square is to have four distinct lines , and a triangle three distinct lines , and a cupe six , as i take it , or sixteen ; but it is to be observed , that all those figures that naturally are made of one piece , without distinct parts , or several tempered matter , may change , and rechange their shapes , and yet keep their own interiour nature intire , that is the nature proper to such a figure ; but those figures that are made of many distinct parts , or several tempered matter , would make such a confusion in their transformations , as would ruin the intire foundations . chap. 92. of congealed water . water is not alwayes exteriorly wet , or fluid , as we may see alwayes when it is congealed to snow , ice , and hail , yet still it is water , keeping the interior nature of being wet and fluid , onely the cold contractions have , as may say , altered the face or countenance thereof ; for it is to be observed , as there are extenuating motions , thrusting and stretching , inlarging further and wider out in compasse , bredth , length , and depth , as from the center to the circumference , so there are contracting motions together , draw winde , twist and pull in , as from the circumference to the center , and not onely by interior motions , but exterior motions ; as for example , cold contraction upon water circles , or any thing that is porous and spungie , draws , and gathers them into several works , or draws them into a lesse compasse , as strings do a purse , or like fishers or faulkners nets . but snow , hail , and frost , and ice is made by a level contraction , as if a circular line should be laid upon a flat ground , and be drawn a particular work , as for example , according to the number of watry circles , there is such a quantity of water , and if the quantity of water be more then the strength of the cold contraction , it is frozen more or lesse , now the several figures which cold contraction draws to make snow , hail , ice , and frost , are after this manner , as first the interior nature of the water is a round circle like a ring . when it contracts into hail , the exterior figure contracts into a ball , or lump , as if one should winde up a double line , or thread into a bundle , or bottom . snow is made by contraction , as if one should draw a round line into a three square figure , as triangular way . ice , as if we should draw a round line into a four square figure , as after a cupe way . frost is made by such contracting motions , as if a round line should be drawn into a surfling , as a crackling figure . when this congealed cold thaws , it is either by the interior strength of dilating motions , or by an exterior heat that draws these contractions out into smooth extenuating circles again . thus circular lines may be drawn from the round compasse , to be four square , three square , or length-wayes , as one would clap the brim of 〈◊〉 hat together ; and millions of several works , and never divide the circular lines , but i will not say by a mathematicall rule , though nature is beyond our learning . and that which makes ice and hail more shining then frost , and snow , is , that the lines are evener ; for all figures that are composed by the way of lines , are apt to shine , and those figures that have fewest points , or ends are smoothest . now some may say , or ask , why i should think snow is made triangular wayes ? my reason is , because it seems rougher , and not so united as ice , or hail , which shews the interior figure hath more points , or unevener numbers , or unequal lines , and a triangular figure is not so smooth , or at least seems not so , as a circular , a paralel , or cupe ; for in the angulars the points and lines are odd , and the lines run slope-wayes , whereas the figure of a cupe , although it hath more points , yet the figure is more proportionable , by the even number of the points and lines ; for as there are four points , so there are four equal lines , which make an equal number , when in the figure of a triangular the points and lines are odd ; for though there are a plural number , yet it is an uneven number , as being odd . and as i have said , the lines are slope when the figure of a cupe is just square , besides triangular points being odd , multiplie and substract by reflections , as we shall see by triangular glasses , that from one face millions are made by subdividings . thus what is made uneven by odd numbers , are made even by equal numbers , and the odd points , and slope lines , make the figure of snow rough , and the equal points , and straight lines make the figure of ice smooth , but i treat here of exterior figures , or rather countenances , not of the interior form , for their contractions change the exteriors , not the interiors . but if 〈◊〉 be out , and mistake , either in termes of art , or otherwise , i must intreat my readers to pardon it , for i am no mathematician , onely i have gathered here and there some little parcels or crums from the discourse of my friends , for i have not much kept the company of strangers , nor conversed with dead authors by books , but these parcels i have got , i place according to my own fancy , if they sound probably , i have my ends , and the lines of my desires are pointed with a satisfaction . chap. 93. motion changing the figure from water to fire . vvhen these watry circle lines begin to inlarge , they grow smaller , and thereby become lesse wet , and more thinne , as vapor which is lesse wet then water , and not so grosse ; for as i said before , when the circle comes in such a degree of extenuating , it becomes wet , and beyond such a degree , it becomes lesse wet ; and so lesse and lesse , as beforè it came to such a degree , it became more and more wet , as from being pores to soft , from soft to liquid , from liquid to wet , likewise from wet to moist , from moist to thin , which thin is air . but when the extenuating lines come to such a degree of smalnesse , as to cut , as a very smal line will do , which is to such a degree , as to be sharp as an edge , it makes it in a degree towards burning fire , so far as to become sulphury hot , as we know by the sense of feeling , we finde the air to be hot . this sort of air which is made of watry circles , is like seething hot water , for it is a moist heat , and not like the natural air , for this is but a metamorphosed air ; for the interior nature of water is undissolved , onely the exterior is altered , the lines being become small and edged , by the fair extenuations , but when those circles extenuate smaller then the quantity of matter will afford to give a compasse , it breaks , and turns to hot burning fire ; for the extenuating motions therein ceasing not , do stretch those lines so smal , as they fall into pointed parts ; this alters the interior nature from being water , to burning fire , for the interior nature of water is the circle line , but if those lines be drawn by contracting motions into bigger lines , and lesse circles , it becomes from thin hot air to vapor , or mists , and from vapor to water , and so from water to slime , from slime to mud , from mud to earth , as it did extenuate , so it contracts , if nothing hinders the same ; for contraction draws in the lines to such a bignesse , like as a smaller thred to a bigger thred , so from the thinnest air to the thickest air , from grosse air to the thin vapor , from thin vapor to thick vapor , fromthick vapor to water to slime , fromslime to mud , from mud to earth ; but according as the contracting and dilating motions are quick , or slow , it is sooner or longer turning out of one shape into another , and if any of the circular lines break by other motions or figures before it coms to the furthest extention , the quantity becomes lesse wasting that matter into figures of other natures , being dissolved from that natural figure ; thus that ball , or lump may be dissolved , like as animals , or the like ; for no question these balls are created and dissolved as animal kinde , and are as numerous as other creatures , and some lasting longer then others , and some dissolving sooner ; though their creations are different , one being produced by procreation , the other by extenuation : thus these elements are increaseable , and decreaseable , and other creature are ; and when the interior nature is altered , it dissolves as other creatures do , onely the exterior with the interior dissolves , which most of other creatures do not , for when the interior is altered in animals , the exterior is perfect , and dissolves more by degrees . chap. 94. of oyl . oyl is partly of the nature of fire , and partly of the nature of water ; for as it is soft , fluid , liquid , and moist , it is of the nature of water ; as it is hot burning and flamable , it is of the nature of fire , for that which makes it fludi and liquid , is by extenuations , and that which makes it moist and liquid is by extenuating circles , and that which makes it burning , is , that those circular lines are composed of pointed parts , which when fire and oyl meets , the fire breaking those lines a sunder , sets those pointed parts at liberty , which causeth it to rise in a flame , and the reason why it flames , is , that it doth not suddenly lose the circular extenuating nature ; for flame is somewhat of the nature of water , as being fluid , though not wet , and the reason why flame is fluid , is , because it ascends in a circular motion , for though the ascent be in a strict parrelled line , yet the matter is after a circular figure , as a hollow spungy body , as after this manner or the like , which shuts upward , like an arrow out of a bow , onely imagining the arrow to be in serpentine * shape , and to turn and spin about as it ascends , likewise the body to extend , or spread outward , according to the bulk or quantity , which several figures , or several motions , may be all at one time , and in one and the same thing , and work to one and the same effect , and to several effects at the same time , which causeth it to be fluid , liquid , and light , for light as well as oyl , water , or flame , is fluid , caused by extenuating motions , for as water will run forward when it hath liberty , or run backward in a torrent when it is stopt , so light will enter when it hath passage , or run back by reflection if it be stopt , but all those fluidities are different by reason their extenuations are different ; for light is caused by swift extenuating paralel lines ; water , oyl , and the like by extenuating circular lines , which make it moist , and liquid , as well as fluid , but flame takes part from all , for it is light and fluid by the swift extenuating parallel lines , it ascends in , and liquid , although not wet , by the circular motions it ascends up in , and burning by the sharp parts it is composed of ; vitral is after the same nature of oyl , onely the lines are edged , as a knife , or the like , or sharp edged tools , which make it have an exterior pressing quality , as burning fire hath ; but the exterior of oylie lines are smooth , which makes it soft , and glib , and not so sharp and penetrating as vitrals , or the like are . thus flame , light , oyl , fire vitrals , waters , have mixt motions , to make one figure , and many figures , to make those figures which make them to be of mixt qualities producing mixt effects , as indeed all effects are of a mixt nature . chap. 95. of metals . all metals are created after the manner of circle lines , as water , onely the lines in metal are contracted , as drawing inwards , and water circle lines are extended outward , but in all metals the circle lines are flat , and edged , having a cutting and a subdividing nature , and by reason the exteriour nature is of a circle figure , it is apt to be fluid , and to flow as water doth , when the exterior is melted by forcible motions , then it is one , as that of fire , which draws out the contracted circles of metals , causing it to be fluid by extention , yet the extention is not natural , as it is in water , but forced by an over-powerful motion ; for the nature of metal is not to be fluid , which is the reason that assoon as it can get libertie , that is , when the moer strong motions let go their hold , it contracts into a firm and hard body : again , it breaks not the interior circle , for then the nature alters , for as much as metals loseth in the weight , so much is changed of that quantity , from the natural quality , and though some metals do not , wast in quantity , which is to change in quality , so soon as others , yet they are all dissolvable , although some say gold is not dissolvable ; but sure that opinion proceeds from impatience in man-kinde , not to stay the time , or rather for want of longer time of life , having not so lasting a life , as to observe the alteration , as the dissolution of gold , or perhaps they have not the right wayes to dissolve it ; for certainly it is as all other figures are , dissolvable , and not fixt everlastingly in one body , chymists make gold as a god , unalterable . chap. 96. of the load-stone . me thinks 't is strange , that men should wonder more at the nature of the load-stone in attracting iron , and in the norths attracting o f the needle touched with the loadstone , then at the suns attracting of vapor . but some will say , that it is the nature of fluiditie , of which nature vapor is one , to move with facility , and not the nature of solidity , of which nature iron is one , which is heavy and slow ; but i say , if the attracting motion in one body be stronger then the contracting , and retentive motions in the other body , and those figures motions work with , be advantagious ; i see no reason but a fluid body may attract a solid body ; for it is not the substance of the body that works , or produceth effects , but the agility , subtility , or strength of motion , and advantage of the shape , so that the working power is more in motion and figure , then meerly the matter ; as for example , doth not experience prove that fluid , vitral , will work through solid metal , the reason is , because the expulsive motions in the vitral and sharp points , are stronger then the contracting motions , in the metal and blunt edges : but some will ask me , why the load-stone attracts onely iron ? such a question i ask , why beauty should forcibly attract the eye ? they will answer by sympathy ; and i have heard , that it was the opinion of learned men , that sympathy had the same effect , betwixt the load-stone and iron , but i think it not so much in sympathy , as supremacy . besides , it is the nature of contracting motions , of which the load-stone is strongly inhabited withal , to work on that which is without it , as from it , not within it , or as it were upon it , which no other visible kinde of motion doth . and certainly the load-stone is composed of sharp figures , yet not of such sorts as heats or burns , and those figures do issue out as beams do from the sun : and as they draw the iron , they back return , and as the bright beams issue from the sun , do neither weaken nor lessen it , so the visible beams that issue out of the load-stone , neither make it lesser or weaker ; yet the beams of the load-stone , do as the sun beams , the farther they spread out , the lesse strength they have to draw ; besides , if other motions which oppose , and are stronger then the natural motions , may weaken the strength , as accidental maladies mayweaken animals , or shrewd and froward weather vegetables , or the natural consisting motions proper to that figure , may turn to expulsive motions , and over-power the natural attracting motions , that issued there-from . but as i have said , it seems the attractive power of the loadstone , is stronger then the irons retentive power , and sharp figures that issue there-from , are more advantagious then the blunt edges in the iron ; and as the sharp figures in fire unknit and loosen the contractive body of metals , making them fluid , so the sharp points that issue in lines from the load-stone fasten to iron , drawing it to it ; and as fire works upon several bodies after a different manner of way , according to the nature of the body it works on , producing divers effects ; so for all i can perceive may the load-stone ; for certainly we do not know , nor never can come to that knowledge , as to perceive the several effects , that are produced from the least , or as we account the most inconsiderable creature made in nature ; so that the load-stone may work as variously upon several bodies , as fire , and produce as various effects , although nor to our sense , nor after the same manner of wayes , that fire doth , and as fire works variously upon various bodies , so there are fires , as several sorts , and those several ral sorts have several effects , yet one and the same kinde , but as the causes in nature are hid from us , so are most of the effects ; but to conclude my discourse , we have onely found that effect of the load-stone , as to draw iron to it ; but the attracting motion is in obscurity , being invisible to the sense of man , so that his reason can onely discourse , & bring probabilities , to strengthen his arguments , having no perfect knowledge in that , nor in any thing else , besides that knowledge we have of several things , comes as it were by chance , or by experience , for certainly all the reason man hath , would never have found out that one effect of the load-stone , as to draw iron , had not experience or chance presented it to us , nor the effect of the needle , and all the ages before , i mean those we have records of , were ignorant of that one effect , and perchance other ages may finde out some other effects produced therefrom , which these ages are ignorant of ; and as our knowledge comes slow , and in parts , and pieces , so we know but parts and pieces of every particular thing , neither is the generality of our senses capable of one and the same knowledge ; for what one sense knowes , another sense is ignorant of , and questionlesse there are some things in nature that it is impossible for our senses to be made acquainted therewith , as being too curious for our senses , but not to some other senses ; for 〈◊〉 nature hath as many different senses , as other works ; indeed all things are wrought by sensitive motions , which 〈◊〉 needs create a sensitive knowledge in every thing , and where knowledge is , reason is ; for knowledge is reason , and sense is knowledge ; but sense and reason work in several figures , different wayes , and not onely in different figures , but in one and the same figure . chap. 96. of the needle . i perceive the norths attraction of the load-stone is not after the same manner of attraction , as the load-stone attracts iron , for the attractions of the load-stone draws iron to it , but the attraction of the north draws the load-stone towards it , by the turning it that way , as the sun will do the the heads of some sorts of flowers ; for if the north attracted the load-stone , as the load-stone iron , the load-stone would be in a perpetual motion , travelling to the north pole , unlesse it were fixt , but i do not hear that a load-stone doth remove out of the place wherein it is , but it turns , as i may say , the face towards it ; now the question will be whether the loadstone turns it self towards the north , or the north turns by compulsion , or by sympathy , the experiment will be by iron , that if a great quantity of iron should be said at one side of the needle , whether the needle would not vary from the north towards the iron , if it do , it shews the load-stone turns itself towards the north , or else it could not turn from the north , for certainly the north hath a greater operative power to turn the load-stone to it , then the load-stone could have to turn it self from it , so if a quantity of iron can cause the needle to vary , it shews that the load-stone turns to the north by a self motion , and not the motions of the north that make it turn to it , but if it varies not towards the iron , then the north forces it , unlesse the load-stone takes more delight to view the norths frowning face , then to imbrace hard iron , or that the feeding appetite is stronger then the viewing delight ; for it onely turns it self to the face of the north , but if it turns not it self , the north forces it to turn , which as i have said before , is to be found by the experiments of iron ; but if it turns it self , i beleeve it may receive some refreshments from those raies which stream from the north , for all things turn with self-ends ; for certainly every thing hath self-love , even hard stones , although they seem insensible , so the load-stone may work as various effects upon several subjects , as fire , but by reason we have not so much experience of one as the other , the strangenesse creates a wonder , for the old saying is , that ignorance is the mother of admiration , but fire which produceth greater effects by invisible motions , yet we stand not at such amaze as at the load-stone , because these effects are familiar unto us . but per chance the load-stone is nourished by iron as many creatures are by heat , for though the creatures are nourished there with , yet the heat alters not its vertue , nor the body in whichthe heat inheres , loses not the property of heating , the sun is not weakned by warming the earth , though the earth is stronger by the warm ' th of the sun ; but warm ' th feeds after a spiritual manner , not a corporal , and as somethings are nourished by warm'th , so others by cold , as ice , snow , and many other things that are above number . so the load-stone may be refreshed , although not fed by the cold north , and as fire is fed by fuel , so is the vertual part of the load-stone by iron , or as exercise gets health and strength to animal bodies , so doth the load-stone on iron , and as idlenesse breeds faintnesse , or weaknesse , 〈◊〉 doth the load-stone from iron . chap. 98. of stone . fire hath more power over metals in some sense , then on stone , and in some sense hath more power over stone then metals . for fire will sooner melt metal , then dissolve stone , but when the exterior form of stone is dissolved , it is changed from the nature of being stone , and be comes dust and ashes . and though metal would likewise change the interior nature , if the exterior form were dissolved , yet metal , although it be melted , keeps the interior nature , and exterior form , but not the exterior motions ; for metal is metal still , although it be melted , onely it becoms fluid , this sheweth that fire doth not onely alter the exterior motion of stone , but dissolves , the exterior form , and so the interior nature , which in metal it doth not , unlesse a more forcible fire be applied thereto then will serve to melt ; which shewes , that although the interior motions of stone be contractions , as all solid bodies are , yet the interior , nor exterior natural figure is not circular as metals are , for stone cannot be made fluid , and as it were liquid as metal will be , but crumbles into dust , and wasts , as wood or the like , and not evaporates away as water , which metal doth ; this sheweth that the exterior and interior natural form of stone is composed of parts , and not in one piece , as a circle ; i do not mean in one piece , as the exterior bulk , but in one piece , in the exterior , and interior nature ; for though you may pound , or file metal to dust , that dust as small as atoms , the like may be done to stone , wood , and flesh , or any thing that is dividable , yet it will keep the nature of being metal , stone , wood , flesh , or the like , although the parts be no bigger then an atom ; but if you do dissolve the exterior nature , the interior nature doth dissove also , thus the exterior form may be altered , but not dissolved , without a total dissolution . chap. 99. of burning . all that is hot is not of a burning faculty , nor all that is burning is not actually hot , and though burning motions work several wayes according to the temperament of the matter , and composure of the figures it meets with , yet the nature of all kinds of burnings is to expulse by a piercing and subdividing faculty , provided that the burning motions , and burning figures are strong enough to incounter what opposeth them ; but when the opposed bodies and motions have an advantage , either by strength , or otherwayes , it alters the nature and faculty of burning , and many times there is great dispute and long combats amongst the several motions , and different figures , for the preheminency . chap. 100. of different burning . though all that is of a burning nature , or faculty may be called fire , yet all that hath a burning nature , or faculty is not of that sort of fire , which is a bright , shining , hot , glowing fire , as for example , vitrals , brimstone , oyl , or spirits , or that we call cordials , or hot-waters , or any of the like nature . besides all burning figures , or motions , work not after one and the same manner , though after one and the same nature , being all of a burning quality , or faculty , for some burn interiorly , others exteriorly , but as i havesaid all burning , is of a subdividing faculty . chap. 101. fires transformation . the interior , and exterior figures of hot , glowing , burning , bright , shining fire are all one , and the motions working apart according to the nature of the figure it works on can change every thing it hath power over , into its own likenesse , yet the power , and strength doth alter somewhat according to the work , and becoms grosser , and finer , accoring to the temperaments , or degrees of that which they work on : as for example , wood that is set on fire , or a firy coal , is a grosser body of fire , then flaming oyl , or the like , that is such a sort of moist fluid matter set on fire , for fire takes hold , of the thinnest parts , as well as the thickest ; if they be such thin bodies which are subject to take fire , for when fire is set to wood , it doth not onely take hold of the solid'st parts , but those that are more porous , or fluid , as those that rise in smoak , which become a flaming body , which is a fluid fire , but there is a cold , dul , burning fire , as well as a hot , bright , burning , as all strong vitrals , and this we call hot water , or spirits , which have an exterior nature to burn , or dissolve other bodies , and an interior nature to flame , but it hath not an exterior nature to be hot , nor shining . also there is another sort of fire , which onely hath an interior nature to flame , but the exterior is neither actually burning , nor hot , as sulphur , or oyl , though oyl is nothing , but a liquid sulphur , and sulphur a hardened oyl . but this cold dul fire hath not the power of transforming to its own likenesse , by reason there is some difference in the interiors to their exteriors , where the quick , hot , burning , bright , shining fire , the exterior and interior is all one , without any difference . chap. 102. of such sorts of heating motions , as cause burning , melting , boiling , evaporating and rarifying . burning , melting , boyling , and evaporating are caused by several motions , or several degrees or temperaments of matter . and though burning , melting , boyling , and evaporating , are caused by expulsive and dilating motions , yet al dilative and expulsive motions , work not after one and the same manner , but according as the matter is ; as for example , leather doth not burn as wood doth , yet both are dissolved by an expulsive motion . besides , some figures do dissolve into flame , others moulder away into dust , and never flame , as stone , and many more examples may be given , but most commonly all burning motions do pierce , or shut , or wedge , in sharp tootht , or pointed figures ; into those figures they work upon , and then it dissolves it by expulsions ; for those sharp pointed figures , help motion to loosing , and unbinde those parts that they finde joyned and contracted , that they may more freely separate those parts and dissolve those figures , which as they dissolve the thinner parts , dilate into vapor , the lighter parts flie out into fiery points , which are those we call sparks of fire , but the grosser , and more solid part moulders away into dust and ashes , as being too heavy and solid for the points to spread forth , they can onely as it were chew it between their sharp teeth ; for ashes are nothing but chewed wood , yet this manner of chewing doth alter the nature from being wood , or any thing that burns after an expulsive manner , but those fiery motions that onely melt , or rather those figures that are not subject to burn , but onely to melt , is done by a stretching motion , for those motions do as it were thrust out the contracted parts , and cause them to extenuate ; but when the fiery motions cause any thing to boyl , they first stretch out the parts so far , as causeth those parts to be fluid , and as it were liquid , if those things were contracted , but if they be liquid and fluid of themselves , they save those fiery motions that labour , and when this motion strives to ascend with those loose parts , the liquor riseth up in bubbles , or waves , but when those fiery motions are over-poured by the weight , they fall back again ; thus the weight of the liquor , and the sharp points of the fire strive together , one party striving to ascend , the other to descend , so that those fiery motions , are to pull out , or to bear up , and the watry motion to pull , or presse down , but evaporating , is when the extenuating lines are stretcht so far out , as to break , or the lighter parts are carried away , and dispersed amongst other figures ; but all rarifying heats , are caused by slow dilating motions , and not expulsions , for if such sorts of dilations as make rarifying heat , were extended beyond the line of the matter they work on , it alters the nature of the figure , and the motions of that nature ; but rarifying heat is an extenuating motion , spreading parts equally , and evenly , but the farther they are spred , the more hot grows the heat , as neerer to expulsion , and though all rarifying heat is in the way of burning , yet not in the manner . but i must intreat my reader to take notice , that burning motions , make use of burning figures , for all sorts of motions work according to the matter and figure they work on , or in , or to . chap. 103. of quenching of fire . there is such antipathy betwixt fire , and some sorts of wets , as such wets as are made by smooth extenuating circles , as they never can agree when they do personally meet ; and indeed such sorts of wets , have such power over hot , burning , bright shining fire , as they never incounter , but fire is in danger to be quenched out , if there be not a sufficient quantity to break the watry circles , for it is not the coldnesse that quenches fire , but such sorts of wetnesse , for scalding water will quench out fire , and many sorts of liquors as wine , or the like , although they be flameable , yet if they be cast on this bright , hot , burning fire , it will quench it out , by reason they are more of the wet nature ; then the oyly , and sulphurous , or the burning or flaming faculty . t is true , that there are many liquors that are subject to burn , but there are few wets that have not power to quench , for the spherical drops do either blunt the fiery points , or disperse the the united body , or intangle them in the porous circles . thus water hath the better unlesse the lines break in the combate , but when fire and water treat apart , or by an attorny , or hath a body betwixt them to moderate their * spleens they agree better , but in this treaty most commonly the water becoms weak by rarification , and evaporates into air by too strong , or too much extenuating , extending further then the wet compasse . chap. 104. of the quenching of fire , and evaporated water . the reason why water quenches fire , is , that the figure being spherical , and porous , gives distance and space of parts , where the sharp figures of fire , flying about to bite the circular lines asunder , that they may ravel out that figure of water , lose their strength both in their ffight and compasse , breaking their forces , by dispersing their parts , and intangling their dispersed parts in the hollow places , in the watry figure , like arrows that are shot into a net , seldom break the net , but intangle themselves , by reason there is no firm substance to strick on , or in ; for being soft and spungy , there is no stop , nor hold ; besides water being wet and wet in the nature is sticking , that when those sharp points do at any time break the lines , they joyn again , for being fluid each part moves to each other , and being wet they joyn , and being circular they unite , into the natural figure . thus in a plain combat water most commonly hath the better of fire , if there be not too much odds on the fires fide for quantity , but when fire doth come by an undermining motion as when some other figures are betwixt them , then fire gets the better , by the help of those undermining motions . chap. 105. of a bright-shining hot , glowing , fire . it is the nature of bright-shining , hot-glowing fires , to have both an interior , and an exterior burning , and is of such a kinde of subdividing nature , as it strives to dissolve all united parts , or bodies , and if it doth not dissolve all bodies it works on , as we shall see many things which grow harder with fire , yet is not that the nature would not dissolve such a thing , but the power cannot , for those bodies that grow harder with fire , opposes the power of fire , and strives by contraction to unite the looser parts , in a more solid body , to resist with more strength . also some bodies grow hard by shrinking inward , for assoon as they feel the fire , they draw back , as from an enemy , having an antipathy thereunto . thus , it is not the fire that dries or hardens , or maks more solidity , but the opposite body that will not burn , having a strength to oppose , or a nature not to subject to this fire , or the fire hath not a sufficient power to overcome , but this sort of fire hath a general power , though some bodies will strongly resist it ; but it is the nature of this sort of fire , that most bodies they overcome , they first convert them into their own likenesse , but their natures being different , their prisoners die in the fiery arms of their enemies . chap. 106. of the drinesse of hot , burning , bright , shining fire . drinesse hath such a relation to hot , burning , bright , shining fire , as moistnesse to water , for though interior motions are expulsive , yet the exterior is attractive , drawing all unto it , like a greedy appetite , and as the teeth doth mince the the food that is chewed , so doth the pointed figure , of fire , all it laies hold on , or enters into . chap. 107. of moist colds , and moist heats , of dry colds , and dry heats &c. heat doth not make drought , for there is a temper of heat , and moist ; nor cold doth not make drought ; for there is a temper of cold , and moist ; nor heat doth not make moisture , for there is a temper of hot , and dry , nor cold doth not make moisture ; for there is a temper of cold , and dry , but when the motions of heat , and the motions of drought joyn , they cause hot and dry effects , and when the motions of cold , and the motions of drought joyn , they cause cold and dry effects , and when the motions of heat , and the motions of moisture joyns , they cause hot and moist effects ; and when the motions of cold , and the motions of moisture joyn , they cause cold and moist effects , yet there are infinite varieties in their several effects ; but those motions which make cold and heat , i may fimilife to wandring armies , of the gothes , and vandals , which over-run all figures , as they all the world , sometimes they work attractive , contractive , retentive , disgustive , expulsive , according to the temper and degree of matter , and proportion and shape of the figures they meet , or according to their own power and strength , and although both cold and heat , are motions that work more or lesse upon all the figures in this world , yet cold heat works not upon figure alike , but differ as their figures differ , nor are cold and heat directly the same motions , although they be of the same kinde of motions , no more then several sorts of beasts kinde , yet all beasts are of animal kinde , and most commonly like several sorts of beasts that falleth out , or rather like two equal powerful monarchies , that oppose one anothers power , and fight for preheminency , where sometimes one gets the better , and then the other , sometimes by strength , and sometimes by advantage , but when there is a truce , or a league , they have a common commerce , joyning their motions , working sympathetically together , which produceth an equall temper . chap. 108. of the motions of cold , and heat , drouth , and moisture . cold and heat , are not wrought by different kinds of motions , but after a different manner of workings or movings , for a moist cold , and a moist heat , are but one kinde of motions , as being motions that extenuate , and enlarges from the center to the circumference ; for a moist heat , doth thrust , or drive outward , as toward the circumference . a moist cold doth pull , or draw from the center towards the circumference . as for example , we shall often see a gardiner that rolles a green turft walk , to thrust the roll before him , and when he is weary with pressing forward , he will turn his arms behinde him , and pull the roll after him . also a dry , or congealed cold , and a dry heat , are not several kindes of motions , but moves after several manners ; for as moist cold , and heat extends , and enlarges from the center , to the circumference , so a dry heat , or a dry , or congealed cold , contracts from the circumference towards the center , the congealed cold in several works ; a dry cold , or a dry heat onely draws into a lesse space , or compasse , yet the same difference in the manner of the motions , is between a dry heat , and a dry cold , as was between a moist heat , and a most cold ; for a dry heat drives from the circumference to the center ; & a dry cold draws from the circumference to the center for although al drought is from the circumference to the center , and all moisture from the center to the circumference , yet the several manner of movings are infinite , also cold , and heat are not several kindes of motions , but different motions , as every man is of man-kinde , but they are different men . and if we observe the effects of heat , and cold , we shall finde them to work after one and the same manner ; for very sharp colds , and great heats , paines equally ; and sharp colds destroy with as great & strong fury , as burning heats ; neither can i perceive that burning heats have swifter motions , then sharp colds ; for water to the quantity shall freez , assoon as any light matter shall burn ; for water shall be assoon frozen , as straw burnt , take quantity for quantity , and animals shall be assoon frozen to death if they be touched , or struck with very sharp colds , such as are neer the poles , as be burnt under the torrid zone ; as for plants , we oftener see them killed with cold , then heat , and i perceive there is no thaw so sudden , as a frost ; for when any thing is frozen , it is not suddenly thawed , which half perswades me , that cold is the quicker motion ; but howsoever we perceive they do often dispute for the mastry , when some time the cold predominates , and sometimes the heat . but when there is an amity , and friendship between both , then it is temperate weather . chap. 109. of dry heats , and cold , and of moist heats and colds . all dry heats , and colds , are created , or produced by such manner of motions , as pleating , folding , surfling , crumpling , knitting , linking , brading , tieing , binding into a lesse compasse , or space . all moist heats , and moist colds , are created , or produced by such manner of motions , as smoothing , planing , stricking , or stretching ; but burning heats , are like those motions that prick a sheet of paper full of holes , or dart it , or cut it , but there are infinite of these several kinds of motions , which make these several heats , and colds , working according to the several degrees , or temperaments of matter , and the composers of figures , but l onely set these few notes to make my discourse , as easy to my readers understanding as i can ; for it is a difficulty to expresse several motions , although they be so grosse as to be visible to the optick sense . chap. 110. of shining figures . all figures that are composed of lines , are the aptest to shine , because lines are the evenest measure , and the smoothest rule , for mathematical motions to work with , but according as the lines , either exterior , or interior is smooth or rough , contracted or extenuated , shines more or lesse ; for some lines are interiorly even , and smooth , and exteriorly rough and unequal , as pointed lines , or chekred , or milions the like . others are exteriorly even , and interiorly rough , as lines of points , some are interiorly rough , and exteriorly rough as lines of points pointed and some are interiorly smooth , and exteriorly smooth , which are drawn out even , as one piece , and not composed of parts . chap. 111. the motions that make natural air , and day light . natural air , which is not metamorphosed air , is made by such kinde of motions , as makes cloth that is spun threads weaved , as with shuttles in a loom ; so some motions spin threads of thin dull matter , and other motions interweave those threads , where the grossest sort makes the thicker air , as great threads make course cloth , and the thinner matter makes the serenest air , as small threads make the finest cloth ; where some is like cobweb-lawn , so sheer , or clear , as the smallest objects may be seen through , which is spread about the globe of the earth , as a thin vail over a face , or body , and from the sun rising , the motions that make light run in lines upon it , and so is like a garment laid all over with silver-twist , or rather like silverwier , from the sun rising to high noon , it is as it were , setting , sewing , or imbroidering on ; this serene air at mid-day it is quite finished , and by sun set it is quite reapt off again . and to shew that the lines of light are as it were laid upon this serene air , and not mixt into it , is by the vapor which gathers into dark clouds , which will obscure the light , as far as they spread , besides if the light were intermixt the motions and matter could not so easily , nor so quickly withdraw , or intermingle , as we see they do ; for what is intermixt , is hard to separate ; but dark clouds are onely as spots , which by rarification are rubbed out , if they be wet spots , or drops , they fall out in shours of rain , but by such sorts of motions as by ringing , or squeesing , or griping with a hand , or the like , which breaks the sea , or waves of water , which are clouds , into several streams of drops , sometimes with a greater force , and sometimes with a lesse , according as the motions are stronger , or weaker . the difference betwixt this serene , and natural air , and the metamorphosed air , is as a natural face , and a mask which is put on , or put off according as the watry circles contract , or dilate ; the other in probability may be as lasting as the sun it self , not being subject to change , but by a natural creation or dissolution . chap. 112 of light . light is made by such a kinde of motion as heat , being an equal extenuating motion , but the difference is , that the motions that make heat , is a spreading motion , but light is made by a spining motion , equally drawing out long paralel lines , with an extraordinary swiftnesse , evennesse , smalnesse , and straightnesse . chap. 113. the reflections of light . the reflections of light when are the innated matter draws even lines with equal motions backwards ( as i may say ) for when their motions are stopt , with a more solid matter , then that which they work on to make light , where touching , or beating thereon , they do not break their lines , but the leading innated matter , which makes light , returns back in equal lines , with equal motions , so as there becomes equal lines of light , onely as some lines run forward , others run backward , but in straight paralel lines , not crossed , nor perturbed ; for when these motions are crost , or perturbed , it doth as troubled waters do , the one rising in several colours , as the other in waves , so the colours are the waves , or billows of light . chap. 114. of light , and reflections . no question but there are as many various lights , as faces , and as different kinds of lights , as there are different animals , or vegetables , or minerals , as some i will here set down for distinction , the sun light , the lighs of the fixt stars , the fire light , meteor light , glow-worm light , rotten wood light , the light of fishes bones , and there are many sorts of stones which will sparkle in the dark , as diamonds , and many i cannot recount . then there are produced lights , as day from the sun , flame from fire , then there are reflected lights , as the planets , and reflected lights from reflected lights , as the light from the planets on the earth , and infinite reflections made by several motions on figures , for on every figure are several reflections . chap. 115. of some opinions of light , darknesse , and death . some say light is nothing but a motion , but there can be no motion without some matter , for where there is no matter , there is nothing to move ; but light , as other effects are , is made by such kind of motions on such degrees , or tempered matter , and so is heat , and cold , and darknesse made by several motions , on such matter , although some opinions are , that darknesse is nothing but an absence of light , as some think death is a cessation of motion ; t is true , death is an alteration of such kinde of motions , as we call life ; so darknesse is not made by such motions as make light , for there are motions belong to darknesse , as well as those to make light ; so there be many several motions , in dissolving of figures , which dissolution we call death , as the creating of a figure , which we call life . chap. 116. of darknesse . those motions which make darknesse , seem to be as swift motions , as those that make light , for the air is as soon made dark as light ; but some do say , there is no motion in darknesse , and that darknesse is a cessation of motion ; t is true , of such kinde of motions as make light ; but not of all motions , no more then the motion of the sun makes all light , or the absence of the sun makes all darknesse ; for first the sun is not the onely light , for we can set up lights , when that is gone , by fire , whose flames do illuminate that part of air , that is neerest , and could we make a fire as bigg as the sun , and feed it perpetually , we might have a perpetual day , and the air will be as much illuminated , if there were a sufficient fire , to inlighten so much air at one time , as the sun doth ; wherefore the sun is not the monopler of such kinde of motions , as make light . and can we rationally think there is no motion in darknesse , because the motions of the suns light are gone from our hemisphear , we may as well say a fish cannot swim , because such a horse doth not gallop , but to my fancy darknesse works upon the air , as well as light ; for a dark cloud shall obscure the light , as well as the light shall pierce through a dark cloud ; thus darknesse covers many times the face of the light , which shewes it is not alwayes the with-drawing of light which makes darkness , since darknesse hath as much power over the light , as the light over darknesse , but obstructed motions make darknesse , and hinder those equal motions which make light , and those motions that make mists , and fogs , are in some degree like the motions which make darknesse , and so are such motions as make colours , but the motions of darknesse seem to be intermixing motions , as i may say snarled motions , which intangle themselves , and the different motions of darknesse , and light , are like skeines of silk , where the light is like thread which is pulled out even and straight . and darknesse is like a skein of silk , which is so insnarled , or broken , as not any can finde a leading thread , being full of ends , knots and entercourses . chap. 117. the motions that make darknesse . the motions of darknesse upon the air , are after another manner , then those of light , for as light is laid in such smal , straight , even , out-drawn lines , so darknesse is like motions of silk imbroidery , the work to be bossy , full of intermixing stiches , and crosse threds , knotted and purled after this manner . and the reason i say silk , is , because darknesse is softer then light , which light i similise to silver , for the brightnesse of light many times hurts the opticks , which darknesse doth not . chap. 118. of shadows . shadows are copies , and pictures , drawn , or printed , or ingraven by dark motions , for dark lines made by the eclipsed light , are as the pencel , or the like , the light is the paint , the solid body on which shadows are cast , is the ground or substance to work on , motion is the artificer ; for several lights are like so many several sorts of paintings ; for colours are but a perturbed light as some say , but to shew it is darknesse that doth pencel out , is that there would be no such representments , if darknesse were not ; and too much light drowns the figure , or is as it were plash'd , or dabbed out , or if so much paint were spilt , or cast on the ground without order ; yet all shadows are not as if they were painted , but printed in black and white , as against a wall , or on water , or the like , but on a looking-glasse , or on a piece of paper through a little hole , in a dark room , it is as painted , the colours being represented as well as the figures . chap. 119. of shadows and airie figures . shadows are printed , or ingraven , or painted by those motions , which make darknesse upon inlightned aire , but the print is not seen , but upon a solid ground , or flat , as i may say , which ground must be opposite to the figure it represents , which is after this manner , as one figure makes more , for the figure makes a figure , that is , the external motion of the external figure cuts out a figure of aire ; for questionless wheresoever our bodies are , there is the figure in air ; for we are alwayes encompast about with air , wherein we make prints of our figures ; for the solid bodies print their figures in that which is more porous , and softer substance , as a seal on wax , or a print on butter , or the like ; thus the solid bodies as they remove , still make new prints perpetually , and infinitely , but as they remove , the prints melt out like verbal and vocal sounds , which print words , and set notes in the air , and the reason we uannot see the letter in the air , as well as hear the sound , is , that the air being so porous , is proper onely to convey a sound to the ear , or to spread it abroad ; but not solid enough to fix the eye thereon , having not substance to hold an object so long a time as to take notice thereof , unlesse it be drawn into a shadow upon a substantial ground , on which the eye may fix ; but until the figurative be cast upon a solid ground , the figures are like sculpture , but when they are drawn in shadows upon a ground , it is as painting , or printing . chap. 120. of a more probable opinion to me of light making several colours . the lines of light are whole and come so from the sun until the light of such a figure , and according to the figure , there the lines are broken , and the breaking of light a ccording to the several figures , makes several colours , so it is not inherent in the thing , but in the form of the thing , which is the figure that makes several colours breaking the several lines of light several wayes , so the diers of several colours by their observations findes it out by their practise , though they know not the reason of it , but the true reason is , that all those several dies make several figures , which several figures breake the lines of light several wayes , which being broken several wayes produce all those several colours . to shew you that it is several figure that breaks the lines of light that make several colours , you may see it in a pigions neck and brest , how many various colours it will change into , with and in the same place , the lines of light being broken several wayes by the pigions feathers , that make several figures , as also you may perceive in rain-bows , the sun shining upon a watry cloud , the cloud being between you , and the sun what various colours there are , so to spout water out of your mouth , if it be between me and the sun , it makes the same colours , and all this is nothing else , but that the lines of light are broken so many wayes , by the several forms and figures it shines of , which produceth the multiplicity of all those various colours . again , more plainly to make it appear , that there can be no more truth but this in colour , take a triangular glasse it is all of one colour , and was never sent to the diers , and look in it , and you shall see the most various colours in the world , the colours are not in the glasse , therefore with rational man it suffers no dispute at all , that colour is nothing else , but the lines of light broken by several forms , and figures , that produceth all the various colours that are in the world . and for excellent disputants , that make aristotle their church of reason , that cannot erre , and will maintain his nonsense against reason , i leave them to their ignorance , and wish they would rather follow his logick , and his rhetorick , then his natural philosophy , for their own sakes . chap. 121. of colours . some say colours are made by perturbed or obstructed light , but in my opinion , colours are broken lines of light ; for when light is obstructed as being stopped it reflects with double light , those lines returning back like double strings , and if it were perturbed light , like over-agitated air , or troubled and rough waters , the light would be onely thicker , and mudier , having not liberty to move in so level , even , and straight , paralel lines ; it is true , those perturbed motions may be the cause many times of breaking the light , which broken parts contracting into several figures , or works , causeth several colours , every particular work , being a several colour , and when these several figurative works are mixt , being part of one work , and part of another , the colors are also mixt . for the several works made of the pieces of light , are that which makes several colours , and not the pieces of light without those works , for if those pieces of light lay scattered and not contracted into several figurative workes , they could , or would not make colours , but if colours are not made by pieces of light , they are made by contracting the straight unbroken lines of light , which contraction turns light into colours , as contractions do water into snow , ice , hail , frost ; now it is to be observed , that it is not onely the contracted motions on the water that make the difference , but being contracted into such or such a figure ; for whensoever water is contracted into such a manner of figure , it is snow , if into such a figure it is hail , if in such a figure it is ice , into such a figure frost , and may do so constantly , and eternally , and so when light is contracted into such a figure , it is red , when into such a figure , blue , into such a figure , yellow , into such a figure green , and when it is contracted partly into the figure of red , and partly into the figure of blue , it makes a figure of purple , and if it be contracted partly into the figure of red , and partly into the figure of blue , and partly into the figure of purple , it makes a fourth figure , which is a fourth colour , and so a fift , and so infinites , likewise one and the same figure which is one perfect colour , may vary with each patticular figure , which is each particular colour , and upon what body soever these figures are printed , they take colours , and according as the figures differ , the colours are changed , or alter ; for it is not the body that they are printed on , or the reflections of light , cast upon such bodies that make colours , but such figures made by contracted lines of light , which figurative works give such colours to any thing they can print , or place on , but the reason why i think they are rather broken pieces of light contracted , then contracted streight lines , is , because they are so lasting , for though some colours will fade sooner , yet some will last a long time ; for whatsoever work is wrought with parts , as i may say , several pieces of thread , is not so apt to undo or ravel out , as that which is but of one piece , unlesse the thread were circular , without ends , but lines of light are paralels , and not circles , as for shadows of colours , in my opinion they are produced after this manner as i said , the figure of blue or the like , which is one perfect colour , and the figure of red which is another perfect colour makes a third figure , which is a mixt colour , likewise blue and yellow makes a different figure , which is a different colour from blue and red , and blue and yellow , makes a different figure , which is a different colour from blue and green , & so we may match figures until we be weary , but whatsoever hath constantly part of one and the same figure , in the several or single compartments of other figures , which are other colours , as blue and green , blue and red , blue and yellow ; and the like appears in shadows , by reason one particular figure , or figurative part is the ground-work , which is , the ground colour , which makes all the colours it mixes with , partly of its own complection , and according as there are more or lesse , of that figure , the shadow is fainter or stronger , and according as the contractions are more or lesse , the colours are deeper , or paler ; for those figures that are closer contracted , and rougher wrought , are the darkest colours , as neerest to black , and those figures that are loosest , contracted , and finer wrought , ars the the lightest , or palest colours , as being most light , when the parts are loosest , and most at liberty , and the brightest , as the most glorious colours that are made of the purest , and clearest light , which is of the smallest lines of light , as i may say , the finest threaded light , for some lights are thicker then others , by reason their lines are grosser . also colours which are broken contracted lines of light , may appear darker , or brighter according to the reflection , of other lights , or rather according to the straight and unbroken lines of light are that cast upon them , likewise some light doth alter the colours that are made by other lights , as some colours appear not by candle-light as by day-light , and the reason is , that several lines of several lights , being grosser , or finer , causeth the colour to appear duller or brighter , and some particular lights make some colours appear more then others , and some particular lights obscure some particular colours more then others , according as they are further , or neerer off the nature of each other ; for though the several figurative works make the several colours , yet it is the lines and pieces of light , that make those figures and works . chap. 122. of airy figures . as i said before , the solid bodies moving in the soft , & more porous bodies , make many figures therein , some as printed , some as painted , others as sculpture , as cut , or carved in wood , or stone , or cast in metal , or moulded in earth , some are as if a man , or the like creature should print themselves in snow , others as if they should make themselves in snow , as for example ; as if a man should stand , and let the snow fall thick upon him until he were all covered over , there would be his figure in snow , or if he should lie down in snow , there would be his print ; so it is in air , as we move from place to place , new figures are made , and the former figures moulder , or melt out , but according as the air is , so they last , or decay , for if the air be congealed with cold , thickned with grosse fogs or mist , the figures last the longer therein , although in a misshapen posture , like ruinated buildings , or broken statues , or like defeated armies , here an arm , or a piece of an arm , or a hand , and there leggs , here a head , there a mangled body ; but when the air is thin , and serene , the print dissolves assoon as the figure removes ; and if the air were as solid as snow , we should see the figures as perfect in the one , as in the other ; but the air being very thin , and porous , the sight of the eye runs thorow without stay , or stop , taking no notice , like water in a sieve , wherein nought can be contained , because there is no hold to keep the water in from running out . chap. 123. of external figures , and internal forms . in some things there is such sympathy betwixt the internal form , and the external figure , as the alterations of the one , change the nature of the other ; as for fire , when the external figure is altered , the internal faculty is gone , here the internal nature depends upon the exterior figure ; but as for water , the external figure may be changed , as we see when it is frozen , but the internal nature not changed , for it is as water still , though it be not fluid , here the internal depends not upon the external ; but thus much the exterior figures of all things depend so so much upon the exterior form , or nature , that when the internal is changed , the exterior cannot be altered , from and to , as to change the countenance or face , as i may say by contraction , and dilation , as water , and metals , and many others , but an animal figure may remain , as it was for a time , when the internal is changed , but not long , as for example , animals , although the internal nature , and faculty be changed , which is to move after such a manner , as is proper for animal , the external figure is not altered : for when animals are dead , the external , which is the outward shape remains perfect , for a time , yet the internal motions may be in disorder , as they are in animals that sound , or are sick or faint , or in vegetables that are fading , or drooping ; but when the internal motions move orderly again , either of themselves , or by the help of assistant motions , and figures , the animal is as it was before , and the vegetable flourisheth green again , thus there may be an alteration ; but when there is an absolute change in the internal , there can be no return , but by a new creation , for all alterations of motions do not do it , but a total change . chap. 124. earth , water , air , fire , cold , heat , light , darknesse . earth , water , air , fire , cold , heat , light , darknesse , is made as animals , vegetables , and minerals , that is , that such degrees of innated matter works upon the dull part of matter with various motions , and several degrees , of dull matter produceth such effects joyning parts together , and separating parts asunder , but joyning , and mixing each degree together , loseth not the entity of each degree , for that can never be altered , for as it was from all eternity , so it will last to all eternity . chap. 125. the motions of the sun , and planets . the sun , and the rest of the planets , are questionlesse created as other animal creatures , and their local motions are according to the shape , as we see all animals are , for a worm cannot run , but onely moves by gathering up the body from one place , and then stretching it self out farther , or else by rolling , and winding his body from place to place , nor beasts cannot flee as birds , nor birds cannot trot , amble , nor gallop , as beasts , because they have no shape fitted thereto ; for birds want four leggs to pace and gallop , and beasts want wings to flee , so the planets move according to their shape , turning about as a spherical circle about a center , and if the sun runs about the world with such speed ( as some old opinions are , it must turn as a wheel about the spoake , or rundle as a bowl in the ecliptick line . but if the sun , as some modern opinions hold , doth not move out of his place , but is as it were fixed , and that the planets move about it , in circular wayes according to their shape , then the motions of the sun , are onely by dilation , and attractions : from which light , and heat proceeds , and vapor is drawn or suckt up . chap. 126. of the motions and figures of the four natural elements . the motions that make the natural figure of earth , are not so curious , nor the matter they work on so fine , as those which make fire , air , and water ; for the materials being grosser , their work is rougher , like morter that is made of hair , and lime , and the motions moving not so evenly , or distinctly , but rather mixtly , causeth it to be sad and dark , the solidity , weight , and drought are caused by the contracting , attracting , and retentive motions , which motions are the chief workers and creators of this element , which work like ants , drawing all thereto , making it like a round heap , or like a load-stone , that attracts the solid matter . the slimie or gelly part of the earth is made by such kinde of motions as spin small lines lik silk-worms , in a round hollow ball ; water is made after that manner , onely those lines extenuate more into perfect circles . natural and pure air is made by such a kinde of motion , as spiders spin webs , smal lines spread , and enterwoven evenly . natural fire is made by such kinde of motions , as the art of whetting , or sharpening , or pointing with a grind-stone , or load-stone or the like , and is made like the stings of bees , which pierce , and wound whatsoever they can enter . natural light is made by such kinde of motions , as wier-drawing , or drawing a small thread from a spindle . natural darknesse is made by such kinde of motions , as winding up threads upon bottoms , in a heap . i say natural , because they keep their original form , and is the right kinde , and true shape , as i may say of man-kinde ; for if a creature should be partly a beast , and partly a man , it were not of the right kinde , and true shape . likewise elements may be of the right kinde , and yet be different as mankinde , for every particular man is not alike , neither in shape nor quality , the like may elements differ . chap. 127. the reason of the ebbing and flowing of the sea thus . i will not dispute , according to copernicus , that the earth goes about , & the sun stands stil , upon which ground galleleo saith , the reason of the ebbing and flowing of the sea , is the jogging of the earth , the old opinion is , that the moon is the cause of it , which i can hardly beleeve , for mark the tide from scotland to margel when the moon hath the same influence , and the tide is so many hours in coming from scotland to margell as if one rid post , if it were the moon , why should it not be high water , or full tide margell , that it is in scotland at the time , the power of the moon being all one , so that comes very improbable to me , for many things fall out at the same time , and yet the one not cause of the other , and in philosophy there is nothing so ordinary , as to mistake the cause of things , since indeed the things for the most part are hid from us ; some again will have the sun the cause of the ebbing and flowing of the sea , others rationally say , heat makes motion , and the seas being salt make motion , because it is hot , but how comes it that the fresh waters ebbe and flow ? even springs well , whatsoever the cause be of the seas motion where it moves , ; for in some places they say it doth not , but where it moves it is never high water in one place , but it is low water in another place , and the sea moves alwayes circularly , for as it is the nature of water to be made in figures of circular lines , so it is the nature to flow circularly , which in my opinion is the reason of the ebbing and flowing tides , that moves circularly , that is , part of a circular , where the convex flows still forward , the flowing motion extends more and more , causing it to swell out , and the concave ends to extend longer and closer , in so much as at last the concave ends are joyned into a convex , for it doth not extend in aperfect round circle , as i shall describe in my following discourse , but after an oval , or rather a pear figure , but when the flowing convex is extended beyond the strength , it straight breaks , being most weak , by reason it is most extended out , so that when the tides have no more strength to flow for want of water to extend , and the convex over-powred by extenuation , it breaks asunder , and so falls back , whereby the convex parts are now become the concave , and where it was concave , is now become convex , which causeth it to flow the other way , and ebb where it did flow , for where it lies concave it ebbs , and where it is conex is flows , and thus it ebbs and flows perpetually , where it hath free passage , but the farther it flows , the weaker it becoms , by reason the strength is abated , like a horse that hath run fast and far , at last is so weak and breathlesse as he falls down , so when the convex can extend no farther , it breaks in two , but as the convex extends , the concave ends draw closer together , whereby such time as they come to joyn , the convex is so bowingly stretched , as it becomes brittle , as i may say or weak , which causeth it to break , but it is to be observed that the tides have a double motion , for as the convex flows forward , the concave ends draw backward at one and the same time , for the extenuation of convex one way , causeth the extenuation of the concave ends the other way ; but by reason the two ends draws close towards a point , the ebbing waters seem narrow and little , but the ebbing tides are but an effect of the flowing tides , not a cause in it self , for the interior nature of water is to flow where it can get liberty , and freedom of passage , and where it doth not flow it is obstructed by some obscure cause , but i desire my reader not to mistake me , as to conceive the motions of the tides , and the interior nature of water all one , being something alike ; but the motions of the tides , and the motions of the interior nature of water are as different as the local motions of animals , and their interior nature , and i beleeve if the fresh waters had the same liberty as the sea waters , to flow which way they would without opposition , or obstructions of hils , dales , banks and walls , and had the like quantity to move withal , i beleeve they would as naturally flow as the sea , and ebbe when their strength fails , and i beleeve if there were a sufficient quantity of water in the sea , and no obstructions , as islands , creeks , and the like to hinder the passage , and that the earth were like a billiard ball , it would flow perpetually round , as the globe turns upon the pole , if the pole turns not round with the globe . chap. 128. describing the tides . the flowing water gathers up together like superflous humors , and swells out the convex , as corrupted matter doth the skin , and never leaves extending till it breaks , but it begins by degrees in a demy-circle , and as it flows it grows larger , and longer extending its compasse . and as the convex extends , the concave ends must of necessity draw closer together . which makes the ebbing waters like a tail to the convex , which as the body , which makes the ebbing waters to be narrow , and by the reason the bulk of the water flows in the convex , it causeth the concave ends to be small , which makes it shallow , and the more the concave ends extend , the smaller they are , like thread drawn from a full distaff of flax ; for so the concave ends draws , or rather extends from the convex body ; but as i said before the more the convex extends , the closer the concave ends draw together , and when the convex is extended to the uttermost they joyn . and assoon as ever they are joyned and mixt together into one point , as it were , it swels into a body . for the former convex being broke , the waters fal back to that part which was the concave , but now is become the convex , and that part which was the convex , is now become the concave . yet the convex must be full before the concave ends extend , like as a glasse that must be filled above the brims before it can run over . chap. 229. of double tides . an after , or double tide is caused by winde , like as a man should walk against a very great winde , that although he presseth forward , yet it drives him back , but when he hath broken the gust as it were , he passeth more forcible through , and though winde have power over the exterior motions of the waters , yet not on the interior motions , but winde can discompose the face of the waters , as anger doth the countenance of men . chap. 130. ofspring tides . spring tides i conceive to be caused by waters that issue forth from the veins of the earth , which are apt to swell , and then to vent themselves forth at certain times , as natural issues , which flowing causeth the tides to be greater , because it hath more strength to extend farther , and the tides to be higher because the convex is thicker , and fuller , for the greater body of water , the farther it flowes ; for it is for want of strength which makes an ebb , or want of passage which makes a stop , and when the tides are lower , there are some invisible obstructions , or the eatrh hath drawn or suckt from that part of the sea . chap. 131. the tide and stream flowing against each other . the reason the tide flows against the stream a of river , is , that the quantity of sea water forceth through the stream , and the descent of the river forceth the stream to passe through the motion , or rather by the motion of the tide , for the natural motions of all waters being to flow , and the force of the descent added therto , gives it a double , if not a treble strength , so that when the force of the tide , and the force of the stream meets , and incounters , they make passes , as duellers that fight hand to hand ; but if one water runs quite through another , it is most probable that the tide runs through the stream , by reason it is armed strongly with salt , which may cause it to be streamproof , when the river water is porous , and weak by reason it is fresh , and thin as i may say . chap. 132. the difference of salt water and fresh water . the difference of salt water and fresh , is , that salt waters circle lines are flat , and edged , as a knife , or the like , and in fresh water , round , which edge makes it not lesse smooth , although more sharp , nor hinders the extenuating compasse , but the lines being flat , make it more solid , and so give it more strength , then the fresh water circle that is round , which makes it more porous , then salt water is , by the experience of an egge , and the like , which in fresh water the egge will sink to the bottom , but very salt water will bear it up , from sinking , and according to the strength , it will bear more or lesse , but those lines may exteriorly alter , from flat to round , and round to flat , and never alter the interiour nature , as to break the compasse , which is to dissolve the circle or ring ( as i may say ) which circle ring is the interior figure . chap. 133. of winde . winde is wrought by expulsive motions , and the strength doth not proceed from the thicknesse , or solidity of the body , as many think it doth , conceiving it to be contracted , or prest up air , which if it were , it could not enter into such small porous , and narrow passages as it doth ; wherefore me thinks the strength should not proceed so much from the solidity , as the agilnesse therein ; for the quick repetition doth so sorcibly presse on each other , as upon necessity it must drive all loose , and porous bodies before it , but the farther it bloweth , the fainter is the breadth , for as the repetitions grow short , so weaker . chap. 134. of the noise of tempest and storms . as i have said , that sort of air which is made by watry circles is apt to sound with every motion that strikes thereon , by reason of the hollow figure being sphericall . likewise this is the reason running brooks make a murmuring noise ; also this is the reason , that the tides do make such a noise in the ebbs , and flowes , circles pressing , or rather strikeing each other . again , this is the reason the windes , when they blow upon airy , or watry circles , by striking those spherical circles , cause it to sound , and make a roaring noise , by the confusion it makes therein ; for winde which is an expulsive vapor doth not onely strike those watry circles , but those that are extended into air , and when those motions drive circle against circle , or circle upon circle , makes such quick rebound , which rebounds in contracting and crossing each other , make a confused sound , which we call tempestuous and stormy , and it is to be observed , that a tempest in the air , and a storm in the water , and thunder , is much after one and the same kinde of noise ; but as thunder is caused by the expulsion of the most extended circular lines , so winde is the expulsion of the more grosser circles , as when lines break , which are extended no farther then to vapor , also these expulsions , if they be not very violent , cause rain ; for the expulsed motion being no stronger then to presse upon the unbroken and extended circles , either of vapor , or air , drives it into the watry compasse , but when the weather is cloudy , it is not altogether so hard prest upon , as to drive it into perfect water circles , but to the next degree , as a thick vapor . and when the weather is unconstant , as we say , that is sometimes grosse and thick , and then it will be strait clear , and bright , is as the presser doth abate , or increase ; but unforced raines ( as i may call them ) which is without a violent constraint , is when those circles are drawn into a wetry compasse in a natural order , and by the natural waight , being thicker then natural air , that is original air , and not transmigrated water , it falls down on the earth . likewise the pouring showers make a sound , by the force of the falling drops , striking as they fall , sound ; but by reason the water is divided , by the falling motions into lesse bodies , as it were , which makes not so strong a sound , having lesse compasse as the tides , or air having fewer circles in a body , as in drops , which makes it of a lesse bulk , and the lesse the body is , the weaker , and the smaller is the sound . but when the watry lines are drawn into a triangular figure of snow , it falls silently without sound , by reason the watry line is drawn out of the extended circle . besides , that figure is the lightest figure , by reason of the inequality , for a square hath four equal parts , which makes a just number , so an equal ballance which gives it a steddy weight , and a circle is equally round , without parts , which gives a steddy weight . but a triangular figure is in three parts , which is no just number , nor equal ballance , nor steddy weight , which make it of lesse force , for being a wavering figure , it cannot presse hard , nor strike strongly , nor fall heavy , but flies lightly about . chap. 135. of thunder and lightning . thunder and lightning are caused from watry circles , for when they are extended from water to vapor , from vapor to air , from temperate air , to hot air , from hot air to fire ; for if those circles extended beyond the compasse , and strength of the line , they break , which is the cause of thunder , and lightning ; for assoon as the farthest extention of the circle is broken , those extended parts do with an extraordinary swift motion run , or rather shut forth into bright flaming flashes , as spinning lines of light , but when those lines extend with a strong strength , they break into smal parts , which causeth thunder to follow lightnings ; for those bteaking parts sometimes expulse disorderly , beating and striking upon those circle lines that are unbroke , which circles being of a hollow figure , cause a sound in the higher region , whereto they are ascended , for their extention causeth them to be light , their lightnesse to ascend ; but all hollow figures being concave within , and convex without , do present to the ear , if they be strong , as concave , and convex glasses doth objects , when presented to the eye ; thus hollow figures cause a hollow sound if they be struck , for the concave draws those motions in which rebounds from fide to side , and the rebounds continue 〈◊〉 sound by the echos repeated , for sound lasts longer in hollow figures , then in any other , and though i will not say that onely hollow figures make sounds , yet i say that no sound can enter but through hollow figures , as the ear is a hollow figure , and all hollow figures , and the ear is not onely hollow , but circular , but sounds are made in the ear , or rather enters , as light and colours in the eyes , for discord is perturbed motion , or rather close antipathetical motions , and harmony are sympathetical , and regular motions , but the more of these extenuating circles break , the more lightning there is , and the stronger they brea , the more thunder rhere is , and the harder they strike upon the unbroken circles the lowder is the sound . but if the circle lines break onely asunder , and extend , or shut forth into straight lines without more parts , there is onely lightning without thunder , but if those lines break into more parts , there is thunder also , and when there falls r ain at those times of thunder , it is when the gentler motions of some of those expulsed parts , do not strike hard upon some of those unbroken circles , but presse upon them , which causeth them to draw , and gather into a lesse circle , and a grosser line , untill they return into the watry compasse , where growing too heavy for the hight , falls down toward the center of the earth , as all heavie bodies , if not thick bodies under to bear them up , or stronger motions then their weight to hold them up , thus in my opinion is thunder and lightning caused , and when it rains , those unbroken circles return into its nature again . chap. 136. of the alterations of motions . one and the same degree of innate matter may change , and rechange the natural posture motion in one and the same figure , but a general alteration of those motions proper to that figure , dissolves the natural form of any one particular figure , for a figure moving by several motions , proper to its kinde , must joyntly consent either by a sympathy , or inforcement to make a dissolution , as well as a creation , but all motions works or alter according as the matter is , or figure they work to , or forced by stronger motions to alter their natural course ; likewise several and contrary motions may work by turns in one and the same figure , by one and the same degree of innated matter . chap. 137. of different motions . all extenuating motions make not fludity or wet , but such kind of extenuating on such tempered , or on such degrees of dull part of matter , for some extenuating motions make light , others make heat , and infinite the like , so all expulsive motions do not burn , nor all 〈◊〉 motions do not work alike , nor all attractive , nor all retentive , nor expulsive ; for there are infinite wayes or kindes of them , which works infinite varieties , for there are infinite several sorts of heats , coldes , droughts , moistures ( and infinite kindes of lights and darknesse as well as of colours , so infinite wayes of contractions , and attractions , and infinite wayes of expulsions , and so there are such varieties in one and the same kinde , as it is impossible for me to describe , as for one man to draw the several pictures of mankinde from all eternity ; but if i could draw but one picture , it will be enough to shew my art and skill , although but a plain draught , but i finde the work too hard for my wit , yet i have ventured , and mean to hang it on the wall of censure , although i know spite will strive to pull it down . chap. 138. of the local motions of water , air , and fire . i perceive there be other figures that have local motions besides animals , yet it is partly their figures that are proper thereto ; for though there is no matter , but is figured , yet all figures move not but of themselves , and though all figures aremoved , or moving , or both moved and moving , yet all local motions move not after one and the same manner ; but i hear mean by local motion , that which naturally can move from place to place , by their interior nature , and exterior shape , but if the word is not right to the sense , pray pardon it , and take the sense and leave the word , and christen it a new ; but these kindes of local figures are water , arie , and fire , which move after an animal manner , although they have not the shape of those we cal animals , yet they seem animals by their self motion , as moving from place to place , unlesse they be stopt by stronger motions , or other figures that are more powerful : the like of other animals , as for example , if one man , or more being stronger bindes another man which hath not strength , nor power to oppose , or hinder them , he cannot move according to the property of his nature and shape . so likewise , if cold contractions be more powerful then the extenuating circles , it bindes up the the water with icie fetters , wherby it cannot move according to the nature , nor circular shape ; so if any man should go to a place , and a high wall should stand betwixt him and that place , he cannot passe unlesse there were a passage , or that he can clamber , which must be by art , because there is no footing , and to jump over it he cannot , for it is so high that the weight of his body will pull him down , before the strength or agilnesse of his limbs shall raise him over , and he cannot flee over by reason his shape is not fitted thereto , having no wings , so water being stopt , and the passage hindered , by a thick bank of earth , cannot move according to its property ; for it is proper for water to move descendingly , at least straight forth ; but when it ascends , it is forced by other more powerful motions , so likewise it is proper for air to move after a level , streaming , or spreading manner . for fire to ascend , after a piercing , shooting , and perpendicular manner , for these elements do as other animals do , for man , beasts , birds , fishes , their local motions are different according to their shapes , for it is the property of a four legged creature to gallop , trot , pace , run , leap , but they cannot flee , because their shape is not fitted thereto , having not wings , nor a bird cannot gallop , trot , nor pace , having not four leggs to make changes therewith , it is true , a two legged creature may leap , jump , hop , and run . likewise those fishes can neither run nor flee , that have not wings nor legs ; but those that have mixt shapes , have mixt local motions , as there be fleeing fishes , and swimming birds , and running fishes , and swimming beasts , indeed most creatures can swim , for most shapes are fitted thereto in one kinde or another , but mans shape is such as it can imitate most various motions , though it is the shape that makes al creatures to move different ly , yet it is not altogether the shape that makes them move locally , but there must be such an interior nature proper to such shapes , as vegetables and minerals , their property is not to move locally , that is , to have a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it seems their interior nature , and exterior 〈◊〉 is not proper thereto , or perchance it is only their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their interior nature that makes them unfit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for we finde their interior nature to be more active 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the exterior shapes of animals . but to return to those elements i treat of , as first water , the interior nature causes it to be liquid and wet , the exterior shape to be fluid , both agreeing by a sympathetical conjunction give a local motion to descend , and bear all before it , or with it , that is loose , and unfixt , so fire , the interior nature causeth 〈◊〉 to be hot and dry , the exterior figure to be sharp to 〈◊〉 , both agreeing by a sympathetical conjuncting , giving it a local motion to pierce and divide it , all it can enter into , if not over-powered ; so 〈◊〉 the interior nature causeth it to be soft , and pliant , and the exterior figure to be thin and searching , both agreeing by a sympathetical conjunction , gives it a local motion to enter through all porous bodies in a level line , and to fill up all 〈◊〉 places in other figures , unlesse it be thrust out , and kept out by something more powerful ; it is the natural property for fire to be hot and dry , to be sharp and burning , to move ascending . and for water to be liquid , fluid , and wet , and to descend in a descending line . and air to be soft , and yeelding , to be thin and searching , to move in a level line , unlesse they be forc'd otherwaies , for fire may be supprest downward , and water forc'd upwards and air disperst , and fire is not onely subject to be supprest but quenched out for water , if there be a sufficient quantity to the fire on which it is cast , will over power it : for the innated motions which cause water to be wet , destroy the motions that cause fire to be sharp and burning , and the figure 〈◊〉 destroyed , that is disuniting those parts , and those motions , that keep and maintain those parts in that figure , the property is extinguished too , as we see many animal figures , do to one another , and birds , and fish , and men destroy beast , birds , and fish , according as they have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and advantage , for indeed the dissolution of one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cause of the creation of another , sometime the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one figure , make many figures , and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of many figures make but one figure ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath many several manners of moving locally and the elements as other animals do move somtimes slower , and sometimes faster . chap. 139. explanations of onely matter . it is to be observed by those figures that are wrought by the way of lines , are soft , smooth , and shining , whether they be paralel lines , cupe lines , triangular lines , or circular lines , but the smaller , and straighter the lines are , the smoother , and brighter is their work , but there are several sorts of softnesse , and several sorts of smoothnesse which are made by several kindes of motions . then it is to be observed , that all works of contractions , and retentions are stronger , and more lasting , then those figures that are more light , and porous , or extenuating . thirdly , it is to be observed , that the innated matter , which works upon the light , and thin part of dull matter , is more agil , and nimbler then that which works upon the thick and solid matter , unlesse the strength of the motions be not above , or at least equal to the solidity of the matter . also it is to be observed , they can make solid figures of light thine matter , by their close , and curious joynings injectures , and mixtures , and porous , and light figures of solid matter , by their dividings , and spreadings , but though the innated matter can contract and dilate , the thick , or thin , light , or heavie fluid or soft , yet it cannot alter the nature , or degrees of the dull part of matter , neither can the innated matter make it self weaker , or stronger then by nature it is , for the entity of onely matter cannot be changed , but though the nature cannot be altered of dull part of matter , yet it may be cut , and carved , and joyned and dispersed into several figures , so the innated matter , although the nature cannot be altered as to make each degree weaker , or stronger , yet they may move swifter , or flower , according as the dull part of matter is they work on or according as the curiosity of the figure requires ; and as i have said before , there be infinite degrees of the dull part of matter ; as solid , and fluid , thinner , and thicker , lighter and heavier , harder , and softer , and infinite degrees of innated matter , as stronger , and weaker , swifter and slower , and though i have said that the innated matter is the thinnest part of onely matter , yet i do not mean the thin incipit matter , as i may call it for distinction sake ; for there is no incipit in infinite , and eternal matter , though there be dull in moving matter , but the innated matter is the infinite extract of the entity of infinite matter , it is the quintessence of nature . chap. 140. the differences and alterations of figures . in the progresse of figures , figures are created in figures . the reason is , that infinite motions which are the gods to create , dissolve , and dispose of figures , as they please to move , share as it were the infinite matter , in their working and dividing , and several motions , which is proper to the creation , of such kinde of figures , assisting each other in their works of creation ; but not in the figures dissolution ; for those motions which are proper to create one kinde of figure , are not proper to create another , for every figure hath different motions , in the creation either more or lesse , which is the reason few , or none are just alike , but either in shape , or minde will differ , but when two figures are made with the same motions , among the sensitive innated matter , then their figures are just alike , as we shall see twins , and if the rational matters motion be just alike in several figures , their dispositions and understandings are just alike , and if they differ in their motions but a little , they resemble much either the minde , or the body ; sometimes both , but the more they differ , the lesse they resemble , but almost all 〈◊〉 are distinguishable , which shewes such variety of motions , as there needs no more repetition to move after one , and the same manner ; for there are not onely different motions in different , and several figures , but in one and the same figure , for the same figure doth not look when it is old , as when it was young , nor when it is sick , as when it is in health ; nor when it is cold , as when it is hot , nay the figure will alter and change , every minuit either by the altered motion of the sensitive , or rational ; but most commonly they alter their motions together , as in a joynt concent , for a troubled minde will make the body appear heavy and sad , for joy and grief will make different countenances in the figure , and so every passion in the minde , is most commonly matched with a countenance agreeable thereto , and most commonly other exterinal actions , yet although the motions may differ , the innated matter may be of one and the same degree , for i do not say every degree of innated matter moves alwayes in one kinde of motion ; for though every degree of innated matter , is of a particular strength , yet not of a particular motion . chap. 141. of several worlds . as the sun differs from the earth and the rest of the planets , and earth differs from the seas , and seas from the airy skie , so other worlds differ from this world , and the creatures therein , by different degrees of innate matter , on different degrees of dull part of matter , which makes different figures by different motions , and as this world is of a spherical figure , so other worlds may be of other figures ; as for animals , although all animals are not of one shape ; for a man differs from the shape of a horse , or any other four legged creature , and every sort of beast differs from one another in their shape . so likewise there is difference in their kinds , as well as in their several sorts , for beasts kind differ from birds kinde , so may worlds differ for all we know , and if we should guesse by the several changse , and variety in nature , it is very probable it is so ; & who knows , or indeed might not very easily beleeve it so to be , that worlds may be match'd by a sympathetical conjunction to produce other worlds , as other creatures do , for we finde the planets by a sympathetical conjunction to produce other creatures , as the sun and the earth . and it is to be observed , that as several motions create figures , so several motions work by their created figures , and those motions that creates figure by a sympathetical conjunction , create after their own likenesse , either in the nature or shape , or both , but those figures that create figures without conjunction of figures , after their invention , or imitation as i may say , cannot make such figures as conjunctially of figures man calls 〈◊〉 figures , as birds make nests , or beasts make dens , and men houses , but to reckon all artificial figures , is past my skill , and beyond my life , who knows since we finde new and unheard stars , but that they are the birth of other worlds . an epistle to all learned physitians . most reverend , and gráve fathers of health , i present this work unto your sage judgements , your prudent practises , your great experiences , your studious observations ; your miraculous cures , and humbly lay it on the tables of your studies , in hope some spare time may invite you to read therin . i dare not commend it , lest you should disprove it ; for as your wisdomes value it , so it is good , or bad . an epistle to my readers . i am to be pardoned , if i have not the names and tearms that the anatomists have or use ; or if i have mistaken some parts in the body , or misplaced any : for truly i never read of anatomie , nor never saw any man opened , much lesse dissected , which for my better understanding i would have done ; but i found that neither the courage of nature , nor the modesty of my sex would permit me . wherefore it would be a great change , even to a wonder i should not erre in some ; but i have seen the intrals of beasts but never as they are placed in their bodies , but as they are cut out to be drest , and in the shambles , and perchance i haue seen passing by the shambles , a cruel butcher cut the throat of a beast , or rip up the body , where the guts and garbidge would burst out , but that gave me not much more knowledge , not seeing how they lay in their bodies : and though it is a usual custome , for ladies and women of quality , after the hunting a deer , to stand by until they are ript up , that they might wash their hands in the blood , supposing it will make them white , yet i never did ; but as i have said before , i have seen the intrals of beasts out of their bodies , which intrals i have heard are much like a mans , especially a hogs , so that i know man hath a brain , a heart , a stomack , liver , lights , spleen , and the like ; yet these i never viewed with a curious and searching eye , but as they have laien in some vessels ; and as for bones , nerves , muscels , veines and the like , i know not how they are placed in the body , but as i have gathered several times from several relations , or discourses : here a bit , and there a crum of knowledge , which my natural reason hath put together , of which meat my wit like an unexperienced cook hath ventered to dresse , if it pleaseth the palats of my readers , i shall account my time not lost ; if not it is not the first dish of good meat that hath been disgust . of the motion of the bodie . part iv. chap. 141. physitians should study the motions of the body , as naturall philosophers , study the motions of the heavens , for several diseases have several motions , and if they were well watched , and weighed , and observed , they might easily be found out severally ; and as they take compass of the heaven , and stand upon the earth , so they may take the degrees of the disease , although they diffect not the body . thus natural physitians may know , when the sun of health will be eclipsed by the shaddow of melancholly , which gets betwixt the body and health ; and natural physitians may come to know the thoughts , as they the stars , by studying the humors of men , & may know what influences they may have upon the body ; and may know the severall changes of their humor , as they the several changes of the moon , that the several changes of the humor , causeth the bloud to ebb and to flow , as the tides of the sea ; thus they may make an almanack of the body , for to shew what weather and seasons there will be , as great tempests and stormes of wind-collick ; whether there will fall upon the lungs , great rheumes , as showers of rain , or whether there may be great and hot fevers , or whether there will be earthquakes of shaking agues , or cold , and dumb-palsies , or whether there will be dearths of flesh , and so leave bones bare , by the droughts of heated fevers , or whether the over-flowing of moisture , which causeth dropsies ; thus if we could finde the several motions in several diseases in a body , as surely might be done by observations , and study , and could finde out the several motions by the several operations in physick , we might surely so apply them together , as to make animals , though not live eternally , yet very long ; and truly i think this both of philosophical opinions , may give a great light to this study . physicians must first take care in their prescriptions , to prevent errours of mistake , before he apply remedies to cure . cap. 142. the frame of mans body . i will first discourse of the orderly course of nature , which is to have a perfect shape according to the kinde , or sort of figure , it was created to ; that is , like a house to be well built ; next to have it strong , and firm ; thirdly , to have it commodious ; fourthly , to have it well furnished ; fifthly , to have it clean from dirt , or rubbish ; sixthly , to keep it in repair ; seventhly , to prop it from falling down with old age ; the pulling it down by some evil accident , or burning it by feavers , or the like , or drowning it by dropsies . andthough i may similize it , to any figure , yet i onely imploy it , to man-kinde ; that is , to havea perfectand upright shape , a clear strength , sound parts , plump and fat , clean from gross humors and obstructions , to keep it healthful with wholsome food , to help nature with cordials , or physick , death being the destruction . chap. 143. of natural self-tyrannie . motion doth not onely divide matter infinite , but disturb matter infinite ; for self-motion striving and strugling with self-motion , puts it self to pain ; and of all kinde of motions the animal motions disturbs most , being most busie , as making wars and divisions , not onely animal figures , against animal figures , but each figure in itself , by discontents and dislike ; which discontent makes more pain , then ease , orpleasure , or tranquillity , by reason of irregularity ; but motion is an infinite and eternal tyrant , on infinite figures ; for as motion makes figures , so motion dissolves figures , which makes infinite , and eternal matter , eternal restless ; for the extract of infinite matter , which is an innated matter , which innate matter is motion , and makes the dull part of matter so too , by working thereon ; thus the onely and infinite matter is a tyrant to its self , or rather , i may say , infinite , is a tyrant to motion , and motion to figure , and eternity to all . for though infinite , eternal matter , motion , and figure , are individable , yet they are all as separated , in aspiring for motion , although it is but an effect of matter , yet strives for absolute power over matter and figures , and infiniteness strives for the absoluteness and power 〈◊〉 , motion and figure ; and eternity strives for absolute power over all ; thus the effects strive to have power over the prime causes , which is the onely matter ; for if there were no matter , there could be no figure , nor motion , nor infinite , nor everlasting , the like do the minor effects over the minor causes , for effects are causes of effects . chap. 144. the two ground motions amongst the rational innate matter . the rational innate matter , moves as it were two-fold , for they have different motions in the figures , from the figurings , like as the sensitive matter , which moves the dull part of matter , internally and externally , according to the nature of each figure ; as for example , the creating of a figure is one way , and the severall actions of the created is another way ; the like doth the rational innate matter , it first runs into figures , and then moves figuratively : again , some figures they are stronger then others , will force the weaker figure to move after their manner . chap. 145. the two chief parts belonging to man , is the head , and the heart , wherein resides the rational spirits . the head , and the heart , are the two residing parts , for the rational innate matter to move in , making passions in the heart , and reasons in the head ; and whensoever those parts be disaffected , the understanding and passions are disordred , and many times so , as never to be rectified ; but some times this disorder comes by the mis-working of the sensitive 〈◊〉 matter , and sometimes by the wrong steps and false measures of the rational innated matter . but though the annimal knowledg or reason be disordered , yet not extinguished , unless the annimal sense be absolutely altered , which is to dye ; for though they move not regular , yet they move after an animal manner : as for example , a man although he goeth not upright , according to his natural shape , but creeps upon his hands and knees , or that he is forced to role from place to place , having neither armes nor legs , yet he moves in an animal manner , and partly to what his natural shape is , for these force motion , or want of some of the outward parts alters him not from being an animal , nor it from being a man , unless all the sensitive motions , which naturally belong to their figure , be altered , and then he turns from that kinde of creature . chap. 146. whether the passions are made in the head or heart . ? some are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the passions are made in the head ; others that they are made in the heart ; for my part i am of the latter opinion ; that is , that all passions are made in the heart ; as love , hate , fear , anger , grief , jealousie , envy , malice , and the like ; and also the will , and opinions , which are a kinde of passions ; and that imaginations , conceptions , fancies , understanding , judgment , memory , and remembrance , is made in the brain ; and that which we call thought , or animal knowledg is made both in the brain and heart ; for if either of these two parts be wounded , that knowledg dies , as both the sensitive knowledg , and rational , both being that which we call thought , the one belongs to the body , the other to the minde ; for touch is a weak thought , and thought a strong touch ; and my reason is why i think that the passions are created in the heart , and not in the head , is , first , passion and judgment seldom agree . secondly , when we have the passion of fear or anger , or the like ; all the motions that work to those passions , are felt in the heart ; for if we do observe , we shall finde all passions arise from the heart , and all the parts near thereto will be disturbed ; when in the brain we finde no violent motions at all , perchance the sensitive part may be disturbed , as to make the head-ache , as with a general distemper . thirdly , there are oft times passions felt as it were in the heart , without any knowledg , or thought of it in the head ; as when we shall be sad , and angry , and fearful , and know no reason why . besides , objects many times passe by , or as it were , steal through the senses , and likewise creep through the brains , and raise a passion in the heart , without any notice taking thereof , or knowledg how it came therein . lastly , that although there is a great sympathy betwixt the passions , and imaginations , yet they are not after one and the same manner of motions , which sheweth they are created in several figures , the one in the triangular heart , & the other in the spherical brain , and the different shapes of the head and heart , may be one cause , that makes the difference betwixt passions and imaginations , as well as the different motions . but to prove passions are made in the heart , and not in the head , is , that when the brain is distempered and mad , as we say , yet the passions may be free and regular ; and love , and hate , which are the two chief passions , may be constant to the objects they were placed on ; thus the minde or soul , which is the rational innate matter , lies as much in the heart , as the head . chap. 147. of different passions in one and the same part . as for passion , we shall love and hate at one and the same time , but not one and the same thing , at one and 〈◊〉 same time , for that is impossible . but different passions are made according to the subjects or objects they move by , or to ; yet the rational innated matter which creates passions , may move partly sympathetically , and partly antipathetically , at one and the same time . as for example , a man may be in love with a woman , for her beauty , or wit , or behaviour , and yet have an aversion to her bad qualities ; but a man cannot love the person of a woman , and hate it , at one and the same time , but to the creating of those passions , that sympathies , as love , and hope , and joy , and the like ; the rational innate matter , doth as it were spread , and delate its self ; but for those passions that antipathies , it contracts it self more together ; as in hate , fears , jealousies , doubts , envy , spight , and the like ; and when two or three passions arise at one time ; as a passion of grief for my friend that is killed , and a passionate hate to his murtherer , or the like ; then the rational innated matter , divides its self , partly moving after one manner , and partly moving after a quite contrary manner , and so may divide into as many parts , and after as many several manners , as their place or quantity will give way to ; but when we love what was hated , or hate what was loved , then the innate matter changes their motions , towards such a subject , or object , without a division ; but when they move disorderly , the passions are like a tempest at sea ; passions beat against passions in a confused manner , distempering the whole body , causing the senses to mistake , with the violence thereof ; likewise in the brain there may be opposite motions , amongst one and the same degree of innated matter , either rational or sensitive , either by an alteration of motion in one and the same part of matter , or by divisions moving in parts ; but when the rationall innate matter moves in a regular division , and the measures of time , and the notes of motions skilfully set , and rightly kept , that is curiously or neatly , and carefully ordered ; then there is a harmony , which harmony is a quiet minde , gentle imaginations , a clear understanding , a solid judgment , elevated fancies , and ready memory ; but when this rational innated matter moves disorderly , there arises extravagant fancies , false reasons , misunderstandings , and the like . chap. 148. the affinity betwixt imaginations and passions . it is the rational innate matter that makes passions , and not the sensitive innated matter , for the senses onely present the 〈◊〉 , the rational the passions ; which shews the rational innated 〈◊〉 , is as much in the heart , as in the head , and may be of the same degree of strength , although they work different wayes , as being different figures , yet there is such sympathie with each other , whether by recourse , or otherwise ; as passions will raise imaginations , corrupt judgment , disorder reason , and blindfold understanding : and imaginations will raise passions , as fear , love , hate , doubts , hopes , and the like ; which shews that the rational innate matter , in the head , and heart , hath such affinity as the sensitive innated matter hath in the stomach and head ; as the pain in the head will make the stomach sick , and a sickness in the stomach will make the head-ache , i will not say at all times , but most commonly ; neither will imaginations at all times raise a passion , nor a passion , an imagination , but very often . chap. 149. of the brain . the brain is not the cause of knowledg and understanding , for a bird that hath but a little brain seems as understanding , if not more , then a great beast , as an ox or the like , which hath far greater quantity of brain ; but perchance the bird hath more of the rational innated matter , in his little brain , then the beast that hath more braine , for the rational innated matter , moves in the brain , not on the brain , for that is wrought and moved by the sensitive innate matter , being made of the dull part of matter ; for when the brain is defective , it is caused by the sensitive innated matter , not the rational innated matter ; yet oft times the sensitive innate matter disorders the motions of the rational innated matter , as we shall see in distempered and sick bodies ; like-wise the disordred motions in the rational innate matter , will disorder the sensitive motions , as we shall see by troubled mindes . chap. 150. of the multitude of figures amongst the rational matter in the brain and heart . the reason why we may have millions of several figures in our memory at one time , so likewise raised up to our remembrance , when we can receive but one perfect figure through our senses at one time , is that the passages for outward objects to enter , is so straight in all animal figures , as that but one object can take place therein , i mean as being perfectly distinct , for the passages being straight , many objects entring at once , make a confusion , at least a disorder , for if more then one object be presented at one time , to any particular sense , they are received but by piece-meals , as in the small parts ; and many times the divided parts are so mixt together , as no piece is perfectly seen or heard , or smelt , or tasted , or touched ; besides , the passages being straight , the sensitive innate matter cannot work so regular , having not liberty , for it is not with the sensitive innate matter as with the rational innate matter , by reason the sensitive innate matter works upon gross materials , as upon the dull part of matter , which makes that it cannot move so nimbly , nor divide into parts so suddenly , especially in a straight passage , as the rational innate matter can , which moves onely in number and measure , without any dull mixture , for the rational innate matter , can figure out the whole world , and millions of several figures therein , sooner and swifter then the sensitive innate matter , can print one figure upon any of the senses ; and not onely those figures that the sensitive innate matter presents , or hath presented , but makes those figures that were never presented , as those we call phantasms ; and as i said the rational innate matter hath more room to move in , as in the head , and heart , then the sensitive innate matter , hath in the ear , eye , nostrils , mouth , or pores of the flesh , so there may be a greater quantity , or proportion of that rational moving matter together , in a body , or bulk , as i may say , then of the sensitive innate matter , in the foresaid passages , and according as the quantity of the rational matter is , there is the more knowledge , and clearer understanding ; the quicker wit , and the livelier memory , the fresher remembrance , and the more multiplicity of thoughts ; for it is not onely the largeness , and extent of the place wherein the rational matter moves in , that makes the more knowledg and understanding , and the like , but the quantity of the rational matter ; for a great head may have but a little wit , or dim understanding , and a little head a quick wit , and clear understanding ; if the little head be full of this rational innate matter , and the great head be empty thereof ; but if the room ( or place ) be large , and filled with this sort of innate matter , according to the bigness , that creature will be very knowing , understanding , and ingenious ; for imagin that all the heads of mankinde were put into the compass of one head , and a sufficient quantity of that rational matter therein , that creature whatsoever it were , would have not onely the knowledg of every particular brain joyned together , but that knowledg and understanding would increase as use-money , for that bulk or bank would multiply , being put together . chap. 151. of thoughts . many wonder what thoughts are , and how such millions can be within so little a compasse as the brain . i answer , that a little quantity of the rational innate matter , may make millions of figures , which figures are thoughts . as for example , from eight notes , milions of tunes are made , and from twenty four letters millions of several languages may be made . likewise one lump of clay may be molded , and formed into millions of several figures ; and like pictures many figures may be drawn in one piece , and every figure in a several posture ; likewise a little picture will represent so great an army , as would take up many acres of land , were it in a pitched field . again , a globe no bigger then a head , will present the whole world . again , say some , how is it possible there should be so many several thoughts in the head at one time , and how from one thought should there arise so many of a sudden , and at some times so extravagant as to have no coherence therein , at other times very methodicall , and sympathetical ? to the first i answer , how many several postures may a man put his body into at one time , nay , i may say one part of the body ? for how many several postures may the face draw it self into at one time ? secondly , i answer , that many several wheels will move with one motion , nay with one kinde of motion several wayes , and many wheels with several motions several wayes , and all within one , and the same compasse , and from one prime spring . again , some may wonder how it is possible figurative thoughts can inlarge and contract the demension , and extension ; i answer , how is it with prospective glasses , convex , and concave glasses ; likewise a screen , or a fan , or the like , which can fold in many folds , into one fold , then can draw them out into a plain straight piece again , and so shut up into a fold , or open in a plain piece , as often and as quick as a thought , and millions of the like examples , may be given , but these are enough for this time , on this subject . chap. 152. of thinking , or thoughts . thoughts are more pleasant to the minde , then the appetite to the senses , and the minde feeds as greatly on thoughts , as a hungry stomacke doth upon meat ; and as some meat breeds good nourishment , and some bad nourishment , causing either health and strength , or diseases and pain ; so doth thoughts , for displeasing thoughts of grief , and all sad remembrances cause the minde to be dull , and melancholly , or froward , and discontented ; and pleasing thoughts cause the minde to be chearful , pleasant , and delightful . besides , the minde is like chewing of the cud , for what the senses bring in , and are fed with outward objects ; those swallowed objects , the thoughts of the minde chews over again ; thus the minde is alwayes feeding ; besides , the senses have no longer pleasure , or pain then the objects remain ; but the minde is as much grieved , or delighted when the object is removed , as when they are present ; as for example , a man is as much grieved when he hears his friend is dead , or kill'd , as if he saw him die , or slaine ; for the dead fried lives in the minde , not the minde in the dead friend , and if a man have a fine house , or great riches , or an excellent rare race of horses , or the like , whereupon the minde takes as great delight in thinking of his fine house , as if it dwelt in the house , and as great delight in thinking of his riches , or what he could do with the use of his riches ; for the minde doth not so much dwell in the house , as the house in the minde , nor the minde doth not take so much delight in the use of the riches , as the use to be in the minde , and the remembrance of the curious horses is as much in the minde , as when those horses were in the eye ; for when the sense is filled , the minde can but think , and the minde may as well think when the objects are gone , as when they are present , and the minde may take as much delight , in thinking what the senses have enjoyed , as what they are to injoy , or desire to enjoy ; for thoughts are the fruition of the minde , as objects the fruition of the senses ; for the minde takes as much delight ( if not more ) in thinking of an absolute power , as when the commands of an absolute power is obeyed , for obedience dwells no more in the minde when it is acted , then it did before it was acted , or by the imagination that it is acted ; thus the minde receives no more by action , then it doth by contemplation , onely when the pleasure of the senses are joyned with delightful thoughts , may be said to be more happy , though i beleeve the pleasure of senses draws the delight from the thoughts ; for the more at rest the body is , the more busie the minde is imployed , and as torments of the minde are beyond the torments of the body , or at least the displeasure of the senses ; so the delight of the minde is beyond the ease or rest of the body , or the pleasure of the senses . chap. 153. of sleep and dreams . sleep is caused by a tirednesse of the spirits , for when the sensitive motions are tired , with the working on the dull parts of matter , which tirednesse is slacking the motions , or changing their motions , as when they work lasily , then the figure grows drousy , and the senses dull , being weary of pencelling , copying out objects upon the optick nerve . likewise with printing letters , and setting notes on the drum of the 〈◊〉 , or in drawing 〈◊〉 of several tasts , touches , and sents on the tongue and pores of the flesh , or striking , or playing on the nerves , and on the dia mater and pia mater , of the brain , but many times the figure grows drowsie , and the senses dull , when the sensitive motions are idle for want of work ; that is , having no variety of objects presented to them ; that is , of such kinde of works ; for the innate matter never ceaseth to move , although the motions are not alwayes agil , and quick , nor after one and the same manner , but when they alter the motions , as i may say more proper then to slacken them , they do as it were cast anchor , pulling down their sail , going as it were under hatches , and the figure that is like a ship , where the motions of the breath are like waves of water , that heave it up , and then sink down , but saile not , nor steer not to any coast ; and the sensitive innate matter which is in this action , like mariners when they work under the hatches drawing and winding up the slimy humours in the body , like ropes by attractive motions , staying and setling the loose parts , by retentive motions ; a placing and putting disordered parts into their proper places by disgestive motions , and all the motions busiely imployed ; some mending the figure , stopping the leaks , dearning , b and sewing together the torne sailes , oyling c and greasing the keel , pitching and tarring the cresses ; tying and twisting the roaps , drawing the superfluous moisture to the gutter ready to be pumpt out , sweeping all the rubbish and dirt on a heap , ready to be flung out ; some running up , and returning from the deck , which are the pores of the skin ; but the rational innate matter , is the master of the animal ship , and the sensitive innate matter , as the saylors , those works on the dull part of matter , the other directs when occasion serves , that is , when the body is in action ; for though the rational innate matter never labours on the dull part of matter , yet they counsel and direct the animal ship , when it is built , and set afloat , that is , when the body is come to the full growth , and orders it in blustrous storms , and great dangers , but these the rational innated matter , when this animal ship is cast to anchor , which is to sleep , moves onely in a rocking , or rowling motion , as it were from side to side of the cabbin , which is the brain , making no perfect figure nor gives direction , this is sleeping without dreaming ; but dreaming is when they move in figures , making such figures as these objects , which have presented to them by the sensitive motions , which are onely pictures , or copies of the original objects , which we call remembrance , for remembrance is nothing but a waking dream , and a dream is nothing but a sleeping remembrance , but if the sensitive innated matter moves in the same manner , on the same place , as printing and drawiug such figures or objects in the optick nerve , or setting such notes or letters on the drum of the ear , or drawing such platforms on the dura mater , or pia mater of their brain , or the tongue , flesh , or skin of their own accord , without the presence of the outward objects ; then we see here taste , smell , touch , as strong as if we were awake , if their motions be as strong and industrious ; but many times we have in sleep those objects but in part , and not in whole , the reason is , that either the sensitive innated matter is slow , or else they are not so perfect artists to work without a sampler , working by misplacing , and mistaking , or else works by halves , according to their skil , or as appetite moves them , make a hogpog , or gallimophry of many several pieces or draughts , into one figure or picture , which make extravagant dreams ; by reason they work not in a methodical manner , and the rational innated matter , moving in the same manner makes a mixt resemblance , but the sensitive innate having not the outward objects in sleep to work by , seldom works perfect , or plain , and working imperfectly they move disorderly , and for the most part that which makes us so often perturbed in our sleeps , is , by moving crosse , and irregular , which crosse , irregularity insnarles several motions , so as there is no distinction , which is the reason that our dreams are so often obscure , and dark , as we can make nothing of them ; and when the rational innate matter moves crosse , and tumultuously , our dreams are most commonly fearful , and when the sensitive innated matter works so disorderly , our dreams are painfull , and when the sensitive innated matter works perfectly , and the rational innate matter moves justly , we have as much knowledge , and understanding of what we dream of , and as much satisfaction from our senses , as if we were awake , and the real abjects presented to us . chap. 154. dreamings of living , and dead figures . those friends in acquaintance that that have been dead , a long time , and appear in our sleep , we never question the truth of their life , though we may question them how they lived ; again , the reason is , that these figures are as perfect , and lively to our present senses in our sleep , as when we are awake ; for oftimes the sleeping motion prints figures , on the inside of the optick nerve , as on the inside of the pia mater , as the waking motion doth on the outside , and when we hear them as it were discourse words , right on the inside of the drum of the ear , or pia mater , by the sensitive motion , as on the outside when we are awake ; for all the sensitive works inwards asleep , as outward awake ; for if we smell sents pleasing , or displeasing , the sensitive spirits draw lines , and set notes on the inside of the dura mater and pia mater of the brain ; and so for taste and touch , they draw plateforms in the inside of the skin , either of the skin of the tongue , or any other outward parts of the body , as they do on the outside of the skin awake ; thus the senses present as perfect prints to the rational oft times in sleep , as awake , onely they print on the inside a sleep , and on the outside awake , and what rational creature would not beleeve their senses ; for should a man see another man die , and see him buried , and afterwards should see that man alive again , and hear him speak , and touch him , shall feel the substance of flesh , would not he think he lived ? thomas the apostle questions the relations of our saviours resurrection from the grave , but never questioned his senses , when he saw , and touched him ; so in our dreames , when the sensitive innate matter prints such figures on the optick nerve , as of such a person which is dead , the rational matter straight paterns out the sensitive print ; and when the sensitive print , and the rational figure is just alike , the other motion of the rational matter cannot question the truth of that figure , or figures being there , though they may question how they come alive , again treating with it , as if awake , the same is if the sensitive innated prints , any thing as dead , which is living , and the rational pattern it , the rest of the rational motions make no question of the truth of those sleeping motions , untill waking motions otherwayes inform them ; for rational motion in every particular figure , knows little of the sensitive , but what the senses shews them , in the several motions , yet the rational generally knows what they present unto them , which every particular sense doth not , each motion is unknown , and are strangers to each other in one and the same figure ; for the ear knows not what the eye seeth , nor the eyes know not what the nose smelleth , nor the nose knows not what the tongue tasts , nor the tongue knows not what the body feels , but the rational innat matter in a figure , knows all the sensitive motions in the same figure , as long as the figure is perfect , and moves in an animal way , and that the rational motion moves regular ; for when the motions are irregular , they can take no perfect copies , nor notice how the sensitive move , that is , the reason that in perturbed passions , which are onely irregular motions , the senses become as it were uselesse to them , but most commonly the disorder of one brings the disorder of the other , i will not say at all times , and so when the sensitive spirits are regular , the rational is regular , but not at all times , for some times the one is regular , the other is not , but the rational which takes copies of the sensitives is oftener disordered by the sensitives , then the sensitives by the rational , for when there is grief in the minde , many times the body is in good health , but it is seldom known when the body is sick , but the minde is troubled . chap. 155. of local dreames . the reason that many times we dream of walking woods or houses , and the like , is through this following reason ; the rational innate matter , as i often said before , turns most commonly into such figures , as the sensitive innate matter prints , or hath printed upon the senses , now if a tree or house , or the like , be printed on the inside of the pia mater , or the like sensitive part , when we are asleep , the rational innate matter straight figures them , these figures move after a local manner , although they have not an animal , or local shape ; the reason is , that the rational innated matter being purer in it self , without the mixture of dull matter , moves onely in their own matter , and the figure moves in the matter ; whereas the sensitive innated matter working upon the dull part of matter , moves in that dull matter , and not the dull matter in the sensitive innated matter , that is the sensitive innate matter moves in the dull part of matter , and the dull part of matter is moved by the sensitive innate matter ; thus the sensitive figure is moved , but not moving , but the rational innated matters figures give their own motions ; likewise if we have seen a battle , or heard of a battle , and afterwards we dream of the same , or of the like battle ; then the rational innated matter puts its self into animal figures , and moves after a local manner , each figure placing it self after that manner or way as was related , or printed by the senses , or after away of its own invention , and when the figures encounter each other , as they must do to fight a battle in the brain ; and then some seeme to be falling , and others dead , and some mangled ; those figures are as falling and broken , and cease to move after the local manner ; and when one party seems to move as in a confusion , then the motions are irregular , and just as the senses present , so doth the rational innated matter act in the brain when we sleep , and sometimes when we are awake , as in imagination . chap. 156. of the senses , and the objects that pass through the senses . that innate matter which i call the sensitive spirits makes holes , which holes serve as doors in animal figures to receive outward objects , as the holes that are made in the eyes , ears , nostrils , mouth , and the pores of the skin , wherein the animal receives light , sound , scent , tast , and touch ; the senses are brought and presented by the sensitive innated matter , to the rational innated matter , who takes knowledg thereof ; as for example , there is a hous or a tree , or any the like gross material figure , these being placed beforethe passage of the eyes , those sensitive spirits , in the eye taking notice thereof , with the help of that brings the objects therein , strait prints or paints those objects upon the optick nerve , or upon the outside of the brain , as the dia mater , or pia mater , upon which the rational spirits view as on pictures , then copie them out , not by working on the dull part of matter , as the sensitives innated matter doth , but turn themselves by number and measure , into figures like those printed or painted figures ; the difference is , that the rational matter is like sculptures , the others as pictures upon flats ; these rational figures we call knowledg , or understanding , and as long as these rational figures last , though the object is absent , and the prints rub out , by other objects , or by distance of place , or the like , we call memory ; but when those rational figures are dissolved , and afterwards repeated be wrought without a presentment of the senses , we call it remembrance , and the reason the memory is not so strong , as the present sense , nor the remembrance so perfect as the memory is ; that with the present object there are two figures as the rational sculpture , and the sensitive point , when the memory is but one , as the sculpture , which remains as with the rational , but the sensitive print is rubbed or worn out , and the reason why remembrance is not so perfect , as the memory , is , because remembrance is but a copy of a copy , from the original print , for remembrance is but a pattern taken from the memory , and the memory 〈◊〉 a pattern taken from the objects . chap. 157. of figure presented to the senses , and figures together . the reason why figurative senses are quicker then the figurative growth , is , it is less labour in printing on the dull part of matter then in cutting out sculpt figures , not for the strength of actions , as for the several laborious actions therein , fetching their material a far way , and for many several places , which requires time and place , when printing is but a press laid upon a flat . chap. 158. of objects , and the senses , something differing from the other chapter . that innate matter which i call the sensitive spirits for distinction sake , makes holes or doors in animal figures , to receive outward objects ; as the ears , eyes , nostrils , mouth , pores of the skin , and the like , and these outward objects are presented , to that part of innate matter which i call rational spirits , but that part of innate matter i call sensitive spirits ; as for example , thus , there is a house , or a tree , or any the like gross material figure ; which is subject to the sense of animal figures , these standing at the doors of the eyes , which as soon as the sensitive spirits perceive , or other sensitive spirits that come in through these doors , strait print or draw the same figure upon the optick nerve , which optick nerve is made of dull matter , by the sensitive spirits from whence the rational spirits viewing from thence that picture , strait run themselves by number and measure into the likeness of that picture , which are those we call knowledg or understanding , and as long as those figures last among the rational spirits , though the objects are absent that we call memory , for when these prints are rubbed off by the sensitive spirits , and others placed thereon , or vaded by distance of place , or obscured by shutting the lids , yet the figure thereof may remain amongst the rational spirits , which is , as i said before , memory , and the repetitions of figures ; 〈◊〉 is , when one and the same figure was dissolved and created again amongst the rational , it is remembrance ; but memory is not so strong as the present sense , nor the remembrance so perfect , as the memory and the reason is , that what the sensitive spirits wrought on the optick nerve , is like a printed or painted figure , and that which the rational spirits make is like a carved statue , like painting , or sculpture , so that in memory the sculpture remains , and in remembrance is created , although the printing , or painting is worn out , or rubbed out , so that the present senses have two figures , one upon the optick nerve , the other amongst the rational spirits , wherein memory remains but one , and the reason why remembrance is not so perfect as memory is , because it is but the copy of a copy from the original , for remembrance is but a pattern taken from the memory , and the memory but a pattern from the object . chap. 159. of the figure of the head . the figure of the brain gives strength to the sensitive motions , and to the rational knowledg in animals , for the scull being made with an arched rough , and the sides being hollow , and the whole head round , which hollow sides arched rough and round compass , cause rebounds * and reflections of the motions therein , which multiplie , increase , and strengthen them , as for the motions and figures of sound , the notes that are made are struck from the drum of the ear , as balls from a hand , to the concave part , and from thence rebound from side to side , and fall down , as a new note is raised , or like many balls struck one after another , so rebounds follow one another , and according as they are struck , so are the rebounds stronger or weaker , and according as they are repeated , so do they last ; the same for sight , for * lines piercing from the optick nerve , darting on the concave parts reflect , and these reflections cause double lines , which make the sensitive figures on the optick nerve appear plain to the rational figure , but if they rebound , and reflections be disorderly returned by disordered motions , they make a confusion , both in the sense , and rational knowledg , as for tast , it strikes from the nerves of the tongue , upon the brain , besides the hollow cave of the mouth , and according as the rebounds are made , and the strokes are struck , the taste is stronger or weaker , but if the brain be stuff'd with cold , then the concaves being stuft and so stopp'd where the rebounds should return , cause the taste to be weak , insomuch as not to be sensibly felt ; and for touch , the pores of the skin and flesh are hollow ; wherein rebounds are made , striking from side to side of each pores ; and we finde by experience that those parts which are not hollow , have not so strong a sense as those that are hollow : again , if the nerves from whence the strongest strokes are struck be 〈◊〉 slack , the sense is weak . as for scent which is brought through the nostrils of the nose , like water through spouts , which dilates its self through the brain circling the pia mater , swelling , flowing and ebbing , like to the sea about the earth , which when it flows it is strong , but when it ebbs it is weak . but by reason scent is made by streaming motions , and not striking and retorting motions . as the other four senses are , it retaines not so long in the memory as the others do , although it may last longer in the brain or head , being more lasting , most commonly for the present then the rest are , for a stinke will remain in the brain a great while , and so will strong perfumes . chap. 160. of sight . the general opinion is , that all objects come through the optick nerve , and print the figures received on the brain , and that there are , nor can be no figures in the brain , but what the opticks bring in , and have passed through the eye ; it is true , by experience we finde , that without an eye , we cannot see an outward object , as they are without us , yet we see those objects , as they are without us in our sleep when our eyes be shut ; thus the sense of seeing is not lost , although the eyes were out , and the optick nerves stopped up . but some will say , those objects in dreams have past through in part , or in whole , therefore the question will be , where an animal can have an insight , if it were born blinde ; but if it be so , as the opinion is , that no figure , or insight can be , but what comes , or hath passed through the eye , and optick nerve , must want that sensible knowledge ; for according to that opinion , the ear can do the understanding no service as toward that sense , by reason sound can make no figure to sight , neither will taste , nor sent ; but some may say , touch may discover somewhat of that sense to the understanding , but i think not ; for in my opinion , touch is as senssesse to insight as sound ; for we cannot comprehend more of touch then of sound , for depth and breadth are no more to insight , then high notes , and low notes , nor soft nor hard , no more to insight then swift , and slow , sharp , or flat , nor pleasure , nor pain , no more then harmony , and discord ; but my opinion is , that figures are as inherent to the minde , as thoughts ; and who can have an unfigurative thought , for the minde cannot have thoughts , but upon some matter , and there is no matter but must have some figure , for who can think of nothing ; but the minde is like infinite nature , having no dimension , or extention , no center , nor circumference , no breadth , no depth , and as the innat matter creates figures , so the minde , which is the matter creates thoughts , which thoughts , are the figures of the minde ; for when we hear of a deity , we say in words it is an incorporeal thing ; but we cannot conceive it so in thought , we say we do , but we cannot prove we do ; t is true , the minde may be in a maze , and so have no fixt thought of any particular thing ; yet that amaze hath a figurative ground , although not subscribed ; as for example , my eyes may see the sea , or air , yet not the compasse , and so the earth , or heavens ; so likewise my eye may see a long pole , yet not the two ends , these are but the parts of these figures , but i see not the circumference to the uttermost extention , so the mind in amaze , or the amaze of thinking cuts not out a whole and distinct figurative thought , but doth as it were spread upon a flat , without a circumference , and though there are not such figures in the brain , as it brought through the opticks , yet such figures as the minde creates ; for the minde is innate matter , and innat matter is self-motion , and self-motion , is alwayes moving , and working , which working is figuring ; thus the sensitives innated matter prints figures iu the brain , and the rational innated matter creates figures in the brain after its own invention , which are imagination and conception , wherein are made imaginary worlds , without the materials of outward objects : and perchance these motions may create such a figure as this world , and such several figures , as the several creatures therein , although not so solid and lasting , because those motions want those grosse materials , of which they should create it withal ; but the sensitive innated matter in this cause , prints these figures upon the brain by patterning the rational figures created in the brain , like as when it doth the outward objects , and when the sensitive innate matter works on the inside , as in sleep , then it gives an insight , which are dreams according to their copied prints , and these motions may make lines of light , triangular lines , for colours set notes of tunes , draw plat-forms of taste , and sent , make prints of touch , not onely the rational innated matter , by imagination ; but the sensitive innated matter gives a sensible touch on the brain of all the outward senses , by which touch , i mean sensible knowledge ; thus the interior motions may move the brain with the variety of every sense , without the exterior passages , or objects , and although it may not make those very objects and subjects ; yet such as are proper for each sense , and of the same nature as i said before , draw lines of light , gathering motions make clouds , triangular motions make colours , insnarled motions make darknesse without the outward object , and all other motions that make several figures , or printed figures . likewise reflections without the help of the eye and so rebounds , and retorts ; for sound , and set notes print words , and plain tunes without the ear ; so likewise for taste , sent , and touch ; but when the brain is filled withoutward objects , the natural motion seldom works after their own invention , having not room as it were , or else it is as it were overpowred with work , having more objects brought in , then they can either conveniently place or sort , or distinguish ; but weak minds , which are slow moving matter , think life an insensible thing , and the head , or brain empty of figures , when it is not filled with outward objects , like as a barrel is not filled with liquor , thinks it empty , because the thin air with which it is filled , is not subject to their grosse senses , so not to their weak capacities . thus it is not the outward objects that make the sense , but the innate matter , which is self motion , which is the sense and knowledge , and the different motions therein , and therefrom , make the differences thereof , and though different sense and knowledge , may be in different , and several figures , and such kind of sense & knowledge proper for such kind of sorts of figures ; yet the figure adds nothing to the sense , and knowledge , although the innated matter may give a figure such a kind of sense and knowledge and when that figure dies , that kinde of sense and knowledge may alter , which was proper to that kinde of figure ; yet if it were the figure that gave the sense , and knowledg , and not the innated motions , there would be no alteration when the figure is made , or any extraordinary passion , whereby experience we finde the sense , and knowledge do alter all , though the figure be perfect , and in health . chap. 161 of light and colours . light and colour is made upon the optick nerve , as sound on the drum of the ear , for light the sensitive innated matter draws long , straight , smal , even lines , upon the optick nerve , and when colours are made , notes are set upon those lines , drawn upon the optick nerve as thus . of colours , are when those lines are set with quavor , semy quavor . but light is onely when those lines are drawn without those quavors , semy-quavors , but as we shall see plain song books , after this manner . and the knowledg the rational innated matter takes thereof , is when they move in plain lines , when they move in figures and lines , they move for colours . chap. 162. of blindnesse . blindnesse proceeds from many causes , as when the cristalline part of the eye is not clear ; for if it be dimming , or failing , or spotted and foul , the objects seem muddy , and misty , and as the water of the cristaline is coloured , so the objects appear ; for as diamonds , some are of a black water , others of a yellow water , some of a green water , or blue , others of a white water ; so is the cristalline part of several eyes , and according as it is clear , or coloured , so all objects appear . a second defect may be in the ball of the eye ; for according to the compasse of the concave , or convex thereof , the objects are presented neerer , or at a further distance , or longer or shorter , or broader , or narrower . a third defect may be in the eye hole ; for according to the largenesse , or littlenesse thereof , objects are presented , either in whole , or in part , bigger , or lesser , more , or fewer objects enter at once ; for if the eye-lid hole should be too large , the species would disperse too much , disuniting parts and figures , and if too small , the species cannot passe in 〈◊〉 and file , as i may say ; for though the smaller the circle is , the closer it contracts the species , and draws the objects into a straighter line ; yet if they should passe in a crowd , they will stop the mouth of the passage , like water in a glasse when turned suddenly downward , every drop striving to get out first hinders each others so in the strife , as none can passe . a fourth defect may be in the optick nerve , if it be full of slime , and the like , it darknens the sight , stopping the passage of the light , or if it be shrunk , or dried up , likewise if the head be full of grosse vapours , it obscures the sight , as a thick mist doth the sun ; for this foul foggy , and grosse vapors hinder the species from entring , and the sensitive innated matter that should print these objects , on the optick nerve , and if they are not quite stopt , yet it hinders the regularity , making that innated matter to work by piece-meales , or else staies not so long , as to take a perfect survay . the fift and sixth defect may be , if the eyes move too quick , or too slow , which makes the sight imperfect , or dull ; for too quick motions of the eye dazles the sight , and clips and cuts the exterior objects into so many parts , as no one part can be perfectly known , or seen ; and too slow motion blunts the sight like a sharp point that is struck upon a stone , or the like ; besides , when it is fixt too long upon one object , other objects passe by before it removes , or wearies it so much as one cannot take notice of it ; but when the eyes are too quick , it is by reason the nerve strings that tie and fasten the ball of the eye to the head , are too slack , which makes the eye ball so loose as the least motion moves it , or else these nervous strings are too small which makes them so weak , as every little motion moves , so as they are alwayes in motion as it were ; for if the nerves , and sinew-strings be too small for the weight of the eye ball , it may alwayes have a trembling motion , like a sthe aspen , or like weights that cannot poise steddy , as long as there is a disproportion ; and when the eyes are too slow the reason is when the sinews , or nerve-strings , are so short tied , or shrunk up , so that it holds the eye ball too hard , or too straight , giving it not liberty to stir , and turn from side to side , or to role about . a seventh defect may be when the eyes look asquint , as it may do two several wayes ; the one is when the ball of the eye is tied too short , by the nervous string towards the nose , by which the balls of either eye , are drawn so much inward to each other , as to look at each other ; but that they are some wayes hindered by the nose , this makes the lines or points ; that shoot from either eye , to meet acrosse , which makes all exterior objects to look double ; but if the eye string ties the balls of the eyes too short towards the temples it draws the points from the center , and the eyes out of the natural bias which causeth a side look , as seeing two several wayes at once , but neither way perfectly , by reason that the lines that issue from the eyes , lie not level , neither can those lines meet upon an object , in a triangular , which joyns 〈◊〉 sight of each eye into a point , which makes sight so much the stronger . thus if the strings be too loose , or too hard , or too small , or that the optick is shrunk up , or the eye-lid-hole covered with some scale , or filme , or the eye-lid-hole too little or too big , or the christalline full , or the brain full , or too many vapours continually ascending from the bowels , or stomach , or if the eye be too quick , or too slow , it is a great defect in sight ; but if the passage be quite stopped up , of the strings or christalline part be broke , those are irrecoverably blinde . chap. 163. of hearing . after the same manner is the sense received at the ear , onely the difference is , that instead of drawing , printing the outward objects , received through the eye , printed on the optick nerve , so the sensitive innated matter , sets , or pricks down notes , and draws lines on the drum of the ear , as musicians do upon paper , or the like ; and the sensitive innated matter in making them run , and make stops according as the vocal sound is set , and it is louder , or lower , according as they work weaker or stronger , but for the verbal , it is writ , 〈◊〉 printed on the drum of the ear in letters , for words , and the knowledge the animal figure takes , is when the rational innated matter moves according to those letters or notes , or wayes of division : but in a confused sound there is no order , time , nor stop kept , nor no perfect note , nor letter , nor line prick'd , or printed , or drawn , but , as we vulgarly say , it is all scrible-scrable , or else ciphers set for notes ; and like as it is to the opticks , so it is to the ear , for the notes and letters , as the pictures which fade ; for as the outward motions slacken , so the vocal and verbal sound dissolves ; and the memory and remembrance of sounds , vocal and verbal , is as the sense of the objects on the opticks . chap. 164. of articular sounds , or sounds without distinction . it is strange if we consider that one word should strike so many several ears , and so to be heard perfectly , by every particular ear ; but surely to my reason one word or note cannot fill so many ears , as can stand to hear it : again , it is strange that a word should directly hit into every ear that stands to hear it , i will not say alwayes , for sometimes a word is spoke two or three times over , although the ear be clear before it can hit the entrance , but that is but seldome ; but in my opinion it is not a single word that runs about from ear to ear , for then all would not hear at once , for if there were a multitude , the last ear might not hear a week after , or at least a day after it had been spoken . wherefore in my opinion it must be after this manner , the mouth , tongue , and breath formes not onely a single word , but millions in one lump , with the same labour of pains , as for one word ; as for example , take a sheet of paper , or the like , and fold it into many folds , in a small compass , and stamp a print thereon , and every fold shall have the like print with one stamp , and until they are parted they stick so close as if they were but one printed body , when every fold is divided by the stamp with the print thereon ; so likewise the mouth folds up thin air , and the tongue gives the printed stamp , which being cast forth like a ball of wilde-fire , disperseth in a crack or sound , and then suddenly spreads about in several streams ; thus millions of words run about in lines of air , passing in all pores and hollow bodies , as the ear or the like , concaves as hollow wood and vaults , where finding resistance , rebounds back in repetitions , and according to their strength , or the strength of their bearing motions , they pierce farther and fall shorter , and according to the freeness of the passage , they sound louder , clearer , lower , or duller , and according to their stamp they are perfect or imperfect . after the same manner is all distinct sounds , notes being printed as words , but sounds without distinction , are like stamps without prints , that is plain pieces of air , but if the ear be stopped , the sound is lost to the brain , i will not say to natural sense , for surely the brain is not the whole ingrosser of that and the like sensitive knowledg , neither will say the animal head ingrosses all that sort of tempered matter , or that no passage can conveigh a sound but the animal ear . but most probably all sounds spread as lights ; as for example , a small candle will enlighten a large compass , by reason rayes of light streame equally from the center candle to the circumference ; so is sound : for when a pistol , or any the like shots of a bullet , the pistol , or that which makes the sound , is the center which spreads sound as fire doth light , and when such a compass of air is filled with sound , either vocal or verbal , every ear that stands in the compass must needs receive the sound if they 〈◊〉 not deaf ; likewise every eye may see day-light , that is not blinde , and the rebounds of sound are as the reflections of light , and verbals are received into the ear , as figures into the eyes ; and as cross lines of light make various colours , so different notes make various tunes : but some may say , that if the air were full of one and the same words , or notes , that more would enter the ears then was sent . i say that is impossible , unless the ear could draw the spreading , or streaming lines from the circumference to a point , which the ear cannot . but i believe art may do the same for sound as it can with light ; for art can draw with glasses made for that purpose , many beams to appoint , but if the eyes did so , it would burn them out . also they can draw several species , through a small hole . i believe artificial echoes , are or may be made after such a manner . chap. 165. of taste , touch , and smell . these senses are made by such motions as sound is , and as they are set on the drum of the ear , so these are set on the nerves of the tongue , or on the skin , for when the skin is off our tongue , we cannot taste ; likewise for * touch , they are set on the nerves , and sinnews ; and when these notes are set harmoniously , it pleaseth the senses , otherwise it displeaseth them , which displeasure is pain amongst the sensitive innated matter , and hate amongst the rational innate matter . as for scent , they are motions that draw like lines , like a plat-form upon the pia mater of the brain ; indeed the second draught of the sensitive innated matter , is to draw all their figures upon the pia mater of the brain . chap. 166. of touch. touch is the general sense of the whole body , which the other senses are not ; for though every part of the body is of a several touch , yet it is all touch ; when sight onely belongs to the eyes ; sound onely to the ears ; scent onely to the nostrils ; and taste onely to the tongue ; besides the loss of any of these senses , nay all of them , may be wanting , as if they were not belonging to life , as indeed they are not , but onely as conveniencies to the life , but not of necessity ; whereas touch is as it were the life of the figure , for when this sense is generally wanting in the animal figure , it is as we say dead ; that is , the natural motion belonging thereto , is generally altered , or quite changed , as we say . this sense is received through the pores of the flesh , and the nerves are the instrumental strings whereon motion playes , either a harmony of pleasure , or a discord of pain , for as their strings are struck , so is pain or pleasure felt , but i have treated sufficiently of this sense in my chapter of numb'd palsies . chap. 167. of the pores of the body . the pores are passages which let out the smoke or vapor , unnatural heat , and the superfluous humors in the body ; also they are passages to let in comfortable warmth , refreshing colds , nourishing air ; these passages have their inconveniencies , for they are a means to conveigh out the good with the bad ; and many times takes in infections , as malignant diseases that passe through the pores , for infection comes in as much through the pores , as any other part of the body . besides , many times the radical moisture is carried out by unnatural heats , and sometimes the vital spirits by too many transparations ; but these pores passages are drawn or shut closer together by contracting motions , or set wider open by extenuating motions ; but if these common and necessary passages to the interiour parts be 〈◊〉 close shut , either by cold contractions , or hot contractions , it smoothers and choakes the vital parts by keeping the vapor , or smoke that should go forth , for the pores in this case are as the funnels of chimneys , wherein the smoke ascends up , and goeth out , and if they are set too wide open by the extenuating motions , they cause the body to starve , by giving passage to such matter as should be kept in to feed the body , or by giving too free passage , to the natural moisture , that should quench or temper the heat in the body , or by giving too free a passage to the gadding spirits that should stay in the body , to be imployed to the substance and strength thereof ; besides , when they are too open they are as apt to take in , by giving passage to that which is a prejudice to the 〈◊〉 of the body , as infections , malignity , or unnatural colds , or the like . but the pores of the body are always imployed , where the other passages of the body are imployed but some times . the natvral vvars in animal figvres . part v. chap. 167. all animals after they are created , and have an animal life , the figure is inlarged by nourishing motions , and sympathetical matter , these nourishing motions are disgesting motions , carrying those parts which are received by the senses , unto those parts that are created therein , building thereon , and fitting therewith , strengthning by adding thicknesse , as well as inlarging by extention , yet all that is received into the stomack , is not nourishing , the reason is that the temperament of the matter , is not sympathetical , that is agreeing not with the motions therein ; for though it is not so antipathetical to make an open war , which war is sicknesse , yet they do hinder , and obstruct , like several factions , those natural motions which make health ; but when the natural motions and tempers of humours are quite opposite to the food that is received , or the unnatural humours bred in the body by evil digestion , they become mutanous by the quantity that is received , or that ariseth from obstructions , whereupon there becomes a fierce and cruel fight of contrary motions , and temperaments of matter , and whilest they are in the battle , we say the body is sick , and if the natural motions be not strong enough , to beat that evil , and dangerous matter out , or at least able to resist them so far , as to guard themselves until the evil parts do spend themselves with their own fury , or till the natural motions , and temperaments can have some assistance , as cordials , or physick , it destroyes the figure it fights with ; but if the natural motions be more powerfull , either by their own strength , or by their assistance , then the mutinous and rebellious humours , or the foreign enemy , as surfets , and the like ; but when they are beaten out , killed , or taken prisoners , which is to be purged , corrected , or purified , which makes the humours obedient , and peaceable . chap. 168. of the four natural humours of the body , and those that are inbred . as there is natural fire , aire , water , and earth , that is made by an intire creation derived from their own proper principles . as likewise a metamorphosed fire , aire , water , and earth . so there are humours in animal bodies , and in other bodies ; for all i can perceive , and though the bodies cannot be metamorphosed , yet the humours may . but in every animal body there is natural melancholy , choler , flegme , and blood ; the natural blood is the vital vapor ; the natural flegme is the radical moisture ; the natural choler is the radical heat , the natural melancholly is the animal spirits , being the highest extract . and if we do but observe those that be naturally melancholly , have the soundest judgements , the clearest understanding , the subtilest observation , and curiousest inventions , the most conceptions , the 〈◊〉 fancies , and the readiest wits ; likewise the strongest passions , and most constant resolution . but humours which are inbred as flegme , choler , and melancholy are made as metamorphosed fire , aire , water , slime mud , and earth , as for example , the chylus is the matter that is metamorphosed . the dilating motions transform it from chylus to slime , from slime to water , from water to blood , from blood to vapor , from vapor to comfortable and lively heat , from comfortable and lively heat , to burning fevers and hectick fevers , and the like . likewise the chylus by contracting motions , turns from chylus to slime . if they be cold contractions , it turns from slime to flegme , from flegme to heavy melancholly . if hot contractions , it turns from chylus to temperat choler ; from temperat choler to choler adust , from choler adust , to melancholly ; which from a slimy humour to a muddy humor , from a muddy humour , to an earthy dry humour . some sort of hot contractions make it sharp , some salt , some bitter . likewise , several sorts of salts , sharpnesse , and bitternesse , are wrought with mixt motions , cold contractions make the humour , glassy , and stony . hot contractions make the humours tough , clammy glutenous and stony . hot dilatings make the humour oylie , cold dilations watry . likewise , mixt motions makes mixt humours , and mixt tempers inclining to each side , as the motions predominate . chap. 169 the five natural maladies of the body . every diseased figure is either pained , sick , dissy , numb , weak , or mad , sometimes they meet all in one figure , these are distinct senses one from another ; as for pain , although every several part of the body hath different sense , yet they agree in the general , as to be all pain . but sicknesse is quite different from pain , for it is another , sense ; for to have a pain in the stomach , is not to be sicke in the stomach ; neither is any part of the body , but the stomach is liable to this sense ; the head may ake , and the heart may ake , heel , or any part of the body ; but none but the stomach can be sick ; indeed it is a different sense from pain . thirdly , a swimming , or diseases in the head , are different from both the other , it is a third sort of sense , neither is any other part of the body subject to this disease , but the head not properly , yet faintnesse , or weaknesse is a disease , as it were tempered with the three former diseases , as to have pain , sick , and dissy , or swimming , to be mixt or compounded into one disease , but it is so mixt and compounded into all three , as neither is perfectly or distinctly felt ; so as it is no distinct sense this disease is generall to the whole body . the fift is madnesse , this sense is neither painful , nor sick , nor dissy , but light in the head , which is different from dissy or swimming ; but this disease infecteth with a distemper , the five outward senses . the last is a numbnesse , and deadnesse of particular parts ; and sometimes of the whole body ; but this disease is not onely a different sense , but an other nature , which is naturally unknown to the figure ; for the figure is not any wayes sensible thereof ; indeed it is of the nature of sowning ; for those that sown , the motions of the animal sense , and minde are quite altered for a time , but then the animal motions return , that is , rechanged to the proper motions again , so that those dead parts that cannot be restored to the sense of touch , are as it were in a continual sown , for though in a sown the exterior motion are proper to the sense of touch is changed , yet the interior motions proper to the consistence , of that figure are not changed ; for if the interior consistent motions were changed , it would turn to 〈◊〉 , so in dead palsies , if the interior consistent motions were changed , those parts would corrupt as do dead carcases . numb palsies , ie different from dead palsies as fainting from sowning ; for fainting is in the next degree to a sown , so a numb palsie , is the next degree to dead palsies . chap. 170. i will treat first of the motions that make sicknesse . the motions that cause sicknes are different according as the sicknes is , or rather the sicknesse is according to the different motions ; for some motions are like the ebbing and flowing tides of the sea ; for the humor furdles , or folds upwards , as the flowing tide , which most commonly provokes to cast , as overflowing the mouth of the stomack , but when the humour folds backward , as the ebbing waters do , that provokes to the stool ; for as falling tides run from one place , they flows to another , so when the humour fals back from the mouth of the stomack , it overflows the belly , but if the humour neither overflows the belly , nor the mouth of the stomack , it runs into the nerves , like as the water runs through the earth , and as the water breaks forth by springs , so doth the humor by several 〈◊〉 eumes . again , some sorts of sicknesse in the stomack , are made by such kinde of motions as water boyling in a pot , over the fire , for as ebbing and flowing motions are running backward , and so forward , so boyling motions , are rising upward , and falling downward , there is as much difference in these motions , as betwixt vaughting and running ; but these rising motions cause vapours to the head , for the thin parts which rise highest , when their rising strength failes , fall not hastily down again , but gather to a more solid body , as vapor from the earth doht into clouds , these clouds cause the dimnesse and darknesse of the sight , obstructing the light that is brought by the optick nerves . again , there are other sorts of sicknesse in the stomack , caused by such motions , as are like the rolling of a barrel , the humour turning about in the figure of a barrel , which figure , or the like , is somewhat bigger in the middle , then the two ends , this humour in the stomack is most commonly tough and thick , being more united , and somtimes one end of this humour is as set upward , and the other downward , and so turned as a barrel with the head upward , and sometimes moved as a barrel the longest way on the ground , these motions cause neither purging by vomits , nor stool , but thrust out into cold sweats ; for though these are not so strong dilating , or expulsing motions as ouer 〈◊〉 , which forceth to vomit , or to purge , yet it extenuates by thrusting weakly out into a faint sweat , then there are other sorts of sickness , which are caused by such motions , as if meat were turning about on a spit , for the center of the humor removes not out of the place , although the circumference turns about ; this is a constant sickness , and the stomach hath no ease , untill the humor is taken out of the stomach by some stronger motions ; as you would take a spit from the fire , or by 〈◊〉 motions , to hold the humor from turning : so there are millions of several motions , which makes several sicknesses in the stomach , for though the stomach can be but sick , yet the sickness is not always after one and the same manner . chap. 171. of the motions which cause pains . pain is caused not onely by irregular motions , but cross motions , or rather , as i may say , jumbling motions ; that is , motion beats upon motion , or , as i may say , runs upon each other , thronging and justling each other ; and several sorts of pain in several parts of the body , are caused by different , cross , or beating motions , but if they be dilating motions , they beat upon one another , by shufling outward , like as foolish women do for place , tumbling upon each other to get foremost ; those painful motions turn to sores , and putrifie , because dilating motions make moisture , and being perturbed , make corruption , but if they be such contracting motions which cause pains , they turn those parts that are pained to be harder , then naturally those parts are , as the stone dry liver , or brain , or the like ; but if those pains be made of mixt motions , as some beat inward , and some outward , and so run cross , they are hard swelling that extends to the exterior parts , but will not break , as the king 's evil , or gouts that lie in the flesh , or sciatica , and many the like ; for though the extenuating motions would burst out , yet the contracting motions keep in , and being both equally strong , neither get the better , for the time the pain is ; and if the pain be amongst the sinews , it is caused either by contracting motions or 〈◊〉 motions , but not mixt , but as it were divided ; for if it be extenuating motions , 〈◊〉 sinews are irregularly stretch'd too far ; if contracting or atracting motions , they irregularly draw , or pull , or gather the sinews strings too short ; if the paines be in the bones , they are onely cross motions , as if one should run one against the other , yet neither shuff backward nor push forwards , being equally strong ; if in the flesh they are intangled motions , which make it incline towards black , as to seem purple , or read , or black . and if the pain be in the skin , they are pricking motions , as if a needle should draw a thread in and out upon a cloath , or the like , but in every pained part there is some difference in the manner of motions , although not in the nature of the motions . chap. 172. of swiming or dissiness in the head . dissiness and swimming in the head is made by several sorts of motions , of such vapor as is condensed into winde , if winde be condensed , if not , it is rarified vapor turned into winde ; and the agilness of the motions therein , causeth the force thereof , by an often repetition , giving no time for a repulse : but howsoever winde is made , either by rarification , or condensation , it is winde most commonly , which causeth that we call a swimming and dissiness in the head ; * for this condensed or rarified vapor , ( which you will ) when it is expulsed , flies violently about , carrying or driving whatsoever is bearable , loose or moveable along , or about with it , according to the strength thereof ; and if this winde be in those veins which incompass and run through the brain , it carries the bloud therein , with such an extraordinary and swift motion about the head , or brain , as it carries the senses , as it were , along with it , which makes the diseased think the brain turned round in the head , when it is onely the vapor , that wheels round therein , or about ; but the lasting strength wasting by the violent swiftness , brings but a short trouble to the diseased , and seldom or never causeth a ruine , unless there be some vein broken by the violence thereof ; but if it be a windy vapor , in the 〈◊〉 and larger parts of the head , it sometimes will gather like a ball , or like that we 〈◊〉 a spinning top , which spins about in the brain , whilest it hath strength , and when the strength fails , the spinning motion is done , and the vapor disperseth , so the dissiness ceaseth ; at other times those vapors will move like a whirlwinde , moving ascendingly , in lesser and lesser circles , until it brings a circle to a point in the shape of a pyramid ; and when the strength abates , or that it breaks it self against more solid matter , the vapor disperses and so expulses , but this sort of motions is so violent , as it causes the diseas'd to fall , but soon to recover , for what is supernaturally violent cannot last long . chap. 173. where the brain turns round , or not in the head . although thin vapor may get betwixt the skull and the brain , and likewise slimy 〈◊〉 ; yet i imagine not that the brain is loose from the skull , so as to flap , flash , or to strike against the sides of the skull , when the head is moved , or to turn round , although it is a common phrase , to say , my brain turns round in my head , when they are dissie ; but imagine it is not in the brain that turnes round , but the vapor or the humor therein ; it is true , the brain turns round , when the whole body turns round , but so as it turns round with the head , as one part , not in the head as a part by it self ; and the reason that the dissiness is cured by turning the contrary way , is , that the sensitive motions therein are turned toward their moderate , naturall , and accustomed manner of moving ; for the violence of turning round , forces the sensitive motions , as the winde doth the air , or water , driving all one way , as before it , or rather like a scrue , or a wheel that windes up those motions , as thread upon a spindle , and so unwinds the contrary way . chap. 174. of the sound or noise in the head . when there is a thin vapor got into the head , as betwixt the skull and the brain , and runs about in circular lines as a string about a wheele , it makes a humming noise , as a turning wheel doth , and the more by reason the head as well as the vaporous lines is spherical , and though the brain may stick close to the scull , yet not so close but a thin vapor may get betwixt ; but if the vapor be gathered into little hollow balls like cymbals , and runs about the head , it causeth a noise like those cymbals , as a tickling or gingling noise . but if the vapour in the head hath intermitting motions , the sound is like musical instruments , for the stops like notes , make the divisions according to the several motions in the head , is the sound made therein , although the ear is stopp'd without . chap. 175. of weakness . sowning is caused by the obstruction of the spirits , or too great evacuations , or when any thing suppresses , or laies siege to the heart , or head , they being the magazine of the life of the body , wherein the least disorder is like fire to gunpowder : weakness is caused by a too much relaxing of the sinews , and small fibres of the body , which are like laths to an house , and flesh like the morter laid thereon . the bones like the strong timber rafters and beams therein , which when the morter is worn off , the laths are apt to loosen ; so when the body is lean , the flesh is wasted , the sinews are apt to slacken . again , some are weak , by reason the sinews are boyl'd too tender , as too much towards a jelly , which the body will be after moist extenuating diseases , as after extraordinary sweatings , small pox , measels , or the like , or in hydropical diseases . weakness is in a degree to death , as being towards a final or general expulsion of the figure . chap. 176. of numb and dead palsies . a dead palsie is not onely made by mis-tempered matter , and disordered motions , but by unnatural motions , as improper to the nature of that kinde of figure , working , or mis-working most commonly upon the exterior parts , drawing up or shutting close those passages that should be open , working by contrary motions , from the nature of the figure , which causes insensibility , but as long as the vital parts be untouch'd , which are the stewards , and trustees , to the life of the body , which are to dispose , discharge , and direct , to take in and lay out , for the subsistance of the body ( as i may say ) as long as these are untouch'd , the life of the body may subsist , although the other particular parts be as we say dead , or lost to the natural use of the body . a numb palsie is of the same nature , but not of the same degree ; as for comparison , a dead palsie is , as if a door , for common and necessary passage , should be close shut and lock'd , or nail'd up ; and a numb palsie is as if the door or doors should be half open , and according as it is open , or shut , the numb palsie is more or less , but both dead ; and numb palsies are occasioned by some unnatural contractions , for if it were by some unnaturall expulsions , the parts infected would rot , and fall from the other parts , as 〈◊〉 , which certainly are caused by such kind of unnatural expulsions , as dead palsies are of unnatural contractions ; thus we finde by experience , that they are unnatural contractions , that cause dead palsies , because they do not rot . wherefore in these diseases there must be applied opening medicines that work dilatively , and if they be caused from a cold contraction , then hot dilating medicines must be applied , but if they proceed from hot contractions , the cold dilating medicines must be applied ; but the difficulty and skill will be to finde whether they proceed from cold , or heat , although most commonly , all physicians do apply in these diseases , very hot and dry medicines , which are contracting , which medicines are quite contrary to the nature of the diseases , which makes them cure so few , but the surest way is to apply dilating medicines , whether hot or cold . chap. 177. of that we call a sleepy numbness . a sleepy numbness is also caused by obstruction or stoppages ; as for example , if any over-burthensome weight lies upon the arm , or hand , or the like , it will become numb , which is vulgarly called sleepy ; the reason is , that pressing too hard upon those parts , we stop the pores , which by touch is received ; for if the pores be close shut , touch cannot enter , no more then if the eye be shut an outward object can enter , or stopping the ears , or nose , a sound , or scent can enter ; as we may finde by experience ; for if any part is bound too hard , it strait becomes numb , likewise a violent blow ; or when any part is tied too hard , that part becomes numb , the reason is , by striking or thrusting back the bloud ; for the bloud is like a running company , which when they are forcibly beaten back , on those companies that are thrusting forward , unite by contraction into so firm a body , that no particular part can stir ; which solid and thick body stops the pores of the 〈◊〉 , and the running motions in the veines ; but also as we give liberty by uniting , or unbinding , or by taking off waight , or by gently rubbing , to open the pores , and disperse the bloud , it is cured . likewise the sleepy numbness may proceed from a superfluity of vapor , which flying to the pores for vent may stop the passage , by too great a concourse , being more vapor then sudden vent ; but any alteration of motion cures it , by dispersing the vapor , more thin and evenly . chap. 178. of the head feeling numb . when the skins which wrap up the brain , as the pia mater , and dia mater , are contracted by an inward cold , or an outward cold taken in at the nose , ears , mouth , or pores of the skin , they shrivel , or are drawn in as a handkerchief , or the like ; when we carry some bulk within it , and when those skins are drawn into a straiter compass , then the nature is , it presses upon the brain , as being too strait , wherein the brain cannot freely move . besides , the veins and little small strings that run about the brain , being contracted with cold , the bloud in those veins cannot so freely run , and those strings being shrunk , make the brain feel as if it were so hard bound , as to be numb ; but this doth rather afright the life of the diseased , then destroy it ; for a little warmth by rubbing the head , or a hot cloth laid on the head , or some warm spoon-meat cures it . also numbness may proceed from too much bloud in the veins , or too much matter in the nerves , for being too full causeth a stopping , for want of space or room to move naturally in ; but this numbness is not so easily cured , especially when the oppressions lie in the nerves , for opening a vein gives liberty to the bloud ; but i know not how one should so easily open a nerve , neither is the matter within so liquid , as suddenly to run out ; but this numbness is rather of the nature of a dead numbness , then a sleepy numbness . chap. 179. the manner of motion , or disorder in madness . the motions that make that extravagancy we call madness , is as a carver , or painter , ingraver , printer , or the like , should place the figures they work , the wrong end upwards ; or as if mathematicians should draw a plat-form , and should make a square where a circle should be , or should put equall weights in uneven scales , or set false numbers , or make false measure ; or as a painter , printer , carver , or graver , should paint , print , carve , or grave , a coaches head to a lions body , or if a painter should draw feathers , on beasts , and hair on birds , or the like ; indeed a sensitive madness , is like dreams in sleep , onely the sensitive motions work in sleep as i have described before , on the inside of the sensitive doors ; and when awake on the outside ; and in sleep be wrought , without a pattern ; and awake by a pattern srom the reall figure , which they present ; and the differences in madness are , that they work be wrought , without the real subjects , on the outside of the sensitive door , as if awake , although there are no objects to take pattern from , as we may perceive by them that are distempered , that they see such objects that are not present , or such as never was , or can be ; and so the like for sounds , tasts , touch , and smelling , that is , the sensitive motions , paints , prints , carves , graves , or the like ; as on the outside of the optick nerve , without a reall pattern ; and when the sense works regular , they never draw on the outside without a pattern , but on the inside , as in sleep , and the like for all the other senses : but the motions of the rational madness are , when they move violently , and irregularly , if the motions be onely violent , then they fall into violent passions ; as anger , fear , malice , or loving , hating , grieving , dispraises , and resolute intentions ; if their motions be irregular , then they have strange conceptions , wild fancies , mixt memories , inconstant and various opinions ; if their motions be violent and irregular , they have strong and strange imaginations , high despaires , obstinate and dangerous resolutions ; if the sensitive and rational innate matter , sympathie in violent irregularity , then they will violently talke , laugh , sing , weep , and sigh , without reason why , or wherefore ; but mistake me not , for when i say , too violent , strong , swift , weak , slow , it is irregular , as to the temper or nature of the figure , but not as to its own nature ; as for example , a clock may go too swift as to the distance of the hour , and yet strike even every nick ; and the pulse may be too swift for the natural temper , and yet keep even time : a musician may play too fast for a solemn tune , and too slow for a light air , and yet play right to the notes ; as for the irregularity , some motions may be too swift , others too slow , for other assistant motions , as for example an army is to march in a body , and some should go , or ride half a day , or a dayes journey before the rest , and some should lag , and come slowly behinde , or that some should go one way , and some another , or as two should carry a burthen , and the hindemost should go too fast for the former , and so tumble or throw down , or as horses in a coach , the one runs away , and forceth the other to follow , as for disorder , it is somewhat otherwise , as tumults and uproars , as some doing that which they ought not to do , or belong not to them , or instead of garding a house pull it down , or like those that will make a fire in the midst of the house on a woodden floor , and not in the chimnie ; then there is a disorder in placing , and matching of parts , and alterations of motions , quite different , from the nature of the figure , for some sort of madnes is made by such different motions , as death from that which we vulgarly call life , that is , the motions , are as different , as several kindes of figures ; for in this kinde of madnesse , they no more know in their fits , or remember out of their fits , what they did , or said , or was done to them in their fits , then if they had been dead ; just as in a sound , they know not what was done to restore them , yet there is not a cessation of motions ; neither in the sensitive , nor in the rational , but an alteration of motion , 't is true , there is for a time a cessation of such sorts of motion , as belong to the natural health of the figure , but not to the life . chap. 180. of madnesse in the body and minde . there are two sorts different in madnesse , the one is irregular motion , amongst the rational innated matter , the other amongst the sensitive innated matter , as misplacing , ill mixing , or mismixing , or mistempering , or distempering , false carving , wrong printing off , and on the dull part of matter , as in fevers , or the like diseases , where the distempered matter is misplaced , by which improper motions , alters the natural motions , which makes the natural temper , and causes , and unnatural temper by improper motions ; working upon every particular sense , irregularly , or rather improperly , and mixtly , which makes extravagancies both in each particular senses , and in the generality , this madnesse proceeds from the sensitive , and not from the rational innated matter ; for the rational part will be in order , and describe distinctly what extravagant the sense presents to them ; but this madnesse of the body is oft times mistaken , and thought to be the distemper of the minde , because the sick persons describe those extravagancies by relation , yet oftimes the one causeth the other , but not alwayes ; for many times the minde will be disordered when the body is sound , and healthful , and many times the body will be distempered , when the minde is regular and free ; but the madnesse of the body , onely continues to the height of the disease , and as the disease abates , the extravagancies vades , and by health vanishes away , or rather is rubbed , or worn out , by the regular , and proper natural motions belonging to that figure , or body , but the madnesse in the minde proceeds from irregular motions , amongst the rational innated matter , as when they neither keep time , nor measure , not onely in making * figures , but in moving those figures , they make this distemper , or rather that disorder , is altogether in the moving matter , when the other distemper is in disordering the moved matter , for the sensitive innate matter may work regularly , according to the nature and strength , but not according to the temper , or degree of the dull matter , nor according to the nature , and property of the kinde , or sort of figure ; but when the sensitive , and the rational joyns in conjugal disorder the minde is ravening as we say , and the body weak . chap. 181. madnes is not alwayes about the head . madnesse belongs not onely to the head , as that onely the eye , ear , nose , and mouth , sees , hears , smels , and tasts extravagantly ; but every other part of the body that is sensible of touch ; for extravagant touch , is as much as extravavant sight , and the like ; for touch of the brest , or any other part of the body , is a sense , as much as the eye in the head ; thus the body , or senses will be mad as well as the minde , as i have described in former chapters . likewise for the madnesse in the minde , it is not alwayes bound in the head ; for where there are extravagant passions in the heart , the minde is as mad , as when there are extravagant imaginations , in the head ; for the rational matter , that which we call the soul , or minde is as much , and hath as much recourse to the heart , as to the head , and so to the other parts of the body , for any thing i can perceive . but that matter i call the rational and sensitive spirits , * which others call the animal , and vital spirits ; perchance fools may think me extravagant for giving the matter other names ; but i was forced to take these names , because they were more significant to the sense of my discourse ; besides , perchance they may think , when i speak of rational and sensitive spirits , that they are hobgoblins , ghosts , or visions , such as nurses fright their children with , or superstitions , or as the wiser sort doth to make credulous fools beleeve to keep them in awe , knowing they are apt to disorders . chap. 182. musick may cure mad folks . there is great reason why musick should cure madnesse ; for this sort of madnesse is no other but the spirits that are in the brain and heart put out of their natural motion , and the spirits having a natural sympathy with musick , may be composed into their right order ; but it must be such musick , as the number of the notes must goe in such order as the natural motion of the brain , though every brain hath not one and the same motion , but are set like notes to several tunes : wherefore if it were possible , to set notes to the natural motion of the heart , or that brain that is distempered , it might be perfectly cured , but as some notes do compose the brain by a sympathy to the natural motion , so others do make a discord or antipathy , and discompose it , putting the natural motions out of tune . thus much for the sensitive maladies . chap. 183. of the fundamental diseases , first of fevours . there are many several sorts or manners of fevors ; but i will onely treat of the fundamental fevours , which are three , from which three all other fevors are partly derived ; the first is a malignant fevor , the second the hective fevor ; and the third the ordinary burning fevours ; the first is catching , and often deadly , the second is never catching , but alwayes deadly ; the third is neither catching , and seldom deadly ; the first proceeds from violent disordered motions , and distempered matter , and humour . the second from swift motions , which distemper and make waste of the matter , which matter , i mean the substance of the body . the third is too violent motions on well tempered matter . and these three sorts of fevours are often mixt , as it were a part of all mixt into one ; but a high malignant fevor , is a sudden usurpation ; for the disordered motions joyned with a mistempered matter , which is corrupt humours , surprise the body , and destroy the life therein , as we shall see in great plagues , the body is well , sick , and dead in a moment ; these or the like diseases are caused after three manner of wayes , as being taken from outward infection , or bred by an evil habit in the body , or by taking some disagreeing matter therein , which causeth a war of sicknesse ; for upon the disorder which the disagreeing matter makes , the natural motions belonging to the body grow factious , and like a common rout arise in an uproar , which strives onely to do mischief , stopping some passages that should be kept open , and opening some passages that should be kept shut , hindring all regular motions , from working after that natural manner , forcing those they can over power , to turn rebels to the life of the body . for it is against the nature of the innated matter to be idle , wherefore it works rather irregularly then not work at all , but as long as a body lies sick , the power is divided , one part of the innated matter working irregularly , the other according to the natural constitution , which by the regularity , they strive to maintain the chief forts of life which are the vital parts , especially the heart , and disordered motions striving to take , or pull them down , making their strongest assaults thereon ; for the disordered innated matter makes out-works of corrupted matter , stopping as many passages as their power will give leave , so striving either to starve the vital parts , or to oppresse them with corruption , or to burn them by their unnatural heat they make in the body , or to drown them with watrish humor which is caused by the distemper of ill disgestions , and obstructions ; the regular innated matter , strives to break down those works , and to cast , and expel that filth out of the body , and according as each party gets the better , the body is better or worse , and according as the siege continues , the body is sick , and according as the victory is lost or won , is life or death . chap. 185. of the infections of animals , vegetables , and elements . such motions as corrupt animal bodies , corrupt vegetable bodies , and as corrupt and malignant air is infectious to animals , so likwise to vegetables , and as malignant diseases are catching and infectious , to those that comes neer them , so oftentimes vegetables are infectious to animals , as herbs and fruits , which cause some yeers such dangerous sicknesse and killing diseases to those that eat thereof ; likewise those bodies that are infected do infect sound , and nourishing food , when once it is eaten , causeth that which is good also malignant when once in the body . chap. 186. of burning fevros . all burning fevours for the most part , are produced from the vital spirits , as when they move irregularly , they corrupt the natural humours which cause a distemper of heat in the body moving towards expulsions , which are dilation ; and when they move with supernatural quicknesse after an extenuating maner , they inflame the body in either causes , emptying the body , and quenching the fire is to be put in execution , for the emptier the body is , the lesse humours there will be . ltkewise lesse motion , as having lesse matter , for in matter motion lives , likewise the lesse cumbustible matter there is , the sooner the unnatural fire will be quenched , unlesse that the fire be in the arteries , then it is like a colepit set on fire , wherein there is no quenching it , unlesse you drown the coles , so when the unnatural heat is in the arteries , you must drown the life of the body , like the colein the pit before you can quench the fire ; but a 〈◊〉 may be eased , & somwhat prolonged with cooling brothes , and quenching julips , for though they cannot enter the arteries , yet they may keep the outward parts cold and moist , which may cast cold damps quite through the body , but in this case all evacuations are dangerous , for the more empty the body is of humour , the sooner the body is consumed , for the humours serve as oyl , and though they flame , yet they keep in the light of life ; in all other fevours evacuations of all sorts are good , for if it be some melancholy pitch humours that are set on fire in the body , or some oylie cholerick humours , it is but quenching it with cooling julips , without any hurt to the body , and if it be a brandy blood set on fire , it is but drawing it forth by broaching some veines , and the body will be saved from the destruction . chap. 187. the remedies of malignant diseases . in malignant diseases expelling medicines are best , which expelling medicines are not hot , and dry medicines , for all drugs that are naturally dry , have a contracting quality which is an utter enemy in this disease ; for they must be dilating medicines , and all dilating medicines have a fluid faculty working after the nature of a flowing tide , which is thrusting , or streaming outward , as to the circumference , and the operations of drying medicines , are like the ebbing tide that draws backward or inward , as to it self ; but as i said before , that all hot and dry medicines have a contracting quality , which contractions draw or gather up the malignity , as in a bundle or heap together , and if it be a fiery contraction , it sets it on a fire , which burns out the life of the body ; for fire makes no distinguishment of good or bad , but destroyes all it can in compasse , so as it will not onely burn up the superfluities , or corruptions , but suck or drink up the radical moisture , or charcoales , the vital parts , and consumes the animal life . wherefore dilating medicines , must be applied in these diseases , but not strong expulsives medicine , by reason the malignity is so intermixt , or spread in the , body that striving with a strong force to cast forth the malignity they should cast forth the nourishing and consistent matter , for the malignity , and corrupt humours being more strong , having a greater party , can resist with more strength the force of expulsion then the nourishing , consistant part can being weak , so that the expulsions give strength to the malignity , or corrupt humours , by taking away the pure , and well tempered matter ; but leting blood in these diseases 〈◊〉 be excellent good , for bleeding is rather of the nature of sweating , then of purging ; besides , it will draw the malignity more from the vital parts into the veins , for the veins having a natural quality or faculty to draw , and to suck into them , will draw , and suck in that which doth most abound , so as it is but still letting blood as the malignity is drawn in , for it is better to let out the blood , then endanger the vital parts , by keeping it in , for if most of the blood should bee let out there will fresh blood increase in a short time , but if the vital parts be never so little corrupted , or putrified or wasted , we cannot heale or make up those parts again . chap. 134. diseases caused by conceit , or cured . as for the producing diseases by conceit , is thus ; the vital spirits which are the motions of life , have an absolute power over the body , as working every part thereof , and therein , so the animal spirits which are the motions of the mind create imaginations , and conceptions , and the animal spirits and the vital spirits being as man and wife , the animal as the husband , the vital spirits as the wife , whereupon the animal spirits many times beget that desease it figures which is an imagination , and the vital spirits brings that childe forth , being like the figure the animal spirits made , that is , the vital spirits oft times work such motions as makes such diseases , wherefore the animal spirits work those motions into imaginations ; and to prove it , those that conceit they shall have the small pox , measels , pleague , or the like , most commonly they fall sick of that disease , although they come not neer the infection ; and to prove the animal spirits which is the minde , works the same motions by an imagination as the disease is , that those which conceit a disease , do not fall sick of any other disease but the same they imagine , and the reason why these malignant diseases are produced oftner by imaginations then other diseases , is , that those diseases are dangerous , or that they are apt to deform which makes a fearful conception or imagination , to work more strongly ; for did the imiginations work as strong to other diseases as to these , they would produce the same effects ; as for those which are cured by conceit , is when the motion of the animal spirits works stronger then the vital spirits , which causeth the vital spirits to altar those motions that made such diseases ; but those effects are produced but seldom , by reason that the animal spirits seldom work so strong imaginations , for it requires a double , or treble strength to resist or alter the force another way , which must be to cure a disease after this manner , then to joyn and assist , as in the producing a disease ; for when the imagination produceth a disease , the vital spirits joyn with the animal , but when the disease is cured by imagination , the animal spirits takes the animals from their work ; but a great fright , or a sudden joy is a good remedy in some diseases , by reason those passionate motions are strong , and violent , yet they can cure onely loose diseases , not such diseases as are rooted , or fixt , for then the vital spirits are not to be altered by the animal . chap. 188. of the expelling malignity to the outward parts of the body . the reason why malignant diseases , as the plague , or purples , or small pox , measels , or the like ; there break forth spots , swelling scabs , or whelks , is by the power of expelling motion ; but the reason why it sticks in the flesh , and not quite out , is , because the irregular motions that maintain the health and strength of the body , are opposed by disorderly motions , which makes corrupted matter , that makes disordered motions ; for though there can be no corrupted matter , but what is caused from disordered motion , yet when the humors of the body are once corrupted , the motions are more violent ; again , superabundant humors , cause disordered motions ; for as there is too much humor , obstructing the body therewith , so there is too much motion , to work regularly therein , and being against the natural constitution to have so much humor , and motion , it produceth violent sickness , working to the destruction , and not to the maintenance of the body ; but the regular motions , which are digestive motions , which unites , strengthens , and defends the vital parts , by atracting good 〈◊〉 , by retaining the useful parts ; by concocting it into a sollid substance , by expelling of superfluieties , or malignancy out of the body , after a methodical manner , and according as the strength of expelling motions are , so is the malignity , cast forth , for if the repelling motions be stronger then the expelling motion , the malignant presses so hard upon the vital parts , as it smothers the life therein , or burns up the materials thereof : again , the expelling motions may be so weak , as they cannot thrust out the malignity so far as the circumference of the body which is the skin , or if so far , yet not to stay there so long , as to evapor it out , and then the malignity fals back with a greater violence ; for what is forced , and resisteth , when once it hath liberty , or gets power , it becomes more violent , by how much more it were forced ; but that malignity that doth evaporate forth , doth insensibly enter into the next body it meets ; entring through the nostrils , mouth , or pores of the flesh ; and thus many times , from animal to animal untill there is a general infection , which is a general disorder , for the malignity that enters in by infection , is like a foraign enemy , which enters into a peaceable country , which not onely disorders it , but makes havock and waste , and many times utterly destroyes it , but when a malignant disease is bred in the body , it is like a civil war , where uproars are raised , and outrages are done , by inbred corrupt humors ; but when malignant or other diseases are caused by surfeits , it is like a deluge of fire or water , that either drowns , or burns up the the kingdom of the body ; where sometimes it is saved by assistant * medicines , and sometimes it is so furious , as nothing can help it . chap. 189. of sweating diseases . all sweating diseases are caused by such kinde of extenuating motions , as melt metal , and not by such kinde of extenuating motions as evaporate water , for the evaporations of the watery part of the body breath forth in insensible transpirations , as breathing through the pores like a thin air ; but sweat runs through the pores like liquid oar through gutters of earth : but sweats are good or bad for the body , according to the matter or humors that are melted out , as for example ; i will compare the humors of the body to several metals , as iron , lead , tin , copper , silver and gold ; iron is melancholly dust ; lead is cold , and dry or cold , and moist melancholly ; tin is flegm ; copper is choler ; silver is the radical humor ; and god is the vital spirits : these humors must be proportionably tempered to make a healthful body ; there must not be too much quantity of lead , tin , or copper , for the silver or gold , but unless there be some , they will not work ; like as coyn , it cannot be wrought , or formed without some allay , and if the allay be too much , it abases the coyn . likewise there must be so much heat in the body onely as to compound those humors , not to melt them out by sweats unless they superabound ; and then physicians must onely have a care to melt out that humor that superabounds ; for if the radical humor should be melted , or the vital spirits spent , it destroys the body by wasting the life . but in some cases sweating is very beneficial to the body , as in great colds , which have knit up the pores or passages of the body , or in great surfeits , or in malignant diseases , which help to expel the poysonous humor , or corrupted humors in the body , or melt the icy humors congeal'd by cold ; but those sweats that are beneficial , and wholesome for the body , the body will be much stronger , and agiler , and the spirits quicker , and livelier , ; but those sweats that are pernicious to the body , the body will be faint and weak , after they have sweat ; but in these diseases , a physician must be very careful , when he puts a patient in a sweat , as to give such medicines as will work upon that humor , he would have sweat forth , but in sweating diseases , as when the body sweats too violently , like as in great and dangerous fluxes , which are not to be staied by ordinary means , for although in these diseases , there must be used contracting medicines , yet some sweats require hot contracting medicines , others cold contracting medicines , and those medicines that are applied , must be applied gently , and by degrees , lest by a sudden contraction they should stop the pores of the body too much , which are the doors to let out the smoak in the body , as well as the sweat of the body , or by too hasty contractions those passages should be shut , that should be kept open , or those to be kept opened that should be shut ; but physicians will guess by the patient , what humor they sweat forth ; for cold sweats are from melancholy , clammy sweats from thick flegm ; hot burning sweat from choler ; cold faint sweats proceed from the radical humor ; hot faint sweats from the vital spirits . chap. 190. of surfeits . surfeits are superfluities ; as too much heat , or too much cold , or when there is taken into the body too great a quantity of meat , or drink , or the like . likewise when the nature of the meat is disagreeing to the nature of the body ; where one scruple will be too much , as being ill , which will give a surfeit , for surfeits do not onely oppress by the superfluous quantities of matter , but disturb by the superfluous motions , the disagreeing matter causing more motion , then naturally belonges to a healthful body : besides , like a company of rude and unruly strangers disturbs and hinders the irregular motions , altering the natural constitutions , and uniformity of the body ; and many times ruines the body , unless an assistant motion in medicinable matter is brought to help , to expel the superfluous , or that the natural expulsive motions in the body , are strong enough , to throw out that ill matter , either by vomit , or stoole , or other evacuation ; but many times the superfluities become so strong , not onely by their own ill nature , or great quantity , but by making a faction ; and so begetting a party amongst the natural motions , which makes such a general disorder , that though the natural digestive motion , and the natural expulsive motion joyn with the like assistant motions taken in medicines , yet the body shall be ruinated , and life cast out , by that matter , and these motions that are their enemies therein . chap. 191. of consumptions . all consumptions are caused by an unnatural expulsion , caused by mistempered matter , or mistempered matter caused by unnatural motions , such as work not to the subsistance or health of the body ; which after they have corrupted the matter , they turn to expulsions , throwing all out of the body ; but if they be onely exterior expulsions , they onely untile the house , that is , they do unflesh the body ; but if they be interiour expulsions , they do not onely unflesh the body , but rot some part in the body ; and if the unnatural expulsions be amongst the vital parts , which are the foundations of the life of the body , the whole fabrick of the body fals without redemption , and the materials go to the building of other figures . but if they are hot expulsions , caused from a thin , sharp , salt humor , there must be applied cold contracting medicines ; and if they be cold expulsions , there must be apylied hot contracting medicines . all cold expulsions are , when the parts are tender , weak and raw , and undigested ; and hot expulsions are , when the parts are burnt , or ulcerated ; for all hot expulsions work upon the parts of the body , as fire on wood when they are burning expulsions , or else like as fire doth on metal , melting them into a liquid substance ; and cold expulsions work upon the parts , as when cloudes beat down into showers of rain , or slakes of snow , breaking or extenuating those clouds into small parts , so that the dropsical humor that ariseth from hot consumptions , are onely liquid like melted metal ; and the dropsical humor that ariseth from cold consumptions , is as a watery floud : but as i said , in all consumptions the remedies must be contractive , or at least retentive ; because the nature of all consumptions are expulsive , but yet all or the most part of physicians , finding their patients to be lean and dry , give all dilative medicines , as if the parts were onely gathered into a less compass ; but the truth is , when so much of the natural bulk of the body is lessened , so much of the body is wasted : i will not say but these unnatural expulsions might proceed from unnatural contractions , like as when any thing is made so dry as it moulders into dust , but when it comes to that degree , it expulses ; so whensoever the body is in a consumption , the motions therein are expulsive : i do not mean by siege or vomit , although they will spit much , which is a kinde of vomiting , but they waste by insensible inspirations ; but all purging medicines are an enemy to this disease , unless they be very gentle ; for though purging medicines do not expulse , after the nature of consumptive expulsions , yet if they be strong , they may in some kinde assist the consumptive expulsions , neither is much leting blood good in these diseases ; yet a little refreshes , and tempers the body ; for in these diseases physitians must do as chirurgions when they cure wounds , they first clense the sore or wounds , taking away the putrified matter gently with a probe , and then lay a healing plaister , so physitians must gently purge and bleed the patient , and then give them strengthening , and nourishing remedies : again many physitians have a rule , that when they perceive their patient to be exteriorly dry , that is , outwardly dry , they think them hot ; but it doth not follow that all drouth proceeds from heat ; for there are cold drouths as well as hot , so that a physician must warily observe the patients drouth , whether it proceeds from cold or heat , or whether the drouth proceeds for want of a sufficient quantity of matter , for the body to feed upon , or that the matter , which properly should be porous and spungy , is contracted into an unnatural solidity , and though the interior nature of drought is made by contraction , yet the exterior motions may be expulsive ; as for example , if any thing is dryed to that degree as to fall into dust , although the interior be contracting , that caused it to be so dry , yet the exterior motions are expulsive , that causeth it to fall into parts ; but the drouth of consumptions doth proceed most commonly from a scarcity of nourishing matter that should feed each part of the body , for the principal and consistent parts being distempered , cannot disgest so much as will feed the hungry members therof ; but as i have said before , that all consumptions are wrought by expulsive motions , for what is contracted , is not consumed , nor doth consume untill it expulses , but those bodies that are lean or dry by contractions , are not in consumptions , for nothing is wasted , onely the dimensions , and extentions of the body are drawn into a lesser , compasse ; thus , as i have said , physitians , although they mistake not the diseases , yet they may easily mistake the manner of the diseases , for one and the same kinde of diseases may move after divers manners in several bodies , and in one and the same body . chap. 192. of dropsies . most dropsies are something of the nature of consumptions , as being in the way to consumptive expulsions , for they dilate after that manner , as the other expulses , especially if they are dropsies , which proceed from corrupt parts , and then they turn to consumptive expulsions , and the onely difference in most dropsies , and consumptions , is , that dropsies as long as that disease lasts , the motions in the body are most dilating , which is in a degree to expulsion , and when it comes to a consumption they are all expulsions , but as the motions differ , so the diseases differ , for there are several sorts of dilations , and several sorts of expulsions , nay some are different in the manner of working , as if they were of other kindes of motions , but some dropsies proceed from hot dilations , others from cold dilations , and some proceed from too many digestive motions , that is , when there are too many or too strong disgestive motions in the body ; for the natural temper of the body disgests so fast , as makes more nourishment , then the several parts can feed with temperance , which makes the reignes , and the rest of the sucking parts glutinous , or else those many disgesting motions work too curious , for by reason they cannot be idle , they work the nourishing matter too fine , or too thin , for proper uses ; as if flower should be so often bolted , that it could not work into a lump , or batch for bread ; or like as any thing should be wrought upon so much , as to become liquid , as into oyl or water . other dropsies proceed from the weaknesse of disgestion , those motions being not strong , or sufficient to work all that is brought into the stomach ; whereupon that superfluous matter corrupts with distempered motions , and when it comes to be corrupted , it either dilates , or expulses , if it onely dilates , it turns to water , if expulsive , it casts forth , either by vomit or stool , or else lies to corrupt the principal parts in the body , which when they are joyned together , expulses life by their treacherous usurpation . other dropsies are caused by too weak contracting motions , causing that to be tender that should be solid , or those parts loose that should be firm , as not contracting hard enough . as first contracting into chylus , then into blood , then harder , for flesh , and harder for nerves and bones ; the contractions growing weaker and weaker , until they become of no strength , and then they turn to dilations or expulsions ; but pray mistake me not , for though one and the same innate matter may grow weaker , as to abate of such or such a kinde of motion , so increases stronger and stronger , according to the quantity , as to other motions . but as i said before , that innated matter in such diseased bodies , turns from contracting to dilating , turning by degrees from one to another , and then the dilations work more and more , extending more and more in such circular motions as produce water ; for when it comes to such a degree of extention , it is become from being solid to be lesse hard , from being lesse hard , to be soft , from soft to be liquid , from liquid fluid , and when it comes to such a degree of a fluid extention , it turns wet , and when it is soft , liquid , fluid , and wet it is turned to that we call water ; for oyl , though it be soft , liquid , and fluid , yet it is not absolute wet , it is rather moist then wet : for there is a difference between moist and wet , or glibby and wet , or glibby and moist , so that oyl is a glibby and moist body , rather then a soaking wet body ; but when this watry extenuation extenuates beyond the degree of water , they turn to vapour , which causeth the diseased to be puft or blown like a bladder , rather then swell'd out , as we shall perceive that a little time before the patients fall into a consumption , they will be so puft out , as their flesh wil be like a fire-bal , the next degree they fall into a fiery extenuation ; for when the humour extenuates beyond vapor , which is a kinde of an aire , then it becomes hot like fire , which is a hective fevour , and when the humour hath extenuated to the farthest degree , it expulses , and so pulls down and throws out the life of the diseased ; but in the hidropical diseases , there must first be applied attractive medicines to draw out the watry overflows , by issues , cupping-glasses , or the like , then there must be applyed expulsive medicines as purgings , and bleeding , and sweatings , yet they must be gently applyed , for fear of weakning the body by drawing out the humour too suddenly , then there must be applied contracting medicines to draw into an united substance , as to gather or draw up those parts that have been made loose , porous , and spungie with the disease , then there must be applied retentive medicines , to confirm and settle them , after their natural manner , or form , then last there must be applied disgestive medicines to restore what is wasted ; but if any of the principal parts be impaired , wasted or expulsed : they neither can be restored nor mended , but by a new creation , which uncreating braines perhaps conceive not ; but i must intreat my readers to observe , that some sorts of motions begin a disease , that is , they lay the foundations thereof ; and other sorts of motions work upon those foundations . chap. 193. of apoplexies . some sorts of apoplexies are caused by an inbred superfluous water , in the brain , which being congealed by a cold contraction , falling to the knitting part of the head , which is the hinder part , it stupifies the senses , stopping the natural motions as a flowing river , that is turned into ice ; but those sorts of apoplexies are curable , if assistance be taken in time , which is by hot dilating medicines , not onely to stretch out the icy contraction , but to expell that cold watry humour by a rarification , but if the apoplexie be caused by an inbred slime , as flegme , which is of a thicker nature then water , and is become crusted or peterated by hot contractions , it is seldom or never cured , no more then brick which is once baked by the sun , or in a fire , can be made to such clay as it was before it was burnt ; but mistake me not , for i do not mean the humour is as hard as stone , or brick in the head , but so hard , as to the nature of the brain , that is , the flegme is grown so dry and tough , as not to be dissolved , so soon as the nature of the brain requires it , for though flegme will be contracted into stone , as in the bladder , and kidnies , yet not in the brain , by reason the nature of the brain is so tender , and so sensible , as it cannot indure so solid a substance therein , nor suffer so long a time as the humour will be penetrating to stop the passages to the brain , not but those kinde of motions that produce stone , may be so strong and so swift as to turn matter into stone immediately ; but i do beleeve not in the animal bodies , for they are too weak figures for so strong motions to work in ; but as i said these hot or cold contractions , for both sorts of contractions produce stone , so both sorts of contractions make tough , clammy , crusted , hard flegme , which is some degree towards stone , flegme if it stop the passages to the brain , it causeth an apoplexie ; but the 〈◊〉 why the watry contractions are more apt for cure , is , because the nature of water is fluid , and is easily dissolved by dilations , having interior nature to extenuations ; but slime , and flegme are more solid , and so not so flexible , to be wrought upon , as suddenly to change shape , or nature , in being dissolved or transformed . the third cause is a fulnesse of blood , or a thicknesse of blood ; for when the veins are too full , there is not vacuity enough for the blood to run , so stops the motion thereof , or if the blood is too thick , or clammy , it becoms lesse fluid , and the more solid it is , the slower the motion is , and though the blood may have too quick a motion by reason of heat , so it may have too slow a motion by reason of thicknesse , and if the veines are filled too full of hot blood , wherein are many spirits , it endangers the breaking some of the veines , like as when strong liquor is put into a barrel , if it be filled too ful the strength of the spirits striving for liberty , break the barrel ; the like will the blood in the veins , and if a vein chance to break in the head , it overflows the brain and drowns the life therein . the last is grosse vapor which may ascend from the bowels , or stomack , which causeth so great a smoak , as it suffocates , or choaks the brain , smothering out the life of the body . all apoplexies are somewhat of the nature of dead palsies . chap. 194. of epilepses , which is called falling-sicknesse . this disease is caused by a water in the brain , which water is most commonly green , like sea water , and hath an ebbing and flowing motion , like the tides thereof , and when the water is at full tide , on the forepart of the head , it takes the diseased after the manner of panting , and short breathing , beating themselves , and foaming at the mouth , neither can they hear , see , smell , nor speak ; the reason is , that the flowing motion driving the watry humour so far out , as it extends the pia mater , and dia mater of the brain , farther then the natural extention ; which extention swelling out towards the outward part of the head , hinders all recourse , stopping those passages which should receive the objects , through the exterior senses ; and the froth or slimy humor , which is betwixt the skin , where the brain lies ; and the skull being pressed out , fals through the throat into the mouth , and there works forth like yeast , which is called foaming ; but though the motions of the head are thus altered for a time , so as there is neither sense nor rational knowledg , yet the body may be after the natural course , and not any wayes altered ; but the body feeling life opprest in the head , the several parts or members in the body , strive and struggle with what power and strength they have to release it : like as a loyal people that would defend or release their natural and true born king , from being prisoner to a foraign enemy ; but when this water flows to the hinder part of the head , the pia mater , and dia mater , extending out that way , stops all the nerves in the nodel of the head , by which stopping , it stops the exterior motions of the whole body , by reason that place is the knitting place of those moving strings ; and when the water is flow'd , as i said , to this part , the diseased lies as in a swoon , as if they were quite dead , having no visible motion , but as soon as the water begins to fall back , they begin to recover out of the fits ; but as often as the water in the head is at full tides , either of the fore part of the head , or the hinder part , the diseased fals into a fit , which is sometimes oftner then other , for it keeps no constant course , time , nor measure ; and according as the pia mater and dia mater extends , the 〈◊〉 are stonger or weaker . likewise such green water with such motions about the heart , may produce the same disease , for oft times this green water , or green thin humor ascends or runs from several parts of the body , into the cesterns of the head and the heart ; and this kinde of water or humor , if it be in the nerves , causeth dangerous convulsions , by reason of the sharpness that shrivels up the nerves ; and when it is in the bloud causes the veins to contract , through the same reason , if in the stomach , it causes vomiting , or great fluxes , by subdividing the humors ; and the sharpness , prickling or tickling the stomach , provokes a straining , as tickling in the nose doth sneezing ; so the stomach , either to strain upwards or downwards . chap. 195. of shaking palsies . shaking palsies proceed from a supernatural extenuation in the nerves , which by the extenuating becomes more porous and hollow , and becomes like a perpetual earthquake , having a flatuous or windy humor in the bowels thereof , and cannot finde passage out , if it proceeds from a hot extention , there must be applied cold condensing medicines ; if by a cold extention there must be applied hot condensing remedies . chap. 196. of convulsions , and cramps . convulsions proceed from contrary contracting motions , quite from the natural motions of the body , as winding up the sinews , nerves , or veins ; but especially those sinews , which joyn , and impair the muscles together , drawing not onely contrary , but contracting several wayes , and after divers manners ; for some time the nerves are as if we should tie strings in bowt-knots , others as if we should winde 〈◊〉 lute strings on pegs ; and some are twisted like whip-cord , and many the like wayes , which would be too long to recount , but these contractions proceed either from a winde got into the nerves , or veines , which troubles them as the winde-cholick doth the guts , or a sharp humor that shrivels them together , or as salt watery humor , mixt with winde , which strugling and striving together turns windes , folds , or roles up the nerves , like the waves of the sea , or a cold icy humor , which draws and gathers in the nerves , as frost will do , all spungie bodies , or some thick clammy humor which stops some passages , which causeth the natural motions to turn irregular , but if the humor be onely in the veins , it is cured by letting bloud , if the bloud be corrupted , sharp or salt , or if the bloud be cold , windy , or watry , hot liquid medicines cure it , or cordial water , or the like ; and if it be a cold humor in the nerves , hot oyls , and extraordinary hot medicines cures it , as the spirit of caster , oyl of amber , and the like ; but if it proceed from a salt , sharp , watery humor , or a thick clammy humor in the nerves , it is seldom or never cured , because it is not easily got out , neither can medicines so suddenly get into the nerves , as into the veins ; for though the cold in the nerves may be easily cured , by melting , and dissolving by the comfortable warmth , or violent heats from the hot cordial medicines , which spread about the body , as a great fire in a chimney , which spreads about and heats all the room , if the fire in the chimney be answerable to the bigness , or largeness of the room it is in , and the lesser the room is , and the bigger the fire is , the hotter it is ; wherefore it is to be considered , that those that are at full growth , or are larger of body , if thus , the diseased ought to have a greater proportion , or a larger quantity of those medicines , then a childe , or those that are but little of stature , for though those that are of little stature may be more stronger then those that are of a far bigger bulk , yet in the cause of diffusing or dilating medicines , the circumference of the body must be considered , as well as the strength of the medicines ; and if the convulsion be in the stomach , caused by the aforesaid humor ; purging medicines or cordials may cure it , unless the stomach is gathered , shrivell'd , or shrunk up by an unnatural contracting heat , like as leather that is put into the fire , which when so , the stomach can no more be cured then leather to be made smooth , which is shrunk up in a purse , by fire ; after the like manner as corvulsions or cramps , but cramps most commonly are only contractions of the smal veins , 〈◊〉 tie or twist them up , & many times so hard as they break ; for those that have been much troubled with the cramp , wil have all the skin , where the cramp hath taken them all stretch'd with broken veins ; i mean the small hair veins , but rubbing the part grieved with a warm cloath , will untie and untwist them again , by dissolving the cold , or dispersing the 〈◊〉 , or rarifying the bloud therein , this we 〈◊〉 by experience ; wherefore i should think that in convulsion fits , that are 〈◊〉 by the like , that if the diseased should be rubbed with hot cloaths , outwardly applied , as well as hot medicines inwardly taken , it may do the patient much good . but i must remember my readers , that in convulsions , the strength of the medicines inwardly taken , must be according to the strength of the fits ; for if they be strong fits , weak medicines do no good ; for more strength goeth to untie a hard knot , then a loose knot , or to untwist a hard string , then a loose string ; besides , it is hard to know after what manner the knot is tied or twisted , and many indeed are so ignorant of medicines , as the manner of the disease , to apply such as shall hap of the right end , as those which are cured by chance , and chance hits so seldom right , as not one of an hundred escapes of these kinde of diseases , if the disease is any wayes violent , for then the motions tie so fast , and so strong , as they break the life of that figure asunder . there be natural contractions , and unnatural contractions ; that is , proper or improper to the health of the figure . chap. 197. of collicks . all collicks are towards the nature of convulsions , or at at least cramps . some collicks proceed from raw undigested humors . some from sharp melancolly humors . others from cold flegmatick humors others from hot cholerick humors . others from putrified humors . some collicks are in the stomach ; others are in the bowels , as the guts ; some in the sides , and sometimes in the veins ; but those collicks are cramps ; but the cause of all collicks are by extenuating motions , though the effects are oft times contracting , but if the cause be contracting , it is a cramp , not a collick , for a collick is properly winde , produced from the aforesaid humors ; that is , when those humors extenuate farther then a watry extenuation , which turns into vapor or winde , which vaporous winde , or windy vapor , striving to get vent , being stopped by grosser vapor , or thicker humor , runs about in cross motions , which cause pain ; for the extenuating motions thrusting outward and the resisting motions thrusting backward , run cross , or beat on each other , which causeth pain ; and as long as the strife lasts , the body hath no ease , until some assistance in medicines be given , or that it can over-master the resistent motions ; but when once it hath liberty , it flies out in expulsive motions , at all vents ; but if the extenuating humors are broke , or dissolved in the body , by the well tempered motion therein , or expulsing of its self , it evaporates through the pores of the body in insensible transpirations ; but if the extenuating can finde no way to be expulsed , it gathers inward in small , and smaller rings , like a scrue drawing in the guts or stomach , therein stopping the passages thereof , whereby the body can neither receive nourishment , nor send out excrement , with which the body is brought to an utter destruction ; but these kinds of windes causing this distember , this distemper is oft times produced from sharp , hot , cholerick humors ; which sharpness hath a natural contracting quality which is rather of the nature of a cramp , or a convulsion , then the nature of a collick ; howsoever expulsive medicines are good in these cases of diseases . convulsions are collicks in the nerves , and cramps collicks in the veins ; and as the collick in the stomach or guts proceeds sometimes from winde , and sometimes from crude bilious sharp humors , so doth this . chap. 198. of the diseases in the head , and vapors to the head . diseases and swimming , which are diseases , belonging onely to the head , differ as the motions and mixture , and forms of matter differ ; for no disease , although of one and the same sort , is just alike ; but although these diseases belongs onely to the head , yet the motions and humors of the stomach have greater affinity to the head , and many times cause the diseases therein , by the course and recourse thereto and therefrom ; for some humors falling from the head into the stomach , do so disaffect that part , as it returns more malignity up again , and sometimes the stomach begins the war , sending up such an army of ill vapors , as many times they do not onely disorder the head , but totally ruinate it ; but most commonly the vapors which ascend to the head , are gathered by contracting motions , into clouds , as vapor is which ariseth from the earth , and as long as the vapor is in a cloudy body , it makes that part feel heavy , and the senses dull by obstructions , for it stops the nose , dims the sight , fills the ears , blunts the taste , and numbs the touch ; especially if the obstruction be caused from a cold contraction , which congeals the vapor to an icy substance , but when it is expulsed , by a hot dilation , it falls down like hail or flakes of snow , by which , i mean , cold glassie flegme , which cold flegme doth most commonly as snow doth which covers the face of the earth ; so this flegme covers , as it were stops the mouth of the stomack , and deads the appetite thereof ; but the danger is in these cold contractions , that 〈◊〉 they should last too long , they may cause numb palsies ; or the like , and if contracted , so as one may say christalined it may cause an incurable dead palsie , but if it be disperst by a hot expulsion , it is dissolved in thundring coughs , or falls like pouring shoures of * rain , running through the spouts of the noise , eyes , and mouth , and through the pores of the skin , and sometimes falls into the cabberns or bowels of the body , as the stomack , and the intrals ; but if some of the floud-gats chance to be stopped by obstructions , these shoures may chance to overflow the body , and make an utter destruction , otherwise it onely washes and clenses these parts ; but if vapor be gathered by a hot contraction , they become sharp and salt , as being of a burning quality , and if they be disperst by a hot expulsion , they fall down like a misling rain , which hath a soaking and penetrating faculty , cutting and piercing those parts they fall on by insensible degrees , which rots the vital parts , not onely by the sharpnesse which ulcerates , but by a continuated unnatural weaknesse , which if once the parts begin to decay , which is the foundation , the building must needs fall . chap. 199. of catching cold . one is apter to catch cold standing against a crevis , or door , or window , then in a wide plain . for narrow passages receive air , as pipes do water , though there comes in lesse quantity , it passes with a greater force . the like cause makes us catch cold after great heats , by reason the pores of the body are extended there-with , and are like so many windows set open , which receive air with too great a force . chap. 200. of the several motions in an animal body . vvhen a body is in perfect health , the motions therin do not onely work regularly , and proportionably placing every part of matter rightly , and properly mixing , and tempering the matter as it should be , or as i may say , fittly ; that is , when the quantity of matter , or humour is proportionably , and the motion moves equally , for though every kinde or sort of motion may move evenly , and keep just time , yet not equally or harmoniously ; as for example , say there were a company of musicians , and every one played skilfuly , justly , tunable , timely , on the same notes ; yet may there be too many trebles for the tenor , and bases , or too many tenors for the trebles and bases , and too many bases for the tenors and trebles to make a harmony ; so in the body there may be too much of one , or more kinde of motions for other kindes to make a harmony of health , as for proof ; too many contracting motions , make the body too dry , and contract diseases ; as for example , instead of binding any thing , we should break it by pulling or drawing too hard together , or instead of joyning of parts , we should knock them so close as to rivet , or split them ; or instead of gathering such a quantity of matter , or joyning such a number of parts , we should gather twice or thrice the quantity ; or numbers of the like examples might be given ; for all other kinde of motions , as dilating or expulsive , instead of throwing out the 〈◊〉 , or rubbish in a house , we should pull down the house , and disperse the materials therein , digging up the foundation thereof . likewise too many dilating , or expulsive motions , may disperse , or divide parts , or unsettle , or unground parts : which disunites weaknes , and dissolves parts or bodies . wherefore all contracting , attracting , retentive , disgestive , dilating , expulsive motions in a well tempered body , must move like the several planets , every sort in their proper sphears , keeping their times , motions , tempers , and degrees ; but too many or too strong contracting motions , cause the gout , stone , plurisie , hective fevers , numb and dead palsies , dry-liver , brain , and many the like ; and too many dilating motions , cause dropsies , winde-colicks , rhumes , shaking palsies , sweats , or fainting sicknes , & milions , the like , and too many , or too strong expulsive motions , cause fluxes , vomiting , bleeding , and the like , and too many , or too strong digestive motions , cause too much blood , fat , and flesh , which is apt to choak the vital parts , or may nourish some particular parts , so much as may make them grow , and swell out so bigg , as they may be disproportionable , for the rest of the parts in the body . but still i must remember my readers ; that all dilating motions , are in the way of expulsion ; and all attractions in the way of contraction , and digestion , are mixt motions taking part from either side , then i must remember my readers , that there are infinite wayes or manners of contractions , and infinite wayes , or manners of wayes of attraction , and so of retentions , dilations , expulsions , and disgestions , where every change makes a several effect . chap. 201. of the several tempers of the body . a healthful temper of the body , is an equal temper of the body , and mixture of 〈◊〉 , well set parts , and justly tuned motions , whereby life dances the true measure of health , making several figures , and changes with the feet of times ; and a sick distempered body is , when the humours of body are superabundant , or unequally tempered , and the motion perturbed ; and irregular , keeping neither time nor measure , but all diseases proceed from too much cold , or too much heat , or too much drought , or too much moisture , or too much humor , or too much motion , or mistempered humor , or unequal motion , or too swift motion , or too slow motion ; all contracting motions make the body dry , al dilating motions make the bodie moist , some sorts of contracting motions make the body hot and dry , other sorts of contracting motions make the bodie cold and dry ; some sorts of dilating motions make the body hot and moist ; other sorts of dilating motions make the body cold and moist ; all slow or quick motions cause the humours of the body to be heavy , thick , and clammy , all swift motions cause the humors of the body to be thin , sharp , and salt , all crosse-justling , or beating motions , causeth pain ; and according to such and such irregularities , are such , or such sorts , or , kinde , or sorts , or degrees of diseases , are produced there-from . chap. 202. the nature of purging medicines . most purging drugs are of the nature of hot burning fire ; for the inherent motions therein work according to the humour , or matter it meets with , some humor they melt , making it thin and fluid , although it be hard , tough or clammy , and as fire doth oare which is unmelted metal , makes it so fluid , as it will run through a gutter of earth like water ; so do some drugs make some sorts of humour through the body , either upward or downward . again , some drugs will work upon some humours , as fire upon wood , dividing the humour into small parts , as ashes from wood , which naturally falls downward . and some they will dissolve by mouldring , and crumbling , as fire doth stone , which runs forth like sand , which is stone indeed bred in the body . some drugs rarifie the humors into wind , as fire will rarifie , and evaporate water , which is set boyling theron . other drugs will at fire that distils out the moist , and watry substance , from that which is more grosse ; but it is to be observed , that all purging drugs that work by vomit , are somewhat of the nature of that kinde of fire we call sulphur ; or oyl that is melted , or fluid sulphur , when these sorts of drugs are set on fire , as i may say , by the natural or distempered heat in the body , it flies out ascendingly , like aetna ; for it is of the nature of sulphur to ascend as flame doth ; and certainly al bodies have such motions naturally inherent in them , as make and produce such effects as fire doth on several sorts of humours , by which motions the body hath a natural cleansing faculty , which makes the natural purging quality : but when the motions are so violent , they oftentimes destroy the body with burning fevers , or violent fluxes , or the like ; for the fire in the body , is like a fire in a chimnie , for when the chimny is clean , and the fire proportionable to lie therein , it warms and comforts all about , and is useful for many imployments for the necessaries of life ; but if the chimny be foul , or the fire too big , or too much for the chimny , it sets all in a flame , consuming whatsoever it incompasses , if it be not quenched out with cooling julips , as with water , or by casting on rubbish , or grosse materials to smother it out , as in great fluxes , they will not onely give restringent medicines , as having a natural restringent faculty , but thick meats , as thicked milk , or the like ; but when the body is restringent , or hath taken restringent medicines , it is produced by drying motions , as contracting , or retentive motion , if they be hot , retentive , or contracting motions , they they harden and confirm the humours , as the heat of the sun , or the heat of the fire doth clay , which turns it to brick or tile , or those things we call earthen pots , and according as the humour is grosse or fine , the more britle or hard , or thick or heavie , or thinne or light ; it is for some humor as proselnye , or chyney , others as the grosser earthen vessels ; again , some sorts of contracting , or retentive motions draw the humour , as when bacon , neats tongues , or the like , are dryed in a chimney , or oven , or the like ; other sorts of hot contractions draw the humour , as the sun doth the earth , drying up the watry spring therein ; but if the restringencies either of the body , or of the medicines be caused by cold retentive or contracting motions , it dries the humors , as cold frost dries the earth , or bindes up the humors , as frost binds up the waters in icy fetters , or thickens the humors , as cold thickens the water , or vapor drawn from the earth into clouds of snow . but i am to advertise my readers , that all expulsive motions are not fiery expulsions ; for there are infinite several wayes of expulsive motions , and dilations . secondly these fiery motions do not alwayes work expulsively , but contractively , attractively , and retentively , and disgestively . thirdly , all expulsive , dilative , disgestive , contractive , attractive , retentive motions are not fiery , but there is such a kinde , or sort of contractions , attractions , retentions disgestions , dilations , and expulsions , as belong to fire or heat , or as i may better say , produces heat or fire , and as i said there are infinite several wayes of each kinde of motion ; as for example , i will treat of one of them : a bee gather wax , a bird gather straws , and a man gathers sticks ; the bees gather and carie the wax to the hive to make a comb , to lay , or hold and keep the honey ; the bird gathers and carries the straw to build a nest to hatch her young ones in ; the man gathers wood to mend his house , these all gather to one end , but yet several wayes ; for the bees gather the wax , and carie it on their thighs , the bird gathers the straw , and carries it with their bill , the man gathers with his hands , but carries it several wayes , as on his head , or on his shoulders , or at his back , or in his armes , and milions of the like examples may be given upon each kinde or sort of motion , or moved matter . again , i must advertise my readers , that though i say there are fiery motions in drugs , and natural fiery motions in every animal creature , and so in many other figures ; yet i mean not a bright shining fire , although some are of opinion , that in the heart is a thin flame , and when that is put out , or goeth out , the creature dies ; but i mean not such a fire , for to my apprehension there are three sorts of fire to our perceivance , although there may be numberlesse sorts , yet all of one kinde : as for example , there are those creatures we call animals , though some are beasts , birds , fish , and men , but not onely so , for some are of one sort , and some of another ; for a lennit is not a parot , nor a parot an owl ; nor a horse a cow , nor a sheep a dog , nor a whale a herring , nor a herring a plaise , nor a plaise a lobster ; nor a black-more is not a tauny-more , nor a europian an ethiopian , yet all are of animal kinde ; so although there may be several sorts of fire , and so of the other elements , yet all are of the fiery kinde , or likewise the fiery motions make several figures , and several figures have several fiery motions , for every sort of animals have a several shape , and several motions belonging to that shape ; so in fiery figures , and fiery motions ; but as i said before ; there are three sorts of fire . the first is a bright-shining hot-burning fire , that is , when the interior , and exterior temperament of matter , and the interior and exterior figure , and the interior and exterior motions be all as one . the second is a hot-burning fire , but not a bright shining fire , such as aqua-fortis , vitrals , and such sorts of the same nature which will burn as fire doth , but not thin as the other fire doth ; for though they are both of an interior nature , yet not of an exterior , for the bright-shining fire is all composed of sharp points , as i may say , lines of points , but this vitral fire is as sharp edged lines , like a rasor , or knife , or the like , neither is there external motions alike ; for bright-shining fire mounts upwards , when it is not supprest , or in a straight paralel line , for flame which is the liquid part of bright-shining fire , although it moves in several lines , as it ascends , yet the lines they ascend in are a straight diameter line , but this vitral fire descends as it were downward , or divides as streames of water do , that digs it self a passage through the earth , so this vitral cuts a passage , through what it works on , neither can this sort of fire work so variously , as bright-shining fire can , by reason it hath not so many parts , for points will fall into more parts , and are more swift in motion , then the edged line ; as for example , dust which is numerous little parts heapt together , will be more agile upon the least motion , although it be of a weighty nature , as of the nature of a stone . the smal haires which be of a light , and weightlesse nature , but being not divided into so many parts , cannot move so nimble , as being united lines , but if you cut the hair into smal parts , it shall move with more restlesse motion , then the sand , by so much the more as the substance is lighter . the third sort of fire is that which i call a cold dull fire , such as brimstone , or sulphur , mercury , salt , oyl , or the like , this sort in the interior nature is of the nature of bright-shining fire , both in the motions , and temperaments of matter , but not in the exterior , for it is composed of points , but those points are turned inward , as toward the center : but assoon as it touches the bright-shining fire , it straight turns the points outward : for those points soon catch hold of those straight circumferent lines , and break them in sunder , which as soon as they are broke , the points are at liberty , and taking their freedom , they mount in a flame ; but when those lines are not dissolved by fire , but crack , as we will snap a string asunder , then they onely sparkle fire out , but not flame out ; but mercury , or quick-silver , the interior is fire , but the exterior is water , for the exterior moves extenuating circles as water doth , and so much as to make it soft , and fluid , but not so much as to make it wet ; for though it alwayes gathers into sphiratical figures , which shews that the exterior would run into wet , but that the interior hinder it , by drawing the circles inward , as cold doth water into hail-stones , but yet the interior wants the force to make it so hard and firm ; but as i did advertise my readers before , that all sorts of fire work according to the matter it meets with , yet none work so variously , as the bright-shining fire ; which makes me think that drugs are more of the nature of bright-shining fire , then of the two other sorts , because they work in the body according to the humour it meets with , for if it meets wit watrish humors , it boyls it as water in a pot , which either boiles over the mouth of the stomack , or evaporates out in sweat , like dewes , or draws downward , like as in showers ofrain , it melts humors like metal , or turns humors like wood into ashes , or calcines the humor , where some part is fixed , other parts are volable ; as for example , rubarb hath a double faculty , some humors it expels out , others it bindes up ; for rubarb is both purging , and restringent , as it is to be observed in great fluxes ; for what it doth not cast forth it confirms to a more solid substance , so as it doth expulse and contract at one time , as i may say , according as it findes the humour it works with ; again , some drugs move several expulsive wayes , as by vomit and stool , where the vomiting is produced with ascending expulsions , siege with descending expulsions , but that expulses descending are of the nature of vitral fire , all that expulses ascendingly , is of the nature of sulphurous fire ; but the generality of drugs works like bright-shining fire , according to the nature of the matter , it meets with , as i have sormerly described . chap. 103. the motion of medicines . as i have said in my former chapter , that all medicinal drugs , or simples , especially those that purge , are of the nature of fire ; for the motions therein most commonly work apart according to the humor it meets with , as fire doth , which in general is to move so and so * ; yet the natural motions in drugs , and likewise in fire are expulsive , and all that is expulsive , is by antipathetical nature striving to destroy by uniting parts , and all contractive motions are by a sympathetical nature , striving to unite , by imbracing , or drawing parts together , yet the nature of the body they work in the contracting motions , may be antipathetical , and expulsive motions may be sympathetical , the one in expelling the superfluous and corrupted humors , the other in contracting them into a disease , but most diseases are cured by contrary motions ; for if they be diseases of expulsions , they must be cured by contracting , or retentive medicines ; if they be diseases of contractions , they must be cured by expulsive medicines , or else dilating or attracting ; for though the motions of attraction be agreeable , or of the nature of contraction , as to its self , as i may say , that is , to draw or carry , all to a center , as it were , but the onely difference is , that attraction make it self the center , drawing all things to it ; but contractions make the matter they work on , part of the center with them , but all attractions are insinuating motions , inviting , or drawing all towards it self , or like a man that should draw a dish of meat , or as if one should suck the brests or udder , but contracting motions are rather to binde , or knit up parts together , but if the diseases proceed from disuniting motions , then retentive medicines must be applied , which is to firm , hold , or settle parts that are loose , unsteddy ; but if the diseases proceed out of disorder and irregularity , they must be cured by digestive medicines , which is to put every part in order , and in its proper place ; like wise states-men that are neither partial or malicious , ( but readers know ) that though i say all diseases must be cured by contrary motions , yet the motions that are in such medicines , must sympathize , and agree with the constitution of the body . lastly , it is to be observed , that every degree in the disease must be followed with the same degree in the medicine , whether swift or slow , strong or weak , or more , or lesse , that is , you match your medicines to the disease ; but mistake me not , i mean not after the literal sense , but after the metaphorical sense ; but al purging medicines are dilative or expulsive , all restringent medicines , are contractive , and retentive . all drawing medicines are attractive . all restorative , or reviving medicines are disgestive . and those contracting medicines that must cure the body , muct sympathize with the natural health , and constitution of the body , not with the disease , for these motions , draw , gather , or at least knit , and bind up the sound parts from the corrupted parts , lest they should intermix , and retentive remedies do not onely stay those parts that are apt to disunite , but give strength , and hold out the assaulting motions in mistempered matter , and all attractive medicines that sympathize with the natural constitutions of the body , sucks and draws forth from the corrupt matter the pure , which is mixed , or inuolved therein ; but those attractive , and drawing medicines that are applied to outward sores , or the like , must have a sympathy with the malady , or putrifaction , for all aversions do cast outward ; or from them , not draw to them . as for the expulsive remedies they must be carefully applied , lest they should cast forth the wrong humor , by which the * malignant grows more powerful , or else should carry out more humor , then the strength of the body , will permit , or should be so weak , or of such a nature , onely to disturb , and unsettle , but not carry forth , from which disturbance great inconveniences , or deadly quarels in the body may arise ; wherefore these medicines are more dangerous then any other sort , although no medicine can be safely applied , unlesse the strength and nature be answerable to the constitution of the body , or the diseases in the body , no not those we call restorative , or reviving remedies , which work disgestively , such as cordials , or the like , for when there is more applied then will agree with the constitution of the body , or with the temper , or degree of the diseases , they turn from being assisting friends , to assaulting enemies , for when they have more force then regular work , they put in disorder those regularities , for want of regular imployment ; for it is against the nature of innate matter to desist from moving , or working , but it is not against nature to change and alter the motions . the several degrees , and natures of drugs of every particular drug , and simple ; i leave my readers to the herbal , where perchance some of it may be discoursed of right ; or effectually , howsoever it is too laborious a study or practise for me . chap. 204. agreeing , and disagreeing of humours , senses , and passions . some times the humours of the body , and the outward senses agree and disagree ; sometimes the humours of the body , and the passions of the minde , agree , or disagree ; sometimes the passions of the minde , and the outward senses agree , or disagree , and sometimes the senses , and the passions disagree , or agree with the humors of the body . as for example , sometimes the distempered humors in the body , make extravagancy in the senses , as we see in fevers ; and sometimes the distempered humors of the body make a disordered minde , as we see those that have cholerick humors , cholerick passions ; melancholy humours , melancholy passions , and the like , or distempered humors , extravagant imaginations , and the like . sometimes extravagant senses make extravagant fancies , sometimes a superabundant humor makes a strong particular appetite ; as for example , those in the green sicknesse , the overflowing , or increase of some raw , and indigested humor will cause a strong particular appetite , as some in that disease love to smell strong smells , as camfier , tanned-leather , musty bottles , or the like , or to delight onely in one taste , as oatemeal , coals , or several particular tasts , or extravagant tasts , not natural to the constitution of the body , as to delight to eat coals , leather , candles , cork , and milions of the like ; and the humour increaseth , and is nourished by the sympathy of that extravagant diet ; for what the senses take pleasure in , the minde longs for . again , some humors antipathize , as to hate all loathsome tasts , smells , noices , touches , and objects . so passions sympathize with some humors , and disagree with others , for some bitter humors make cholerick passions , sharp humors make spiteful passions , tough humors make a dull understanding , melancholy humors , make timerosity , cholerick humors make courage , and many the like ; then the senses of the minde agree , and disagree often , as some objects will astonish the senses , and ravish the minde , delight the sense , and cause love in the minde ; others which the sense dislike , causeth hate in the minde , pain in the sense , grieving in the minde , pleasure in the sense , delight in the minde ; but if the sense and minde disagree , then the sense likes that the minde hates ; as for example , the sense is taking pleasure upon an object , which for the crosse disposition , the minde 〈◊〉 , or for some injury done , or by some neglect , or out of envie , and as they sympathize , and antipathize in their working , and making ; so in the expulsions , time works out a passion , accidents work out passion , evacuations work out passion ; the like in the senses , so many times humors are expulsed by passions , and as the superfluities are purged out of the body , after the same manner , are violent passions from the minde ; for as the body purges by siege , by vomit , by urin , by spitting , by sweating , by bleeding , by incisions , and the like ; so strong passions are purged by weeping , by sighing , groaning , speaking , and acting ; but if the increasing motions of the humors in the body , and the passions in the minde , be as many , and as strong , as the expulsive motions , then there is a continuance of the same humour or passion , for whatsoever is cast forth , or wasted , is bred again . chap. 205. of outward objects disagreeing with the natural motions , and humours in the body . inward commotions of the body are often times caused by outward objects , or subjects , as when the senses take adelight at some kinde of sound , scent , sight , taste , and touch ; as for example , some will sownd at a fearful noise , that is , at a sudden , or unacustomed , or tumultuous noise ; others will sownd at the sight of bloud , or at any cruel object , or at the sight of a cat , or many other creatures ; some will sownd at sweet-smels ; others if they should taste cheese , or any meat they dissike naturally , and some will not onely sownd but die laughing with tickling , the reason is , that the exterior motion anticipates with the natural motions belonging to the body , sometimes onely to the sensitive parts , other-some to the rational part , others to both . the reason is , that the disordered motions of the outward senses , disorder the interior motions , which makes the body sick , and the body passionate , and sometimes the brain frantick , and if they make not the body sick , nor the brain mad ; yet those antipathetical , and these disordered motions , never fail to put the sense to pain , or move passion ; but when these antipathetical motions be toostrong for the natural motions belonging to the body , or minde , it brings death , or unrecoverable madnes , for then the natural motions belonging to that body , is as it were extinguished ; thus we may see that the outward senses may be perfect , and the inward parts within that body may be corrupt and decayed ; so likewise the outward senses may be defected , and the inward parts sound , and so some parts of the body firme , and others infirme , and some of the outward parts , or sense wanting , or defective , others free clear and distinguishing . the reason is , that some of the sensitive innated matter works orderly , others disorderly , and clear from the nature of the body ; for as i have said before , some of the exterior parts of the body , may be nummed , or dead ; the reason is that the natural motions , belonging to such a part of the body are altered , for every part or parcel , hath proper motions belonging thereunto . but if in any part of the body , the natural motions onely work irregularly , then it onely causeth a pain in that part ; but if the motions work crosse to the nature of the body , it causeth that part to die , but if they alter but in part , it causeth onely a numnesse which is in a degree of being dead , but if the natural motions be onely stopt by some outward accident , or actions , as by a sudden fright , which causeth the body to swoon by reason the spirits are contracted by the fright into so straight a compasse , and thronged so close together , that they cannot move in order , or by the action of lying , or pressing too hard , or too heavy upon any part that hinders the spirits therein from moving after their natural manner , which causeth a sleepinesse or numnesse in those parts , that are prest by weight , or strength ; those disorders are soon to be rectified . again , as by giving liberty , or helping the spirits with cordials which gives strength to them , and sets them at liberty ; but if the sensitive parts be quite altered from their natural course , they seldom are rectified ; but sometimes the assistance of the regular motions in the body , joyning as it were with one consent , do expel that innated matter out of that part wherein they work , contrary to the nature of the body , and supplies that part with fresh , and new matter , that moves as it should do . likewise as the sensitive innated matter works in some parts of the body irregularly , and in other parts regularly , and in one , and the same part , sometimes regularly , and sometimes irregularly , the same is it many times with the rational innate matter ; for sometimes that will moves regularly , and sometimes iregularly , that makes frantick men , sometimes to be in their wits , and sometimes out of their wits : but if their madnesse be at certain times , as at full of the moon , or high tides , or springs , or falls , or in the midst of summer , or when they keep an evil , or too full a diet , then it proceeds from those outward accidents , which give assistance to the disordered motions , which inhabit in the body , the original defect being amongst the sensitive innate matter , for this shewes that the madness proceeds from some distemper of the body , which most commonly is in the spleen , or that which they call in women , the mother , from which parts arise grosse , and noisom vapors , which ascends up into the head , and disaffects the brain ; and many times the brain is disaffected with its own distempers , and whensoever the brain is distempered , the rational innate matter which moves therein , moves irregularly ; but when those times or seasons are past , or that overfulnesse of humour is purged out , the natural motions of humour get strength , and the man is well untill the return thereof . but if the irregularity be in the rational innate matter , it is most dangerous , for it seldom , or never is cured , nor seldom have intermitting fits , but as a continual fever , in the body , so is a continual madnesse in the minde . but i shall speak more of this in my following chapters . chap. 206. of the inward sense , and outward sense , as the interior and exterior parts . some of the exterior senses may be extinguished , as sight , hearing , scent , or taste , or some parts of the body numb , or dead , or some disjoynted from the rest ; as leggs , or arms , toes , brest , eyes , nose , or the like , and yet the material parts sound and whole , which materal parts are the vital parts , as the brain , the heart , the liver , the lungs , the lights , the spleen , the maw , the midriff , the kidnies , the bladder , or the like ; as for the heart , and the brain , there is such a sympathising , and conjunction with the whole body , as the least distemper indangers the body , and the least alteration of their shapes , or figures , it destroyes the life of the body , but for the rest of those vitals , or fundamental parts , when they decay , or are any way impaired , the life doth sink down as in were by degrees , according as those parts impaires ; but if they be wounded , or corrupted by poisons , or plaguie infections , or by an absolute , and sudden alteration , from their natural motions or figures , then the life is suddenly extinguished , but the external figures of the rest of the parts have not such a sympathy to the interior motions of the whole figure ; but when i say the exterior figure of the interior parts , i mean the particular figure of every particular part , not onely the outward part , as hands and armes , leggs , and head , and body and the like ; but of brain , and heart , and liver , and so all the rest ; for though they be internal figures , to the external figures , yet they be the external figures to the internal motion that works in them . chap. 207. the sympathies and antipathies of sound to the minde and actions . the bottome hole in the eare is covered with a thin caule , or felme , which is called the drum of the ear , where those motions that enter in at the ear beat thereon , like unto drum-sticks , and if the felm , or thin skin , be stretched smooth , or braced straight with the nervous strings , the sound is clear and loud , but if it be weakly braced , and the nervous strings loose , and the thin skin slack , the sound is low and dull , by reason that skin is so soft by the slackness , that the beating , or striking , or playing motion thereon cannot rebound , or retort , but sinks , and is smothered therein ; and if it be stretched very hard , and thin , and then such motions enter the ear , which pierce , or cut sharp , such as we call shrill notes , it doth not onely desturb the natural motion in the brain , but many times breaks that skin , or at least puts it to pain ; likewise if those motions that enter in at the ear , move crosse to the natural motions in the brain , it causeth pain in the head ; likewise if one and the same notes are often repeated , it fills the head so full of this particular motion , as they over-power the natural motions therein ; and as i may say , cause a surfeit thereof in the brain , being glutted therewith , tiring not onely the sensitive part os the brain , which causeth pain or diseases , but oppresseth the rational part of innate matter in the brain , causing a hate thereto ; and if the vocal , or verbal sound are crossed , as by the way of antipathy , it may disorder both the sensitive , and rational innated matter in the brain , so much by striking or pressing into , and by barring and thronging out , as the sense , and reason are so disordered , as the natural government is absolutely overthrown , from whence proceeds madness , at least extravagant passions raised from the heart ; the like disorder both in the head , and heart , may proceed from each of the senses ; and as this or the like external objects , or subjects may disorder by the irregular , and antipathetical motions the health and understanding , which are the interiour motions , so regularity and sympathie of the verbal or vocal motions brought through the ear , may compose the differences , and disorder of the natural interior motions , as health , reason , understanding , affection , or reconcilement ; as for example , a timely , kinde , discreet discourse , may compose a disquiet mind , for the motions of wise , sober , kinde , gentle , or eloquent words may turn the motion of troubled & combustible , or extravagant thoughts into a smooth , and calm temper , or regular order ; likewise unkinde , and indiscreet , double , false , malicious , hasty , sudden , sad , or frightful discourses , may discompose , and disorder a quiet and well tempered minde , disordering the regular motions , by misplacing the thoughts , making a war in the minde , giving strength to some thoughts , and overpowring others . the like with vocal sounds ; as for musick , the notes in musick agree with the motions of passions , and the motions of several thoughts , as some notes sympathize with passions , and with the several thoughts , and move the actions accordingly , so others discompose the minde , and inveterat and disturb it ; for slow , sought strains on the tenor , and bass , is as commending , extorting , exciting , threatning , terrifying , judging , which moves the minde to melancholy , from whence proceeds fear , superstition , devotion , repenting , praying , and vowing , which causeth an humble submission , dejected countenance , weeping eys , heaved up hands , and bended knees . and slow soft notes , onely on the tenors , are a sad relation , sorrowful laments , mournful complaints , pleadings , petitioning , acknowledging faults , begging pardon , imploring mercy , which moves the minde to a tender pitty and compassion , and a charitable love , from whence proceeds a listning ear , a helping hand , a serious countenance , a sad eye , with a favouring cast therefrom . high , hard , sharp , notes or straines , on the basse or tenor , is like exclaiming , incouraging , or animating , extolling , promising ; which moves the minde to pride , ambition , vain-glory , desire , hope , which makes the body active , the actions adventrous , bold , the eyes darting and quick . low , sharp straines , and cross notes , and unequal times , move the minde to murmur words , choler , hate , revenge , fury , despair , the cursing , their hands tearing , the legs stamping , their bodies turning several wayes , their countenance maskerd and gastly , and the eyes staring . but quick sharp straines in tenor notes , and soft slow strains on treble notes , are as perswading , flattering , insinuating , professing , inviting , alluring , this moves the minde to love , the thoughts to be amorous ; this makes their actions affective , kissing their hands , making of leggs , mending their garments , offering their service , their words complemental , their countenance smiling , and their eyes glancing . and quick sharp strains , on the tenor , and treble notes , produce a cheerful minde , it makes the thoughts lively , the countenance pleasant , their eyes quick , their discourse wanton , and jesting , their actions laughing , singing , playing , and dancing . but slow low flats strike on the basses , and tenor notes moves the minde to a dull stupidity , wherein the thoughts lie as dead , this makes the body appear like sensless statues of stone , without motion , the head bending down , the eyes fixt to the ground . but cramatick musick is like schools disputation , and discord in musick , is like quarrelling , these are the grounds of musical discourses , or discourses in musick . musick hath a sympathie to the rational motions , because the rational spirits move in number and measure , as musical instruments do . thus as notes are set , the thoughts are placed , and as the notes change in several tunes , so the thoughts move in several passions , and as notes are composed , so are thoughts , as sembrim of thoughts , a full note is a fixt thought . thus according as the notes and thoughts agree , the minde , and musick makes a harmony , if i have not matched my strains 〈◊〉 notes , with words and thoughts properly , let those that understand musick , and rhetorick mend it , for i understand neither , having neither fed at the full table , nor drank at the full head of learning , but lived alwayes upon scattered crums , which i pick up here and there , and like a poor lasie begger , that had rather feed on scraps then work , or be industrious to get wealth , so i had rather write by guesse , then take the pains to learn every nice distinction . and if my book will not please the learned , yet it may please the vulgar , whose capacity can onely dig in the earth , being not able to reach the celestial orbs by speculation . chap. 208. the knowledge of diseases . it is not sufficient for physitians to study the names of diseases , and to know onely so much , as to distinguish one kinde of disease from another , as we should distinguish man from beast , or so , as a horse from a cow , or as that horse is a barbe , or a coarser , or a genet , or a turk , or an arabian , but that this barbe , is not that barbe , or this genet is not that genet , and the like . likewise to know the nature so , as to know how to use it , and what fit to apply to it ; as for example , a man buyes a horse , and he having onely an old saddle , that he was accustomed to ride with on a horse he formerly had , put it on his new horses back , yet although his horse is of the same country , or sort of horses , as his former horse was , yet the saddle may not be fit for the new horse , but may be either too big or too little , and by the unfitnesse may gall his horse so sore , and corrupt the flesh so much , as he may be a scald back jade , as long as he lives , if it festers not as to kill him ; so in diseases medicines may be too strong , or too weak , or they may evacuate too much or too little , if they do not not know the just dimension , and extention of the disease . again , one the same sort of horses may be so dull , as hardly to move out of his pace with the spur , although it should prick so deep , as to make his sides to bleed , when another horse of the same sort , shall run away , over hedg , and ditch , against trees , and stones , untill he hurt himself , and flings his rider , or at least flings , and leaps , and snorts , and stamps ; and grows into a furious heat ; so diseases , some must be handled gently , others more roughly , for in diseases you must learn the disposition of the disease , as well of what kinde , sort , or breed it is ; so likewise it is not enough for a physitian to know what drugs will purge choler , what flegme , and what melancholy , or the like ; but they should study to know the several motions , which work in them , or else their operations will be as their imploiments are , which is chance-medly ; for otherwise a physitian neither applies his medicines knowingly , nor skilfully , but customarily , because they are usually given in such diseases , whereof some do mend , others do die with them ; but certain if physitians would take pains to study the several motions of the diseases , and also of the drugs , and medicines they give , and would do as skilful musitians , which make a consort , where although every one plaies upon a several instrument , yet they all make their notes agree , there would follow a harmony of health in the body , as well as a harmony of musick in these consorts . but as i said before it is not sufficient to know how to purg choler , flegme , melancholy , and the like , for the purging of those humors doth not alwayes work cures ; for some diseases do not alwayes proceed so much from the loose humours in the body , as the disordered motions in the body ; for choler , flegme , melancholy , are not superfluous humors of the body ; unlesse the quantity of each be too much ; for the nature of the body , for those humours are part of the body , and the body could not subsist without them , for they are several mixtures , which serve to the consistance of the figure , and as some humours , make and mix such humours , so other motions carry the humour like tempered matter , or lime to the creations or reparations of the figure , which is the body ; and if there were none of those humours , the figure would no more stand , if once a decaying , no more then a house which runs to ruine for want of stone , brick , wood , or morter , or the like : besides , if there were not flegme , choler , would do like a coach wheel , for want of moisture , the motions would set the body on fire , and if no choler , the flegme would drown it , and if neither flegme nor choler , muddy melancholy would dam , or stop it up . but physitians should study diseases so , as they may be able to distinguish them , as we do the different faces of mankinde , or any other ; for there are as many several kindes of diseases , as there are animals , and as much difference in one , and the same kinde , as there are in the several shapes , and countenances to the body and nature , and disposition of the minde ; besides , diseases are like parents , and children , as the childe may resemble the parent , or the children of the same parents may resemble one another , and yet they are not all one ; again , diseases may be like half brothers , or sisters , as some may have all one mother , but not one father ; so some diseases may be produced , partly from such a cause , and partly from another . again , diseases may be matcht , and some to be like widows , and widows that marry again , so diseases may be loose , or be quit of such a producing cause , and joyn with another . as for example , a cold stomack is a disease , and a hot liver is a disease , and both may produce such diseases ; perchance the cold stomack , may be cured , but not the hot liver , when the cold stomack is cured , the hot liver is a widow , which afterwards may chance to match with a cold melancholy spleen , or two or thre , or more diseases , may be matched together ; as if a man should have two or three wives , or a woman as many husbands ; likewise several accidents may be matched , or at least commit adultery , and get bastardly children . as for example , a great heat may be matched or joyned with a sudden cold , which may produce a great fever or other diseases that usually follow , and milions of the like examples may bee given . but i desire my readers , that they may not condemn my comparisons , as extravagant , and too fantastical for so grave a subject , but i could finde no fitter to expresse my meaning , which is onely that i would have physitians , as skilful , knowing and learned in diseases , as they are in the customs , manners , humours , and persons of men , and that they may as knowingly distiugnish the difference , alterations , degrees , and alliances of diseases , as they do the several sexes , faces , countenance , dispositions and qualities of men . besides , who knowes but that the very thoughts of men may be known by the temper of their body ? for could men come but to learn the several motions of the body , which ingenious observations may come to do , they may easily come to learn the motions of the minde , and so come to know the thoughts , which thoughts are the several figures therein , which figures most commonly move sympathetically , with the motions of the body . chap. 209. to my just readers . i desire all those that are friends to my book , if not to my book , for justice sake , that whatsoever is new is my own , which i hope all is ; for i had never any guide to direct me , nor intelligence from any authors , to advertise me , but write according to my own natural cogitations , where if any do write after the same manner in what language soever , that they will remember my work is the original of their discourse , but they that steal out my opinions , or compare them to old opinions , that are nothing alike , as if one should liken to men that had neither semblance in features , countenance , proportion , nor complexion , because they are two men , as being of madkinde , surely they might be judged to be fools ; but may all such be condemned , as false , malicious , ridiculous or mad . but to such noble dispositions as will give right , and speak truth , may they never receive injury , may honour crown them , fame applaud them , and time reward them with antiquity . this chapter although it belongs to another book , yet i thought it fit to joyn it to this discourse . chap. 210. the diatical centers . although infinite matter and motion was from all eternity ; yet that infinite moving matter is disposed by an in finite deity , which hath power to order that moving matter , as that deity pleaseth , by reason there is nothing greater then it self , therefore there is nothing that can oppose its will. likewise this deity is as the center of infinite moving matter , for though there can be no center in infinites , by reason there is no circumference , yet in respect the matter is infinite every way from , and to this deity ; we may say the deity is the center of infinite matter , and by reason , the infinite moving matter , flowes as much to this diatical , center , as from it , it doth as it were present it self , or rather is forced to be ordered , by its infinite wisdom , which otherwise it would run into an infinite confusion , with which there would be an infinite , horrid and eternal war in nature ; and though this deity is as the center to infinite matter , yet this deity in it self is as infinite matter , for its wisdom is as infinite as matter , and its knowledge as infinite as its wisdom , and its power as infinite as both , and the effects of these attributes run with infinite matter , like infinite paralel lines , even and straight , not crossing , nor obstructing , nor can they circumference or circle in each other , the matter and the deity being both infinite neither is the matter or deity finite to , or in themselves , for infinite matter hath no end , or period , neither can the infinite deity comprehend it self , so as it is a god to it self , as well , or as much as to matter ; for this deity is no wayes finite , neither to its self , nor matter , its knowledge being as infinite as its power , and its wisdom as infinite its knowledge , and its power as infinit as both , and being infinit , its wisdom cannot be above its power , nor its power beyond its wisdom , neither can its knowledge comprehend its power , or the wayes of its wisdom being all infinite and eternal . and though nature is infinit matter , motion and figure creating all things out of its self , for of matter they are made , and by motion they are formed into several and particular figures , yet this deity orders and disposes of all natures works . great god , from thee all infinites do flow ; and by thy power from thence effects do grow ; thou orderest all degrees of matter , just as t' is thy will and pleasure move it must , and by thy knowledge orderd'st all the best , for in thy knowledge doth thy wisdom rest ; and wisdom cannot order things amiss , for where disorder is , no wisdom is . besides , great god , thy will is just , for why ? thy will still on thy wisdom doth rely . o pardon lord , for what , i now hear speak upon a guesse , my knowledge is but weak ; but thou hast made such creatures as mankinde , and gav'st them somthing which we cal a mind , alwayes in motion , never quiet lies , untill the figure , of his body dies , his several thoughts , which several motions are do raise up love , hope , joyes , doubts and feare ; as love doth raise up hope , so fear doth doubt , which makes him seek to find the great god out : self love doth make him seek to finde , if he came from , or shall last to eternity ; but motion being slow , makes knowledge weak , and then his thoughts 'gainst ignorance doth beat , as fluid waters 'gainst hard rocks do flow , break their soft streams , & so they backward go : just so do thoughts , & then they backward slide , unto the place , where first they did abide ; and there in gentle murmurs , do complain , that all their care and labour is in vain ; but since none knows , the great creator must , man seek no more , but in his greatness trust . finis . i finde since i have read my book over , i could have enlarged that part of my book that treats of diseases , much to the advantage ; but i must intreat my noble readers , to remember there are natural humors , and metamorphosed humors , which are wrought by several motions , as those of elements ; also that there are natural contractions , attractions , retentions , digestions , delations , expulsions ; likewise that there are unnatural of all these motions : that is , such as are proper or improper to the the natural health , or consistence of the several parts and the generality of the whole figure . also that the motions that make the humor , and the motions that move the humor may be quite different , and some parts of a humor may be made by some sorts of motions , and some by other sorts of motions , where my discourse of the motions which makes the elements will enlighten the readers . errata . in my epistle to my honourable readers , for pair read poiz . in a condemning treatise of atoms , for figures read febures . p. 10. l. 28. r. dissolution . p. 12. l. 30. r. other . p. 22. l. 35. r. dissolution . p. 23. l. 15. r. finite . p. 24. l. 21. r. brain . p. 30. l. 2. r. individable . p. 34. l. 21. r. spread . p. 35. l. 22. r. digging . p. 38. l. 21. r. prints . p. 43. l. 16. r. cold . p. 58. l. 47. r. extenuated . p. 60. l. 15. r. crinkling . and l. 36. r. triangulars . p. 62. l. 4. r. from water . and l. 17. r. as . p. 62. l. 32. r. manner . p. 65. l. 14. r. piercing . p. 104. l. 5. r. heptick fevors . and l. 12. add my . p. 116. l. 25. r. print . p. 123. l. 6. r. foul . p. 130. l. 6. r. dissolution . and l. 27. add and swooning . p. 143. l. 3. r. sensitive . p. 144. l. 24. r. gold . p. 148. l. 10. r. veines . p. 149. l. 6. r. fursball . p. 157. l. 18. blot out , or quick . and l. 42. r. as . p. 158. l. 30. r. dry . and l. 33. r. dry . p. 160. l. 11. r. then . p. 161. l. 19. r. are not all expulsive . p. 162. l. 22. r. matter from the. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a53055-e1450 i mean of form , dull matter . some think there was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confused heap . the readers may take either opinion . several motitions , and severall figures * not the matter , but the degrees . * not the 〈◊〉 of figures , but the manner of shapes : which makes some shapes to have the advantage over others much bigger , as a mouse will kill an elephant . * which is in likenesse . * unlikenesse . one shape hath power over another ; one minde knowes more then another . either by growth , or sense , or reason . for when matter comes to such a degree , it quickens . that it begins to move , and motion is life . * i mean when i say obstruct , that it either turns their motion another way or makes them move slower . * i do not say that bones are the solid'st matter in nature . * as the figure of man. * all motion 〈◊〉 life . i mean the figure of dull matter . as a plentiful crop or a great brood . these degrees are visible to us . dancing is a measur'd motion . * scorching is , when the motioh is too quick . * that is , when there come so many spirits , as they disagree . pressing upon one another . * those degrees that are neerest , have the greatest sympathy * like chess-men , table-men , nine-pins , or the like . * i say higher for expressions sake . * nothing can be made or known absolute out of infinite and eternal . * though it may mave omotions , yet not the animal motion . * the figure might be without an animal motion , but an animal motion cannot be untill there is an animal figure . * which food is when such materials are not proper for such a figure . * the greater the number is , the more variety of motion is made , which makes figures in the brain . * in animal shapes * to prove that it is the several motion , is that we shall have the same sense in our sleep , either to move pleasure or feel pain . * like glasse . * natural power . i say extract . because it is the essence of matter . this for example . drawing motions . driving m tions . bearing motions . throwing , striking , darting motions . lofty motions . low 〈◊〉 conjunction of those different motions . first the earth bears vegetables , and the plants bear seed , and the seed , and earth bear vegetables again . unlesse a greater power destroy it before the natural time . life is in every thing . it is but one thing , but three words . that is to weaken the degree . fish is a kind of flesh . the yolk and white is mixt into one substance which we call an adle egge ; before it be a 〈◊〉 it is bloody . t is a lump of flesh before it be bone , or sinew . and then it is no metamorphosing i shal declare . and then it is called a new creature rather then a metamorphosed creature &c. which circular lines i shal expresse hereafter . i mean natural extenuations . as the pores of the skin . oyl , hot-waters , wine , vitrals , aquafortis . from earth to water . * as thns or rather like flame . as if an ani mal creature should be pulled and dragged out of ' its natural garb . i mean here the exterior nature not the interior nature . i mean the heaviest metal to the hardest stone , as gold to diamonds , or tin , or lead to a soft stone * as vessels wherein water is put , and fire underneath . this sort of contraction is drawing inward . those sorts are falling backward . the contracting motions too strong for the expulsive motions . yet there are but few bodies that are not overcome at last . i mean the matter that made it . as several men will. as peace among neighbours and friends . i say aptest , not as they do . i speak this as a comparison , for i know the sun is much bigger then the earth . as we say dead . i thimk them to be animals . i say natural because there are metamorphosed elements . if one powers water on the ground it flows with a convex . in a pear figure . see my chapter of fame sound enters into all hollow places , as well as into the animal ear . i call 〈◊〉 natural that are propper to the figure . fethers , wool hair , and the like , which are neither liquid , 〈◊〉 , nor wet , onely soft and sympathy all animals are not of one shape . and as a man may pick a hole through the wall , so water will pick a passage through the earth . i mean all exterior motions . which moves in figures like dancing . the world is presented like a popitplay in the head . a sleep nonrisheth and gives health , and strength . b nourishment . c healing decayes . 〈◊〉 . strengthening . knitting the muscles , nervs and the like . urin to the bladder . excrements into the guts . vapors the innate matter can move slower then their strength , or natural agilnesse , but not above nor beyond their natural strength and agilnesse . i call that matter so 〈◊〉 distinction . * as we finde in churches , and caves made hollow arched , a noise sounds loudest . lines of light may be made by the sensisitive spirits on the side of the optick nerve as on the outside , as in sleep . all innate matter is as the minde , or life of nature . all without outward help the property of each sense . fools have lesse rational innated matter in their braines , then those that are wise . * as for touch the pores of the flesh are like harpsical keys , and the nerves like the wyer strings , 〈◊〉 move when those keyes are touch'd , which cause pleasure or pain , like discord , or harmony , according as they are struck or plaid upon . the head ake is different from the tooth ake , or stomack ake , and so every 〈◊〉 , be it never so small , differs . as sauces may be equally mixt with several sorts of things , as none can tast any one thing in it . like the over flowing of banks . ebbing from the mouth of the stomack as from the river . like low marshy grounds . * i think it is rar fied vapor , because it is so easily dispersed . the stronger motions forceth the weaker to their wayes . as on the opticks , or as on the drum of the ear , the pia mater , or the skin for touch and taste . as to see , hear , taste , touch , smell , that which is not present , or perhaps not in nature . * figures of innated matter . in mad fits . * if i mistake not . which is corrupt humors . as a sound body . surfets , or unholsom meats . the stronger motions over power the the weaker some dayes the body 〈◊〉 better then others , so in an hour or half an hour . as hot and dry cordials . as to draw every day an ounce , or two as long as the violence of the discase lasts . i meane there interior strength . * as by letting bloud , or the like . yet it is first caused by other distempered motions , before they come to be distempered expulsions . there are hot expulsions , and cold expulsions , and hot contractions , and cold contractions . as witnesse the frost and ice . the like of other kinde of motions . see in the chap of extenuations of water . sometimes longer and some times shorter . for as long as the humor remains , the 〈◊〉 are repeated . winde collick . a bilious collick . cramps oft times taken for collicks . * rheums . * sweats . i have treated of the several sorts of fire . that is when it works , and converts a thinner substance to its own nature . but bound about with straight smooth lines without as to the circumference . as a flint , hard suger , brimstone , or the like . * that which is most apt to i mean purning motions . restraining motions . attractive motion . restoring motion . * the humor that staies behiude . we may hear a tune so often repeated ; that it may grow hateful ; although delightful at first .